Chapter it

THE EVOLUTION OF GAUNCARIA SYSTEM AND A

LAND-BASED SOCIO-ECONOMIC ORDER

The socio-economic life of Goa for centuries revolved round the institution of

gauncaria, which even today continues to exercise significant control over the structure

and functioning of Goan society and economy. As an institution, which preserves the

vestiges of the age-old practices of communal ownership in the country and as the best

representation of village "republics" that once flourished in different parts of the

country,' gauncaria evokes special interest among the historians. This chapter, being the

background chapter, makes attempts to see the evolution, functioning and structure of

communidade system, which the Portuguese converted as the best institution for

resource-mobilisation and rural-management in agrarian Goa after their conquest of this

geographical space in 1510. 2 In this chapter attempts are made to see how gauncaria

system evolved in Goa and how this communal ownership system turned out to be the

part and parcel of Goan life. How far the Portuguese rule from 1510 to 1750 tried to

preserve the communidade system, when village communities disappeared from other

parts of the country? Was this indigenous institution used as colonial instrument for rural-

penetration and surplus extraction? In fact this chapter looks into the agrarian economy

For instance, Sir Henry Maine opined that the village communidades in India existed in one form or the
other in various parts of India. but gradually disintegrated except in Goa where they survived the rule of
successive rulers and still continue to occupy a unique role in the economy of Goa. Vidal De La Bache.
"Village Community", in R. A. Seligman (ed.), Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences. Vol. 15. New York:
the Macmillan Company, 1961 pp. 253-259; also see Daniel Thorner, The Shaping of Modern India. New
Delhi: Allied Publishers, 1980, pp. 257-272.
2 Filippe Nery Xavier, Defensa.... pp. 28-32.

35
 and society centered on the institution of gauncaria, which is more a purview of its

evolution, structure and function all through its history up to 1750.

A. Evolution of Gauncaria System

It is the geophysical features of Goa that made its production activities,

particularly the agrarian ones, revolve on communitarian basis. The origin and

development of communidade system is understandable only against the backdrop of the

physical environments and the eco-systems of Goa, which played vital role in its

formative phases.

1. Goa and its Eco-Systems

Along the western seaboard of India stretches a long strip of land known from

time immemorial as the Konkan coast with seven divisions. Goa, which is the heart of

this region and is sandwiched between Maharashtra and Karnataka', is located in the

centre of the west coast of India within the latitudes of 14 ° 53'57"N and 1547'59" N and

the longitudes of 73 ° 40'54"E and 74° 20'11"E. Sandwiched between the Sahyadris

(Western Ghats) on its eastern boundary. and the Arabian Sea on the west. Goa measures

an area of about 3701 sq. kms. 4 Goa is blessed with a salubrious. sub-tropical. monsoon

type of a climate. It is equable and humid all round the year. Goa aets rain both from the

3 Olivinho J.F. Gomes, op. cit., p. 10.

4 Ibid.

36
 South-West monsoon as also from the North-East monsoon. South-West monsoon brings

rain from June to September, accounting for 90% of Goa's annual precipitation. North-

East monsoon lashes Goa in October-November, bringing at times thunderous showers.

The average annual rainfall in Goa is between 2500mm to 3500mm. However,

different regions receive varying amount of rains. For instance, while the annual average

for the coastal belt is about 2500 to 3000mm, the villages bordering the Sahayadri region

get an annual average of 3000 to 5000 mm. 5 Moderate rains coupled with the fact that

high precipitation is limited to few months, have led to the developments towards the

cooperative mode of life among the early settlers to use the limited water resources

efficiently. Collective efforts were required to erect dykes and embankments in low lying

areas and to make terraces on the hills of central uplands. This cut at the speed of the

water flowing down the hill and helped to preserve and utilise to the maximum possible

extent the limited water sources for the expanding agrarian activities. Tanks, ponds, lakes

springs and wells, whose initial significance was determined by their communitarian

usage by the early settlers, were considered as common property of the village and served

to carry out efficient water management on the one hand, and on the other prevented

ground water level from going down.

Occasionally. Goa is affected by cyclonic disturbances. which arise either in the

Arabian Sea or in the Bay of Bengal, resulting in strong winds and subsequent outburst of

thunderstorms. Goa's physical proximity to the Arabian Sea leads to only slight

5
V. T. Gune (ed.), Gazetteer of The Union Territo• , of Goa, Daman and Diu. Vol. I, Panaji: Gazetteer
Dept., - 1979, pp. 2-3.

37
 variations in the mean daily temperatures ranging from a maximum of 34° to 35° C and a

minimum of 25° to 27° C. By and large, climatic conditions of Goa are moderate and

enjoyable. 6 The only problem is the high humidity of the region owing to its proximity to

the sea. The pleasant climatic conditions are responsible for the Goans developing an

affable nature, which was a necessary condition, for preserving the cooperative nature of

the village communities i.e., the communidades, over the ages, tiding over many

vicissitudes and obstacles that came its way.

Physio-graphically Goa's terrain may be conveniently divided into three distinct

zones: 1. The Eastern Sahyadris, 2. The Central Uplands and 3. The Western Coastal

Plains.

The Sahyadris on the eastern side of Goa cover approximately an area of 1724 sq.

lons., and cover eastern parts of the talukas of Sattari, Sanguem and Canacona. 7 This

region has high hills and steep valleys. Agricultural activities were just unthought of in

this region. This is testified by the fact that the hold of village communities over these

lands is minimal. However the waterfalls of Dudhsagar and Harvalem have changed the

fate of Sanguem and Bicholim respectively, by providing water resource, required for

agrarian activities, all through the year. This water flowing down the Central Uplands to

the Western Coastal Plains. have been ingeniously used by the gaunkurs of the

Ibid.
7Western Ghat Region—Goa Sub Regional Plan (Draft), New Delhi: Town and Country Planning
Organisation, Ministry of Works and Housing, Govt. of India, 1983, p.10

38
 communidades for carrying out agricultural operations, fishing, trading contacts, etc.,

over the centuries. 8

The Central Uplands contain many hills with gentle to moderate slopes and long,

narrow intermediate valleys. This transitional sub-mountainous region with undulating

uplands runs from north to south and stretches across a width of about 20 kilometres,

occupying about 35% of the total area of Goa. 9 This region also consists of laterite stones

that have been quarried by the gaunkars of the region for setting up durable houses either

on hill sides or elevated platforms in the plains. Quarried stone and rubble were perhaps

used by the gaunkars in building dykes and embankments, wells, tanks, etc. 19

The river valleys of Kushavati, Zuari and Mandovi in the central uplands have

been supporting much the agricultural activities of the gaunkars. In fact it is this region

that witnessed agricultural activity. on a- communitarian basis. Many springs have their

origin in the gullies of this region, feeding an intricate network of rivers and rivulets. This

region is also rich in iron deposits. The rock cut carvings at Usgallimal on hard laterite

stone and at Kajur on the granite dudanfator (milk-stone)," make one conclude that the

people of the region possessed strong iron instruments as to make carvings on the rock.

The availability of rich iron ores in the region seems to have enabled the gaunkars to

make iron implements and tools. to carry out hectic agricultural operations in these fertile

This is abundantly clear to anyone who is familiar with the terrain of the region which abounds in water
resources that can be used for the purpose of agriculture.
9
Report of the Task Force on Eco-Development Plan for Goa, New Delhi: Govt. of India, Planning,
Commission, 1982, p 6-7.
10 This is evident from the extensive field studies undertaken in these areas.

Pratima Kamat, Farar Far: Local Resistance to Colonial Hegemony in Goa 1510-1919. Panaji: Institute
Menezes Brnanza, 1999, pp. 10-11.

39
 regions. The later success of the settlers in the Coastal Plains was dependant on the

continuous supply of iron tools and implements from the villages in the Central Uplands.

Similarly, the Central Uplands was also the pharmaceutical unit of Goa with its

rich biodiversity. The gaunkars of these regions had acquired vast knowledge on the

curative properties of the flora and fauna. The inhabitants of the region have secretly

guarded this knowledge over the centuries. They supplied the required herbs and other

medical plants to the inhabitants of the coastal plains. In this way there emerged a strong

nexus between the settlers of Central Uplands and Coastal Plains, which was highly

indispensable from the point of view of survival. t2

The Western Coastal Plains cover about 22 % of the area of Goa. The area

stretches for a length of 120 km. and has a width varying from 2 to 15 lcms. 13 The region

consists of long river basins, estuaries, narrow stretches of sandy beaches, lagoons, bays

and islands." The Western Coastal Plains perhaps have witnessed the full dynamism of

the gaunkars who have subjected every bit of available land to diverse agricultural

activity. Transformation of this land making it suitable for agriculture was relatively

more difficult. Clearance of the tidal forest, preventing saline water from entering

agriculture fields as also avoiding flooding of these low lands during times of high

precipitation by developing good drainage system. etc., required superior knowledge of

nature, the technology to control the same and above all communitarian efforts to succeed

12 This is evident from field study of the villages in these regions.

13
Report of the Task Force, p. I.
14 Ibid., p. 6.

40
 against all odds. It is mainly in these regions of Goa that one can witness the dominance

of the communidade system. I5

The Western Coastal Plains are also noted for having good ports. The ancient

ports of Gopakapattana and Ela are well known for students of history. I6 All weather port

of Mormugao as also the seasonal ports of Betul, Terekol, Chapora, Talpona, etc., have

perhaps played their role in inviting continuing new immigrants into the virgin lands and

supported well the import-export activities of the gaunkars and made Goa into a very

open maritime society as well.

The nature of the soil varies from place to place depending on various factors as

geology, topography, drainage, vegetation and climate. There is laterite, alluvial, red

loamy, mixed red and black soil, as also, sandy soils. Soil is protected in many ways by

the villagers. The gaunkars put up dykes and embankments to prevent soil erosion.

Besides they built long and elevated stretches in the middle of the agricultural fields, on

which were planted trees to prevent soil erosion as also to supplement their agricultural

income. I7

' 5 Filippe very Xavier, Bosquejo Historic° dus Communidades ..., Part I, pp. I -4.
16
These ports have however, been rendered unusable due to heavy deposit of silt in the last few centuries.
Fite system of division of agricultural fields into elongated plots (magoll) and their sub division (bandhi)
also prevented soil erosion. The grass growing wild during the non-agricultural season also helped to
prevent soil erosion.

41
 The coastal belt is favourable for the cultivation of rice. I8 Rice is grown, in the

fertile khazan land, as also in the highlands (marad) where hillsides were terraced to

enable optimum use of limited water resources, in well-drained alluvium ker lands, and in

the high, forest-encircled Kulne lands. 19 The not so fertile barad lands, which are,

however, rich in minerals, have been utilised by the gaunkars for the cultivation of

secondary crops as nachinni (millets), and, pulses like kulith, urd, mung, etc. Besides,

every bit of available elevated land in the Coastal Plains have been utilised for having the

plantation of coconut and mango trees. Similarly, the valleys with perennial natural

springs in the Central Uplands have been utilized for having coconut and arecanut

plantations.

2. Peopling of Goa and the Corporate Way of Life

Goa has been inhabited since time immemorial. The vast grasslands of Goa might

have attracted the dhangar or the gonvIli Community of shepherds. This seems probable

on the basis of the etymology of the name 'Goa', which is said to mean the place that

abounds in the wealth of the cows. Crawford holds the view that "the early inhabitants of

Goa seem to be the dhangars who descended from the Ghats ... " 20 The dhangars are, in

fact, concentrated in the foothills of Canacona, Quepem, Ponda and Sanguem taluka of

18 Production of rice in the low lying kha:ana lands has always been much higher than in the highlands

(marads). This is due to the fact that while the khazona lands have abundant supply of water they are also
rich in alluvium soil brought down by the monsoon rains every year.
19 Pratima Kamat, "Historical Geography and Natural Resources" in Teotonio R. de Souza (ed.). Goo
through the Ages, Vol. II, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 1990, pp. 27-28.
20 A. Crawford, Legend of the Konkrin. p. 25, as partially quoted in J. A. J. Da Costa. History of Goo.

Vasco: 1982, p. 25.

42
 Goa. 21 In fact the gonvlli community has an important place in the peasant society of

Goa22 , as they seem to have shown the way to the later settlers. If it is accepted that Goa

denotes abundance of wealth in the form of cows, then, it may also give some clue to the

first agricultural settlers. The early settlers, who started agricultural activities, seemed to

have followed the tracks of the gonvIlis and grazing cattle in the grasslands to find the

best fertile soil for cultivation. Large hordes of cattle required abundant supply of water

and areas with thickly grown grass indicated fertility of the soil and availability of

perennial source of water in the vicinity. The peasant communities, who followed the

gonvlli, could easily subject the pasturelands that have been overgrazed and abandoned

by the shepherds, for cultivation with the application of appropriate technology. The

movements of gonvlli showed the way to sources of fresh water in the form of lakes,

ponds, and springs that were later on used for agricultural purposes. It is here worth-

noting that the link between the pastoral group of gonvIli and the peasant group of the

gaunkars continues even today as is evident from the common property set aside for the

shepherds, where the latter are free to graze their cattle without any hindrance from the

gaunkars. It very often happens that now the land left in common for grazing cattle is

more than the land-space that is subjected to cultivation. Besides, the cattle of the

gaunkars are placed in the caring hands of the gonvlli during the farming seasons on

nominal payment. Moreover the gonvlli supplied milk to the villagers as also the much-

needed organic manure in the form of compost. Regular intake of milk gave to the

villagers the much-needed proteins and the organic manure helped to maintain the

productivity of the soil. However, though the gonvlli were one of the first to be in Goa.

2Hrishikesh Mandal, "Dhangar", in K.S. Singh, P.P. Shirodkar and H.K. Mandal (eds.). People of India.
Goa, Anthropological Survey of India, Vol. XXI., Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1993, pp. 70 75.
-

22 Ibid.

43
 they are gaunkars of not a single village. This is because of the fact that gauncarias are

village communities of agriculturists that led settled life. On the other hand, the gonylli

by virtue of their profession as shepherds had developed semi — nomadic habits. 23

It is generally accepted that the establishment of the village communities i.e.,

gauncarias is much before the entry of the Aryans and Marathas in Goa. 24 And as

agricultural activities succeeded pastoral way of life round the world, it may safely be

concluded that the gonyllis were the pioneers of agriculture, who ushered in settled life in

Goa and established the Village Communities. George Moraes opines that Goans have

lived in Village Communities from times immemoria1. 25

3. The Arrival of the Settlers

a. Gaudas.

Gaudas, who are the aborigines of Goa, are considered to be the first settlers of

the land. They are currently divided into four categories: Kunnbi/Velip, Konkonn

Gaudde, Kunbis/Gaudde (Christians). and Nav Hindu Gaudde. Their way of life, culture.

modes of dress, food, rites and rituals of the four groups are almost similar and it is

evident that they are of the same racial stock.

23 Ibid., p. 70.
24 Rui Gomes Pereira, op. cit., pp. 8-9.
25 George M. Moraes, "Presidential Address" in P.P. Shirodkar (ed.), Goa's Cultural Trends. Panaji:

Directorate of Archives, Archaeology and Museum, 1988, pp. XXI-XXX II.

44
 As per one tradition, the Gaudas are so called as it was considered that they had

come from the Gauda Desh. However the origin of the term Gaudas has been

linguistically traced to Ganv, which means village. 26 The exclusive use of the surname or

family name Gaunkar both by Hindu and Christian Gaudas 27, makes one believe that they

were the founders of quite a few villages in Goa, which is also suggestive of their role in

developing the gauncaria system in Goa

Some scholars have ascribed the etymology of the word Gauda to a colloquial

language once spoken by them, which is now extinct. 28 Certain words and phrases used

exclusively by them also perhaps point fingers towards that direction. For instance, a

male elder is addressed to as ga, a married woman as ge, and a young girl as go. These

colloquial pronouns are used widely in rural Goa. Analysed against this backdrop, the

etymology of Goa may also be traced to the process of subjugating this young virgin land

of Goa, addressed as go (like a virgin girl) by the elders of the Gaudas, addressed as ga.

Hence, one gets the name Goa.

The Gaudas are said to belong_ to the Munda section of the Astroid race. 29 And

they are supposed to have migrated from South East Asia to Assam, Orissa, Bengal,

Kerala and Goa. 3° The Gauda folklores give no indication as to where they came from.

26 V.T. Gune (ed.), op. cit., p. 233.

-• Vinayak Vishnu Khedekar, Loksarita (Marathi), Panaji: Kala Academy, 1993, pp. 43-44. The Nav Hindu
Gaudde were reconverted to Hinduism in 1927-28 under the initiative of Musurkar Maharaja whose
Ashram was in Bombay.
28 I bid.

24 Mahadevshastri Joshi, Bhavatiya Samaria Koch, Pune: Barratry Sanskriti Kosh Mandal, 1985, Vol.11. pp.

798-799.
" Subodh Kumar Biswas, "Hindu Gauda'. in People of India Goa. p. 100. Some scholars have linked them
to the Gauda Community of Bengal. In support of this they cite few customs and terms used by them which

45
 They also do not remember where from they had migrated and from which direction. 3I

Howevr,inalpbtyhGudscamenobrt,uylandoevih

Ghat region as is evident from their life-style. The Gaudas have even now no boat maker

amongst them, and, they neither engage in fishing nor consume fish in large quantities.

However, they say that they are being called Gaudas as they reside in interior villages of

Goa. 32 The Gaudas are found in the Central Upland Regions of Tiswadi, Ponda,

Canacona, Bicholim and Quepen talukas of Goa. 33 The talukas of Saari and Sanguem

also have substantial Gauda population. 34 The demographic distribution of Gauda

community in these parts of Goa attests to the fact that they came via the Ghat region.

Furthermore, in the past they used to have their huts on the eastern side of the hills, 35

posiblytrevnhacdutsfrombeinglwaystroind.Oh

could be indicative of the route they came from.

The Gaudas might have been hunters, initially, as is evident from some of their

rites and rituals. For example, in some villages, their Kul-devatas, which are mostly

shapeless stones, are occasionally smeared with blood of slain cocks and goats. The

Gaudas are non-vegetarian, but do not consume beef and pork. This could be due to the

influence of Hinduism, as also more of Buddhism and Jainism, which had a strong

are similar to the Hindus of West Bengal. such as, nabanna (first rice harvesting and taking ceremony).
parish sankranti, worship of Durga and animal sacrifice in their own Mahadev (Shiva) temple.
Subodh Kumar Biswas, op: cit., p.I 00: Also see. K.C. Malhotra, "Micro — Evolutionary Dynamics
Among the Gauda.s. of Goa." in R. J. Meier. C. M. Odell and F. Abdel (eds.), Evolutionary Models and
Studies in Human Diversity. Hague: Mouten Publishers, 1978.
32
Subhodh Kumar Biswas, op. cii.. 100.
33 Ibid., p. 101.
Vinayak Vishnu Khedekar, op. cit., p. 44.
Ibid.

46
 presence in the interior regions. 36 However, wild boars were and are still hunted down -

and eaten with relish. Hunting was done by using the bow and arrow, 37 which indicates

that the Gaudas had fairly good knowledge of iron. Old iron weapons are worshipped by

the Gaudas in many of the villages. The use of iron tools and weapons might have helped

the Gaudas to be the initiators of agriculture in Goan region. The Central Uplands and the

Ghat region abound in numerous wild animals and birds. It must have been the

abundance of wild fauna that might have attracted the Gaudas to settle in these interior

regions. Hunting requires cooperative efforts and the Gaudas developed cooperative

nature in order to survive and grow in numbers. This cooperative nature later on became

more evident with the increasing practice and dependence on agriculture.

It is generally believed that the Gaudas introduced into Goa, a variety of crops as

rice, coconut, areca nut, plantains. black pepper. 38 They also cultivated nachnni, tur,

kulith, etc. 39 Their staple food is rice, which was consumed four times a day in different

forms till a few decades ago, and the same supplied the Gaudas with the required

carbohydrates to carry out hard physical work, throughout the day, which began at 5

O'clock in the morning with the first chirping of the birds. The day ended with the daily

meetings at the community square (mandd) with discussion amongst elders, singing folk

songs, etc. The same fostered community feelings among the members of the village. The

Gaudas initiated and practised Kumeri (burn and shift) cultivation, which marked the

6 Buddhism was widespread in this region as indicated by the discovery of the headless Buddha in one of

the nearby fields in the vicinity of a natural cave at Rivona, which was used by the Buddhists. Similarly a
Jain temple was discovered at Cudnem. The later excavation by the Archaeological Survey of India at
Chandor has indicated the presence of a Jain temple on which later on a Hindu temple has been built.
37
Vinavak Vishnu Khedekar, op. cit., p.46.
38 V.T. Gune, op. cit., 234; Subodh Kumar Biswas. op. cii., p. 100.
39 V inaNak Vishnu Khedekar, op. cit., p. 4-1.

47
 beginning of agricultural operations in Goa. It is here worth-mentioning that the same

form of cultivation was carried out even in the 19 th century in the forested areas of Satari

and Pernem. 4°

Kumeri cultivation signifies the shift of the Gaudas from hunting-gathering stage

to settled life concentrating principally on agriculture. Man is noted for studying the

intricacies of nature and imitating the same for mutual benefit. Initially, fire that broke

out accidentally in the forests trapped and killed many wild animals, thus, making

available to the Gaudas, large quantities of meat. Thereafter, the Gaudas probably used

the same method of setting fire to the forests, which was full of dry foliage and grass to

convert them into Kumeri lands, which in Kannada language would mean virgin,

unploughed and uncultivated lands. They were created after denuding the jungles of trees.

Such lands were there in several villages, among which Kumarmol in Collem is the most

prominent. Burnt forested areas were then cleared of the wooden stumps that were used

for making huts. The cleared area was made ready for cultivation of rice and other cereal

crops. Carrying out Kumeri type of cultivation in the hinterlands of Goa was

advantageous in many ways. The forests provided the Gaudas with timber and stumps for

building. huts and twigs to fence the agricultural fields. Moreover, the average rainfall

near Ghats is almost double to what is received in the coastal areas. Similarly. the

average number of rainy days is more in the eastern parts of Goa than in the Coastal

Plains:II Thus, heavier rainfall spread over a longer period, helped the Gaudas to get

assured returns.

40 Ibid., pp. 43-48.

41V.T. Gune, op. cii., pp. 23-24.

48
 Moreover, animals like wild boars and - deers that destroyed the standing crops, as

also birds, were hunted down, and helped to supplement the diet of the Gaudas. However,

crops like areca nut and coconut plantations that require regular supply of water round the

• year, made the Gaudas move towards springs, ponds and lakes. They dug up wells at the

foothills and began to construct tanks. This becomes evident when one visits the rock-cut

carving on the banks of river Kushavati at Usgallimall. P.P. Shirodkar states that the

socio-economic as well as politico-ethnic history of an area can be reconstructed with a

fair measure of accuracy by carving out adequate research on the village and place

names.42 Usgallimall signifies a large field prepared by putting fire. This refers to the

Kumeri type of agriculture, which was practised here. The large-scale concentration of

Gauda-population in this area makes one conclude that the Gaudas were the initiators of

Kumeri cultivation in this area, besides the etymology of the place name.

Continuous water supply in the form of rivers and rivulets, as also springs, ponds

and lakes, might have prompted the Gaudas to burn the potential agricultural fields, so as

to clear it of wild weeds, but the shifting process, slowly declined. 43 And the Gaudas

started settling down and forming the villages, with which began the process of adding

the titles of gaunkars.

42
P.P.Shirodkar, "Etymology of Village and Place Names of Goa, - in Poople of India Goa. pp. 209-2;12
43 Till today the Gaudas follow the method of cutting the wild grass that rows and burning it in the fields.
Whereas in the coastal areas the method followed was totally uprooting the wild grass (plugill) and
dumping the same on the elevated land-rows (vollir - ) which are there in the middle of the - fields at regular
distance

49
 Villages like Van in Sattari Taluka, as also Shelvan, Santon, Rivona etc., indicate

their connections with the forests." Interestingly all these villages with the prefix or affix

van (forest) were set up in the midst of the forests, within the natural boundaries, and

centring on agricultural fields. There are other places as Malpan (Cotorem — Sattari),

Monzonn (Curtorim), Volvonem (Tivim), Talpanem (Shiroda), Talpon (Canacona),

Sarvan (Carapur), etc. 45 Most of these places are inhabited chiefly by the Gaudas. All

these make us conclude that the Gauclas were the founders of gau (ganv) and gauncaria

in Goa and the early formation of villages extended from the frontiers of forests on the

eastern side to the Central Uplands. Gaudas are found in large numbers in villages like

Carambolim, Chimbel, Nagzari, Odshel, Curca, Naushe, Caranzalem, Vadevle, Madkai,

Kundai, Veling, Priol, etc., covering a protracted geographical space touching the fringes

of Coastal Plains. At many places in Goa, the Central Uplands have jutted into the

Western Coastal Plains, offering to the Gaudas an opportunity to settle there, bringing

additional, new type of lands under cultivation and also engage in new occupation. In this

fashion there are the villages of Betul, Britona, Batim, etc, that were inhabited by a large

Gauda section on the Western Coast of India. At other places where they have large

population, there are Gauda vaddas in Cumbarjua, Calangute, Tirrem, Navelim, Corgaon,

Morgim and Mandrem. Velipvadas also exist in Balli-Adnem, Caulem, Curdi, Neturlim

and Culem villages of South Goa.

" P.P. Shirodkar, "Etymology of Village and Place Names of Goa." p. 219.
45 Ibid.

50
 Gaudas who established their first settlements were known as Gaunkars. 46 These

Gaudas had the traditional right of exclusive occupation of land, both agricultural and

non-agricultural, including the forested areas and grasslands. Such gaunkars could be

from Gauda or Velip Community. The feeling of being the pioneers of settlement and

ownership of Gaun is seen in their use of surnames as gaunkars and their Vaddes were

also named as such. The Gaunkarvadas, also known variously as Gaunsabhat,

Gaunsavada, Gaunchem-Bhat, Gaothan, and Gaunvada, could be traced to villages as

Chodan, Cavambolim, Azossim, Mandur, Batim, Merces, Curca, Camurlim, Assanora,

Varca, Siolim, Queula, Bandora, Velinga, Boma, Betque, Verem-Vagurbem, Curti-

Khandepar, Betora, Nivankal, Usgaon, Advalpale, Mayem, Vainguinim, Arvalem-Virdi,

Cudem, Navelim, Velguem, Pilgan, Mulgaon, Shirgaon, Dhargal, Tamboshem, Tuem,

Malcornem, Deo, Varca, Mausa, Cotombi — Chaifi and Dharbandoad. 47 The above

discussion makes it amply clear that the Gaudas were the first founders of Ganv and

gauncaria in Goa.

What was the need for such cooperative behaviour on the part of the Gaudas? As

of hunting, the successful carrying out of agricultural operations requires acquisition of

vast knowledge of the intricacies of nature. It is a known fact that the Arabs studied the

phenomenon of monsoon winds to sail via the Arabian Sea to the shores of India. The

monsoon winds were also studied by the early inhabitants as is clear from the naming of

the different phases of the monsoons during the year. Precipitation differs in quantity and

quality in these different phases, thus affecting agricultural production. That stars were

46 Ibid., p. 222.
47 Ibid., p. 221.

51
 watched and observation on nature was carried out is evident from the rock cut carvings

at Usgallimall where many stars and constellations were carved." Even today when the

Gaudas carry out agricultural operation in their fields, their talk mostly revolves round

the different phases of monsoonal winds. Thus understanding the forces of nature and

utilizing the said knowledge for community benefit might have compelled the gaunkars

to form co-operative units. The attempts to keep the operating costs minimal might have

also compelled the gaunkars to form co-operatives. For instance, optimum use of

available water, both of rain water in the terraced fields on hill sides, as also from natural

and artificial reservoirs like springs, tanks, ponds, wells, lakes, etc., was possible only

with the help of cooperative effort, among the founder settlers, which was followed

uninterruptedly by succeeding generations. Effective water management saved for the

gaunkars much time and energy, that was most valuably utilized for bringing additional

land under settlement and cultivation. As has been mentioned, the forested areas provided

for easy availability of stumps and twigs for carrying out fencing. Common fencing

reduced the cost and effort for the gaunkars.49

Similarly, common threshing and winnowing grounds, etc, went on to keep the

operating cost to the bare minimum thus making available for each gaunkar a larger share

of profit in the form of dividends that were divided usually amongst each (form) of the

twelve elders (barazann). Barazann is named after the twelve ancestors who founded the

agricultural village and inhabited it for the first time. In fond memory of these elders

48
One can see at Usgalimall petroglyphs of objects like the spear and the harpoon, human figures and the
local fauna such as the zebu bull, the deer, the antelope, wild goat and deer, etc.
49 F. L. Gomes, A Liberdade da Terra e a EC- 0170117%a Rural da India Portugueza, pp. 17-20: Jose Maria

Teixeira Guimarks, As Cominunidades Indianas Das Velhas Conquistas — Project° Cie Relbrinu. Nova
Goa: Imprensa Nacional, 1885, pp. 7-9.

52
 there exist places as Barazan in Surla and Usgaon. At other places with due respect to

their pioneering role in founding settlement they are worshipped in the form of twelve

stones buried in front of temples like Sristhal in .Gaondongrem. They were also

worshipped in temples as well as in villages like Chodan, Panelim, Chicalim, Dabolim,

Davorlim, Mormugaon, Nagoa, Pale, Vaddem, Naroa, Poira, Alorna, Chandel and

Neturlim. 5° In Gauda populated village of Kajur, in an agricultural field in front of the

local Paikdeo temple, lies a big, oval granite stone surrounded by a circle of stone

"seats", about four meters in diameter, referred to by the local people as the venue of

panchayat meeting of the Barazann in the past. 51 These places, in all probability, could be

the ones where the village community council, 1. ., the gaumponn, met to decide about

the matters concerning the welfare of the gauncaria.

Gaunkars also formed themselves into co-operative units for the purpose of

defence against wild animals that infested and destroyed the fields. The wild boars that

are ferocious and deadly were a constant threat to the standing crops. Dealing with this

menace required co-operative effort on the part of the gaunkars, who set out at night-time

with fire torches and armed with bow and arrows, to hunt them down. Even today the

Gaudas set out in groups to hunt the wild bears and eat with great relish the dish prepared

from the game. The rock cut carvings at Usgallimall have many carvings of wild boars

with hunting marks on it, pointing possibly to the fact that agriculture had made a

beginning here.

5° P.P. Shirodkar, "Etymology of Village and Place Names of Goa," p. 234.

51 Pratima Kamat, Farar Far...,pp. 10-I I.

53
 The gauncarias might have also been formed as defensive units against

encroachment by the neighbourhoods. It is commonly held that cott means fortification

and one can detect such fortifications in the place names as cotta in Chandor-Covorim,

Cottamorod in Cuncolim, Cotta in Davorlim-Dicarpale, Cottar in Cansaulim — Cuelim

and Cotta in Velim. 52 Many of these places have substantial Gauda inhabitants, which is

suggestive of the fact that the early settled-agriculturists resorted to some sort of

protective arrangements carried out by them collectively.

Gauda life and culture is run on a communitarian basis. All the members of the

community, with no sex and age bar, participated in the socio economic activities. For

instance, while the men folk toil on land to eke a living out of it, the women contribute in

no fewer ways towards the same. The children pass the day looking after the cattle.

collecting the fruits and nuts, from the wild, thus, ensuring the family with the daily

requirements of vitamin and proteins in the form of fresh fruits and nuts. 53

Communitarian way of life is also evident in the ownership of village land. The

village land is owned jointly by the village and placed in the hands of village deities like

Bali and Bhima. Many of them worship Mallikarjun at Canacona. Their family deities

(kril-devalas) include Mahalsa, Kamakshi, Betal, Shivaikar, Folkar. Shantadurga.

Mahadev. Boma. Kamaleshwari. Nagueshi, Lohanai. Nava Durn. Mahalaxmi.

Chamundi. etc. 54

52 P.P. Shirodkar, "Etymology of Village and Place Names of Goa," p. 238.

53 Extensive field trips to the areas dominated by the Gaudas make one to come to such a conclusion.
54 V. T. Guile, op. cit., p. 236.

54
 Female deities predominate among the Gauda communities. Probably, the Gauda

communities were, for all purposes, not patrilineal societies, as the worship of mother

goddess in the form of fertility cult was widely practiced in the areas which are inhabited

now by the Gaudas. Their women enjoyed no inferior position in the family and society,

which is also evident from the various practices regarding marriage and wedding

ceremonies amongst the Gaudas. Moreover, the wife inherits moveable property after her

husband's death among the Gaudas. And when the she dies, the property is shared

equally between sons and unmarried daughters. As far as the land holdings are

concernted it may be noted that only the produce is equally shared among all members of

the village, because the land belongs to the ku/ or clan as a whole. 55

b. Entry of New Groups

Goa has a caste called Mithgavde or Mith Gavdas, who were engaged in

manufacture of salt. The Mith Gaudas claim to be higher than the Gaudas/Velip in the

social hierarchy and belong to the Kshtriya Varna. 56 They are found mostly settled in

Pernem block of North Goa district. Though the Mith Gaudas are not of the same racial

stock as the Gaudas/Velips, their history is significant. Firstly, according to the Mith

Gavdas, 'Gauda' means a village and therefore the villagers who are salt-makers by

tradition are called Mith Gaudas. The Mith Gaudas are distinct from the Gaudas. who

were the first settlers. What is significant is that the later settlers in Goa all preferred to be

called as Gaudas. For instance, in later times somewhere around the beginning of the

55 Subodh Kumar Biswas, op. cit., p. 102.

56 Hrishikesh Mandal, "Midi Gauda," in People of India Goa, pp. 163-166.

55
 Christian era, when the new Brahmin settlers arrived they preferred to call themselves as

Gaud Saraswats. It is true that until a few centuries ago the Saraswats stressed more on

their being called as Gauds than on being addressed as Saraswats and thus also perhaps

wanted to be identified as founders of villages. 57

Second, panning salt along the Arabian Sea coast was possible only through a co-

operative effort on the part of the villagers. Besides, the villagers had to learn to control

the flow of salt water in and out of the saltpans. Dykes and embankments served the

purpose admirably. Well-maintained dykes and embankments are the lifelines of the

agricultural community that settled along the Western Coastal Plains. The settlers of

these plains i.e., the gaunkars mastered the technique of regulating the flow of salt water

during tides from the Mith Gaudas. Once this technique was mastered, then large tracts of

land was made available to the gaunkars of these regions for successfully carrying out

agricultural operations. It may also be mentioned that these saltpans, called mith-agors in

Konkani, also served another purpose. They offered to the inhabitants of the region a

good catch of fish, which at times when the water is too less could be caught even with

bare hands. Similarly, even the khazana lands are breeding grounds for fresh water fish

and can be just collected in plenty in the months of August — September, by just draining

the fields of the excess water. This abundant availability of fish, in these regions, explains

as to why the inhabitants of Coastal Plains including the Saraswat Brahmins consume.

fish both fresh and dried in large quantities. In the initial years of settlement, when

experiments were on to transform. low-lands that were inundated by salt water into

57
hi some villages like those of Verna and Margao in Salcete taluka the respective communidudes were
composed exclusively of Brahmin vangores (clans) to the exclusion of other communities.

56
 khazana fields, the rice bowls of Goa, it was fish that saved the Brahmins who have

moved over from Saraswat regions to the Coastal Plains of Goa from extinction. Fish was

available in abundance in the coastal belt and might have been the important diet of the

settlers on the coast. At a later period, when rice became the staple diet, fish continued to

be the unavoidable part of the Goan food. 58

4. Settlements along the Western Coastal Plains:

Though there is a large section of Gauda population in the Coastal Plains,

especially along the hillsides, the remaining population conveniently categorizes

themselves as Brahmins, Kshatriyas (including Christian Chaddes), Vaishyas and Sudras

(Sudhirs). The Brahmins and the Kshatriyas claim descent from the Aryan and Maratha

stock. It is not certain as to when and from where these northern people, migrated into

Goa. However, they preferred to concentrate on the vast Coastal Plains, which then

remained as almost abandoned and unattended areas by the early settlers, despite the fact

that some of the settlements of the Gaudas touched upon the fringes of this region. 59

The Kunbis and Gaudas were followed by the Aryans and Marathas or chaddes

(as they are called in Goa) into the virgin Coastal Plains. The origin and migfatory routes

and patterns of the Aryans have been well researched and theorised upon. Some scholars

5s This is clearly evident from the food habits of the people along, the coastline in Goa as of today. Xit-
coddi-rice is the favourite of any Goan and he cannot do without the same for more than a few days.
'9 This is also evident from the demographic and settlement pattern of the people in the villages along the

coastline specially in the Old Conquests region of Salcete, Bardez, and Ilhas.

57
 have placed the Aryan migration to Goa as late as 1100 A.D. 66 It can safely be presume

that the Aryans were here around the beginning of the Christian Era 61 and that the Aryans

did not arrive at just one point of time but there were different successive waves of

migrations into Goa. 62

5. Early places of Habitation and Cultivation of the Aryans

D.D. Kosainbi and Teotonio R. de Souza state that the Brahmins usurped the rich

estuary lands, pushing lower caste Kshatriyas (the Chaddes) into less productive coastal

and hilly areas. Indeed Brahmins predominated in the general assembly of the village

communities before the arrival of the Portuguese and even thereafter. 63 The Parashuram

legend throws light into the problems connected with the entry of the Brahmins into Goa.

Parashuram is said to have shot an arrow that is supposed to have struck at Banauli

(Benaulim) in Salcete taluka of Goa. P.P. Shirodkar, states that before the arrival of the

Portuguese Banauli was known as Baneli derived from Banvalli or Banhalli i.e. a village

Gururaj Bhat, Studies in Tuluva History and Culture, published by author, 1975, p. 240, as partially
quoted from V.R. Mitragiri, "Cultural Contacts of Goa with North and South India", in ed: P.P. Shirodkar
(ed.), Goa's External Relations (Seminar Papers), Panaji: Rajhauns Vitaran, 1992, pp. 13-21.
61 Rui Gomes Pereira, op. cit., pp 10-11; Also read, R.G. Bhandarkar, Early History of Dekkan, Vol. 1.

1884, p. 47. Bhandarkar opines that the first batch of the Saraswat Brahmins arrived in western India at
about the 7 th century B.C. Based on this the advance of the Aryan into South Konkan is fixed to the 7 th to
the 3 rd Century B.C.
62 B. G. D - Souza, Goan Society in Transition: A Study in Social Change, Bombay: Popular Prakashan.

1975, p. 14. Also see, N.K. Wade, "The History and Social Organisation of the Gauda Saraswat Brahmans
of the West Coast of India," in Journal of Indian History, Vol. XLVIII, Part I & II, Sr. Nos. 142 & 143
Trivandrum: University of Kerala, 1970, pp. 7-25 and pp. 297-333. Here it is said that though' the first
migration was from Bengal to Goa, bringing perhaps the Rice cultivation into Goa. it is opined that
subsequent migrations might have been directly from Kanauj in North-West India to Goa.
63
D.D. Kosambi, Myth and Reality, Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1962, p. 169; Also see, T.R. de Souza.
Medieval Goa, pp. 56-58; Filippo Nery Xavier, Bosattejo Historic() dux Communidades, Part II. Nova Goa:
Imprensa Nacional, 1852, pp 24 25. Brahmin-Kshatriya and Brahmin-Chadde rivalry was evident even in
-

the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

58
 covered by forest. 64 Benauli which is lapped by the waters of the Arabian Sea was surely

covered with tidal forests. Clearing these tidal forests required stronger weapons and the

axe (parashu) served the purpose adequately.. Secondly, as the legend goes, Lord

Parshuram is said to have shot an arrow to create a new land from the high mountains.

This clearly indicates that the route adopted was initially the land route, same like the

ones used by the Gaudas in coming to Goa. However, there might have been no conflict

between the Gaudas and the Aryans. The Gauda folklore which has a lovely and piquant

humour does not contain any memories of any bitter class conflict or the link of any

lingering memory of times when their lordship over the land was cruelly deprived of by

later immigrants. 6' On the other hand, multiple explanations regarding the origin of the

first settlers (i.e. the gaunkars) in different villages, as indicated by the various folklores,

spontaneous and distinct, vouch for more than one set of original settlers. 66 Multiple roots

of the original settlers is also indicated by the fact that though Konkani is spoken by all

Goans, the different intonation in its accent is enough to tell from which part of Goa and

villages one comes from. Moreover, the Gaudas who had inhabited and well settled on

the hillsides of Goa might have happily allowed the later immigrants to occupy the then

inferior lands along the Coastal Plains. The Coastal Plains were considered as inferior

then because of the following reasons: These areas were fully under forests cover. These

forests were the wet tidal forests and could not be burnt down for having kumeri

cultivation and could not have been useful for any productive purposes. Thus the Gaudas

perhaps had nothing to loose in happily allowing the later immigrants in occupying the

hitherto unoccupied lands in the Coastal Plains. The migrating Aryans possessed strong,

64 P.P. Shirodkar. "Etymology of Village and Place Names of Goa," p. 214.

65 Antonio Mascarenhas, Goa from Prehistoric Times, Vasco, 1987, p. 20.
66 Ibid., p. 15.

59
 weapons, like the axe (parashu), did clear the lands of the tidal forests and put up

embankments and constructed dykes to regulate the flow of salt water during tides. In this

way they succeeded in cultivating the Kharjan (salty lands) and changed them into

Khazana lands (i.e. wealth producing fields).

The arrival of the Brahmins is significant to Goan history in many ways. The

historical period of Goa can be said to begin with the arrival and settlement of the

Brahmins into this territory, as there are written sources only from this period onwards.

The various land grants given to the Brahmins in the form of Copper plates have been the

earliest source materials to reconstruct the agrarian as well as political history of the Goa

region. These grants also supply us with a rich information on the settlements pattern of

the Brahmins and their relation vis-à-vis the state up to the arrival of the Portuguese.

6. Grant of Khazana Lands to the Brahmins

The Bhojas, who ruled over Goa from 3 rd century A.D. onwards, were the first

known rulers of Goa and they had made grants to various people including the Brahmins.

For instance, the king Devaraj in his Shiroda copper plate gave some tolls from the

village Thanniyarka kottiha kayya to • two Brahmins namely, Govindswami and

Indraswami along with house sites and pasture land for cows. The village has been

identified with Thana in Cortalirn of Salcete Taluka. 67 Similarly a grant of Bhoja king

Prithivirnallavarman, found at Bandora in Ponda Taluka, refers to the grant of a field

67P. S. S. Pissurlencar, "Goa Ha 1500 Anos", in 0 Oriente Portuguese, 2" Series, No. 6, pp. 392-99: also
refer to, Epigraphic(' Indica, XXIV, p. 143; Epigraphica Indica, XXVI, p. 337; and, Epigraphic(' Indica.
XXXIII, p. 61.

60
 surrounded by blue hills from a village Bhagala-pallika to a Brahmin Madhavarya of

Agrivahya Gotra. 68 Another grant of Prithivimallavarman issued from Prithiviparavato,

identified with the Parvat part of Chandor, records the grants of a field named Kapoti

Khajjana situated in village Malar, to a Brahmin Damarya of the Bhardwaja Gotra. 69

Khazana land toWhatisgnfc hapenstobfirkwganto

Brahmins. Such grants would follow later giving the Brahmins a control over the prime

rice producing area of Goa, leading to the emergence of the Saraswats as a dominant

force in the socio-economic life of Goa. In later times the Brahmins would prefer grant

of Khazana lands as is evidenced from the grant of Bhoja king Kapalijarman issued from

his camp at Pause-Kheteka and which records the grants of the Pukkoli — khajjana from

the village Sivapuraka to Swamikaraja for religious purpose as required by the latter.

Swamikaraja in turn made over the same khazana fields to a Brahmin Bhavarya of

Kaundivya gotra with libation of water so that merit might accrue to him. 7° On the whole

the Bhoja kings seem to have taken a very keen interest in the development of agriculture

by granting marshy lands on the seaside (Khazana) to the Brahmins and others. who in

turn converted them into cultivable lands with collective efforts.

7. Land-Grants and Expansion of Agriculture

Mauryas of Konkan who ruled over Goa from the 6 111 and 7 th century A. D. were

noted for their land grants to the Brahmins. The Shivapur plate of the king

68 V Gune, op. cit., p. 65.

Epigraphjica Indica, XXXIII, pp. 61-65.
70 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 288; also see. Epigraphica Indica, XXXI, p. 232: see Indian

Antiquary, Vol. VIII, p. 161.

61
 Chandravarman, records the donation of some land to the Mahavira i.e. monastery

situated in Shivapur (Shiroda). The boundaries of the land grants are specified in the

charter. 71

Similarly, the Bandora plates issued by Maurya king Anirjitavarman from

Kumardvipa i.e. Cumbarjua in Tiswadi Taluka, is addressed to the inhabitants of twelve

village desh, as well as present and future officials. The king granted one hala of

Khajjana land, a house-site, garden and a tank to a Brahmin Hastarya of Hariti Gotra.

Moreover the Brahmins were also granted land that is to be reclaimed by clearing forests

with the help of four batches of workers. The donee Mastarya was to enjoy the produce

of the land by putting up a bund to prevent the salt water from entering the field on the

seashore. Further the gifted land was free from payment of all taxes. 72 This grant is

significant in many ways. Not only was khazana land allotted but also residential area

with rights over the adjoining tank. Bamanwadas i.e., hamlets or wards of exclusive

Brahmin residential areas which are prevalent in many villages might have come up in

their fashion of allotment of land by the ruling dynasties. 73 The khazana land was to be

enjoyed tax-free on the obligation of putting up a bund to prevent the salt water from

entering the fields. In this fashion the king followed the age — old dictum which enjoined

on the Indian kings to add to the happiness of their inhabitants by aiding reclamation of

land. The physical efforts required to reclaim the land and make it cultivable might have

made the grants tax-free in nature. And the fact that the grant is addressed to both the

' 1 New Indian Antiquary, Vol. IV, p. 181: also see Annals of the Bhandarkur Oriental Research Institute.
Poona, Vol. XXIII, pp. 510-513.
72 E,pigraphica Indica, Vol. XXXII], pp. 293-294.
77■
P.P. Shirodkar, "Etymology of Village and Place Names of Goa", pp. 209-242.
 inhabitants of the village as well as the officials is significant in the sense that it is

indicative of the existence of intermediaries to collect land tax from the people.

Therefore, it may be assumed that agricultural produce was taxed as far back as the 6 th

th centuries A.D. Moreover the putting up of bunds to prevent salt water from andthe7

entering the field required collective efforts, with the help of which land-reclamation and

expansion of agriculture were carried out on a relatively large scale.

8. Land grants and the Temple centered Agrarian Settlements:

The land grants and settlement patterns in Goa under the Chalukyas of Badami

(540 — 757 A.D.), assume different proportions as during this period whole villages were

granted to Brahmins. For instance, the Nerur grant of the king Mangalesha dated 601-02

A.D., records the grant of the village Kundirataka, identified with the village Cudnem in

Bicholim taluka, to a Brahmin Priyaswami. Similarly, the land grants of Indravaraman of

the early 7 th century mention the grant of village Kavillika in Khetaharadesh to a

Brahmin. 74

During the Chalukya rule, the queens and princes also made grants of whole

villages to Brahmins. For instance, the Verur inscription of Vijayamahadevi, the queen

consort of Chandraditya, dated 659 AD., records the grant of a village named Tarakagara

to a Brahmin Aryaswami Dikshit. The village Parishvasu, mentioned to be on the borders

of the village that was granted, is identified with the village Parcem in Pernem taluka.

74 Refer to the, "Goa Plate", in Journal of Bombay Branch of Royal Asiatic Society. Vol. X. p. 348: see
also, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XIX, pp. 11-12; Indian Antiquary. Vol. XIX, p. 745; Indian Antiquary. Vol.
Nit!, p. 161.

63
 Another inscription of Vijayamahadevi found at Kochre on the borders of Goa, refers to a

grant of Khajjana land to a Brahmin. Under the Chalukya it is seen that whole villages

are made over to the Brahmins.

Hinduism was on its revival path during the Gupta and post Gupta periods. To

encourage this revivalism Hindu Goan kings and their feudatories made over to the

Brahmins whole villages. Villages as Siridona, Shirodem, Shiroda, Shigaon, Chandrapur,

etc., which are named after the Hindu deities, might have emerged during this revivalist

phase75 . This also may indicate the emergence of temple-centered agrarian settlements, in

the newly granted territories. However, the grant of villages did not mean new

settlements by doing away with the original settlers. However, on the contrary, such

grants might have been an attempt to bring the gauncaria under the control of the temple

trust as it functioned under the mahazania system. 76 Perhaps, the mahazania system was

devised to pull in the agricultural surplus of the village for the propagation, maintenance

and sustenance of the Hindu Cult. The Portuguese would later on introduce the system of

confraternities in similar fashion to aid extraction of rural surplus.

9. Expansion of Agrarian Villages

The number of agrarian villages increased with the introduction of corporate ways

of production, which got accelerated following the land-grants made by the Silaharas of

75
P.P. Shirodkar, "Etymology of Village and Place Names of Goa", p. 217: Siridona comes from Sri i.e.
Goddess Lakshmi the goddess of wealth. The second part refers to Vardhan or growth
76
Under the Mahazania system the gaunkars of the village became the founders of the temple and
functioned as its mahazans i.e. the trustees, in perpetuity.

64
 South Konkan or Goa (750 to 1020 A.D.). There are three copper plate grants given by

the Silaharas of Goa: the Chikodi or Pattanakudi grant of Arasara III dated 988 AD.; the

Kharepatana grant of Rattaraja dated 1008 AD.; and the Valipattana record of the same

Rattaraja dated 1010 AD. The Kharepatana grants record the grant of three villages,

Kushmandi, Asavanire and Vadagule, to a Brahmin Atreya, belonging to the Karkaroni

branch of Mattamayura clan of Saiva sect for the worship of God Aveshvara. 77 This grant

is a clear departure from earlier land grants. One, now kings grant a group of villages to

the Brahmins of one temple. It was mainly because of this fact that land grants by this

time attained a full fledge nature and the kings were not averse to even granting a group

of villages to one particular temple, in this case it was three in number. Besides,

subjecting the surplus of these villages to the service of the said temple, it was also

decreed that ships coming from foreign land had to pay for the worship of God at the rate

of one Suvarna Dharana. However what is significant is that the king Rattaraja obtained

the permission of the gaunkars and his ministers and Amatyas before issuing the said

grant. 7s

The Valipattana grant of King Rattaraja dated 1010 A.D. records the grant of a

plot of land named Kalvala (perhaps Colvale) from the village Bhaktagrama and a garden

of betel nut to the Sankamaiya son of Brahmin Senavi Bagamaiya. This is probably the

first known reference to Shenvi Brahmins of Goa. 79 The Shenvi Brahmins would

henceforth go on to dominate the socio-economic and religious sphere of Goan life. The

n Epigraphicajndica, Vol. III, p. 299; God Aveshvara seems to have been named Mier Rattaraja father.
King Avasara
78 Ibid.

79 For further details see, Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta, Vol. IV, p. 203.

65
 Silahara rulers employed their administrative machinery for the construction of temples

propagating the Shaiva cult in Goa. 8° The Silaharas provided for the full maintenance of

their temples. For instance, there was an oilman to supply oil for the temple lamp, a

gardener to supply fresh flowers for the worship of the deity, a potter to supply pots for

serving dishes in the temple, a washerman (Dhobi) for cleaning the clothes, a courtesan

for performing arts and dance to please the deity etc. In this may be seen the first

recorded attempt to secure from the villagers the maintenance for the temple servants.

Henceforth, these temple servants would be allotted lands for residential purposes in

almost all the villages of Goa. They would also be granted rent-free land for agricultural

activities, which they could hold in perpetuity, subject to the carrying out of duties

assigned to them. This can be seen as an attempt on the part of rulers and Brahmins to

draw on the surplus of the village community for the maintenance of the cult. This policy

enabled the rulers to settle the new immigrants who came in as landless people in the

different villages of Goa as temple servants. The Brahmins got in this fashion new

adherents to their cult. The gaunkars had no options but to accept the settlements of the

new immigrants on the hitherto unoccupied lands. Being the mahajans i.e. the trustees of

the village temples, the gaunkars accepted the entry of these new immigrants in the

sphere of agriculture. However, in their attempts to maintain their own status as founders

of villages and village temple, the gaunkars denied to the later entrants the right to

8° The Shiva temple at Curdi (Sanguem) seems to be the best specimen of the structural remains of the
Shilhara temple architecture in Goa. It may be noted that to prevent the submergence of this temple under
water due to the construction of the Selaulim Dam in this area, the said temple was dismantled stone by
stone and reconstructed on one of the hillocks at Selaulim

66
 manage the gaumponn (the village council), as also, never allowed them to be the

mahajans of the temples. 81

B. Gauncaria in the Process of Transition

1. Winds of Change

The structure and the functioning of the gauncaria underwent significant changes

by the time of the Kadambas of Goa, who ruled from 1008 to 1300 A.D. Over three

centuries of their rule over Goa the Kadambas made lot of land grants to the learned

Brahmins, whose records enable us to study the transformation process involved in the

gauncaria system. The Sawai-verem land grant records the grant of a village Savoi from

the Ponda taluka by Guhalladeva to the family preceptor Narayan Bhatta Pattavardhana. 82

1054 A.D.), TheCoprlatgnfKdmbiVrave(c1042to

records the grant of a piece of land named Tundukapur, situated in the Kudatarika —

grahara of the Chhatsathi desh. The place has been identified with the Vaddo of Tambeti

in Curtorim in Salcete taluka. 83 The said land was granted to a learned Brahmin

Madhavarya, and was exempted from all taxes. The kings of Goa were eventually

imitated by the gaunkars of the villages in making land grants to the Brahmins for

construction of temples and maintenance of the cult. For instance. according to tradition

81 Regulamento para o Govern() .4(Innni.circaivo e ECO370111iC0 das itilazanids dos Pagoeles clas. .Vova.s e
Velhas Conquistas, Nova Goa: Imprensa Nacional, 1878. pp. 133-230; also Regulumento das dus
Depalayas do Esiado da India, Nova Goa: Imprensa Nacional, 1933, pp. 1-144.
82
V.T. Gune, op. cii., pp. 97-98. Here it is woth mentioning that the etymology Goa has been traced by
some scholars to Kadamba King Guhalladeva
83
Kadamba King Viravarmadeva identified from the said record shifted the Kadamba Capital from
Chandrapur to Gopakapatana i.e. modern Goa Velha

67
 the old Hindu temples were constructed by the village communities who used to

contribute towards the maintenance of their cult and granted nomoshins i.e. rent-free

lands to the servants of the temple. 84 This in turn brought to the gaunkars social

recognition and pre-eminence amongst the inhabitants of the village.

The Kadamba period is also noted for a lot of land grants being made by different

rulers in setting up centres of learning. For instance Kadamba King Guhalladeva III in a

grant dated 1106 A.D., established a Brahmapuri of twelve Bhrahmin families with an

image of Goddess Saraswati, the goddess of learning and wisdom, in Gopaka the

Capital. 85 The Nigadi stone inscription records the grant of land by Guhalladeva to a

matha or monastery. 86 Kadamba queen Kamaladevi was also very much interested in the

spread of learning amongst the subjects. For this purpose she invited learned Brahmins

from all over India, set up agraharas and made land grants to them. The Brahmins from

the Agraharas gave instruction in Vedas, Dharmashastra, Vedanta philosophy, Sahitya,

Nitishastra. There is also an inscription dated 1174 A.D., issued at Sampagaon, which

records the grant of village Degamve to thirty Brahmin families of different Gotras made

by the Queen Kamaladevi in the presence of God Saptakoteshwar. 87 Other Kadamba

Kings also donated land for the promotion of learning. The inscription of Jayakeshi III

(1186-87 to 1216 A.D.) records the grant of a piece of land measuring eight maltarvas

situated to the west of Unkal Village and south of Brahmapuri at Ela to God

Shrinigeshwar by the Mahajans of the place. Besides a piece of land measuring 26 hands

84
Rui Gomes Pereira, op. cit., pp. 42-43
8 Epigraphica Indica, Vol. XXX, pp. 71-78.
86 V.I. Gune, op. cit., p. 103.

87 John Faithful Fleet, "Inscriptions relating to the Kadamba Kings of Goa", in Journal of Bombay Branch

of Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. IX, p. 274.

68
 long and 21 hands broad was donated in the precinct of the temple of God Shrinigeshwar

for the construction of the school building."

The land grants by the Kadamba kings led to a marked change in the structure and

functioning of the village communities. It was perhaps during the reign of the Kadambas.

that the Kulkarnis (accountants and secretaries who kept records) of the village

communities started assuming importance. With the kings depending on the land revenue

as a source for carrying out their administration, they were very much interested in

bringing the village economy under their control. It started with the encouragement given

to learning, which enabled the learned people to take up position of Kulkarnis of the

village communities.

The Kadamba kings gave a lot of importance to the spread of learning among the

people. Primary education was imparted through the village pathashalas that were

housed in the precinct of the village temple. To avail of higher learning students went to

the Agraharas and Brahmapuris that taught the people the Vedas, Upanishads, Shastras,

Smritis and Puranas. 89 From the inscription of the Kadamba king Tribhuvananalla dated

1106 AD., it is known that the king established a Brahmapuri at Gopaka, i.e. modern Goa

Velha. For the support of the said institution of higher learning was allotted coconut

gardens and cultivable land from the villages of Nerur, Pal, Marcaim, Cortalim, Raia and

Margao. 9° The Brahmapuri established by the Kadamba queen Kamaladevi at Degamve,

though not in Goa, was significant, for it brings out the real nature of the establishment of

88
V.T. Gune, op. cit., p. 104.
89 Ibid., pp. 119-120.
9° Epigraphica Indica, Vol. XXX, pp. 71-78.

69
 Bhramapuris. For smooth functioning and carrying out of yearly religious festivals, as

also for maintaining the full complex, the Brahmapuri was on the whole allotted fifty

shares of revenue from the communidade. 91 Similar practice might have been prevalent in

Goa also as is indicated by the fact that the gaunkars used to give a share of the annual

surplus of the village to temple authorities for the maintenance of the cult.

Allotment of shares (tangas) for the maintenance of the centres of learning as also

for maintaining and promoting the cult might have started for all practical purposes

during the Kadamba period, if not earlier. The practice of allotment of shares underwent

different changes over time. The oldest system of division of the annual agrarian surplus

of the village communities was its division into the number of vangods or clans and then

its sub division per stripes. 92 Subsequently, as some communities adopted the system of

possessions by dividing land among the vangods, the new divisor of the surplus came to

be the tangas, In fact tangas became a uniform measure to divide the surplus of a village

community. As by medieval times the village communities had already become

heterogeneous with different types of members with claims of varying interests in the

agrarian surplus, the rulers might have felt the need to come out with a uniform system.

And so, after fixing its share to one-sixth of the produce of land, the Kadamba kings

allotted to the maintenance of the cult the remaining agrarian surplus that was available at

the village level. The allotment of the tangas to the Brahmapuris should also be seen in

the context of the desire of the rulers to value agricultural production in money terms.

91 John Faithful Fleet, "Inscriptions relating to the Kadamba Kings of Goa". in Journal of Bombay Branch
of Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. IX, pp. 266-287.
•2 Rui Gomes Pereira, op. cit., p. 106.

70
 2. Gauncaria under the Vijayanagara Kings and the Bahmani Sultans.

The second half of the fourteenth and the fifteenth century witnessed Goa

becoming a pawn in the power politics of the Vijayanagara kingdom and the Bahmani

Sultans. Goa had by then emerged as a good port for the import of Arabian horses. So

these kingdoms vied with each other for its possession.

Land grants for setting up agraharascontinued under the Vijayanagara rulers. For

instance, the Brahmapuri of twelve Brahmins well versed in Rigveda was established at

the village Govali Mauli and it was named as Mancalpur in 1391 A.D. An embankment

to prevent salt water from destroying fields was also built on the banks of the sea and was

called as Manchalasamudra. 93

From 1472 AD., Goa came under the possession of Muslim rule. It continued to

remain so till the Portuguese occupation in 1510, and the latter took advantage of its

strategic location in controlling the maritime trade of the east.

The second half of the fourteenth and the fifteenth century, which witnessed the

perpetual hostility between the Vijayanagara rulers and the Bahmani Sultan. were

significant as far as the changes in the village community system are concerned. First.

land grants to Brahmins became very few in numbers during this period, possibly because

of the constant wars between the Vijayanagara rulers and the Bahmani Sultans for the

9SV. R. Varde Valaulekar, Goenkaranchi Goeyanhhayli Vasnuk, Bombay: Gomantak Printing Press. 1 928.
p. 104.

71
 possession of Goa. This might have affected the Goan rural economy and under

impoverished rural conditions the villages were not in a position to finance the

promotion of the cult in a significant manner." Secondly, the land revenue was increased

to one-third under the Adil Shahi rule. 95 This was a cataclysmic change in an agrarian

society. There were other changes in the land revenue system, as well, which affected the

power structure in the rural economy. Land revenue became payable in cash and the

village was made the unit of assessment as a whole, a factor which might have

dramatically increased the power of the village leaders i.e., the gaunkars.96 The Adil

Shahi rulers increased taxes in order to teach the villagers a lesson for refusing to admit

Muslims as members of the village communities. The villagers unitedly resisted Muslim

encroachments in the village communities. 97 This collective resistance might have

compelled the Muslim rulers to make the village as the unit of assessment for land

revenue and in the event of default the entire village could be held responsible and

punished by carrying out confiscation of property that was, in turn, given to the followers

of Islam. 98 There were also attempts from the part of Adil Shahi rulers to alter agrarian

relations, which caused a lot of tensions among the villagers. 99

94 War and aggression are abnormal situations that badly affect the economy.
B.H. Baden-Powell, "The Village in Goa in the early sixteenth centu r y". in Journal of the Royal .-Isiatic
Society, Calcutta, 1990, pp. 261-91; see also M.N. Pearson. The Portuguese in India, Delhi: Orient
Longman Ltd., 1990, pp. 88-89
96 I bid.

97 After Albuquerque's conquest of Goa, the properties of the Muslims were seized and given to cuyados.

This indicates that the Muslims had come to possess large landed properties in Goa in spite of the fact that
they were not admitted as gaunkars in any village community. Celsa Pinto, Gou: Images and Perceptions.
Panaji: Rajhauns Offset, 1996, p. 43.
98
V.T. Gune, op. cit., p. 124
99
B.G. D'Souza, op. cit., pp. 25 — 26.

72
 The practice of making land grants to people other than Brahmins started much

earlier. For instance King Bhimapal, a local chieftain in his Cargao Copper — plate grant

records the grant made to Lakshmana Thakur from the locality known as Bhagaravati

from the village Pendina i.e. modern Pernem taluka, in the year 1351 A.D. 1°° Adil Shahi

rulers appointed Desais and Sardesais to collect the revenue of certain lands. These men

began to demand exorbitant amounts from the peasants and used a part of it to satisfy

their own avarice. Moreover, in taxation abuses were rampant as the tax collectors, being

the privileged class, sometimes demanded more than what was stipulated and remitted to

the king only after retaining a sizeable portion for themselves. Eventually both the Ranes

and Dessais emerged as land controlling agents, especially in those parts of Goa that were

not under Portuguese dominations till 1750's. The grant of villages to the Kshatriyas led

to the decline of the village community system in the New Conquests, for these donees

were not interested in agrarian operation as the early settlers were. I°1

C. Village Communities under the Portuguese from 1500 to 1750

Europeans were known in Asia and Asians in Europe long before Vasco da

Gama's voyage to Calicut in 1498. 102 It was the officials and people of Goa, who invited

the Portuguese to invade Goa with a view to freeing the people who were struggling

under the yoke of their Muslim suzerains. Goa. in the decades immediately preceding the

Portuguese conquest in 1510 was subjected to more stress and change than at any time

IO° V. T. Gune, op. cit., pp. 123-124.

10 'F. L. Gomes, A Liherdade da Terra e a Economia Rural, pp• 51
-53 and 67.
102 G.V.Scamvell, "After Da Gama: Europe and Asia Since 1498", in Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 34. Part

3, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000, pp. 513 — 543. •

73
 later in the century. 1°3 Afonso de Albuquerque, being given to understand the internal

dissensions of the villagers against their Muslim overlords, exploited the situation to his

advantage by conquering the city of Goa in 1510. 1(3'4 With the conquest of Goa by the

Portuguese began a very definite and significant phase in the history of Goan

communidades. Written records are available in abundance for the Portuguese period

from the sixteenth century onwards, 105 whereas for the pre-Portuguese period the

historian has to glean information from scantily available documents and grants

pertaining to Goan history, and so has to depend a lot on oral tradition to reconstruct the

history of the evolution of the structure and functioning of the communidades. Goa was

conquered because of its strategic location being midway on the West Coast of India so

as to suit the expanding trade of the Portuguese. To concentrate fully on reaping the

benefits that trade offered, the Portuguese realised the need to win over the loyalty of the

Hindu inhabitants of Goa so that the former could be free from any internal revolt. It was

mainly because of this fact that -Albuquerque upon the conquest of Goa announced

remission of one — third of the land revenue and gave an assurance to the natives that

their customs and traditions would be honoured and respected by the Portuguese masters.

The people were also promised that the Portuguese would not increase any taxes on the

gaunkars of Goa. w6 The promise made by Albuquerque should be viewed from the point

that many times administrators being ignorant of ground realities often allow prevailing

situations to continue so as to take time to stud\ .

ws M.N. Pearson, op. cit., pp. 88-89.

104 It may be noted that the city of Goa conquered by the Portuguese in 1510 comprises only the modern
Taluka of Tiswadi of the State of Goa. The Taluka of Tiswadi was earlier known as Ilhas.
105 The Historical Archives of Goa, Panaji, contains thousands of documents on the Goan Communidades.
106 Joao de Barros, Asia, Decadas, Livros II, chapter V; see also for more details Rui Gomes Pereira. op.

cit., pp. 77 - 78

74
 The move of Albuquerque in remitting a fraction of the land revenue may also be

due to several other factors. Monetisation of the Goan economy was not yet being

achieved and the land revenue was still paid at that time in kind. Against this backdrop,

the Portuguese with no storage facilities had no option rather than to announce the

remission. Secondly, as the Portuguese Estado da India was for all practical purposes a

military establishment and an elaborate civil government was yet to be established. So the

Portuguese expenses were relatively less and could be met with reduced income and

particularly with the money coming from Portugal. Albuquerque, practical minded as he

was, might have also wanted to be free from any internal revolt on the Isle of Goa, so as

to enable them to establish the Portuguese colonial empire on the littoral of the Indian

Ocean for the king of Portugal. However, it may be noted that no remission was granted

consequent upon the second conquest of Goa in November, 1510. 107

The Portuguese found the cominunidade system prevailing in all the villages,

which they successively conquered. They found the village community system quite

appropriate to sustain the rural economy and that was one, if not the only reason, which

led them to maintain the communidades in tact. 108 The gaunkars were found to be

enjoying certain rights and privileges, which Albuquerque promised not to change.

Moreover he also promised not to alter the constitutions, i.e., niandavolli, of the

communidades. However during the four and a half centuries of Portuguese rule in Goa

the communidade system would be streamlined in a manner as to make it function more

as an appendage or organ of the Portuguese Estado do India. Meanwhile, the Portuguese

1°7 Filippe Nery Xavier, Bosquejo Historic.° dos Communidades das Aldeas dos Coneelhos Ilhus. Salcete e

Bardez, edited by Jose Maria de Sa, Vol. 1, Bastora: Tipographia Rangel, 1903, Doc. I, pp. 186-187.
108 Rui Gomes Pereira, op. cit., pp. 24 —25.

75
 effected a re-structuring of the communidades by the mid-1520s to achieve their motives

of carrying out state formation in Goa.

1. The Charter of Afonso Mexia 1526

The relative non-interference of the Portuguese government in the functioning of

the communidades ended with the promulgation on 16th September, 1526 of the charter

titled Foral dos Usos e Costumes dos Gaocares e Lavradores das llhas de Goa e Outros

anexas a Ela also known as Foral de Afonso Mexia. This Charter codified the rights,

privileges and customs of the gaunkars and is considered as the best document on the

state of affairs in the communidades. 1°9 The Charter had forty-nine clauses and was

considered by many as the 'Magna Carta' for the communidades. 11° The Charter gives

valuable information on the origin and functioning of the communidades in Tiswadi

Taluka. 1 I I It also clearly shows the initial steps taken by the Portuguese to transfer the

surplus from the village communities for the building up of the evolving Portuguese state.

The Charter of 1526 decreed that the thirty-one villages of Tiswadi Taluka had to

pay to the government the renda (rent), irrespective of gains or losses. 112 The members of

the eight principal villages, namely Neura o Grande. Ganssim, Ella. Azossim, Calapur.

109
J. H. da Cunha Rivara, Archly() Portugues Oriental, Fasc. 5. Part I, Doc. 58, pp. 118-133.
110
Carmo D'Souza, "Village Communities — A Historical and Legal Perspectives", a research paper
presented at the International Seminar organised by Xavier Centre of Historical Research, Porvorim, 1999.
II The Charter says that four men set out to make use of an island, which was lying unused and wild which

they transformed into a prosperous land which later on became populous. The pioneers because of their
good governance were named as gaunkars. Then came the overlords to whom the gaunkars agreed to pa'
rent i.e., coxiyorodd, so that they might be left free to carry out cultivation.
112
However, if the said loss was due to war then it would be made good (refunded) to the gaunkars
proportionately. But this promise was not to be kept by the Portuguese in-the centuries to come.

76
 Morombim o Grande, Carambolim and Batim, which were known for their antiquity and

pre-eminence, were to be held responsible to pay the dues of any defaulting village.

Moreover the defaulting village could be leased temporarily until it pays its dues; but the

gaunkars of the said villages would not loose their rights and privileges and could

terminate the lease by paying the dues to the State. Similarly, if any gaunkar absconded

on non-payment of his rent then in the first place his heirs would be asked to take over

the estate and pay the rent. However, if his heirs refuse to do so then the gaunkars could

give the estate to whomsoever they wished to upon payment of government dues. 113

The Charter of 1526 made a provision that whenever the renda (rent) was

increased or decreased the same should be proportionately divided among the gaunkars

in the way each would pay the rent of the lands or of the paddy fields he had." 4 This is

significant for many reasons: Primarily, the government assumed upon itself the right to

increase or decrease the rent at will. Albuquerque's promise not to increase the taxes was

thrown to the winds. Secondly. it is clear that the gaunkars did not pay equally the rent

but it differed according to the assets that each one held. It is also possible that the

payment of rent varied according to the productivity of the agricultural fields, which were

classified into different categories based on the fertility of the soil.

On the basis of payment of land revenue the village had three types , of land: First.

there were kitchen gardens, palm groves and paddy fields that were bound to pay a

certain amount every year but were not to pay if there was a loss. A second category of

" 3 Firippe Nery Xavier (Jr.), CollecciTh elas. Leis Peculiares this Communidades, pp. 1-XI.
114
Ibid.

77
 kitchen gardens, palm groves and paddy fields not only paid rent but were also bound to

pay towards the losses incurred. Such lands were under the charge of the gaunkars. The

third category of lands was those, which the gaunkars gave to whomsoever they liked to

give, rent-free and without any obligation to contribute towards the losses. These were

the Namoxins lands granted to the temples and their servants, by the gaunkars over the

centuries in the pre-Portuguese period. 115 When, in the centuries to follow, the

Portuguese carried out forcible conversion of Goans it was these Namoxins lands that

were taken over and handed over to the Church for the propagation of Catholicism in Goa

and elsewhere.' I 6

The Goan communidades have survived for quite a long time. One of the reasons

for this was the fact that the communidades were functioning based on the common will

of the gaunkars in passing decisions that were to be unanimously taken and even a single

veto exercised by any member was sufficient to defeat any resolution. However these

very communidades provided for individual enterprises, as well. The Charter of Afonso

Mexia noted that the plots of land on the outskirts of the village, which were lying fallow,

could be given to those who wished to change the same into palm groves or for areca

cultivation on payment of rent. It was provided that for an area covering hundred palm

trees, with the distance between two palm trees being twelve paces. the communidade

could charge the maximum of five langas. Similarly, for an area covering hundred areca

palms, with the area for each areca palm being five cubits by five cubits, the rent was to

115 Roque Correia Afonso, "A EvolucAo do Municipalismo na India Portuguesa." in A India Poriuguesa.

Vol. II, Nova Goa, Imprensa Nacional, 1923, pp. 389-464.

116 Filippe Nery Xavier, Bosquejo Hislorico das Connnunidades das Aklea• dos Concelhos Ilhas„S'aleete e

Bardez, edited by Jose Maria de Sd, Vol. I, Doc. 8-1 I, pp. 215-222.

78
 be fixed at either four or six bargains depending on whether the land is irrigated with well

water or running water. The Charter of 1526 noted the perpetual nature of such grants and

this might have helped in the agricultural development of the communidade lands. 117

DuringthePospdanvethrf dinbocutare

brought good income for these private entrepreneurs.

The Charter of 1526 also stipulated that if a member of a communidade desired to

sell his hereditary rights in the village, he needed the permission of the other members of

the communidade. Similar permission was required to buy or sell shares of the

communidade. Sale or purchase in contravention of the above was declared null and void.

The sale of hereditary rights was to be signed by the seller as well as all the heirs, and the

minors through proxy, failure of which could result in the sale being set aside. In such an

eventuality the buyer could recover his purchase price, but had to loose the money

invested for improvement of landed estates. Carmo D'Souza says that this fits with the

Hindu Mithaksara Co-parcenary concept. 118

A careful study of the clauses of the Charter of 1526 makes one conclude that the -

Portuguese made a subtle attempt to bring about uniformity and centralisation in the

functioning of the Goan communiciades by putting the customs and usages in written

form. Henceforth a communidade was to function as a unit sharing profits and losses

collectively. Sale or purchase of rights into a community without the permission of the

Portuguese government was to be declared null and void. In this manner the State placed

Carmo D'Souza, op. cit., p. 3.

"8 Carmo D'Souza, op. cit., p. 5.

79
 itself legally above the communidades. Similarly, if any particular village defaulted in

payment of its dues then it passed under the control of any of the eight principal villages

that agreed to pay the government dues. 119 In this manner a different administrative layer

was sought to be legally created between the Portuguese and the communidades.

Moreover it was decreed that whenever the Tanador mor sends for the gaunkars of the
—

entire Tiswadi Taluka or of any one village, they were all bound to obey the order or to

convene the assembly in each village in order to elect those who should go to attend the

meeting. Those who remained absent would be fined. It was also made obligatory that

whenever the Tanador mor, the Feitor, or any official of the feitoria went to the villages
—

for any official work then the gaunkars had to provide for them. Similarly any errand boy

sent by the government with a message or for collection of the rents had to be given two

measures of rice for his meals and one pie for betel nut for each day he spent in the

village for official work. So, one can see that the Portuguese government was slowly

trying to assume the control of the rural economy on the pretext of codifying the customs

and usages of the gaunkars and others. The Charter of 1526 not only codified the

customary law on inheritance, succession, leases, etc., but also defined and affirmed the

rights of the exchequer.

On the face it looks that the Charter of 1526 aimed to preserve the local customs

and traditions. This was the first of the blizzard of policies designed by the Portuguese to

119 Foral de Alfonso Alexia, § 6 as transcribed in Filippe Nery Xavier (Jr.), op. cit., pp. II-IV. Herein the
Capitulo VI stipulates that, "Se algumo Aldealbr Lao perdida que 100 possa pogo,- o sett faro. e renda que
nos pretence. dordo os Gancares. e moradores della conta disso art Tanador-mor, e Escrivao da Ilha. e
elles hirdo ver a cilia perdu. e achando-se por boa verdade que a tem. o ditto Tanodor-nuir Illandarlj
chamar aos Gancares-mores dos svbre ditas oito Aldeas principaes. e entao bent poderao vir a isso ()taros
Gancares quaes quer que quizerem, posto porem que corn os das oito Aldeas principae.s se hao de ja:er pot-
ordenecao as cousas da llha, e todos pintos corn o ditto Tanador-lluir e Escrivao, poderao os du Aldea
perdida encampor a sua Aldeo aos Gancares dos ono..."

80
 transform and fossilise life in Goa at the village leve1. 120 The customs and usages were

turned into compulsory provisions, revocable only at the will of the government, who, not

committing itself to safeguard the communidades in perpetuum, but would modify the

terms of the Charter of 1526 as and when it thought fit to do so. Shorn of the trappings,

the Charter of 1526 was nothing more than the assertion of the right to intervene in the

administration of the communidades, and of regulating their relations with the Portuguese

Estado. The Charter invested the Estado with an important right i.e., the right to legislate

on the Goan communidades. I21

By mid sixteenth century Portuguese Estado da India was a territorially fledging

state. In around 1545 they acquired the territories of Bardez and Salcete. 122 The new

territories, which were conquered, were brought under the ambit of the Portuguese laws

and various other provisions, which were made, taking local conditions into

cons ideration. 123

120 Paul Axelrod and Michelle A. Fuerch, "Flight of The Deities: Hindu Resistance in Portuguese Goa". in

Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 30, Part 2, 1996. pp. 387 — 421.
121 This fact was acknowledged by the Portuguese government when in the Preamble to the Code of
Comimmidades of 1904, it stated that with the promulgation of the Charter of 1526 the Estado became the
legitimate guardian of the Con u nunidades, looking after their economy and administration and legislating
successively as indicated by experience.
122 V.R. Varde Valaulekar, op. cit.. p. 2.; Also see, J.H. da Cunha Rivara, op. cit., Fasc. 5, Part. 1. Doc. 153.
p. 268; Also see Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. I, Bombay: Gomantak
Printing Press, 1928, p. 9; The Portuguese came to possess large territory comprising of 900 villages as a
result of the Treaty signed on 30 th April, 1555, between the Viceroy D. Pedro de Mascarenhas and the Adil
Shahi Prince Mealkhan Abdullah, the heir apparent.
123 The Historical Archives of Goa is the repository of a large number of documents regarding the
administration of the Communidades of the Talukas of Bardez, Salcete and Tiswadi. HAG, Forais dos
llhas de Goa: Codex nos. 7593, 7594, 7595, 7596 and 7597; HAG, Forais de l3ardes: Codex nos. 7587.
7588, 63 I, 7589 to 7592; HAG, Forais de Salcete: Codex nos. 3070, 3071, 7581 and 7582, 7583 to 7586.

81
 2. Impact of Portuguese Religious Policies on the Communidades

From the mid sixteenth century onwards the Portuguese religious zeal for

conversions increased manifold and in their attempts to Christianize Goa they altered

drastically the socio — religious structure of the Goan society. Many Hindu temples were

destroyed. 124 The destruction of the temples would follow with a meeting of the

gaunkars, convened through "criers" by the Portuguese authorities. The gaunkars would

then be asked to declare on oath the information regarding the properties (namoxins

lands) held by the Hindu Temples. 125 The properties were then seized and handed over to

the Church authorities for propagation and maintenance of the Christian cult. Though

villages after villages were converted in the Old Conquests, the pre-Portuguese village

structures were essentially preserved by the Portuguese in the tax structures, village

productive systems, and economic relations were not much altered. 126 However Hindus

whose presence was considered as undesirable from the point of views of propagation of

the new faith were banished from Portuguese territories. And those who remained were

denied rights in the communidades. 127

The net result of Portuguese persecutions was that the Hindus migrated en masse

to neighbouring lands. This resulted in business establishments being closed down. and

124 Francisco Pais, Tombo cla Ilha de Goa e clas Terras de Salcete e Bardes, edited by P.S.S. Pissurlencar.

Bastora, 1952, pp. 165-182. A list of Hindu temples which existed in the island of Goa that is Tiswadi
taluka as also those of Salcete and Bardes are given.
125 J. H. da Cunha Rivara, op. cit., Fasc. V, Part II, Doc. 610, p. 644.

126 Teotonio R. de Souza, "Rural Economy and Life", in Teotonio R de Souza (ed.), Goa Through The

Ages: An Economic History, Vol. II, New Delhi: Concept Publishin2, House, 1879, pp. 96-97.
12' J. H. da Cunha Rivara, Archly° Portugues Oriental, Fasc. 5, Part 2, Doc. 472, p. 544.

82
 there was an acute dearth of agricultural labour and artisans causing much damage to

agricultural production. The self-sufficient nature of the communidades got badly

affected. Taking, this into consideration Viceroy D. Francisco Coutinho ordered on 3 11

Decmbr.156thaifnyHduwsorethnuldbaeovrhist

back. 128

Conversion of Goans from the Old Conquests however continued under the

supervision of the Religious Orders. The debate on whether conversions in Goa were by

convictions or by coercion is not conclusive. 129 However what is interesting is that a large

section of the Goan populace was converted to Christianity and Goa became a Christian

dominated province. Introduction of the new religion however created a lot of tensions in

agrarian relations. For instance, though a lot of gaunkars were converted, they had to

suffer at the hands of Collectors and Contractors of revenue who were mostly Brahmins

and Hindus, as is seen from the decree of D. Sebastido dated 23 rd march, 1559. 130 There

were other problems also, as, for instance many times the meetings of the general body of

communidade were held without the presence of the Christian gaunkars. To rectify this

anomaly Portuguese Governor Antonio Moniz ordered on 11 th December, 1573, that

gaunkars meeting in assembly and taking resolutions without the presence of Christian

gaunkars would be fined 20 pardaos each, and the resolutions which were passed would

be held as null and void. However the same order provided that in villages where

Christian gaunkars were in majority the Hindus should not enter into the communidades,

that names of Christian gaunkars be written first, and only when the number of

128 Ibid.
129
Anant Kakba Priolkar, The Goa Inquisition, Bombay: Published by author, 1961, pp. 50-59.
130 J. H. da Cunha Rivara, Archivo Portugues Oriental, Fasc. V, Part I, Doc. 195, p. 319.

83
 Christians present for the meeting falls short of the required quorum then the names of

Hindus be written to make the quorum according to the custom and tradition of the

village. I31 All this might have hurt the respect of the gaunkars and also affected agrarian

relation and agricultural production, though temporarily. t32

The Portuguese had to deal with another problem which was of their own making

and that is of the flight of capital from Goa to the neighbouring territories. Every gaunkar

was entitled to receive annually a share in the income of the communidade which is

known as jonn (yearly dividend). The right to jonn is an inalienable right of every

gaunkar, which they receive by virtue of being the descendants of the original settlers of

villagers who were pioneers in subjugating the wild expanse of land to agricultural

production, and thus bringing prosperity. On 7 th March, 1634, Francisco Tavora observed

that Hindu natives of Salcete who migrated with their families to neighbouring Canara

and other territories to enjoy greater liberty caused Portuguese Goa to be depopulated and

this invariably led to loss of agricultural production as has been mentioned above. So it

was ordered that such people would be denied the personal jonn. 133 This might have

resulted in an increase in the share of the people who resided in the villages. Earlier in

1573, King D. Sebastido ordered that gaunkars of Bardez who were living outside the

131 Ibid.. Fasc V. Part II, Doc. 768. p. 891.

132 Ibid. The translation of the order dated I December. 1573. and issued by the Governor of the Estado
Antonio Moniz Barreto is given in Anant Kakba Priolkar, op. cit., pp. 125-126. It is as follows: " From now
onwards the Gauncares of the lands of Salcete shall not meet in assembly nor pass resolutions without the
Christian Gauncares being present, under pain of each one of them paying in respect of each such occasion
20 pardaos towards the clothing of Christians, and the resolutions passed shall be null and void. Also in the
villages where there are more Christian Gauncares than Hindu Gauncares. the Hindu should not enter into
Gauncarias and when assemblies are held the names of the Christians should be written first and only when
the number of Christians is not sufficient to form the quorum according to the custom of the respective
village, the names of so many Hindus as are required to make up the quorum should be entered - .
" J.H. da Cunha Rivara, Archly() Portugues Oriental, Fasc. V, Part II, Doc. 768. p. 891.

84
 Portuguese territories should not be paid the personal jonn.' 34 These orders might have

been issued more out of economic necessity besides the religious motive. On the one

hand the flight of people had left the villages depopulated and affected agricultural

production. The flight of gaunkars led to abandonment of agricultural fields without

anybody to attend to, and when artisans also fled the rural agrarian based economy was

really in bad shape. Shortage of tool and implements affected agricultural production,

maintenance of dykes and embankments also became problematic with the result that

low-lying areas got flooded at times in some places with salt water thus affecting the so

far well-maintained age old ecosystem of the khazana fields. Under such circumstances

the Portuguese thought it prudent to prevent flight of rural capital out of Goa by

preventing gaunkars residing out of Goa from drawing their annual personal jonn.

From the mid sixteenth century the communidades started losing gradually their

independence, and their original character began to change as a result of religious

persecution, oppression, looting, etc., which the gaunkars had to suffer in the decades to

follow. The situation was complicated when Albuquerque's promise of not imposing any

additional taxes was abandoned, and the communidades were henceforth made to bear

additional financial obligations which were heaped on them in the form of taxes, forced

donations, and loans for all sorts of purposes. These included building of forts, churches.

and cemeteries, financing expedition to Mombasa and even lending_ money to the Board

of Trade of Mozambique. 135

134
J.I-I. da Cunha Rivara, Archivo Portugues Oriental, Fasc. VI, Doc. 600, p. 1295.
17'5 Filippe Nery Xavier, Bosquejo Historico das Communidades ..., Vol. I, pp. 106-107, and pp. 207-2 14.

85
 As has already been mentioned temple lands were already handed over to the

Church authorities. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and even thereafter

though the Church continued to receive certain annual payments from the State for

payment of salaries, provisions and other routine expenses. the communidades were made

to contribute annually towards Church repair, maintenance as also for celebrating feasts

and festivals in Goa. 136 Further, when the State could not bear the ever-increasing

expenses for the maintenance of the cult, it tried to impose a half tithe on the

communidades, the proceeds of which were to go to the Church for 'divine cult and

church repairs'. When the communidades protested, the tithe was repealed but only to be •

substituted by an additional 5% of the quit rent (fbro) which was also burdensome on the

communidades. In 1707 the communidades were forced to accept the new

responsibility. 137 Moreover in 1745 the half tithe was revived without giving up any of

the earlier impositions.' 38

The question was, on whose instructions a communidade should pass resolutions

providing for grants to the Church under the head 'divine cults and church repairs'.

Whether it was to be at the instance of the Church or of the Portuguese State? The

communidades wanted instructions from the State. The State also desired the same. But

the Church felt that permission of the State was not required at all. The matter was -

resolved when in 1711 the then Viceroy, instructed that no resolutions (nemos) providing

for any expenses including Church expenses could be passed without seeking permission

136 B. S. Shastry, "Sources of Income and Items of Expenditure of the Church of Goa (c. 1510 — 1800
A.D.): A Note", B. S. Shastry (ed.), Goan Society Through The Ages, New Delhi: Asian Publication Series,
1987, pp. 35-47.
137 Ibid.

138 Filippe Nery Xavier, Bosquejo Historico das Communidades ..., Vol. I, pp. 257 — 317.

86
 of the State. The procedure for passing the nemos under the head 'divine cult and church

repairs' was to be as follows. The Church had to make a request to the concerned

communidade for expenditure. On consideration of the request, the matter would be

referred by the communidade to the Tanador mor, who after verifying the facts would
—

submit a report to the Viceroy, recommending, modifying or rejecting the request. The

Viceroy would then issue an order for passing of the nemos accordingly. Only then could

the communidades pass the nemos. Nemos passed without following the above procedure

would be rejected. I39 However, sometimes the managing committee of the communidades

did their best to bypass the requirements and due to this, orders were passed now and

then asking for strict observance of the Viceroy's provision of 1711. 140

The Church also received many other contributions from the communidades. In

many villages the Church received jonns dos Santos (shares allotted to the patron saint of

the village) in the name of different saints during the period 1744 — 46. 141 For instance,

the communidade of Azossim kept aside four jonns (share) for different saints. Similarly

the communidades of Chandor, Cavorim and Guirdolim also contributed for the saints by

paying jonns. 142 All these increased the expenses of the communidades with no tangible

returns from the same.

The cvmmunidades were also asked to undertake the task of maintaining.

repairing and renovating the Church as also looking after the needs of the Church in

' 39 Ibid.,pp• 29
2 -293.
140 4
Ibid.,pp• 26 — 267.
141 A. F. Pereira, "Institute Organico das Communidades do Conselho das Ilhas" in 0 Oriente Portuguese.

No. 5, Nova Goa: Imprensa Gonsalves, 1933, pp. 294-295.

Olivinho J.F. Gomes, op. cit., pp. 267-277.

87
 general including payment of salaries of the officiating priests. For instance, the

communidade of Batim contributed a share (jonn) to the chapel of Our Lady of

Guardalupe, shouldered the burden of all extraordinary expenses of the chapel and also

paid the annual salary of the chaplain. 143 Similarly, the communidade of Neura o Grande

paid money to the Chaplain as also for the maintenance of the sacristy every year. 144

communidades of Chandor, Cavorim and Churcexpnswalobrythe

Guirdolim. 145

The net results of the communidades being forced to provide for the maintenance

of the cult were but enormous. The incomes remained static or in fact declined due to

abandonment of agricultural fields on the one hand, and on the other the ever-increasing

expenses would eat into the profits of the communidades. Henceforth, the amount

available for distribution as jonn among the gaunkars naturally declined. This is evident

from the fact that the saints demanded many a time in most villages not one but several

jonns, thereby implying that a single jonn (share) was not fetching enough dividends.

Faced with the prospects of getting diminishing returns, the life for orphans, poor and the

widows might have been really miserable forcing them to migrate. This all happened

because the Church expenses which should have been met with voluntary contribution

from the gaunkars and others were contrarily charged on the common fund of the

COMInunidades. 146

143 A. F. Pereira, op. cit., p. 96.

144 B. S. Shastry, op. cit., p. 39.
' 45 Olivinho J. F. Gomes, op. cit., pp. 267 — 270.
146 B.S. Shastry, op. cit., p. 42.

88
 However, it would be absurd to state that all or most of the communidades had

become loss-making proposition for the gaunkars. On the contrary profits were made by

certain people though these were individual gains. For instance many times the expenses

under the head 'divine cult and church repairs' were used as a pretext by some gaunkars

and village administrators to promote their own private interests in collusion with Church

authorities. 147 The priests were accused of living on the hunger of the poor under the false

pretext of maintaining the cult. Many were actually making riches for themselves and

providing for their brothers, nephews, and other relatives. Under such circumstances

there were pleas made to the Portuguese Viceroys to address this grave problem and

rescue the communidades from the clutches of the Church.'"

The major consequence of over two centuries of Portuguese rule was that by the

middle of the eighteenth century most of the communidades faced large-scale

indebtedness. For instance the communidades of Tiswadi Taluka had accumulated debt of

over 4,25,000 xerafins, while, their annual income stood at only 1,55,000 xerafins. And

the annual interest on the servicing of debts itself amounted to 21,000 xerafins. Almost

all the communidades of Old Conquests were impoverished due to the loans taken by

them to help the State and the Church. In spite of this, the communidades were not

exempted from the payment of tax and other yearly contributions. These payments were

to be made within the presctibed time. failing which the members of their managim2,

bodies were likely to suffer imprisonment and other corporal punishments. Everything

that entered into the coffers of the communidades was therefore drained to service debts.

147 Ibid.
148 Filippe Nery Xavier, Bosquejo Historic() das Conanunidades ..., Vol. I. pp. 358-363.

89
 pay tax and foros, contribution for the maintenance of the cult, etc., with nothing

remaining for the annual distribution among the gaunkars as jonn. 149

The Portuguese Estado increased its demands from the communidades because of

several factors including its protracted struggle for supremacy on Indian waters with the

Dutch, the struggle in which the Estado lost heavily and its trade was badly affected.

With the decline in trade and trade-related profits, the Estado thought it convenient to

extract increasing revenues from the communidades. Once the Dutch menace was over,

then the Portuguese faced repeated Maratha incursions into its possessions in Goa. The

constant attacks of the Marathas aggravated the precarious position of the communidades.

For instance in 1739 due to repeated Maratha incursions in the province of Salcete, the

Camara Geral was forced to sell at half price the harvest of the previous year in order to

pay the Marathas a sum of 44,000 xerafins. On the other hand, when crops failed in 1739

year due to abandonment by the gaunkars, the Portuguese government refused to allow a

proportionate decrease in the taxes, totally disregarding the provision made in the Charter

of 1526. The state on the other hand allowed only a year's deferred payment. '' 0 The

gaunkars were sandwiched between Maratha attacks on the one hand and Portuguese

extraction on the other hand. However, the gaunkars preferred to flee rather than face

economic depredation. The Marquis of Alorna in his letter dated 18 th June. 1750 says that

the expenses beitw, excessive, those who enjoyed jonns and i(117gOS remained with nothing

as had happened in several villages on account of the debts and other burdens which the

gaunkars faced because of the war with the Marathas. The calamity was such that great

149 Rui Gomes Pereira, op. cit.. pp. 77-80.

150 Filippe Nery Xavier, Bosquejo Hisiorico das Communidades ..., Vol. I. p. 81

90
 many Goans, predominantly Christians being ashamed of their misery had to abandon

their lands and had to go to the neighbouring lands. 151

The interference of the Portuguese in the affairs of the communidades was such

that they at times suspended the gaunkars from excercising their right to vote, to bid in

the lease auctions and sometimes prevented them from drawing jonns as have been seen

earlier. Physically exhausted and economically ruined the gaunkars were forced to

alienate their rights in their communidades. Taking advantage of the impoverished

condition of the communidades, many Portuguese people and other powerful people

managed to enter the fold of the communidades, which succumbed to the new groups

under enormous pressure. Many sold their rights, which were purchased by people called

Ihuntkars' who penetrated the communidades in great haste. The last two centuries of

the Portuguese rule in Goa would witness a protracted tussle between the gaunkars, who

would put up a spirited fight to preserve their ancient rights and privileges, and the

Khuntkars who would demand vociferously a say in the management of the

communidades. 152 The Portuguese government continued to extract as much as possible

on the one hand and on the other hand it passed various laws and orders to streamline the

functioning of the communidades. The Regiment of 1735 was formulated by the •

Portuguese to regulate the governance and organisation of the communidades. The

autonomy of the functioning of the communidades was accepted. However, the Regiment

151 Rui Gomes Pereira, op. cit., p. 81, quoting from J. B. Catao da Costa. C) Triumpho du Fel-Jade. Nova

Goa: Imprensa Nacional, 1856, p. 39.

152 Rui Gomes Pereira, op. cit., pp. 86 — 96.

91
 of 1735, which had about 46 capitulos (articles), made the gaunkars and other officials
53
associated with the communidades, responsible and accountable in the future.'

The Regiment of 1735 mentions about the arbitrators, revenue collectors and the

village clerks and referred to the proceedings that could be taken against them for making

illegal and unauthorised entries. The mention of arbitrators is significant as it gives a hint

to the arbitration proceedings, a system well recognised in the Indian customary law, for

settling disputes. 154 This is significant because the succeeding centuries would witness a

lot of arbitration proceedings as a result of the khuntkars having entered the

communidades by purchasing rights.

The Regiment of 1735 also provided for the Judge of the Crown and king's

Revenues to inquire into the administration of the communidades every three years. This

would allow the government to know the income and the expenditure of the

communidades, thereby facilitating the extraction of rural surplus for its own benefit.

As has been mentioned earlier the communidades had to get the prior permission

of the Viceroy to pass any nemos regarding expenditure on any head. As the process for

getting the Vice regal approval was very lengthy and cumbersome, in times of emergency

the communidades suffered a lot. For instance as and when dykes and embankments

required urgent repair the communidades were faced with a piquant situation of passing

nemos without permission of the Viceroy or face the prospect of damage to the low lying

153 Filippe Nery Xavier Jr.), Colleeccio das Leis Pecidiares Commimidades. pp. XI — XXX I V.
' 54 Carrno D'Souza, op. cii. p. 8.
,
 khazana lands. And this affected rural prosperity. To solve this problem the Regiment of

1735 made a provision that the communidades could carry out urgent repair of dykes and

embankments in times of emergency without getting prior vice regal permission. From

the mid eighteenth century the communidades would function based on the Regiment of

1735 and other laws, which were promulgated from time to time.

Thus, the land-based socio-economic order, which evolved and developed in Goa .

through gauncaria system, appeared during the pre-colonial period as the best rural-

management mechanism. It evolved as a collective solution to the production-related

problems of primary sector quite fitting for the eco-systems of Goa. The Gaudas, who

introduced co-operative way of production and communidade system in Goa, brought the

Central Uplands under agricultural operations and ushered in a social formation based on

land-ownership. The Brahmins, who reached Goa at a later phase, began to concentrate

on the Coastal Plains for agricultural activities, which they commenced by reclaiming the

marshy and low-lying lands. The increased number of land-grants made by native rulers

to Brahmins for reclamation led to the emergence of large scale of Khazana lands under

their possession, as a result of which the surplus accumulated from them enabled the

migrants to fabricate a new social order based on gauncaria, wherein their position was

projected to be the nuclei. The Portuguese who entered the scene in the sixteenth century

converted communidade system into a pliable instrument for rural penetration. In the pre-

colonial and early colonial period, when the Portuguese generally concentrated on the

maritime trade, first with India and later with Brazil, coin/nun/Jade system was utilised

by them more for rural management and for sustaining domestic economy. The

93
beginnings of a new land-structure appeared only by the middle of the eighteenth century,

which brought in a new agrarian face to Goa.

94