The Contemporary World Globalization of World Politics
The Contemporary World Globalization of World Politics
The Contemporary World Globalization of World Politics
WORLD
THE GLOBALIZATION OF WORLD POLITICS
JOHN BAYLIS, STEVE SMITH & PARTICIA OWENS
• The main three elements of the Westphalian order - sovereignty, state authority
and territoriality - are affected by the consequences of globalization. Sovereignty
is increasingly shared among national, regional and global actors; state authority
is diminished by new types of transnational problems and consequently, a strict
principle of territoriality cannot be maintained.
PART 1
• Ancient China, India, Rome, and both Christian and Islamic medieval civilization
bear evidence of international society.
CHAPTER 2: THE RISE OF MODERN INTERNATIONAL ORDER
• The Catholic Church helped constitute the normative basis of international society.
• The exploration of the New World led to an interest in a political entity's relations
beyond its borders, while the Protestant Reformation implicitly strengthened the
principle of sovereign equality by challenging Catholicism's claim to supreme
authority.
CHAPTER 2: THE RISE OF MODERN INTERNATIONAL ORDER
• Skeptical accounts of international society believe both that it is a rhetorical cover
for self-serving powerful states and argue that it is unable to cope with
globalization.
• The international society has endured for years in spite of interstate war. New
challenges involve civil conflict, environmental strain, American hyperpower, and
changing forms of political community and identity; all of these challenge the
assumption of sovereign equality upon which international society is founded.
Interstate war is not a challenge to international society posed directly by
globalization.
CHAPTER 2: THE RISE OF MODERN INTERNATIONAL ORDER
• Organized hypocrisy is a term coined by political scientist Stephen Krasner to
refer to sovereignty, which is a caution against idealistic conceptions of
international society or the legal fiction masking power relations between states.
• Organized Hypocrisy, the title of a 1999 book by Stephen Krasner, suggests that
sovereignty is a norm honored more in the breach than in the observance, and
cautions against assuming that all states will always honor the precepts of
international society.
CHAPTER 2: THE RISE OF MODERN INTERNATIONAL ORDER
• The French and American Revolutions created new challenges to international
society by raising the issue of nationalism while also leading to the creation of the
Concert of Europe.
• The American (1776) and French (1789) Revolutions brought new states and the
concept of nationalism to the forefront of inter-state relations, and led to the
creation of the Concert of Europe after the Napoleonic Wars.
CHAPTER 2: THE RISE OF MODERN INTERNATIONAL ORDER
• Hierarchical, Hegemonic, and Imperial offers an alternative to international society
as a way of organizing world politics.
• International society is distinguished from the above three ways of ordering the
world system by the principle of sovereign equality.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• Historian A.J.P. Taylor argued that Hitler was no different from other German
political leaders.
• In Origins of the Second World War, A.J.P. Taylor argued that Hitler was no
different from the German political leaders who had preceded him. Fritz Fischer
argued in Germany’s Aims in the First World War that the war was caused by the
international political needs of an autocratic elite.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• Under a structural explanation, the central problem of European security in the
first half of the twentieth century was the rise of a united Germany.
• The increase in German power post-unification was seen as the central security
problem that the Versailles settlement failed to solve. Although nationalism and
economic crisis were both important issues, the structural explanation focuses on the
effects of Germany's rise.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• The First World War led to the dissolution of the Russian empire.
• Along with the German, Austro-Hungarian, and Ottoman Empires, the Russian
empire ended with the First World War.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• Decolonization was partially determined by local or tribal factors, by the attitudes
of former colonizing powers, and was sometimes replaced by superpower
involvement.
• Decolonization varied across regions and former imperial powers, and was also
partially determined by factors in the area undergoing decolonization as well as
the level of involvement of the new superpowers.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• The Warsaw Pact was the Eastern bloc's answer to NATO and gained impetus
after the 1954 rearmament of West Germany.
• The North Atlantic Treaty Alliance (NATO) was the United States' military
commitment to its European allies. Signed in 1949, it was followed in 1955 by the
Warsaw Pact, which was largely prompted by the rearmament of the Federal
Republic of Germany.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• Efforts to achieve more cooperative relations between the Western and Communist
countries:
• Détente with the USSR.
• Rapprochement with China.
• German Ostpolitik.
• Détente with the USSR and rapprochement with China were both efforts by the
United States to achieve more cooperative relations with Communist states in the
1970's. The same can be said of West Germany's Ostpolitik.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• The 'second cold war‘ followed the election of Ronal Reagan and described a
confrontational period in the late 1980s.
• After the election of President Ronald Reagan in 1980, relations between the
superpowers entered a more conflictual phase, which has since been dubbed the
"second cold war".
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• The USSR, the US, and Britain (in order) were the first three states to achieve
nuclear capability.
• The United States dropped the first atomic bomb in 1945; the USSR tested in
1949, and the British followed with a test off the Australian coast in 1952.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• The Sinatra doctrine was a catchphrase for foreign policy under Gorbachev.
• In addition to the Berlin Crisis of 1961, these crises all ran a significant risk of
escalation to nuclear war, though how close the superpowers came to war is still
debated today.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• The 'unipolar moment‘ refers to US primacy since 1989.
• The 'unipolar moment' is the position in which the United States finds itself after the
end of the cold war. Although scholars debate whether multipolarity or another
international system is emerging, most believe that the US is still a global
hegemon.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• Explanations for the end of the cold war include:
• Gorbachev and Reagan's leadership.
• The relative economic strength of the United States.
• The ideological attractiveness of Western democracy and capitalism.
• There is no clear consensus on the causes of the cold war; all three explanations
have been advanced.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• Globalization in the post-cold war world became a defining term of international
discourse and had its extent contested by scholars such as David Held and Martin
Wolf.
• Globalization, though its precise meaning was contested, became the key discourse
of governments in the post-cold war world.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• US primacy is a key feature of and a challenge in the post-cold war order.
• Very few people predicted US primacy, but it has become a defining feature of
the post-Cold-War world and as such is debated hotly inside and outside the
United States. 9/11 gave direction to a formerly drifting US foreign policy.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• Europe:
• Has struggled to reconcile deepening integration with fragmentation, such as
that in the former Yugoslavia.
• Is debating the extent and depth of a "European foreign and security policy"
but remains uncertain of their future.
• Emphasizes international institutions.
• Although Europe benefited immensely from the end of the cold war, it continues to
struggle with deepening integration and civil conflict on its borders, the extent to
which it should pursue a collective foreign policy, and the role of international
institutions.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• Russian President Vladimir Putin has nationalized Russian economic assets.
• The North Korean nuclear program, territorial disputes between many of the major
powers, and the "rise of China" are examples of challenges facing East Asia
today.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• The "rise of China“:
• Is an issue considered by every region of the world today.
• Is unequivocally a cause for optimism.
• Is characterized by a shift toward economic autarky.
• Regions around the world, from Europe to Africa, have had to incorporate China
into their foreign policy considerations as China has become more and more of an
international and economic player. However, realist theory predicts that the rise of
China is likely to provoke international conflict.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• Inequality:
• Creates new challenges in terms of domestic social stability, migration, and
political violence.
• Has become more important as globalization empowers sub-state actors.
• Has caused scholars to reconsider the helpfulness of the term "Third World".
• Although inequality has always been present, the end of the cold war led scholars
to reconsider the utility of the term "Third World" to characterize poor and still-
developing areas. It has led to new challenges posed by the empowerment of sub-
state actors, fluctuations in domestic social stability, increased migration, and
possible political violence against the West.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• George W. Bush's foreign policy:
• Argued that old methods of dealing with contemporary challenges were
obsolete and ineffective.
• Changed direction sharply after 9/11.
• Led to a controversial war in Iraq whose reasons and effects are still being
highly debated.
• After 9/11 American foreign policy took a sharp turn: military interventions in
both Iraq and Afghanistan were based on the premise that deterrence and the
balance of power were inadequate mechanisms by which to confront the threat
posed by transnational Islamic terrorism.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• What is "unipolarity"?
• Unipolarity denotes the period of time after the post-cold war era, in which the US emerged
as the sole superpower. It describes the unrivalled extent and many dimensions of US power.
• Unipolartiy refers to the dense set of trans-Atlantic and trans-Pacific relations and alliance
systems.
• Unipolarity was marked by Western-dominated institutions and multilateral organizations
originally created in the wake of the Second World War.
• Unipolarity denotes the period of time after the post-cold war era, in which the US
emerged as the sole superpower. It was manifest in the dense set of trans-Atlantic
and trans-Pacific relations and alliance systems, established, in the main, through
U.S. initiative. Contemporarily, there has been much debate as to whether or not
unipolarity persists or whether we have now entered a period of multipolarity.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• Soft power is getting others to agree with you without using coercive force.
• Soft power is distinguished from hard, coercive power. In contrast to the former,
soft power refers to the power of attraction, of getting others to emulate your own
society and its values.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• It has been suggested that if a nation wants truly to join non-developing countries
as a full and accepted peer; it needs to forego the special privileges that came
with its old status as a somehow subordinate power. This will likely be a test of the
resolve of such an ambition, as short-term pain must be weighed against less
tangible longer-term legitimacy and peer recognition.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• The notion is that a set of preferences how to maximize global welfare was
gradually turned into a "standardized" package of policy recommendations
adopted and promoted by influential Washingtonites and others. The influence of
these policy shapers meant that the resulting "policy recipes" were in turn pushed
by international - but Washington-based - institutions such as the International
Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Critics have argued that this in fact meant the
forced adoption of neo-liberal ideas by countries in need of assistance (and thus
less able to resist any reciprocal demands).
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• Concert diplomacy is nothing new, but a resurgence of the idea that great powers
need to collaborate to organize norms of international interaction, and thus the
very order of international society. Organizations such as the G20 provide venues
for recurring talks about such issues, and the realization that more than just a
handful of states (compare the veto-wielding powers in the UN Security Council)
are in fact required to partake in these processes.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• No reform(s) have been implemented during the tenure of General Kofi Annan as
Secretary despite of making it a priority to reform the United Nations, including the
Security Council.
• The structure of the UN Security Council is based on the political realities of the late
1940s. Reform and modernization of its governance system have been identified by
numerous actors, including Annan and Ban Ki-Moon, as crucial to reflect a changing
world, and so keep the organization relevant. Suggestions have included the
expansion of the number of permanent members, the expansion of the number of non-
permanent members or both. Because change requires the agreement of at least two-
thirds of UN members and all the five veto-wielding powers, it has so far proved
impossible to reach a consensus. Problems are compounded by conflicting demands by
hitherto "excluded" (i.e. non-permanent members) states.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• The BASIC is a group of developing countries (Brazil, South Africa, India and
China) that have in some cases acted in unison to strengthen their negotiation
position vis-a-vis traditionally strong parties such as the United States.
• Evidence that the United States has primarily been a status quo power includes the
statement is fundamentally flawed: the United States has primarily been a
revisionist power.
• The United States has often tried actively to promote values and modes of
governance that it subscribes to, with the implicit or explicit aim to mold other
nations in its own image. Such activism also has an indirect component where
guiding norms are embedded in international organizations which will then in turn
promote them elsewhere in the world - sometimes to the chagrin of regimes that
do not naturally endorse such values. In this sense, the US is not so much interested
in the sustenance of the contemporary mode of conduct across the world, as it is in
global reformism.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• The "liberal global order“ is a 1990s assumption that liberal values, as defined
and promoted by the United States, were "winning", leading to a more tranquil
world.
• In the 1990s, there was a sense that the United States would be - for the
foreseeable future - be threatened by any competing powers, and that the
Western order was working. Weaker states would have to submit, and the liberal
order would gradually expand. The predominance of this view in part obscured
competing claims, and third world dissatisfaction with the envisaged global order.
The rise of emerging powers, and their growing influence in world affairs have
further undermined the idea that a global liberal order is achievable.
PART 2
• This definition was propagated by English school theorist Hedley Bull in 1977.
CHAPTER 6: WAR AND WORLD POLITICS
• "War made the state, and the state made war."
• It comes from the work of historical sociologist Charles Tilly.
• Charles Tilly examined the effect of war as a force both requiring and creating
large-scale political organization in Europe during the era 1000-2000 A.D.
CHAPTER 6: WAR AND WORLD POLITICS
• The characteristics of the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA):
• It emphasizes the role of advances in military technology as bringing about
radical change in the character of war
• It neglects the complex political dimensions of warfare.
• As the title of the chapter indicates, the form, or character, of war has changed to
reflect modern conditions, but the nature of warfare, as organized violence
between political units, remains unchanged.
CHAPTER 6: WAR AND WORLD POLITICS
• State autonomy challenged in the "post-Westphalian" order because:
• Identity politics are increasingly important.
• Economic insecurity provokes civil conflict.
• Technological development and 'virtual war' have enabled Western
intervention.
• A total war occurs when a state or other political entity is fighting for its existence.
In the Second World War, the Allies demanded unconditional surrender from Nazi
Germany. The war ended Adolf Hitler's regime, the Third Reich. Note that a war
can be limited for one participant, and total for another.
CHAPTER 7: INTERNATIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY
• National security is a security largely defined in militarized terms.
• "National security" was the dominant conceptualization of security during the Cold
War. Thinking about national security during this time was mainly defined in
militarized terms.
CHAPTER 7: INTERNATIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY
• “Uncertainty" so crucial to the realist account of security because it leads to lack of
trust in the international system.
• Uncertainty implies that states can never be sure of the intentions of their
neighbors and therefore they must always be on their guard. Concepts closely
linked to realist understandings of uncertainty are the security dilemma and arms
race.
CHAPTER 7: INTERNATIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY
• Security dilemma is a structural notion in which self-help attempts of states to look
after their security needs, tend regardless of intention to lead to a rise in
insecurity.
• The term "institutionalized cooperation" points out the role institutions play in
enhancing security. Cooperation through international institutions can develop into
more durable and stable security systems and thus opens up the opportunity to
achieve greater overall international security.
CHAPTER 7: INTERNATIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY
• How does democratic peace theory challenge realism?
• It places importance on internal norms and institutions.
• It challenges realist occupation with balance of power.
• It argues that war is a function of a state being liberal or not.
• Democratic peace theory argues that internal norms and institutions of liberal
democracy do make a difference in international politics. The balance-of-power
mechanism thus is not a general feature of inter-state relations; the actual
behavior of a state in the system is a function of its regime type.
CHAPTER 7: INTERNATIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY
• “Security community“ is a group of people who become integrated and within a
territory develop a sense of community.
• Walter Lippmann offered this as his definition of national security. It is only one of
several notions of the concept of 'security'.
CHAPTER 7: INTERNATIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY
• The problems with collective security:
• States find it difficult to distinguish between victim and aggressor in
international conflicts.
• It assumes that all aggression is wrong.
• Historical enmity or friendship complicates the working of the system.
• While each of the countries involved in the Great Depression believed that by
increasing trade barriers and devaluating currencies it could manage to keep its
economy afloat, the Great Depression demonstrated that this did not work.
CHAPTER 8: GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
• The main role of the IMF is to ensure a stable exchange rate regime and provide
emergency assistance to countries facing crises in balance of payments.
• The IMF was created to promote international monetary cooperation and resolve
the inter-war problems of the Great Depression. The main goal of IMF is to
achieve stable exchange rates and one of its main tools is the provision of
emergency assistance to countries facing serious payment challenges.
CHAPTER 8: GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
• The main role of the World Bank is to assist countries in development.
• What we now call the World Bank started as the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development and has since become the world's largest source
of development assistance, providing nearly $16 billion in loans annually.
CHAPTER 8: GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
• The "Washington Consensus“ is the ten point guideline to liberal economic reform
for development around the world.
• When using protectionist measures, states try to "shield" their internal production,
and hence domestic business and employment, from international competition.
CHAPTER 8: GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
• Structural adjustment involve:
• Measures to reduce inflation.
• Measures to curb government expenditure.
• Deregulation.
• The term "structural adjustment" is usually used when referring to the IMF's policy
towards indebted countries. Structural adjustments mean immediate measures to
reduce inflation and, more broadly, mean the correction of the role of the
government in the economy.
CHAPTER 8: GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
• The nationalist/realist view of International Political Economy (IPE):
• The world economy is where states seek to maximize their wealth and
independence relative to other states.
• Dependency Theory is part of the Marxist tradition in IPE and has traditionally
focused on Latin America to explain how underdevelopment and poverty is caused
by economic, social and political structures in the core countries and the type of
exchange this is generating.
CHAPTER 8: GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
• The constructivist approach pays attention to how states and other actors construct
their preferences, highlighting the role of identities, beliefs, tradition and values.
• The constructivist approach focuses on the role of historical and sociological factors
and examines the beliefs, roles, traditions, ideologies and patterns of influence
that shape preferences and behavior of states and other actors.
CHAPTER 8: GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
• Under what conditions will states create international institutions?
• It depends on the school of thought.
• Much feminist theory is based on the idea of emancipation - the belief in the
capacity of knowledge to drive positive normative change - specifically related to
the improvement of women's lives worldwide.
CHAPTER 9: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• The myth of protection:
• It characterizes men as protectors and women as protected.
• It is used to justify and shape national security policies.
• It is a myth challenged by changing gender roles in contemporary warfare.
• The protection myth is a popular assumption that men fight wars to protect the
vulnerable, including women and children, and has been used to justify national
security efforts. However, changing roles of women as both the objects of violence
in warfare and in terms of increased participation as combatants has prompted
some revision of this myth.
CHAPTER 9: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• The gendered division of labor is based on gender-structured conceptions of
appropriate work.
• The gendered division of labor results in women doing a high proportion of unpaid
labor in the home, while men work outside for wages; it creates a "double burden"
for women who seek to work outside the home and has reinforced women's lower
pay in the global economy.
CHAPTER 9: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• The idea of the gender-sensitive lens came from the feminist theorists: Peterson and
Runyan.
• Various "lenses" help us focus our attention and formulate questions with regard to
world politics. A gender-specific lens, as proposed by Peterson and Runyan, helps
us see how gender structures world politics.
CHAPTER 9: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• The gendering of world politics is seen in the following areas:
• Prostitution and human trafficking.
• Civil wars and refugee flows.
• Trade and development.
• In addition to many other areas of world politics, gender shapes the three named
above by defining roles and framing debates.
CHAPTER 9: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• Intersectionality describes:
• Overlapping global structures of inequality
• A concept developed by feminists to analyze how sex and gender play out in
the everyday lives of women across the globe
• The intertwining of economic and social status of women
• Although all of these developments have positively influenced women around the
world, different theorists would have different views of the extent of this
'progress'. For example, postcolonial feminists would argue for diversifying the
focus of gender scholarship to include more women outside the West.
CHAPTER 9: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• The impact of globalization for women:
• It has created new areas for women's advancement.
• It has led to new challenges and dangers for women.
• It has not changed the fundamental inequality of gender relationships in the
world enough.
• Globalization has created new opportunities as well as challenges for women, but
most feminists would agree that the gender structure of world politics remains
fundamentally unequal and that continuing advocacy for change is needed.
CHAPTER 9: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• The feminized labor refers to less desirable or secure work, which has come to be
associated with specific 'female' qualities.
• Feminized labor refers to less desirable or secure work, which has come to be
associated with specific 'female' qualities. This is often accompanied with lesser
liberties and freedoms and higher violations of human rights at the work place.
CHAPTER 9: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• “Double burden“:
• It refers to the disproportionate share of housework done by women.
• It dates to the 17th century.
• It is rooted in gendered conceptions of the distinction between public and
private life.
• The "double burden' arose in the 17th century and refers to the situation in which
women were restricted to low-paying production or service industries and also
responsible for significant amounts of unpaid domestic labor.
CHAPTER 10: RACE IN WORLD POLITICS
• 'White privilege‘ refers to the social advantages that accrue to white persons
• The legal concept of 'white privilege' refers to the social advantages that accrue
to white persons due to their transparent and fundamentally unquestioned
competence and humanity. It is examined by 'whiteness studies', where scholars
now seek to explain how the (often unspoken) privileges enjoyed by white persons
depend upon (often violent) processes of exclusion. Answers a. and c. refer to the
concept of 'whiteness'. While this is, of course, related to notions of 'white
privilege' it does not define it directly.
CHAPTER 10: RACE IN WORLD POLITICS
• The cultural calculus of racism describes the racial ordering of children of mixed
race.
• The cultural calculus came out of the theological debate over indigenous peoples. It
was used to adjudicate the cultural competencies of a group whose heritage lay
outside of the 'old' Biblical world, and the degree to which these competencies -
the ability to reason especially - allowed them to enjoy basic protections as human
beings.
CHAPTER 10: RACE IN WORLD POLITICS
• A 'Mulatto' described the cross between white and negro in the official color
hierarchies of the French Caribbean colony of St. Dominque.
CHAPTER 10: RACE IN WORLD POLITICS
• Karl Marx argues that capitalism was premised on the 'turning of Africa into a
warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins‘.
• It was Karl Marx who argued that capitalism was premised on the 'turning of
Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins'. Indeed, this is
related to his more fundamental claim that capitalist economic development for
some/in some places requires the exploitation of others/other places.
CHAPTER 10: RACE IN WORLD POLITICS
• ‘Standard of civilization‘ is a hierarchical ordering of humanity, travelling through
savagery, barbarism and civilization, which was informed by enlightenment
thinkers in Europe.
• 'Scientific racism' has a long-standing history in world politics. While some periods
of time were more prominently influenced by the cultural calculus of racism,
'scientific racism', premised on the biological calculus of racism, never completely
vanished. It is important to remember that 'scientific racism' is no more than a kind
of 'pseudoscience', though policy practices have had a real and devastating
impact on human lives.
CHAPTER 10: RACE IN WORLD POLITICS
• UNIA stands for Universal Negro Improvement Association.
• UNIA stands for Universal Negro Improvement Association. It collaborated with the
African Communities League and was founded in colonial Jamaica. Over the years
the organization developed branches in almost all continents and came to take on
outward trappings of a state, responding directly to the legacies of slavery,
colonialism and racism.
CHAPTER 10: RACE IN WORLD POLITICS
• 'New Racism‘:
• Denotes the claim that 'ethnic minorities' migrating to Europe culturally lack the institutional and
moral sophistication to integrate into advanced liberal-democratic societies.
• Is fundamental to development and security policies in the era of the Global War On Terror.
• Is present in the arguments of 'liberal peace' proponents, who claim that societies of the
Global South can only avoid poverty and conflict by adopting Western systems of
governance.
• The "New Stream" critique of Liberalism (also termed "Critical Legal Studies")
challenges the inherent Liberalism of modern international legal thought. The three
given propositions all refer to the claim that traditional legal theory is somewhere
stuck between "apology" (a rationalization of the status quo) and "utopia" (a
naive image that international law can civilize the world of states).
CHAPTER 11: INTERNATIONAL LAW
• "Jus ad bellum“ refers to laws of war governing when it is legal to use force or
wage war.
• The legal concept of "jus ad bellum" refers to those laws that determine when it is
legally permitted to use force or wage war. For instance, Chapter 7 of the UN
Charter restricts the legitimate use of force to international peace enforcement
actions authorized by the Security Council and individual and collective self-
defense.
CHAPTER 11: INTERNATIONAL LAW
• The following are necessary before a rule can be considered customary
international law:
• Evidence of general state practice.
• Evidence that states accept such practice as law.
• Legal positivism has dominated international legal theory in the 20th century. It
assumes the authority of the law lies in the legal rules themselves and thus can be
derived from either their status as commands of a sovereign authority or from their
derivation from a fundamental "grundnorm".
CHAPTER 11: INTERNATIONAL LAW
• Neo-liberal approach to international law is NOT limited through:
• By its inability to explain the development of law in areas where the self-
interests of states are unclear.
• By the failure to explain the origins of the modern system of international law.
• By its rejection of the idea that international law constitutes the identities and
interests of states.
• The neo-liberal approach emphasizes the domestic origin of state preferences as,
in turn, international law. Hence, its principal limitation is that it neglects the role
international law can play in constituting the domestic realm.
CHAPTER 11: INTERNATIONAL LAW
• New Haven School is also known as the policy approach.
• The New Haven School is one attempt to move beyond legal positivism in
international legal theory. It is a "policy-oriented" approach that assumes that the
authority of international law rests upon an empirically derived normative
philosophy of human justice.
CHAPTER 11: INTERNATIONAL LAW
• "New Stream" critique of Liberalism:
• The determinacy of international legal rules is questionable.
• The underlying logic of Liberalism in international law is incoherent.
• International legal thought operates within a confined intellectual structure.
• The "New Stream" critique of liberalism (also termed "Critical Legal Studies")
challenges the inherent liberalism of modern international legal thought. The three
given propositions all refer to the claim that traditional legal theory is somewhere
stuck between "apology" (a rationalization of the status quo) and "utopia" (a
naive image that international law can civilize the world of states).
CHAPTER 12: INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN
WORLD POLITICS
• International Organizations means a catch-all term, which is concerned with
intergovernmental collaboration in organizations.
• The first modern IO, the Central Commission for the Navigation of the Rhine, was
established in 1815 to facilitate states' riparian relations (between land and
water).
CHAPTER 12: INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN
WORLD POLITICS
• The creation of 'spin-off' IO's occurs through the process of Emanation.
• Many of the first modern IOs in the 19th century were 'apolitical' technical
organizations created to devise solutions to the differing standards among states,
known as Public International Unions (PIU).
CHAPTER 12: INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN
WORLD POLITICS
• Multilateralism refers to the practice of coordinating national policies in groups of
three or more states.
CHAPTER 12: INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN
WORLD POLITICS
• According to this chapter, an IO must be comprised of actors from at least three
states.
CHAPTER 12: INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN
WORLD POLITICS
• The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was established in
1951.
• In 1951 states created the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) to aid states in meeting their obligations under the Refugee Convention.
This is an example of the relevance of moral authority for the establishment of
IO's.
CHAPTER 12: INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN
WORLD POLITICS
• 'Collective action' means that States can benefit from international cooperation.
• Collective action is a term most commonly associated with liberalism and neo-
liberalism. It denotes the idea that states can benefit from international
cooperation, in the context of the anarchic international system.
CHAPTER 13: THE UNITED NATIONS
• The main powers and duties of the UN Secretary-General:
• Provide support for peacekeeping activities.
• Carry out a number of research functions and quasi management functions.
• These five permanent members (France, Russia, USA, Britain and China) were seen
as the major powers when the UN was founded in 1945. They were granted veto
rights on the view that if big powers were not given a privileged position the UN
would not work.
CHAPTER 13: THE UNITED NATIONS
• Specialized UN agencies refers to large institutions which are part of the UN system
that have their own constitutions, regularly assessed budgets, executive heads, and
assemblies of state representatives, not subject to the management of the central
system.
• The Trusteeship Council, which completed its work in 1994 with Palau attaining
independence, consists of the five permanent members of the Security Council.
CHAPTER 13: THE UNITED NATIONS
• Classical peacekeeping involves the establishment of a UN force under UN
command to be placed between conflicting parties after a ceasefire.
• In the 1990s, the UN started to address international conflicts as well as civil wars.
In doing so, the concept of international stability and peace was broadened to
issues of economic, social and political conditions within states.
CHAPTER 13: THE UNITED NATIONS
• Argument against relaxing the principle of non-intervention:
• Because it may lead to military action by individual states without UN
approval.
• Even though the UN has been more ready to intervene within states, state
sovereignty and non-intervention remain important. Actions within the territory of
another without a clear UN authorization such as the US-led action against Iraq in
2003 could illustrate the danger of relaxing the principle of non-intervention.
CHAPTER 13: THE UNITED NATIONS
• Country strategy notes:
• They are statements about the overall development process tailored to the
specific needs of individual countries, setting out targets, roles and priorities.
• They are country-specific strategies set out by the United Nations General
Assembly, later ratified by ECOSOC as part of the reform process to the UN.
• The concept of "human security" represents one attempt to broaden the traditional
concept of security by including social, political, economic and environmental
threats to the security of people.
CHAPTER 13: THE UNITED NATIONS
• Why will further UN reform be necessary?
• Because of the heightened concern over terrorism and security threats from
non-state actors, the pervasiveness of inequality and injustice around the
world, and the predominance of United States military power, and the need
for regional representation in the UN Security Council.
• Changes in the nature of international politics and sovereign states and the rise of
new threats and challenges have to be reflected in changes and adaptation within
the UN system in order to improve the capacity of the UN of providing solutions to
those problems.
CHAPTER 14: NGOS IN WORLD POLITICS
• Transnational actors refers to any civil society actor from one country that has
relations with any actor from another country or an international organization.
• The term "transnational actors" is very broad and entails any actor involved in
international relations that are society-based rather than state-based.
CHAPTER 14: NGOS IN WORLD POLITICS
• Problems with the state-centric approach to IR:
• There are different meanings to the term "state".
• There is a difference between nation and state.
• There is a lack of similarity between countries.
• Partnerships of the kind that Oxfam maintains with the British department store
Mark and Spencer is an example of a public-private partnership. These are
governance arrangements intended for mutual benefit and to ensure adherence to
agreed rules.
CHAPTER 14: NGOS IN WORLD POLITICS
• Hybrid INGO is formed when a government and an NGO form joint organizations
of which both can be members.
• Transnational NGOs (TNGOs) has become a popular term to take account of the
fact that national NGOs increasingly mobilize at the international level. This means
that there is wider cooperation among TNGOs and other civil society actors, whose
interests TNGOs claim to represent.
CHAPTER 14: NGOS IN WORLD POLITICS
• Policy domain refers to a set of political questions that are seen as being related.
• Regionalism is, alongside globalization, one of the major trends in global politics. It
refers to the cooperation and integration on a regional (meaning continental)
scale.
CHAPTER 15: REGIONALISM IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
• Supranationalism refers to a concept in integration theory that implies the creation
of common institutions having independent decision-making authority and thus the
ability to impose certain decisions and rules on member states.
• The European Court of Justice is one of the organizations at the supranational level
of the European Union. It is the highest juridical authority for EU law and rules in
disputes between member states and institutions.
CHAPTER 15: REGIONALISM IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
• Role of the European Commission:
• Initiating, administering and overseeing the implementation of EU policies and
legislation.
• The European Commission is the central supranational institution of the EU. It is the
'guardian of the treaties' and has the right to initiate, administer, and oversee EU
policies and legislation.
CHAPTER 15: REGIONALISM IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
• Role of intergovernmental conferences:
• It is where representatives of national governments negotiate the legal
framework within which the EU institutions operate.
• The IGCs set the future direction of the European Union by negotiating the further
development and changes of the legal framework within which the EU institutions
operate. They are considered as the "great bargains" in the evolution of the EU.
CHAPTER 15: REGIONALISM IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
• MERCOSUR is a Latin American regional institution.
• MERCOSUR (or "Common Market of the South") is the result of regional integration
efforts in Latin American. Its contracting states are Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay,
and Uruguay.
CHAPTER 15: REGIONALISM IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
• What did the Single European Act of 1985 create?
• It removed all non-trade barriers to the mobility of goods, people, services
and capital.
• The Single European Act is the result of efforts to accomplish the project of the
"Single Market". It removed all non-trade barriers by establishing a general
freedom of movement for goods, people, services and capital throughout the EU.
CHAPTER 15: REGIONALISM IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
• The 2001 Nice Treaty led to the expansion of majority voting.
• From this perspective, the EU reflects global trends prevailing in the current
international economy. Trade barriers have been replaced by an open, internal
market, which in turn enhances not only economic but also social and cultural
exchange. These effects however have not entirely trickled to the level of
individuals and societies.
PART 3
International Issues
CHAPTER 16: ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES
• Traditional environmental issues include the following:
• Natural resource conservation.
• Pollution.
• Exploitation of maritime resources
• The tragedy of the commons is based on inherent conflict between individual and
collective interest and rationality in the use of property that is held in common; it is
mitigated by a high carrying capacity of the good in question and, in non-IR
models, is often solved through privatization and nationalization. However, this
solution is not always feasible for global political commons.
CHAPTER 16: ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES
• Realist approaches to environmental politics:
• Realist theories focus on questions of state power and interest.
• Used to demonstrate the load placed upon the Earth's carrying capacity by
individuals or nations, an ecological footprint estimates the area of productive
land or aquasystem required to sustain a population at its specified standard of
living.
CHAPTER 16: ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES
• The regime under which the production and trading of CFCs and other ozone
depleting substances would be progressively phased out is called the Montreal
Protocol.
• The IGCC began in 1988 and focuses on the consequences and causes of climate
change, which it concluded in February 2007 is undeniably taking place.
CHAPTER 17: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• Which characteristic do globalization and terrorism share?
• Both are complex and open to subjective interpretation.
• Realists suggest that the political violence used by terrorist groups is illegitimate on
the basis that states alone have a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical
force.
CHAPTER 17: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• Factors that lead to the birth of transnational terrorism:
• The expansion of air travel.
• The wider availability of televised news coverage.
• Broad common political and ideological interests.
• Expansion of air travel, wider news coverage and broad common political and
ideological interests allow terrorism to grow from a local and regional
phenomenon into an international threat.
CHAPTER 17: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• Elements composing bin Laden's central message:
• The defense of oppressed Muslims and the defeat of theological enemies of
Islam.
• The requirement for absolute religious piety and devotion.
• The defeat of the theological enemies of Islam.
• The message of Osama bin Laden combined a number of disparate elements such
as the restoration of the former greatness of Islam, the defense of oppressed
Muslims and the defeat of the theological enemies of Muslims, the requirement of
absolute religious piety and a rejection of secular materialism.
CHAPTER 17: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• Global Capitalism was the target of the symbolic attacks against the World Trade
Centre in 1993 and 2001.
• Video footage has been used to record the preparations or results of attacks and
helps to "inspire" potential recruits, but is also suitable to reach the widest
audience possible through global news outlets.
CHAPTER 17: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• Complications in the search for terrorists and terrorist cells:
• Increase in trade and commerce throughout the world.
• The use of cellular phone technology.
• The globalization of commerce.
• Added mobility and the reduced size and increased power of personal electronics
gives terrorists the capability to coordinate the activities of dispersed cells and
increased volumes of air travel and goods create control problems. Although one
of the main contemporary worries with regards to refugees is that terrorists are
able to transfer national borders more easily under this demise, increase legal
immigration should not complicated the search for terrorists and terrorist cells.
CHAPTER 17: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• Hollywood blockbuster films has provided inspiration for terrorist attacks by bin
Laden and Islamic Fundamentalists.
• This is another element of the interconnection between terrorism and the influence
of globalized media, which is suspected to be a motivating element behind the
fascination of Al Qaeda leaders with mass casualties and spectacular scenes of
destruction.
CHAPTER 17: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• Arguments over semantics and definitions has stalled action in the UN directed
towards terrorism.
• A rules-based attempt to fight terrorism within the framework of the UN has been
unsuccessful mainly because various debates in the General Assembly could not
resolve arguments over semantics and definitions.
CHAPTER 17: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• What can terrorists hope for in order to be successful in the future?
• Widespread uprising of the disaffected and oppressed, or collapse of the
USA.
• Globalization and a growing gap between the rich and poor might cause more
people to fight against suppression. Further, terrorism might become more
attractive if it actually reaches its goal through a collapse of their adversary after
an attack.
CHAPTER 18: PROLIFERATION OF WEAPONS
OF MASS DESTRUCTION
• Sagan's proliferation pessimism argument:
• Because of common biases, professional military organizations display organizational
behaviors that are likely to lead to deterrence failures and deliberate or accidental war.
• In the future, there will be a lack of positive constraining mechanisms of civilian control
while military biases may serve to encourage nuclear weapons use, especially during
crises. This is because future nuclear-armed states are likely to have military-run or weak
civilian governments.
• With his arguments, Sagan tries to counter the argument that the gradual spread
of nuclear weapons to additional states might be a good thing as nuclear
deterrence is the only way to maintain stability in conflict situations. Sagan argues
that the risk of deterrence failures is too big, especially in military-run and weak
civilian governments.
CHAPTER 18: PROLIFERATION OF WEAPONS
OF MASS DESTRUCTION
• Criticisms of the nuclear non-proliferation regime:
• It is not well-suited to the demands of the complex and potentially more
dangerous second nuclear age.
• It does not address the security motivation which leads states to acquire
nuclear weapons in first place.
• It is unable to alleviate the security dilemma that many states confront and it is
a discriminatory arrangement.
• The strategic motivation focuses on the role that nuclear weapons play as war-
fighting and war-winning weapons or the deterrence of other nuclear weapons-
capable states. The political and prestige motivation refers to the conviction that
nuclear weapons are the most modern form of weaponry.
CHAPTER 18: PROLIFERATION OF WEAPONS
OF MASS DESTRUCTION
• "Atoms for Peace“ refers to the the title of an Eisenhower speech which culminated
on the creation of the IAEA.
• The Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (or Tlateloco
Treaty) was one of the first measures to prevent the nuclearization of a specific
geographical area. It was opened for signature in 1967.
CHAPTER 18: PROLIFERATION OF WEAPONS
OF MASS DESTRUCTION
• Counter proliferation is a strategy which emphasizes the use of measures such as
ballistic missile defenses and a more proactive stance in the prevention of nuclear
proliferation.
• The Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) are guidelines established in 1987
by seven missile technology exporters to control the sale of nuclear-capable
ballistic or cruise missiles. The Hague Code of Conduct (2002) seeks to develop
standards of appropriate behavior in the transfer of missiles and missile parts.
CHAPTER 18: PROLIFERATION OF WEAPONS
OF MASS DESTRUCTION
• Which states are NOT signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)?
• Israel
• Pakistan
• India
• The treaty has 189 State Parties, which is the largest number of any arms control
agreement. However, India, Israel and Pakistan have not signed the NPT. It remains
questionable, how, if at all, these states can be brought into the Treaty. North
Korea announced its withdrawal in 2003, and further announced that it had
conducted an underground nuclear explosion in 2006 and 2009. As of October,
2016, North Korea has conducted five announced nuclear tests between 9
October 2016 to 9 September 2016.
CHAPTER 19: NATIONALISM, NATIONAL SELF-DETERMINATION
• The basic assumptions of nationalism:
• The nation as the fundamental political unit.
• The nation as basis of political loyalty and identity.
• The demand for self-determination.
• Nationalism takes the nation as its fundamental political unit and the basis for
people's political identity and loyalty; the latter of which results in the demand for
self-determination, usually in the form of an autonomous state.
CHAPTER 19: NATIONALISM, NATIONAL SELF-DETERMINATION
• Difference between the nation and the state:
• "State" and "nation" are both contested concepts as there are many different
and inconsistent meanings to the terms, which are in addition often confused
with each other. Nationality is often correlated with ethnic identity while state
is often correlated with civic organization; however, these descriptions are not
consistent.
CHAPTER 19: NATIONALISM, NATIONAL SELF-DETERMINATION
• Primordialism refers to the theory which determines that nations are primary
groups constituted by descent and/or culture, accompanied by the idea that
nationalism arises from a prior sense of national identity.
• Primordialism suggests that nations are constituted by descent and culture, and that
this national identity creates nationalism. Ethnic nationalism is a specific type of
nationalism, which claims that the nation is based on common factors many of
which stem from common descent.
CHAPTER 19: NATIONALISM, NATIONAL SELF-DETERMINATION
• Perennialism refers to the historical claim which argues that there have been cases
of nations and even nationalism before the modern period.
• Nation-states, which are both states and nations, derive their claim to legitimacy in
part from the representation of the national identity and interest of the community
over which the state rules.
CHAPTER 19: NATIONALISM, NATIONAL SELF-DETERMINATION
• Results of the end of the cold war:
• It has led to discussion of forms of political community beyond the nation-state.
• It has broken up some multi-national states in processes of state subversion.
• It came hand in hand with globalization.
• Globalization and the cold war's end, in tandem, fragmented some states along
ethnic national lines and prompted discussion of order based on supra-national
political community.
CHAPTER 20: GLOBAL TRADE AND GLOBAL FINANCE
• Cross-border transactions refers to the movement across borders of countries of
goods, people, money, investments etc.
• Just before the end of the Second World War, intellectual Karl Polanyi published
The Great Transformation, on the economic causes of the European embrace of
fascism in the 1930s. This distinguished between two generic models of the market
economy: 'embedded' and 'disembedded' markets.
CHAPTER 20: GLOBAL TRADE AND GLOBAL FINANCE
• Countries that had their own East India Companies by the eighteenth century.
• Britain.
• The Netherlands, Denmark and Portugal.
• France and Sweden.
• Britain, the Netherlands, Denmark, Portugal, France and Sweden all had their own
East India companies that allowed them to operate the trading route centred on
modern-day India.
CHAPTER 20: GLOBAL TRADE AND GLOBAL FINANCE
• When the housing market boom first began to unravel globally in 2007, banks
discovered their over-exposure to 'Toxic assets' of mortgage-backed securities
• Having over 150 members means that decision-making could be a huge potential
pitfall for the World Trade Organization. In order to balance representation and
efficiency four key groups actually participate in the final stages of decision-
making: the US, the EU, Brazil and India. These four are known as 'the quad.'
CHAPTER 20: GLOBAL TRADE AND GLOBAL FINANCE
• Major public global governance agency for trade and finance:
• Group of 8 (G8)
• International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO)
• The 1970s was a decade of crisis for rich industrialized economies, such as the
USA. Following this crisis-era, governments responded by heavily reducing their
intervention into markets and adopting a far more 'laissez faire' approach. This
was most evident in the policies of, for example, Margaret Thatcher and Ronald
Reagan.
CHAPTER 20: GLOBAL TRADE AND GLOBAL FINANCE
• By how much did the value of the currency of Thailand, South Korea, the
Philippines and Malaysia fall during the Asian financial crisis of 1997/1998?
• 30%.
• During the Asian Financial crisis of 1997/1998 Thailand, South Korea, the
Philippines and Malaysia saw the value of their currencies fall by 30% meaning
that people in these countries were able to buy approximately two-thirds of the
volume of goods at world prices after the crisis as they had been able to before.
CHAPTER 20: GLOBAL TRADE AND GLOBAL FINANCE
• Ways in which governments lure foreign investment:
• By relaxing labor and environmental standards.
• By reducing restrictions on repatriation of profits.
• While in 1960, the income ratio of 20% of the global population in the richest
countries to 20% in the poorest was been 30:1, it had increased to 60:1 by 1990
and even further to 74:1 in 1997.
•
CHAPTER 21: POVERTY, HUNGER, AND DEVELOPMENT
• Millennium Development Goals:
• Set, time-limited development targets.
• Quantifiable targets across 8 areas of development.
• Aimed at eradication of extreme poverty and hunger by 2015.
• Where as the orthodox view on poverty claims that it refers to a situation where
people do not have the money to satisfy their basic needs, alternative views
emphasize not simply money, but spiritual values, community ties, and availability
of common resources.
CHAPTER 21: POVERTY, HUNGER, AND DEVELOPMENT
• Embedded liberalism refers to the liberal international economic order based on
free trade but with a role for state intervention in issues of national security and
stability.
• In the 1970s, mainly developing countries proposed (without success) the NIEO that
should reform the existing order to be more user friendly for the producers of
primary commodities through such mechanisms as index-linking the prices of
primary products to the prices of manufactured goods.
CHAPTER 21: POVERTY, HUNGER, AND DEVELOPMENT
• “Trickle down effect“ means that economic growth will eventually (and
automatically) bring benefits to the poor.
• The "trickle-down effect" describes the idea that overall economic growth would
automatically bring benefits for the poorer classes. However, despite impressive
rates of growth enjoyed by developing countries this success was not reflected in
their societies at large.
CHAPTER 21: POVERTY, HUNGER, AND DEVELOPMENT
• The Brundtland Commission refers to the world commission on environment and
development.
• Human security, if defined as 'freedom from fear', could include measures such as
a ban on land-mines, formation of an International Criminal Court, human rights,
international humanitarian law, women and children in armed conflict, small arms
proliferation, child soldiers, and child labor.
CHAPTER 22: HUMAN SECURITY
• ‘Freedom from want‘:
• It stresses individual escape from poverty, disease, and environmental threats.
• It focuses heavily on security.
• The critics of human security argue that by making the individual rather than the
state the referent object, the concept becomes so broad that it cannot be used
either for analysis or policy; that it creates expectations by victims of disaster and
violence that more aid will ensue than is actually forthcoming, and that we would
be better off to focus on analyzing the state and strengthening its role in service
provision.
CHAPTER 22: HUMAN SECURITY
• Humanitarian intervention justifies the use of force and breach of sovereignty
based on human security grounds.
• The quote above comes from the Swedish study by Inga Thorsson et al. examining
concerns over the so-called "guns versus butter" debate, or the negative impact of
defense spending on development aid.
CHAPTER 22: HUMAN SECURITY
• The contemporary apparent decline in battle deaths come from:
• Rising economic interdependence.
• The end of colonialism and cold war.
• The growing role of international institutions and community (peace
operations).
• Scholars have variously argued that increased trade links decrease interstate
violence, that the end of colonialism and the cold war has created a zone of
peace (or the "end of history") and that peace operations and international
institutions have helped to foster stability.
CHAPTER 22: HUMAN SECURITY
• Politicide refers to the term that describes destroying groups because of their
political beliefs rather than their religion or identity?
• The Charter of the United Nations, signed in San Francisco on 26 June 1945,
identified promoting respect for human rights as one of the principal objectives of
the new organization. It also created a Commission on Human Rights, which
became the focal point of what we today call the global human rights regime.
CHAPTER 23: HUMAN RIGHTS
• The International Bill of Human Rights provides an authoritative list of universal
human rights covering civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights.
• At the very least transnational NGOs date back to the nineteenth century and
anti-slavery campaigners.
CHAPTER 23: HUMAN RIGHTS
• Liberal position on rights:
• The liberal position on rights privileges freedoms over rights.
• *The liberal position on rights says that the primary function of government is
to protect the rights to life, liberty and property.
• The liberal position on rights is made up of two basic components. First, that human
beings possess the rights to life, liberty, the secure possession of property and the
freedom of speech, which are inalienable and unconditional. Second, that the
primary function of government is to protect these rights.
CHAPTER 23: HUMAN RIGHTS
• Greek, Christian and medieval Catholic theology are the origins of natural law
thinking.
• The idea of natural law implies that universal moral standards exist upon which the
rights that individuals have are based. Rights thus are not limited in application to
any particular legal system. Its origins can be traced to the classical Greek and
early Christians, but in its modern form it is based on medieval Catholic theology.
CHAPTER 23: HUMAN RIGHTS
• What does the UN Charter say about human rights?
• It reaffirms faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the
human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and
small.
• Member countries of the Council of Europe, which is wider than the European
Union, are subject to the legal judgements of the very effective European Court of
Human Rights.
CHAPTER 23: HUMAN RIGHTS
• Most countries celebrate Human Rights Day on 10th of December.
• On 10 December 1948 the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and most countries, therefore, celebrate this
day as Human Rights Day.
CHAPTER 23: HUMAN RIGHTS
• Governments cannot legitimately deny obligations that they have voluntarily
incurred by becoming parties to international human rights treaties. Authoritative
international human rights norms thus allow local human rights advocates to focus
on how to protect and implement human rights, rather than debate whether the
rights in question really are rights. .
CHAPTER 24: HUMAN INTERVENTION IN WORLD POLITICS
• “Forcible humanitarian intervention“ refers to a forcible breach of sovereignty that
interferes in a state's internal affairs for humanitarian purposes.
• Realism tells us that states only pursue their national interest and legitimate
humanitarian intervention is thus ruled out, since states only judge according to
their interests. Another key realist argument is that such an exception to the ban on
the use of force in Art 2(4) UN Charter will lead to abuse.
CHAPTER 24: HUMAN INTERVENTION IN WORLD POLITICS
• “Pluralist international society“ refers to an international society in which states are
aware of sharing common values, but these are limited to disagreement as to what
constitutes extreme human rights violations.
• Bull defined the pluralist conception of international society as one in which states
are capable of agreement only for certain minimum purposes such as recognition
of each state's sovereignty and respect for the rule of non-intervention.
CHAPTER 24: HUMAN INTERVENTION IN WORLD POLITICS
• “Solidarist international society“ is an international society in which states agree on
universal standards of justice and morality.
• In contrast to pluralism, solidarism argues that states have a legal right and moral
duty to intervene in situations that offend minimum standards of humanity. States
can do so as they agree on universal standards of justice and morality that
legitimize practices of humanitarian intervention.
CHAPTER 24: HUMAN INTERVENTION IN WORLD POLITICS
• Fernando Teson puts forward a liberal case for Iraq being a humanitarian
intervention?
• Among others, Fernando Teson takes a liberal stance in arguing that the Iraq war
was a humanitarian intervention.
CHAPTER 24: HUMAN INTERVENTION IN WORLD POLITICS
• The Responsibility to Protect has three pillars: responsibility of the state to protect
its population; responsibility of the international community to assist the state in
protecting its population; responsibility of international community to act if the
state does not fulfil its obligations towards its citizens.
CHAPTER 24: HUMAN INTERVENTION IN WORLD POLITICS
• Non-forcible humanitarian intervention is characterized by the series of peaceful
actions of states, INGOs and international organizations in the international scene
which prove to have an impact on internal matters of the target state.
• This refers to the unresolved normative questions of what counts as human suffering
at the start of the 21st century. 'Loud emergencies' receive media attention and
normally command the resources of the international donor community, whereas
silent emergencies remain largely unrecognized.
CHAPTER 24: HUMAN INTERVENTION IN WORLD POLITICS
• What would warrant a "just cause" military intervention for human protection
purposes?
• There must be serious and irreparable harm occurring to human beings, or imminently likely to
occur.
• There must be a large scale loss of life, which is the product of deliberate state action, or state
neglect, or inability to act, or a failed state situation.
• There must be a large scale ethnic cleansing.
• The "just cause" threshold is one of the specific criteria set out by the report "The
Responsibility to Protect" by the International Commission on Intervention and State
Sovereignty. Military intervention is treated as an exceptional measure and must
be justified by serious or irreparable harm, defined as large-scale loss of life or
large scale "ethnic cleansing."
CHAPTER 24: HUMAN INTERVENTION IN WORLD POLITICS
• Military humanitarian intervention secure its greatest legitimation when it is done
through the Chapter VII enforcement provisions of the Security Council.
• The enforcement provisions in Chapter VII allow the Security Council to authorize
military action in cases where it finds a threat to international peace and security.
Those rules can be reasonably stretched to legitimate armed intervention in cases
of genocide or mass killings.
REFERENCE
Owens, P., Baylis, J., & Smith S. (2017). The Globalization of World Politics: An
Introduction to International Relations (7th ed). England: Oxford University Press.
GOD BLESS!!!