Global Occupational Safety and Health Management Handbook

Global Occupational
Safety and Health
Management Handbook
Global Occupational
Safety and Health
Management Handbook
Edited by
Thomas P. Fuller
CRC Press
Taylor & Francis Group
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Fuller, Thomas P., author.

Title: Global occupational safety and health management handbook / edited by
Thomas P. Fuller.
Description: Boca Raton, FL : CRC Press/Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018049099 | ISBN 9781138626720 (hardback : acid-free paper) |
ISBN 9780429056475 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Industrial safety—Handbooks, manuals, etc. | International
business enterprises—Safety measures—Handbooks, manuals, etc.
Classification: LCC T55 .F853 2019 | DDC 658.3/82—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018049099
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Contents
Preface......................................................................................................................vii
Acknowledgments......................................................................................................ix
Editor.........................................................................................................................xi
Contributors............................................................................................................ xiii
Chapter 1 Introduction to Global Occupational Safety and Health....................... 1

Thomas P. Fuller
Chapter 2 Intergovernmental Occupational Safety and Health Organizations........19

Thomas P. Fuller
Chapter 3 Nongovernmental International Occupational Safety and Health

Professional Organizations.................................................................. 37
Thomas P. Fuller
Chapter 4 Cultural Issues in International Occupational Safety and Health........49

Thomas P. Fuller
Chapter 5 Risk Assessment—Global Perspectives.............................................. 63

James F. Whiting
Chapter 6 Occupational Health and Safety Management Systems...................... 79

Charles Redinger
Chapter 7 Benchmarking in International Safety and Health............................. 95

Charles Redinger
Chapter 8 International Reporting of Occupational Injuries, Illnesses, and

Fatalities............................................................................................ 113
Thomas P. Fuller
Chapter 9 Introduction to Global Occupational Safety and Health

Education and Training..................................................................... 133
Thomas P. Fuller
v
vi Contents
Chapter 10 Credentialing Occupational Hygiene................................................ 149

Thomas P. Fuller
Chapter 11 Regional and National Occupational Safety and Health Profiles.........169

Thomas P. Fuller and Frederique Parrot
Chapter 12 Global Issues and Aspects of the Disposal and Recycling of

Electronics......................................................................................... 199
Thomas P. Fuller
Chapter 13 Global Burden and Aspects of Occupational Cancer........................ 215

Thomas P. Fuller
Chapter 14 Migrant Worker Occupational Safety and Health............................. 235

Thomas P. Fuller
Chapter 15 Child Labor....................................................................................... 253

Thomas P. Fuller
Chapter 16 Modern Slavery and Occupational Health........................................ 275

Thomas P. Fuller
Chapter 17 Occupational Health and Informal Work.......................................... 299

Marianne Levitsky
Chapter 18 Travel Safety and Security for the Global Worker............................309

Thomas P. Fuller
Index....................................................................................................................... 333
Preface
Occupational safety and health management is being increasingly practiced on a
global scale. Therefore, it is important for professionals working in this field to be
well informed about existing international programs, organizations, practices, and
issues. This handbook is a starting point for someone interested in learning more
about global health and safety topics. Occupational health and safety professionals
with responsibilities for worker health and safety policy, planning, and operations
internationally should be well versed in many of the subjects discussed in this hand-
book. Ready access to relevant guidelines and information on specific topics makes
this handbook a valuable tool for the health and safety practitioner traveling abroad
to work, or managing those that do. The aim of the handbook is to provide a refer-
ence and guide to those who, within organizations or governments, may hold key
responsibilities for occupational safety and health of workers in foreign countries.
Thus, its underlying purpose is to assist occupational hygienists and managers in
attaining standards of professionalism that will enable them to deal with day-to-
day health and safety management across international borders and in an expansive
range of cultural, political, and regulatory situations.
The original focus of the handbook was primarily on existing international orga-
nizations and standards of practice. In identifying the fundamental international
organizations, it directs the reader to the accepted international norms, agreements,
and regulations. As the handbook was being written however, the subjects expanded
to include diverse issues that are important to the discussion of what the term
“global” occupational safety and health truly means. Certain chapters in the hand-
book expand the readers’ understanding of what the concept of what “international”
really means into areas that may not typically be considered the purview of worker
health and safety. Some of these areas include such topics as child labor, informal
workers, migrant workers, and modern slavery. Practicing occupational hygienists
have a responsibility to understand the issues and concerns for these special types of
workers for both ethical and practical reasons.
As an essential reference, the handbook is designed to cover the global occupa-
tional safety and health management field broadly and to offer guidelines on the
major segments that constitute that field. The handbook does not attempt to deal with
highly specialized aspects that are associated with detailed economic, technical, or
regulatory issues. These are primarily the concern of existing specialists, who are
normally available to provide relevant advice.
As the main author and editor of this book, I do not claim to have any specialized
expertise in any one of the 18 topical chapters in this book. I have built upon my edu-
cational and work experiences of 38 years, working, studying, teaching, and serving
in dozens of countries, to write about what seemed to me to be the most important
issues and topics in each of the global subjects. My writing is built and based upon
the work and research of many other dedicated professionals that have gone before
me. I think that my work has been to clarify and consolidate available information
on large and complex global health and safety topics.
vii
viii Preface
Although I have been working on this book for over 4 years, and writing non-
stop for two, as a first edition, I am aware of much additional information to be
included in subsequent revisions. And there are easily several additional chapters
to be included on global occupational health and safety topics in the next editions.
As globalization continues, the need for greater understanding of global occupa-
tional safety and health issues and concerns will continue to grow. As countries
continue to develop and grow, the need for occupational safety and health awareness
will globally expand too. I hope this book is a step in the right direction, and towards
a future where occupational safety and health is provided for all workers.
Acknowledgments
I thank Illinois State University President Larry Dietz, Provost Jan Murphy, and
Health Sciences Department Chair Jeffery Clark for allowing me a one-semester
sabbatical from my teaching duties to finish the 4-year process of writing this book.
To those who do not understand or appreciate the value of having dedicated time for
research and writing, I can attest that the benefits are broad and far-reaching.
I also thank my partner of the past 25 years, Dean Fournier, for the continuous
support and encouragement, not only in this most recent project but also in all the
others that came before, such as earning my doctorate, professional certifications,
and even tenure at my university. I could not have achieved these goals without him.
I thank my mentors over the years: Evie Bain, Margaret Quinn, the now deceased
Bill Charney. I thank my colleagues and cheering team at the American Industrial
Hygiene Association, including Mary Ann Latko, Mellissa Cheszek, Larry Sloan, the
Nonionizing Radiation Committee, and the International Affairs Committee (past
and present members). I also thank all the new friends and colleagues I have made in
the past few years in Workplace Health Without Borders, the Occupational Hygiene
Training Association, and the International Occupational Hygiene Association. It is
truly a privilege to work alongside and in collaboration with such an accomplished
group of dedicated professionals.
I especially acknowledge the support in preparation of this book from a long list
of expert reviewers of each of the chapters. Readers can trust that the book chapters
were ultimately reviewed by some of the most respected and accomplished profes-
sionals in their fields of expertise on the given topics. I am profoundly thankful to the
effort and time put in by all the reviewers, and their thoughtful comment and input
to the content and direction of each section. This long list includes the following:
Nancy M. McClellan
Kul Garg
Richard Hirsh
Chris Laszcz-Davis
Deborah Nelson
Mary V. O’Reilly
Laurence Svirchev
Stephen Chiusano
David Zalk
Steven Verpaele
Christian Schumacher
Ulric Chung
Srinivas Durgam
Donna Heidel
Richard Olawoyin
Lorraine Brown
Susan Gunn, Garrett Brown, and Kevin Bulatek
ix
Editor
Dr. Thomas P. Fuller has obtained a doctorate of science in industrial hygiene
from the University of Massachusetts Lowell, Lowell, Massachusetts; a master of
science in public health from the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, North
Carolina; and a master’s in business administration from Suffolk University, Boston,
Massachusetts. He is currently an associate professor in the safety program at Illinois
State University, Normal, Illinois. He is a certified industrial hygienist and certified
safety professional with over 38 years of experience in occupational safety, radiation
protection, emergency planning, industrial hygiene, infection control, environmental
management, and public health. He has experience in health care, nuclear power
plants, labor organizations, biopharmaceutical laboratories, manufacturing, and
universities. Dr. Fuller is a member since 2002, and twice chair, of the American
Industrial Hygiene Association (AIHA) Nonionizing Radiation Committee. He is
also a member of the Health Care Working Group, Publications Committee, and
a founding member of the AIHA Pandemic Planning Team. He is the past chair
of the International Affairs Committee and the AIHA ambassador to France. He
is also a member of Workplace Health Without Borders. Dr. Fuller is a contrib-
uting editor for the American Journal of Nursing and a member of the Editorial
Advisory Board of the National Safety Council. He was recently admitted to the
International Commission on Occupational Health and serves on the Industrial
Hygiene Committee. Dr. Fuller is a past president of the Board of Directors of the
Journal of Occupational and Environmental Health. He is the AIHA board repre-
sentative of the International Occupational Hygiene Association and is on the board
of the Occupational Hygiene Training Association.
xi
Contributors
Marianne Levitsky is an industrial hygienist and was a founding president of
the nonprofit Workplace Health Without Borders. She is a senior associate with
Environmental Consulting Occupational Health (ECOH) in Mississauga, Canada.
She was previously a director in the Ontario Workplace Safety and Insurance Board.
Levitsky has been an occupational hygienist for the Ontario Ministry of Labour, a
member of the Toronto Board of Health, and a founding board member of the Toronto
Workers Health and Safety Legal Clinic in Toronto, Canada. She is an adjunct fac-
ulty of the University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada; a recipient of the Hugh
Nelson Award for Excellence in Occupational Hygiene; and an AIHA fellow.
Frederique Parrot is the global manager of occupational hygiene for Sanofi pharma-
ceutical company in Paris, France. She oversees occupational hygiene concerns at 120
production, research, and development sites around the world. She is also responsible
for designing and developing standardized methods for evaluating and monitoring the
workplaces in accordance with ISO 17025 standards for air, water, and soil.
Dr. Charles Redinger is the president/chief executive officer of the Institute for
Advanced Risk Management in Harvard, Massachusetts. Since the 1980s, he has
been at the forefront of developing innovative occupational health and safety (OHS)
risk management solutions for public and private sector entities. His research and
organizational engagements focus on unleashing organizational capacity that
impacts global health and well-being. He has been a consultant to International
Labor Organization and American National Standards Institute committees that
developed global standards for risk management, and OHS management systems.
He is a member of the National Institute of Occupational Safety and Health’s Board
of Scientific Counselors, and served on AIHA’s board for 6 years. He is a past-chair
of AIHA’s Risk Assessment and Management Committees. Dr. Redinger received a
PhD in industrial health from the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan; an
MPA in public policy from the University of Colorado, Denver, Colorado; and a BA
in chemistry from the University of California, Oakland, California. He received
a postdoctoral certificate in strategy and innovation from the MIT Sloan School of
Management, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
James F. (Jim) Whiting is the principal risk engineer/consultant and MD of risk@
workplaces Pty Ltd, Brisbane, Australia. A leading provider of expert advice and
training in causal analysis and risk analysis systems. He has more than 40 years’
experience in applications of engineering and science to risk management, health
safety, and environment; incident/accident investigation; and root–cause analysis
in energy, transport, petrochemical, mining, construction, health, and manufactur-
ing industries. He has advised medium to large organizations and trained workers
and managers in Australia and New Zealand, the United States, Canada, Singapore,
China, Taiwan, Korea, Malaysia, and India. For 15 years, he was the national chief
xiii
xiv Contributors
executive officer of the National Safety Council of Australia, Melbourne, Australia.

Whiting is a past national chairman and honorary life member of the Risk Engineering
Society of Australia, Barton ACT, Australia. He represented the National Safety
Council and Engineers Australia on Standards Australia’s various risk management
sub-committees which developed AS/NZS 4801:2000 OHS Management Systems
and the last edition of the Risk Management standard AS/NZS 4360: 2004 Risk
Management, before it became the basis for the international version ISO 31000:2009,
Risk management—Principles and guidelines.
1 Introduction to
Global Occupational
Safety and Health
Thomas P. Fuller
Illinois State University
CONTENTS
1.1 Introduction.......................................................................................................1
1.2 Growth and Globalization.................................................................................4
1.3 OSH and Globalization......................................................................................5
1.4 Numbers of Injuries and Illnesses.....................................................................6
1.5 Economic and Social Costs...............................................................................7
1.6 Lack of Awareness of OSH Program Benefits..................................................8
1.7 Management and Benchmarking.......................................................................9
1.8 Cultural, Economic, and Educational Differences.......................................... 10
1.9 Education, Training, and Credentialing.......................................................... 11
1.9.1 Formal Education in OSH................................................................... 11
1.9.2 Global OSH Training........................................................................... 11
1.9.3 Mainstreaming OSH Education.......................................................... 12
1.9.4 Licensing and Credentialing................................................................ 12
1.10 International Organizations and Regulations.................................................. 13
1.11 Special Types of Workers—Children and Informal Workers......................... 13
1.11.1 Child Labor.......................................................................................... 13
1.11.2 Informal Workers................................................................................. 14
References................................................................................................................. 14
1.1 INTRODUCTION
Global Occupational Safety and Health (OSH) is the study of worldwide worker
injury, illness, and fatality. It is the study of the factors that influence the well-being
of workers internationally. It is also the study of the differences in occupational mor-
bidity and mortality rates between countries, why those differences exist, and what
can be done to improve working conditions in all nations and geographic regions.
Global OSH is the analysis of complex intersections and interactions between eco-
nomics, politics, culture, and science. It is more than the typical measurement and
reporting of workplace exposures to risks, but an in-depth analysis of why and how
1
2 Global OSH Management Handbook
the risks and hazards exist, and what social, political, economic, and cultural factors
lead to those risks.
The term “globalization” represents the expanded breadth, intensity, and speed
at which the world is connected. It has been represented by the following basic
characteristics:
• Social, political, and economic activities commonly span across national,

regional, and continental boundaries.
• The flow of trade, investment, wealth, people, and culture increases
substantially.
• Global interactions of business, politics, and information are more rapid.
• Events that occur in one nation (e.g., policy changes, political instability,
economic collapse, natural disasters) are felt more deeply and significantly
in distant lands (Held, 1999).
In a globalized world, the actions and policies taken in one nation can have pro-
found impacts on other nations. OSH impacts are not excluded from this premise.
Globalization of business, politics, economics, and finance greatly influences OSH
activities and approaches taken in individual countries around the world.
Globalization also includes the transfer of products, services, and technology.
Each of these may come with their own inherent risks, including risks to workers
using, manufacturing, handling, or disposing of the products. Globalization can mean
the increased transfer of toxic chemicals, dangerous equipment and operations, and
hazardous waste, each with their own significant and very real OSH concerns in the
receiving countries. It can also bring the transfer of knowledge and education. This is
particularly important for OSH, as it relates to the transfer of risks mentioned earlier.
A major catalyst for increased globalization occurs because of economic and
financial benefits. And OSH has often been closely related to business and econom-
ics. Part of the original rationale for the creation of the U.S. Occupational Health
and Safety Administration was to level the playing field between states that allowed
different levels of safety within their operations that provided some with economic
advantages. In international trade, the same incentives for businesses exist today
globally, to find the country with the weakest environmental or safety regulations
and set up operations there to take advantage of reduced operational or labor costs.
Countries with governments that do not either understand or care about the risks to
the environment or workers accept the hazardous activities, processes, and chemi-
cals, for the purely economic benefit. Businesses then tend to seek those countries
out to expand operations, and a viscous circle ensues. Countries compete for the
business growth and reduce their national regulations further, which has resulted in
a phenomenon coined “race to the bottom.”
As economics play a special role in the national levels and norms of OSH, it
is important to present some related concepts and terminology that will be used
throughout this book. There is no clear international consensus on terminology to
describe the economic or social status of nations, yet there is a need to have common
reference words to describe conditions and make basic comparisons.
Introduction to Global OSH 3
Some economists consider a developed economy to be one in which the average

gross domestic product (GDP) per capita is US$12,000. Others may set this figure
higher (Investopedia, 2018). However, many other factors can be considered in the
definition including such parameters as access to safe drinking water, levels of san-
itation and hygiene, food security, levels of air pollution, and climate vulnerability.
The United Nations Human Development Index is a summary of social achievements
of countries including such measures as economic growth, life expectancy, living
standards, and expected years of schooling (UN, 2018). This index rates countries
as very highly developed, highly developed, medium development, and low devel-
opment (economically developing). Countries such as Norway, France, Spain, Japan,
Canada, and Argentina are considered very highly developed, whereas countries
such as Swaziland, Haiti, Yemen, and Afghanistan are considered in a state of low
development.
The terminology is useful when discussing how social and economic activities
impact OSH internationally. It is understandable that in the least developed nations,
resources may be limited to fully implement desired OSH programs and protections.
The ability to maintain adequate levels of OSH may also be related to the capacity
to educate the workforce, or even supply adequate numbers of OSH professionals.
Nutrition, sanitation, and availability of medical services, which are the important
factors impacting the health and safety of the workforce, must all be considered
when looking at OSH in a global context.
OSH and economics also overlap in terms of the discussion about supply and
demand for products and services as they relate to the transfer of wealth. The costs
and values of OSH are transferred and traded just as other services or “products.”
These are related to the status of nations or businesses. These factors also relate most
basically to the differences that cultures or societies may place on the value of a
life, value of longevity, or overall lifetime health. Just as there are economic dispar-
ities between nations, these closely relate through OSH to disparities in occupational
injury, illness, and fatality rates, and ultimately average life span in a nation.
Many OSH professionals today feel an ethical responsibility to work to improve
OSH globally, particularly in disadvantaged countries with little OSH capacity or
infrastructure. Numerous volunteer opportunities exist to OSH professionals who
want to share their expertise and services. There are opportunities to support OSH
research to better understand the issues and controls needed to reduce worker risks
globally. There are also opportunities to teach and work abroad in less developed
countries. And there are roles for OSH professionals to play within their own orga-
nizations to improve the health and safety of workers in foreign countries, such as
ensuring corporate supply chains follow international standards for worker safety,
and the avoidance of slave and child labor in supply chains.
This edition of this book represents the first step in a broader discussion of the
individual chapter topics in one resource. Many other important topics have not
made it to this edition but can be included in the next revisions. For the most part, the
issues and topics selected for this edition represent some of the more challenging and
controversial subjects. They were selected partly as a means to begin to advance our
conversations. Other chapters provide basic information on international agencies
and organizations, in one location, that may be of use to OSH professionals working
in international corporations or those that may be traveling abroad for work.
1.2 GROWTH AND GLOBALIZATION

Although international trade was known to occur between countries as early as 1900
BC, the need for locally grown food and limitations in transportation curtailed sig-
nificant portions of societies’ benefits from coming from distant lands. Mass migra-
tion occurred from time to time, but mostly by foot. Exotic materials such as spices
or rare metals traveled long distances, but these represented limited parts of any
given societies’ trade (Stearns, 2001).
It was not until the latter half of the 19th century that industrialization and
improvements in transportation brought large movements in people and products to
more remote parts of the globe. Communications systems allowed for greater infor-
mation exchange, societies became more urban rather than agrarian, and monetary
systems based on the gold standard became more stable. By 1914, international trade
had increased to 38% of the global GDP (Gun, 2017).
In the period after World War I, there was a sharp decline in trade as many
countries instituted protectionist and isolationist strategies to protect their cur-
rencies and economies. The Great Depression brought further declines, and by
the end of World War II, only 7% of the world’s GDP was based on international
trade.
During the massive reconstructions that took place after World War II, global
trade grew rapidly. In 1944, the Bretton Woods accord led to numerous international
agreements meant to stabilize and standardize international trade and the world
economy. The International Monetary Fund was created that allowed member coun-
tries to regulate capital flows and make their currencies convertible for trade-related
transactions. These monetary policies, the expansion of commercial aviation, and
the development of container shipping over the next two decades led to the growth of
global trade to 30% of the world GDP by 1980.
In 1995, the World Trade Organization (WTO) was created to provide a forum to
negotiate international trade agreements on an agreed upon level playing field as a
means to expand and promote global trade (WTO, 2017). With 164 member states,
including China, the WTO has contributed to unprecedented international trade
growth. Combined with the fall of the Soviet Union, government deregulation of
banking systems, and significant advances in information technology, international
trade has risen to 47% of global GDP (Gun, 2017).
As markets become more globally oriented, economically developing countries
(EDCs) tend to increase their proportion of the world GDP, whereas those countries
that are more developed lose percentage share of global GDP. Perhaps this explains
the recent rise in protectionism in the G7 countries citing Brexit and the election of
Donald Trump as indicators for popular nationalist and protectionist policies. And
although discriminatory protectionist tariffs and barriers to free trade are on the rise
and popular with some public and politicians, evidence indicates that overall, pro-
tectionist policies lead to lower total GDP growth for both developing and developed
economies alike.
1.3 OSH AND GLOBALIZATION

With the expanded globalization of business and global value chains of products and
workers, OSH activities must “Go Global” and reach across borders. Companies and
other organizations with diverse interests and operations overseas need to expand
OSH to provide adequate services to all facilities. Ex-patriot employees in foreign
countries need safe working conditions, the same as in the home country. New
employees hired in foreign countries have the right to safe and healthful working
conditions. And various nations have differences in health and safety regulation
development and enforcement. Upper managements of organizations need to con-
sider OSH delivery and operations when expanding business abroad for mostly the
same reasons that good OSH programs and implementation are required at home. In
addition, organizations and countries can learn from their international counterparts
or competitors about the latest trends in OSH and the values that they add to busi-
nesses and governments. That is to say, what is good for Denmark could very well
also be good for Botswana with regard to worker safety. Countries can learn from
one another. Companies in Botswana will need to have comparable OSH programs
in place to compete in global markets in the long term.
Transfer of technology to developing countries due to the global expansion of
trade has also led to transfer of hazards (ILO, 1988). Less developed countries are
sometimes not in the position to handle additional hazards safely, due to the lack
of adequate education, infrastructure, regulations, and availability of OSH profes-
sionals. There may be language barriers in the handling of complicated technical
equipment for which operating manuals are only provided in English, or a few major
languages. In Bolivia, for example, one study showed that farmers were overexposed
to organophosphate pesticides because they were not aware of the hazards of expo-
sure or benefit of protective measures (Jors, 2006).
In the absence of a concerted effort, technologies may be transferred without
adequate consideration of such basic conditions as climate, sunlight, or power avail-
ability. Personal protective equipment (PPE) may not be available in adequate num-
bers, or workers may not know how to use it effectively. Machinery designed for
healthy developed country workers may not be ergonomically correct for EDC coun-
try workers, or children and women. Nutritional deficiencies of developing country
workers may exacerbate health effects from exposures to hazardous chemicals, bio-
logical, and physical agents, as well as extreme temperatures. In some developing
nations, there is little awareness of the value of OSH, and therefore, little attention is
paid to OSH training or research (Puplampu, 2012).
Enterprises transferring technology should consider the climate and location
where the systems or equipment are to be used. Locations of plants in relation to
geographic population centers should be considered. Other factors such as emer-
gency response capabilities and environmental factors including rainfall or likeli-
hood of flooding should also be considered. Potential effects of ongoing climate
change should also be analyzed. Hazard analyses should be conducted to the same
levels of awareness as would be done in developed countries, regardless of a lack of
regulations or a legal impetus to do them. Hazardous chemical control, fire safety,
and waste management all need to be considered prior to transferring technologies
abroad. Companies and countries that are transferring technology need to maintain
a constant level of adherence to international standards for OSH. The lack of regula-
tions in a host country does not absolve organizations from a moral and ethical duty
to provide the same level of care to the environment and workers as in a developed,
home country.
The ethical standards for all companies and countries transferring technology to
developing countries are all laid out in the International Labor Organization (ILO)
1988 document, “Safety, health and working conditions in the transfer of technology
to developing countries—An ILO Code of Practice” (ILO, 1988). This document
provides the criterion necessary to ensure operations within expected and accepted
standards of practice. As large multinational companies continue to expand globally,
they create larger numbers of global small to midsized enterprises (SMEs). These
SMEs in EDCs are less likely to have the technical capacity and resources to fully
address OSH issues (ILO, 2003).
1.4 NUMBERS OF INJURIES AND ILLNESSES

According to the ILO, 6,300 people die as the result of occupational accidents and
illnesses each day (ILO, 2017), which supports a global total of 2.3 million occu-
pational fatalities annually. But the numbers are not spread proportionately to pop-
ulations; EDC injury and fatality rates exceed global averages and are more than
double that of the most advanced nations. Occupational fatality rates for the African
continent are 18.6 per 100,000 annually, compared with 6.9 for Europe and 13.7 for
the United States (Hämäläinen, 2009). In addition, as a comparison, not only they
are directly codependent, but the life expectancy rates for countries also vary sig-
nificantly. The life expectancy is 65.7 in Botswana, 54.5 in Nigeria, and just under
50 in Swaziland. These are drastically lower than that in the United States (79.3) and
Norway (81.8) (WHO, 2015).
Major causes of work-related deaths globally include cancer, communicable
diseases, and circulatory diseases followed by accidents as shown in Table 1.1.
In the study by Nelson, 37% of occupational deaths were caused by chronic
obstructive pulmonary disease (Nelson, 2005). Occupational diseases and injuries
TABLE 1.1
Major Causes of Death Worldwide
Major Causes of Occupational Fatality Globally (%)
Hämäläinen Takala
Cancer 25 32
Circulatory diseases 21 23
Communicable diseases 28 17
Accidents — 18
Source: Created from Takala (2014) and Hämäläinen (2009).

accounted for 24 million years of healthy life lost and 1.5% of all-cause mortality.
The leading cause of years of healthy life lost was unintentional injuries (44%) fol-
lowed by occupational hearing loss (18%). In developing countries, communicable
diseases are a significant source of work-related disease, particularly in agriculture,
food production, and health care (Hämäläinen, 2011). In more developed countries,
such as the European Union (EU), the most common work-related injuries were mus-
culoskeletal disorders at 60%, followed by depression, stress, and anxiety at 14%
(EC Eurostat, 2009).
Although there are many good studies of injury and illness rates, there are still
significant shortcomings in our true understanding of actual levels of OSH in many
countries. Many countries do not require accident or injury reporting. In Pakistan, for
example, which is the tenth most populated country in the world, there is no national
system for recording occupational injuries or work-related casualties (Abbas, 2015).
Those that do require record-keeping have large differences in systems and methods,
which make it hard to compare results across borders (Takala, 2014). In the United
States, for example, hundreds of thousands of government workers are not included
in statistical databases and analyses.
Even when reporting structures are the same, there remain gross differences
in various study assumptions and quantitative/qualitative measures of exposure.
Synergistic health effects from exposures to multiple hazardous agents at the same
time are also not accounted for in most reporting methods. In EDCs, employment
in the informal sector reaches 70%, with the contribution to the GDP ranging from
10% to 60% (Rosenstock, 2006). Workers in the informal sector seldom have any
means of recording and reporting injuries and illnesses. As a result of many of these
shortcomings, the global burden of disease from occupational injury and exposure is
greatly underestimated (Driscoll, 2005).
As EDCs become more industrialized, there is evidence that occupational expo-
sures to toxic chemicals will increase, and with the increase, the risk of cancer and
other illnesses (Purdue, 2015). Although these illnesses will increase, many of them
will be unreported (Hämäläinen, 2009).
When developed countries move operations to less developed countries to take
advantage of low labor rates and lax environmental/occupational safety laws,
EDCs become more competitive and create the resulting “race to the bottom”
where the least regulated country gets the larger share of business. In general,
workers in the EDCs are expected to be less educated or experienced with toxic
chemicals and hazardous operations, and have lower risk awareness and greater
risk acceptance. Advanced countries sell/use obsolete equipment, processes, and
chemicals to less developed nations (Stellman, 1998). These factors lead to poten-
tially more unsafe and unhealthy working conditions and dangerous environmen-
tal consequences.
1.5 ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COSTS

It is estimated that the annual economic burden of occupational injuries and disease
is 4% of the global GDP (ILO, 2017). In the United States, the direct costs of dis-
abling injuries to workers amounted to over US$53 billion This was 71% of the total
compensation cost burden in 2008 (LMRI, 2010). In the United States, the direct and
indirect costs of work-related injuries and illnesses are near US$250 billion (Leigh,
2011). Work-related accidents and injuries cost the EU 478 billion Euros each year.
On average, worldwide work-related injuries and illnesses result in the loss of 2.9%
of the world GDP. This amounts to a total global cost of 2,680 billion Euros (EU,
2017).
The social costs to families when an income earner is injured are not included in
typical economic analyses. Individuals who are injured suffer significant financial
consequences. The loss of income, in addition to medical expenses from the injuries,
can lead to bankruptcy and forces many families into poverty as the result of a work-
place injury or fatality. Many workers continue to work while injured, for both the
income and fear of losing their job. This has a negative effect on the productivity of
the enterprise (Boden, 2005).
1.6 LACK OF AWARENESS OF OSH PROGRAM BENEFITS

Many studies have shown a financial benefit from occupational health and safety
programs, policies, and systems (Harms-Ringdahl, 1990; Lahiri, 2005; Amador-
Rodenzo, 2005; Argiles-Bosch, 2014; Oxenburgh, 2005). When OSH professionals
within organizations understand and can communicate the business value of OSH
programs and systems, they contribute to better decision-making by management.
Various methods for economic evaluation have been developed to assist managers
and OSH professionals (Biddle, 2005; AIHA, 2011; Bergstrom, 2005; Tompa, 2010).
The business value of safety can be quantified in terms of return on investment
(ROI) just as any other business endeavors, where the ROI is the reduction in finan-
cial losses due to injuries or illnesses, which is divided by the cost of the safety
intervention or program. These direct costs typically include labor costs, turnover
costs, productivity losses, costs of accident response, and higher insurance premi-
ums (Lyon, 1997). There is often a payback period associated with the intervention
that is compared to the initial financial outlays.
In addition to the direct financial benefits of OSH programs and control interven-
tions, there are numerous indirect benefits to organizations that use OSH to reduce
injury and illness rates. These include improvements to product quality, employee
morale, reduced absenteeism, better corporate image, and fewer penalties for non-
compliance with laws and regulations.
Studies have shown that top-level corporate financial decision-makers have
favorable perceptions of OSH programs and interventions. The most beneficial
safety modification as perceived by managers was worker OSH training (Huang,
2007, 2011). Yet many businesses, particularly small and midsized ones, have not
fully recognized the business value of comprehensive OSH programs (DeArmond,
2010; Cagno, 2013).
What is good at the enterprise level has also been shown to be good at the
national level. Good OSH programs and working conditions lead to improved
productivity and greater competitiveness. In a study by the World Economic
Forum and ILO, the relationships between economic competitiveness and the
number of fatal accidents per 100,000 workers are shown clearly in Figure 1.1.
FIGURE 1.1 Competitiveness and safety. (Source: ILO, 2003.)
The most financially competitive and efficient business units tend to have the
lowest fatality rates.
National governments are even less likely than businesses to thoroughly consider
the financial benefits of OSH regulation. In addition, there has been a shortage of
academic studies on the topic (Viscusi, 2006). Developing countries in the vacuum
of clear data are reluctant to implement stringent OSH regulation (injury and ill-
ness reduction) for fear of stifling growth (Pouliakas, 2013). In one recent study in
Ghana, it was shown that the implementation of a robust OSH management program
could significantly improve the overall socioeconomic development of the country
(Amponsah-Tawiah, 2013).
In addition to looking at OSH with an eye towards productivity and efficiency,
several other international management principles are commonly used. The
International Standards Organization (ISO) has published “ISO 45001 Occupational
Health and Safety Management Systems,” which provides the foundation for an OSH
program, a system to monitor that all parts of the program are accomplished, and a
format for continuous improvement. Other similar systems include the OHSAS 18001
Occupational Health and Safety Management Systems, ANSI/AIHA/ASSE Z10-
2012 Occupational Health and Safety Management Systems, ILO-OSH Guidelines
on OSH Management Systems, and the Australian/New Zealand document AS/NZS
4801:2001 Occupational Health and Safety Management Systems—specification
with guidance for use.
1.7 MANAGEMENT AND BENCHMARKING

Despite the availability of numerous standardized and recognized OSH management
systems, there remains a vacuum in the realm of OSH business strategy and research.
Advances in corporate social responsibility reporting have begun to include OSH
topics and performance indicators, but the practice is not pervasive. Advanced busi-
nesses and institutions may practice elaborate reporting and benchmarking between
facilities, even those in foreign countries. But industry benchmarking in terms of
OSH, particularly internationally, has several shortcomings in development, imple-
mentation, and reporting.
Reporting of injuries and illnesses, even if not required by the government, is the
first step in understanding OSH issues and impacts in the workplace. Other “leading
indicators” of performance are being developed and implemented to provide a better
understanding of impacts and where program improvements would be most useful.
Expanded benchmarking activities such as program reviews, audits, inspections, and
the structured reporting of results would improve overall OSH. Benchmarks that
allow comparisons between countries and continents would also be useful towards
creating systems of continuous improvement.
1.8 CULTURAL, ECONOMIC, AND EDUCATIONAL DIFFERENCES

Global occupational hygiene cannot be fully understood or discussed without
including the consideration of cultural differences between countries and peo-
ples. Culture plays a large role in the judgment and acceptance of risk in general.
Although there is a shortage of literature on the topic, it might be assumed that
cultural awareness and responses to risk and hazards would flood over into the
workplace.
In a country with a lower life expectancy, the people and workers themselves
might be expected to be more complacent about workplace hazards and resulting
injuries or fatalities. That is, if a long life is valued less in general, then it might be
expected that there would be less concern over being killed at work. This is particu-
larly true if the job is a necessity for survival. The economics of a person’s condition
can play a large role in his or her acceptance of risk in performing any hazardous
job, in any culture.
In developing nations, women and children comprise a significantly higher per-
centage of the workforce. And women and children make up more of the workforce
in informal economies, where workplace hazards are less well evaluated or con-
trolled than in established economies. Children, in particular, are more susceptible
to the harmful effects of hazardous workplaces. Physiological characteristics of chil-
dren such as higher breathing and metabolic rates tend to increase their exposures
and resulting doses to potentially toxic or carcinogenic chemicals. And their young
age makes the exposure period or time for toxic actions to be well before the nor-
mal life expectancy. Children are typically less able to recognize, understand, or be
aware of how or why to control occupational risks than adults from the same cul-
ture. Women are also less likely to be concerned about risks as they are often more
dependent upon the job for survival of their families. And women have anatomic and
physiological differences that may make them more susceptible than men to some
hazards. For women, normal workplace protective controls, including PPE, may not
be adequate since they are typically designed for men.
Workers in EDCs are more likely to be malnourished, dehydrated, and over-
worked, and are therefore inherently more “at risk” from exposure to hazardous
agents or working conditions. Routine workplace protective controls and even PPE
may not fit properly or be adequately protective. These workers may be more likely
to be involved in an accident and may be more affected by working conditions such
as intense thermal work environments.
1.9 EDUCATION, TRAINING, AND CREDENTIALING

1.9.1 Formal Education in OSH
Educational systems created to meet the demand for OSH professionals vary greatly
between countries. Differences partly reflect the various modes of OSH practice in
the country and also are a result of different levels of emphasis put on the value of
OSH by governments and potential employers. In countries where the true preventive
value of OSH practice has been realized, the educational system is typically more
developed and streamlined to provide sufficient numbers of OSH graduates at the
university, master’s, and doctoral levels.
In a comprehensive study of OSH education in Canada, it was determined that
the existing system of OSH education contained several gaps in program content
and shortcomings in the ability to meet the need for OSH professionals at different
levels, and that the OSH educational system needed significant development and
enhancement to increase course offerings in certain sectors to ensure minimum lev-
els of competencies on OSH issues (Curran, 2013). In the United States, the demand
for qualified OSH professionals has historically outpaced the supply, and that con-
tinues to be the case today (Erickson, 1991). In Europe, OSH education systems vary
greatly between countries, with most of the OSH courses offered within master’s
programs in engineering, applied sciences, or management (Arezes, 2012).
Globally, the demand for OSH professionals can also be expected to outpace the
supply. As developing countries become more industrialized, the numbers and vari-
ety of occupational exposures to hazardous substances and working conditions lead
to the need for more professionals capable to evaluate and control them. Policies and
funding for OSH professional capacity building are needed in numerous countries
to meet current and future demands (Harrison, 2016). Educational programs should,
in addition, allow for education at the master’s and doctoral levels to fully support
the field of occupational hygiene and its development in the future (Vincent, 2005).
1.9.2 Global OSH Training

The shortage of formal educational development in OSH is mirrored by the need of
OSH training by the workers. That is, the lack of competent qualified profession-
als to teach OSH courses in the workplace leaves workers in hazardous conditions
where they are unaware of the risks or the appropriate controls needed to minimize
the risks. OSH training is offered in many formats including online courses and
seminars. Workers can obtain safety and health information for general awareness,
or they can earn certificates in recognized accreditation programs. The Occupational
Health Training Association (OHTA) is a nonprofit organization that has materials
for several training courses available online for free. These course materials can
be used by qualified OHTA trainers to allow students to sit for OHTA certificates
in various OSH subject areas such as hazard control, ergonomics, and toxicology
(OHTA, 2018).
Although Internet and web access training have the potential for reaching mil-
lions of workers, the true potential has yet to be achieved. The Multilingual Health
and Safety Resource Guide to Worker Training Materials on the Web prepared by
the State of California is an excellent source of contact information for OSH training
(CA, 2014).
1.9.3 Mainstreaming OSH Education

A new approach for bringing OSH into the forefront of public awareness is the con-
cept of mainstreaming. This is the introduction of basic safety concepts and prin-
ciples into childhood and adolescent education programs with the belief that they
will carry OSH concepts and principles into their working careers and daily lives as
adults. It is a strategic community oriented approach being strongly promoted by the
European Agency for Safety and Health at Work. Several EU countries have already
developed elementary educational programs and training materials (EASHW, 2018).
The European Network Education and Training in Occupational Safety and Health
(ENETOSH) is supported by the European Commission with the aim to maintain
OSH education and training. The primary approach to training is through the main-
streaming of OSH into all facets and levels of education in society. ENETOSH has
more than 80 partners from 33 countries that work together to collaborate on projects
to achieve objectives (ENETOSH, 2018). The ENETOSH’s belief is that the best way
to ensure safe workplaces in the future for all workers is to ensure everyone is trained
and receives an appropriate education of OSH topics throughout their education and
ongoing careers.
1.9.4 Licensing and Credentialing

Government regulation for occupational licensure is required for many professions.
Licenses may require a minimum number of hours of related training, age require-
ments, internships or apprenticeships, and/or passing an examination. Licensure
has historically been associated with professions that impacted the public health in
some way, such as nurses or physicians. In 2009, it was estimated that approximately
38% of workers required some sort of government certification or licensing (Kleiner,
2009). Licensure may also be associated with ensuring minimum levels of quality
and protections for consumers, such as required training and licensing for hairdress-
ers (Bryson, 2010). Unfortunately, in many other areas, professional licensure exists
solely as a means of revenue for governments and/or a means to bar entry into a field,
and raise wages to those already practicing. In one recent study, it was shown that
the number of training hours required for emergency medical technicians (33 days)
was significantly less than the number of training hours required for other profes-
sions much less related to public safety, such as cosmetologists (372 days) (Carpenter,
2015).
Although most would agree that occupational hygiene is closely related to public
health and safety, few governments require licensure to practice as an occupational
hygienist. When licensure is not required, the next best means available to document
levels of expertise in a profession is through an organized and stepped system of cre-
dentialing. Different professional credentials or designations require various combi-
nations of levels of education, experience, and examination (SIA, 2016). In lieu of
licensure, certification can be a means for employers and the public to have a level of
awareness about the stated capabilities of a person practicing occupational hygiene.
Numerous OSH professional credentials have surfaced in several countries as a
result of the need. In addition, international professional organizations such as the
International Occupational Hygiene Association have begun to rate various national
professional credentialing systems as a means to make comparisons between sys-
tems (IOHA, 2018).
In 2010, a new group of professional associations of safety professionals created
the European Network of Safety and Health Professional Organizations. The goals
of the group are to influence legislation, exchange information, and develop good
standards of practice. In addition, they have created standardized certifications for
two different levels of practice based on experience and education (ENSHPO, 2017).
1.10 INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND REGULATIONS

Several intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) exist to promote OSH in a variety of
capacities. Some organizations such as the ILO are tripartite in nature, comprising
representatives from government, workers, and employers. They create conventions
and treaties that members can choose to ratify into national laws of standards if they
so choose. Others have been created as subsets of larger IGOs, such as the World
Health Organization. The basic information on these groups is provided solely as a
simple introduction to their organizations and activities, and as a start point for more
related information.
International nongovernmental organizations are presented, and their fundamen-
tal activities and objectives are provided. Many of these organizations have tens of
member professional organizations from around the world. Individual national orga-
nizations have not been presented in this book, even though they may individually
have large international memberships, in addition to international projects. For the
most part, these organizations are represented by the international organizations to
which they belong.
Chapter 11, on national profiles, represents only a sample of information on a
small group of countries or regions. Future editions of the book will expand and bal-
ance the information provided on a larger number of countries and regions. The deci-
sion to include or exclude countries in this edition was based solely on the factors that
impacted the ready availability of information on the given countries and regions.
1.11 SPECIAL TYPES OF WORKERS—CHILDREN

AND INFORMAL WORKERS
1.11.1 Child Labor
The ILO estimates that globally, there are approximately 250 million children
between the ages of 5 and 14 who work. And nearly half of them are working full-
time (ILO, 2003). Many of these children work in hazardous or exploitive jobs,
and despite being illegal in all countries, child labor continues and is supported
financially by global supply chains. It is important for occupational hygienists to
understand the issues surrounding the unethical and immoral use of the worst forms
of child labor and to play a role in corporate social responsibility programs for
informing organizations and governments.
1.11.2 Informal Workers
In many parts of the world such as Pakistan, Mali, Nepal, and Africa, more than
70% of the workforce does not work in formal workplace settings or industries (ILO,
2003). They do not have typical relationships with employers and are found in such
jobs as waste collection, agriculture, fishing, transportation, and service industries.
These workers often work from home and in cramped and unsafe workspaces. These
workers lack legal protections from hazards, social services from governments, and
medical support for injuries or illnesses incurred on the job. Informal workers face
significant occupational risks and are often ill-prepared to protect themselves from
them.
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2 Intergovernmental
Occupational Safety and
Health Organizations
Thomas P. Fuller
CONTENTS
2.1 I ntroduction..................................................................................................... 19
2.2 International Labor Organization....................................................................20
2.2.1 Background and History......................................................................20
2.2.2 Funding Sources.................................................................................. 21
2.2.3 Regulatory Format and Legal Powers/Sources................................... 21
2.2.4 Conventions and Recommendations Regarding Occupational
Safety and Health�� 22
2.2.5 Administrative Programs.....................................................................24
2.2.6 Completed Projects..............................................................................25
2.2.7 The ILO Today and Future Directions................................................26
2.3 World Health Organization..............................................................................26
2.3.1 Background and History......................................................................26
2.3.2 Administrative Format, Responsibilities, and Authorities.................. 27
2.3.3 Funding Sources.................................................................................. 29
2.3.4 Programs Regarding OSH................................................................... 29
2.3.5 WHO Publications............................................................................... 31
2.3.6 International Agency for Research on Cancer..................................... 31
2.4 European Union............................................................................................... 31
2.5 United Nations Environmental Program......................................................... 32
2.6 World Bank...................................................................................................... 32
2.7 International Maritime Organization.............................................................. 33
2.8 International Program on Chemical Safety..................................................... 33
2.9 Conclusions and Recommendations................................................................ 33
References.................................................................................................................34
2.1 INTRODUCTION
Intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) are relationships and/or organizations cre-
ated by treaties, charters, or other formal agreements between two or more nations
19
to work towards a common goal or interest. Treaties that are formed by IGOs can be
enforceable by international law. The main purpose of intergovernmental projects
and agreements is typically to address a common set of economic or social problems.
With the rise of increased globalization of business, communications, and science
over the past few decades, the importance and roles of IGOs have grown signifi-
cantly in terms of global governance and influence.
The standards and rules developed by IGOs can be useful and efficient means to
identify and control risks. They are particularly of benefit for risks that may easily
and potentially cross national or regional boundaries, such as those developed to
address environmental hazards that may migrate via air or water to affect other
countries downwind or downstream. IGO agreements may provide incentives to
better control risks, communicate activities or releases, plan for emergencies, and
develop safer or more sustainable systems and operations. Mutual assistance is more
likely to flow from developed to less economically developed countries when there
is an economic, financial, or political interest and benefit to the richer nations. In
terms of environmental transboundary issues, businesses are well aware of the rela-
tionship between sound environmental judgment and financial and political stability
(Kirchsteiger, 2005).
2.2 INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION

2.2.1 Background and History
The International Labor Organization (ILO) was founded in 1919, as part of a peace
settlement in the Treaty of Versailles at the end of World War I. Portions of the treaty
were founded on the notion that lasting peace could only be accomplished if society
was fundamentally and universally just. And social justice included the concept of a
minimum set of standards and accepted practice for humane work.
The original ILO constitution was created by a Labour Commission set up by
the Versailles Peace Conference in 1919. This Labour Commission was a tripartite
organization with representatives from government, labor, and employers. It had rep-
resentatives from Belgium, Cuba, the former Czechoslovakia, France, Italy, Japan,
Poland, the United Kingdom, and the United States (ILO, 2017a,b).
The original ILO constitution focused on the relationship between peace and har-
mony and the role that unfair and inhumane working conditions played in creating
political dissent and unrest. The authors believed that nations with inadequate work-
ing conditions destabilized and placed in peril, other countries with better working
conditions due to such activities as uncontrolled migration and open conflict.
Topics of concern in the preamble to the original constitution included reference
to maximum working hours, provision of adequate and comparable wages for equal
work, safe and healthy workplaces, special protections for women and children, pro-
visions for old age and injured workers, basic freedoms for worker association, and
the provision of training and worker development.
At the conclusion of World War II, the ILO constitution was revised to include
the “Declaration of Philadelphia,” which inserted a focus on universal social
progress. It concluded that lasting peace cannot be attained locally, or globally,
Intergovernmental OSH Organizations 21
without universal social justice including economic security and equal opportu-
nity. It held that poverty and severe inequality present a danger to prosperity and
peace everywhere, and conscientious direct action must be taken to combat them
internationally.
The ILO vision was that work should be a source of personal well-being and
social integration. The Declaration of Philadelphia stated that “Labour is not a
commodity.” The organization is based on the principle that all people should have
equal rights to beneficial work opportunities and conditions that prevent poverty and
ensure security and longevity.
The ILO Constitution governance is based on a tripartite representation that
allows for open discussion and democratic decision-making. Upon the creation of
ILO Conventions and Recommendations regarding work, participating nation’s gov-
ernments adopt the policies for ratification or other action. A system of inspection is
used to enforce commitments to conventions in national laws and regulations. The
governance is, in addition, supported by a robust system of collaboration between
international organizations to ensure that financial and economic programs continue
to support the goals of sustained social progress and equality.
National commitments to ILO conventions and principles vary. And individual
nation commitments may vary over time. The need for an international organization
to protect workers and promote safe work conditions is based on the belief that not
all individual countries can progress alone and that all nations are truly interdepen-
dent in their survival and success. Despite ebbs and flows of isolationism and nation-
alism, the world today truly functions as a global system and it is nearly unavoidable.
The original ILO principles that require international collaboration and dialogue
are perhaps more integral to how the world works today than at any time in the past.
2.2.2 Funding Sources
The ILO’s biennial work program and budget funded by Member States is reviewed
and approved every 2 years at the annual conference.
2.2.3 Regulatory Format and Legal Powers/Sources

The ILO Constitution establishes the purpose of the group and membership criteria,
which includes charter members from 1945, Member States of the United Nations
that chose to belong, and other nations that request membership and then are voted in
by two-thirds delegates at the General Conference which meets at a minimum, once
a year. The organization consists of a tripartite system that includes this General
Conference and member representatives, a governing body composed of represen-
tatives from governments, employers, and employees, and an administrative ILO
Office controlled by the governing body (ILO, 2017a,b).
Each group in the General Conference has voting powers in setting standards and
policies. Within the General Conference, the government has two votes, and employ-
ers and employees each have one vote, on the adoption of ILO instruments and its
agendas. The day-to-day governing body of the organization has 14 employer mem-
bers, 14 employee members, and 28 members representing governmental bodies.
It is broadly believed that the tripartite system provides a means to pres-

ent the interests of employers and workers in a more direct way than solely using
government-appointed political representatives. In the tripartite system, enterprise
viewpoints and worker rights have weight against various potentially contrary and
conflicting governmental political interests. Employer and employee representatives
have the additional power to transcend national boundaries and can create broad pol-
icies that umbrella over multiple governments since enterprise and worker concerns
may be universal or multilateral in nature.
One shortfall of the tripartite system is that it still fails to represent a large seg-
ment of the working population throughout the world, specifically those that work
in the informal economy. Some data show that up to 70% of the world’s workforce
work in neither the government nor formal businesses (ILO, 2003). In addition, labor
organizations are losing power and numbers in many countries, so their representa-
tion is diminishing. There is now debate whether it might be appropriate for other
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to be included in the governance of the ILO
as a means to expand representation to a broader and underrepresented group.
2.2.4 Conventions and Recommendations Regarding

Occupational Safety and Health
ILO standards are proposed and negotiated on a multinational tripartite forum
by the International Labour Conference. Standards are set in either Conventions
or Recommendations. Conventions that are adopted by the ILO are then ratified,
or not, by member nations. The conventions are similar in nature to other inter-
national treaties, and member nations have the option not to ratify them in their
national regulations or laws. Nations must consider the adoption of Conventions and
Recommendations, and those that sign on to the Conventions must then promulgate
and ratify laws in their own countries in order to meet their commitments to the ILO.
ILO Recommendations are standards for good practice and provide guidance for
work organization and conditions.
The International Labour Conference is held at least once a year in Geneva,
Switzerland. The primary activities of each conference include creating and adopt-
ing new conventions or recommendations. In addition, the conference body reviews
reports submitted by Member States regarding their status of compliance with their
existing obligations.
Reports of the ILO Office on the topics of rights to collective bargaining and
freedom of association, elimination of forced labor, abolition of child labor, and
elimination of discrimination in the workplace are reviewed at each conference
on an annually rotating basis. Other timely and important topics are discussed
and debated at each conference, and plans for future directions and activities are
determined.
The original 188 Recommendations and 188 Conventions adopted by the ILO
in 1919 covered a broad range of labor law and the control of work. The governing
body has identified eight fundamental conventions outlined in the ILO’s Declaration
on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work (ILO, 1998). The eight fundamental
rights are as follows:
1. Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention,

1948 (No. 87)
2. Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention, 1949 (No. 98)
3. Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29)
4. Abolition of Forced Labour Convention, 1957 (No. 105)
5. Minimum Age Convention, 1973 (No. 138)
6. Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention, 1999 (No. 182)
7. Equal Remuneration Convention, 1951 (No. 100)
8. Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention, 1958 (No. 111)
The ILO has also designated four additional conventions as “governance conven-
tions” because of their importance in the operation of the standards system. These
conventions were listed in the Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Globalization,
and Member States are encouraged to follow them. The governance conventions are
as follows (ILO, 2008):
1. Labour Inspection Convention, 1947 (No. 81)

2. Employment Policy Convention, 1964 (No. 122)
3. Labour Inspection (Agriculture) Convention, 1969 (No. 129)
4. Tripartite Consultation (International Labour Standards) Convention, 1976
(No. 144)
The Occupational Safety and Health (OSH) Convention C155 was adopted by the ILO
in 1981 and put into force in 1983. It applies to all environments and workplaces of eco-
nomic activity and public service and covers all employed persons. It requires Member
States to design and implement policies, programs, and necessary laws and regulations
to ensure safe working environments for employees free from hazardous working condi-
tions, processes, or chemical, physical, and biological agents that pose an unacceptable
risk. It requires the development of training and qualification for individuals responsible
for the achievement of adequate levels of health and safety in the workplace.
The convention requires employers to determine the degree of hazard associ-
ated within various environments and processes, and implement effective controls
to reduce them. Protocols must be developed for the response to and notification of
accidents and any other occupationally related diseases or injuries to employees.
The convention requires Member States to develop a system of enforcement of their
regulations and penalties for employers who do not comply.
The Occupational Health Services Convention of 1985 establishes basic preven-
tive functions for maintaining safe and healthy work environments. This convention
requires Member States to design and implement programs that require employers
to perform such activities as workplace risk assessments, surveillance of working
conditions, active planning and program development to maintain worker health and
safety on an ongoing basis, workplace safety training and communication, first aid
and emergency treatment, and accident/illness investigation.
In 2009, the Promotional Framework for Occupational Safety and Health
Convention number C187 went into force. This convention requires Member States to
develop programs to ensure the continuous promotion of a national preventive OSH
culture. It establishes requirements to progressively develop and periodically review

programs to ensure continuous improvement. It also includes the use of research
and statistics to review progress, collaboration with insurance and social security
systems, and the expansion of training to include other aspects of capacity building.
Other miscellaneous OSH conventions and recommendations are provided in the
following list:
P155—Protocol of 2002 to the Occupational Safety and Health Convention, 1981

R164—Occupational Safety and Health Recommendation, 1981 (No. 164)
R171—Occupational Health Services Recommendation, 1985 (No. 171)
R197—Promotional Framework for Occupational Safety and Health
Recommendation, 2006 (No. 197)
R097—Protection of Workers’ Health Recommendation, 1953 (No. 97)
R194—List of Occupational Diseases Recommendation, 2002 (No. 194)
Instrument with Interim Status

R031—Prevention of Industrial Accidents Recommendation, 1929 (No. 31)
Replaced Recommendations
R112—Occupational Health Services Recommendation, 1959 (No. 112)
C115—Radiation Protection Convention, 1960 (No. 115)
R114—Radiation Protection Recommendation, 1960 (No. 114)
C139—Occupational Cancer Convention, 1974 (No. 139)
R147—Occupational Cancer Recommendation, 1974 (No. 147)
C148—Working Environment (Air Pollution, Noise and Vibration) Convention,
1977 (No. 148)
R156—Working Environment (Air Pollution, Noise and Vibration)
Recommendation, 1977 (No. 156)
C162—Asbestos Convention, 1986 (No. 162)
R172—Asbestos Recommendation, 1986 (No. 172)
C170—Chemicals Convention, 1990 (No. 170)
R177—Chemicals Recommendation, 1990 (No. 177)
C174—Prevention of Major Industrial Accidents Convention, 1993 (No. 174)
R181—Prevention of Major Industrial Accidents Recommendation, 1993
(No. 181)
2.2.5 Administrative Programs
One of the most important administrative activities of the ILO is the supervision
of standards implementation. Each year participating nations must submit a report
regarding ratified conventions and status of implementation to the ILO Committee
of Experts. The governing body also has the right to require reports from Member
States on their practices concerning unratified Conventions and Recommendations.
This puts pressure on countries that have not ratified a certain convention to at least
explain what they are doing to address the issue.
Complaints regarding a given country’s adherence to its ILO commitments can

be made by nation members, delegates to the International Labour Conference, and
employer or worker representatives. Complaints are reviewed by the Governing
Body Committee on Freedom of Association.
In some cases, the ILO creates other instruments to disseminate policies or pro-
grams. Declarations can be made to promote a certain orientation in programs.
Another means is the creation of Codes of Practice, especially in the area of occu-
pational health. Codes of Practice are not legally binding but provide guidance on
complex technically or politically sensitive topics.
2.2.6 Completed Projects
In addition to the many conventions and recommendations for OSH, the ILO has
completed numerous research projects and developed Codes of Practice to provide
guidance on specific topics. The publications are typically available online free of
charge. A partial list of topics is provided here:
• Guidelines on OSH management systems

• Safety and health in the use of machinery
• Safety and health in agriculture
• Safety and health in underground coal mines
• Safety and health in the iron and steel industry
• Safety and health in shipbreaking: Guidelines for Asian countries and
Turkey
• Security in ports
• Safety and health in ports
• Workplace violence in services sectors and measures to combat this
phenomenon
• Managing disability in the workplace
• Safety and health in the nonferrous metal industries
• Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)/autoimmune deficiency syndrome
(AIDS) and the world of work
• Safety in the use of synthetic vitreous fiber insulation wools
• Ambient factors in the workplace
• Safety and health in forestry work
• Recording and notification of occupational accidents and diseases
• Safety in the use of chemicals at work
• Safety and health in construction
• Prevention of major industrial accidents
• Safety, health, and working conditions in the transfer of technology to
developing countries
• Radiation protection of workers
• Safety in the use of asbestos
• Occupational exposure to airborne substances harmful to health
• Safe design and use of chain saws
• Safe construction and operation of tractors

• Technical and ethical guidelines for worker’s health surveillance
In general, these documents can provide a fundamental starting point for under-
standing hazardous conditions and how to remediate or control them. Unfortunately,
some of the documents listed above are somewhat dated and in some cases may not
have the latest relevant safety information. The guide on chain saws, for example,
was written in 1978, and although it lists the use of leg protectors under safety equip-
ment, it does not thoroughly describe the advances made in protective clothing to
date. The guide for airborne exposure to toxic substances was written in 1980 and
provides only the most fundamental information in comparison with the latest meth-
ods and technologies on the topic.
2.2.7 The ILO Today and Future Directions

In support of the original ILO goals to promote social justice and universal human
and labor rights, the newest initiative is called “The Decent Work Agenda.” Its focus
is to advance economic and working conditions as a means to achieve peace, pros-
perity, and progress. It is based on the premise that the ability to have decent work is
integral to peace and progress. Another initiative at the ILO involves efforts to pro-
hibit the use of child labor. The ILO has supported child labor prohibition initiatives
in more than 200 countries.
2.3 WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION

2.3.1 Background and History
The World Health Organization (WHO) was created on April 7, 1948. The primary
role is to promote international health through the United Nations network. It is
responsible for directing and coordinating international health initiatives by pro-
viding leadership and promoting collaboration and information exchange between
the different Member States. The WHO sets norms and standards for promoting
and monitoring health in the broadest of social terms. It shapes and influences the
research agendas of Member States through ethical and evidence-based policies.
It monitors global health trends and provides technical support and capacity building
where needed.
Since the inception, the WHO has achieved numerous projects and landmarks
highlighted here in the following list:
1950—Training and advice on the use of antibiotics

1952—57 Facilitation of mass global campaigns using newly invented polio-
virus vaccine
1963—69 Facilitation and training in the use of new vaccines for measles,
mumps, and rubella
1969—The first International Health Regulations are created by the Health
Assembly that requires Member States to prevent the transmission of health
risks across borders
1979—Following a 12-year campaign by the WHO, smallpox is eradicated

1983—HIV is discovered and WHO begins research and response programs
1987—The first antiretroviral medications for HIV infection are developed and
become part of the WHO program combatting the disease and the AIDS
1988—The Global Polio Eradication Initiative is established with the use of
vaccines and outreach
1999—A Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization is created to over-
come barriers to vaccine distribution throughout the world
2003—The WHO adopts the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control
aimed at reducing related disease and deaths worldwide
2004—The Strategic Health Operations Centre is created as a nerve center for
global emergency response
2009—The H1N1 pandemic leads to collaboration with pharmaceutical indus-
tries to expand and hasten the development of vaccines
2014—WHO responds to the West Africa Ebola outbreak with a vast emer-
gency response including the deployment of thousands of technical and
medical experts, laboratory support, and mobile treatment centers
2016—The Zika virus is recognized as an international public health emer-
gency, and the WHO begins education and outreach on the topic (WHO,
2016)
Today, the WHO employs more than 7,000 people in over 150 WHO country offices,
six regional offices, the Global Service Center in Malaysia, and the headquarters in
Geneva, Switzerland. Current regional offices are in Africa, the Americas, Southeast
Asia, Europe, Eastern Mediterranean, and the Western Pacific. Employees have
expertise and education in a broad range of technical fields including medicine, pub-
lic health, epidemiology, statistics, administration, finance, economics, and emer-
gency preparedness and response. Official languages of the organization are French
and English, but many publications are available in other additional languages.
2.3.2 Administrative Format, Responsibilities, and Authorities

The work of the WHO is conducted by three different groups: the World Health
Assembly, the Executive Board, and the Secretariat. The Health Assembly com-
prises up to three delegates from each Member State and meets in a regular annual
session. Other special sessions may be convened at the request of the Board or a
majority of members. During the annual session, various officers and a President
are selected.
Some of the primary functions of the Health Assembly are to
• Set policies.
• Name the members entitled to designate a person to serve on the Board.
• Appoint the Director-General.
• Review and approve reports and activities of the Board and of the Director-
General and to instruct the Board in regard to matters upon which action,
study, investigation, or report may be considered desirable.
• Establish working committees.

• Supervise the financial policies of the organization and review and approve
the budget.
• Instruct the Board and the Director-General to bring to the attention of
members and of international organizations, governmental or nongovern-
mental, any matter with regard to health which the Health Assembly may
consider appropriate.
• Invite any organization, international or national, governmental or nongov-
ernmental, to participate in WHO activities.
• Consider recommendations bearing on health made by other branches of
the United Nations, and to report to them on the steps taken by the WHO to
respond to the recommendations.
• Promote and conduct research in the field of health.
During assembly meetings, various conventions or recommendations are proposed

and debated. A two-thirds vote of the Health Assembly is required for the adoption
of conventions or agreements. Each Member State has 18 months after the adoption
of conventions to take action towards the acceptance of the convention or to notify
the WHO with a statement of the reasons for nonacceptance. Each member must
make an annual report to the WHO regarding their status with respect to the adop-
tion of various conventions and agreements.
The Executive Board of the WHO consists of 34 persons selected by members
of the Health Assembly. The terms are for 3 years and representatives may be
reelected. The Board meets at least twice per year and elects its own Chairperson
from among the members.
The primary purposes of the Executive Board are to provide oversight and
administrative support to the Health Assembly. It advises and answers questions
regarding conventions, agreements, and regulations. When necessary, the Executive
Board may deal with emergency events and authorize the Director-General to take
urgent actions to deal with the organization of relief to victims of a calamity or to
combat epidemics.
The Director-General is the ex officio secretary of the organization and the chief
technical and administrative officer. The Director-General maintains and prepares
all financial statements and budget estimates of the organization. The Director-
General appoints a staff to uphold the administration of the organization.
The Health Assembly has the power to create regional organizations in various
geographical areas based on special needs or conditions. Each region has a com-
mittee and an office. Committees are made up of representatives from the Member
States and Associate Members in the region. These regional groups govern them-
selves through their own rules of procedure and formulate policies and programs
specifically designed to address matters of regional concern. They may conduct
research, hold technical conferences, and coordinate directly with regional com-
mittees of the United Nations or other international organizations operating in the
region. Other activities may be coordinated with or directed by the Health Assembly
or the Director-General.
2.3.3 Funding Sources
The WHO’s financing comes from assessed contributions from Member States. The
amount paid by each Member State is calculated based on the country’s wealth and
population. In addition, a significant portion of funds come from voluntary contribu-
tions from Member States and various partners. The respective portions of funding
and contributions are shown in Figure 2.1. A small portion of organizational funds
come from private sources (WHO, 2016).
2.3.4 Programs Regarding OSH

Today, the WHO operates following six main leadership priorities that guide the
direction of the organization. The priorities are oriented towards the concept of
development and sustainability of health and well-being, for individuals of all ages
internationally.
The first priority is the advancement of health coverage to ensure that all coun-
tries can provide and sustain access to health services for their populations. The
goal is to provide health care to people that is within their financial capabilities and
prevent financial catastrophe when illness occurs. WHO works with governments to
provide practical advice on how health service systems can be best expanded within
a particular government system.
The second priority is the continued battle against existing and historic chal-
lenges related to maternal and child health, HIV, malaria, tuberculosis, polio, and
other tropical diseases. Newly discovered diseases also fall into this priority and are
addressed as they become apparent.
FIGURE 2.1 WHO funding sources. (Adapted from WHO, 2016.)

The third challenge to the WHO is the reduction of the impacts of noncommu-
nicable diseases that result from tobacco and alcohol use, sedentary lifestyles, and
unhealthy diets. WHO provides training and educational materials geared towards
combatting these conditions and curbing policies that allow the conditions to prevail.
The WHO provides ongoing assistance for emergency preparedness and response
to countries unable to adequately respond to disease outbreaks and other humanitar-
ian crises. The WHO helps to plan for emergency response and ensure that national
health-care systems can respond to and recover from a variety of public health
stresses that are likely to occur from time to time.
Another goal of WHO is to improve access to medical products and technolo-
gies. WHO promotes national procurement of medicine and information necessary
to support a modern health-care service structure. More broadly, the WHO evaluates
a variety of social, economic, and environmental determinants of health in order to
reduce health inequalities between countries.
As part of the overall plan for public health, the WHO has been committed to
the improvement and protection of the health of workers. In 1999, a network of
Collaborating Centers for Occupational Health was created to develop and strengthen
institutional capacities to provide healthy workplaces in countries and regions. The
mission of the collaboration is to provide technical expertise to economically devel-
oping countries to promote equity, justice, and fairness in OSH by strengthening the
capabilities of national and regional systems. Activities and functions of the collab-
orating centers include the following:
• Collection, collation, and dissemination of information

• Standardization of terminology, technology, methods, and procedures
• Development of evidence-based technical guidance tools and resource
materials
• Development and application of appropriate technology
• Development of collaborative research on occupational health topics
• Training
• Coordination of activities carried out by several institutions on a given
subject
• Capacity-building work at a country level
• Monitoring, preparedness, and response services to deal with disease out-
breaks and public health emergencies (WHO, 2014)
Collaborating centers and programs include support from the ILO OSH Branch and
from other NGOs. Work is oriented according to a Global Master Plan (GMP), which
describes project priorities, product goals, and activities necessary for achieving the
desired objectives. The current 2012–2017 GMP lists seven major OSH priorities,
which are as follows:
1. Regional and national programs on occupational noncommunicable dis-

eases with focus on cancer, silica, and asbestos-related diseases
2. National programs and good practices for occupational health and safety of
health-care workers
3. Tools, standards, and capacities for healthy workplaces

4. Strengthening health systems, governance, capacities, and service delivery
for workers’ health
5. Occupational health aspects of emerging technologies
6. Classification, diagnostics, and exposure criteria for occupational diseases
7. Occupational health and safety for vulnerable groups and high-risk sectors
(WHO, 2017a)
Resolution WHA 60.26 “Workers’ Health: Global Plan of Action” urges the creation
and provision of occupational health services for all workers including those in the
informal economy, migrants, contract workers, and those working in the agricul-
tural sector. WHO is working to ensure that primary care centers are created to
ensure preventive, curative, and rehabilitative services are available to all workers. It
includes efforts to improve multidisciplinary capacity in primary care and occupa-
tional health specialties (WHO, 2017b).
2.3.5 WHO Publications
Over the many years, the WHO has created numerous documents regarding occu-
pational health. Most are available with no fee. Some are published as periodicals
with different frequencies, such as The African Newsletter on Occupational Health
and Safety. It has been published since 1991 and targets 21 African countries with
distributions to more than 100 countries. Reports of the Annual World Assemblies
are routinely available from the WHO website. And many special reports are avail-
able, such as “Occupational Noise: Assessing the burden of disease from work-
related hearing impairment at national and local levels” (WHO, 2004) and “Work
Organization and Stress” (WHO, 2003).
2.3.6 International Agency for Research on Cancer

The International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) is a subdepartment of the
WHO that performs specialized research and promotes international collaboration
on cancer research. The agency uses an interdisciplinary approach with data and
information from countries around the world using epidemiology, laboratory sci-
ences, and biostatistics to identify the causes of cancer. The information from the
research helps the IARC and the WHO prioritize medical research and prevention
needed to reduce the global burden of disease from cancer. The IARC is a definitive
source of information about cancer and is of great value to researchers and health-
care practitioners worldwide. Education and training is a priority of IARC with pub-
lications available online in a variety of formats, and through other fellowships and
courses (IARC, 2016).
2.4 EUROPEAN UNION
In 1989, the European Union (EU) European Framework Directive on Safety and
Health at Work (Directive 89/391 EEC) was adopted by the EU. It was a substantial
milestone in improving safety and health at work and led to the creation of detailed
directives that guarantee minimum safety and health requirements throughout
Europe to which all Member governments must adhere to for worker safety (EU,
2016a). Separate from, but in addition to, directives, EU guidelines are nonbinding
documents that aim to facilitate the implementation of European directives. Different
types of guidelines include recommendations from various other organizations such
as in EU social partners’ agreements (EU, 2016b).
In 1994, the EU Council Regulation (EC) No. 2062/94 established a European
Agency for Safety and Health at Work, EU-OSHA (EU-OSHA, 1994). EU-OSHA
is allocated funds by the EU’s budgetary authority, through the Treaty on the
Functioning of the EU. EU-OSHA directives set by the European Parliament
(directly elected Members of the European Parliament) and the Council of the EU
(representatives of the 28 Member State governments) become laws which each of
the Member States must transpose into national laws within set deadlines.
The goal of EU-OSHA is to promote improvements in working conditions for the
health and safety of workers under existing Treaty conditions through the support
of successive action programs (EU-OSHA, 1994). Some of the main goals of the
regulation are to
• Collect and disseminate technical, scientific, and economic information in

order to develop priorities.
• Perform OSH research and publish results.
• Promote cooperation and exchange of information.
• Organize conferences and seminars on occupational safety topics.
• Collect and disseminate information on OSH to developing countries.
• Promote OSH in small to mid-sized companies.
• Contribute to the development of community action programs that improve
worker safety.
2.5 UNITED NATIONS ENVIRONMENTAL PROGRAM

The United Nations Environmental Program (UNEP) advocates environmental
issues and environmental sustainability globally. They prioritize work on the topics
of climate change, conflict, natural disasters, eco-management, chemical hazards,
hazardous waste, and resource efficiency. Many UNEP projects and documents over-
lap into areas of occupational exposures and hazards in certain industries and even
environmental and occupational exposures that occur in the informal work sector
(UNEP, 2018).
2.6 WORLD BANK
The World Bank is supported by 189 member countries and provides funding and
technical assistance to developing countries around the world as a means to reduce
poverty globally. They support investments in education, administration, public
health, private sector development, natural resource management, the environ-
ment, and agriculture. They work with governments, tripartite groups, and private
enterprises. As they relate to social development and security, many funded World
Bank projects include areas that overlap with occupational safety issues and con-
cerns such as emergency and disaster preparedness, environmental hazards, and
measures of identifying and minimizing industrial accidents (World Bank, 2018).
2.7 INTERNATIONAL MARITIME ORGANIZATION

The International Maritime Organization (IMO) is the UN special agency with
responsibility for the safety of shipping (IMO, 2018a). Their main goal is to cre-
ate performance standards and regulatory frameworks to be followed by member
nations. As shipping is truly a global industry, it is an area where international occu-
pational safety standards have the opportunity to be equal for all workers. IMO
programs include training on occupational health and safety topics. IMO conven-
tions overlapping with safety include the safety of fishing vessels and the carriage of
hazardous and noxious substances by sea (IMO, 2018b).
2.8 INTERNATIONAL PROGRAM ON CHEMICAL SAFETY

The International Program on Chemical Safety (IPCS) was established in 1980 as a
joint program between the three cooperating organizations: ILO, UNEP, and WHO.
Standards of practice are developed to ensure the safety and health of workers, the
public, and the environment. They cover a broad range of exposure scenarios in
the presence of chemicals including industrial production, transport, and disposal.
Programs include evaluation of chemical risks, hazard evaluation, and prevention of
exposure to chemicals (IPCS, 2018).
2.9 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Countries that collect and transparently share objective data regarding OSH which
work towards common goals and objectives can obtain mutual benefits for work-
ers, societies, and economic stability. Guidance documents and standards not only
can improve conditions within national boundaries but can also be used to mini-
mize transboundary hazards created in one nation that have the potential of affect-
ing neighboring nations. Standardized OSH programs can level the playing field in
business and economic development of nations. These same standards can be used
to ensure safe working conditions for all workers, regardless of their nationality or
nation of origin. Decisions can be made collectively in guidance documents and trea-
ties for assessing risks and setting priorities for appropriate controls. Balances can
be struck within decision-making processes to reduce uncertainty and take a pre-
cautionary approach to potential hazards. Numerous OSH goals have been achieved
globally through the international agreements between numerous international orga-
nizations that have been created over the past several decades.
There is always room for improvement and further collaborations. The bureau-
cratic monolithic structures of many government agencies, in addition to the IGOs
created and supported by them, need to do more to include other stakeholders and
community organizations who are willing to assist and provide resources in human
capacity through volunteers with specialty expertise in OSH. NGOs have a signifi-
cant capacity which is not being effectively or fully utilized by IGOs. Offers to assist
with projects including document development, research, and capacity building are
often ignored by large IGOs. Governments and IGOs would benefit greatly from
increased awareness and collaboration with NGOs and other external groups that
are doing great work.
REFERENCES
EU, European Union, European Directives (2016a) https://osha.europa.eu/en/safety-and-
health-legislation/european-directives accessed June 17, 2016.
EU, European Guidelines (2016b) https://osha.europa.eu/en/safety-and-health-legislation/
european-guidelines accessed June 17, 2016.
EU-OSHA, European Union, Council Regulation (EC) No. 2062/94, European Agency
for Safety and Health at Work 8 July, 1994, Official Journal of the European Union
(August 20, 1994) No. L. 216.
IARC, International Agency for Research on Cancer, IARC a unique agency—cancer research
for cancer prevention, IARC, Lyon (2016) www.iarc.fr/en/about/iarc-brochure-web.pdf
accessed June 22, 2016.
ILO, (June 18, 1998) Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work,
International Labor Organization. Geneva: International Labor Organization. ISBN
978-92-2-124804-0.
ILO (2003). Safety in Numbers: Pointers for a Global Safety Culture at Work. Geneva:
International Labor Organization. ISBN: 92-2-113741-4.
ILO, (June 10, 2008) Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Globalization,
International Labor Organization. Geneva: International Labor Organization. ISBN
978-92-2-121617-9.
ILO, Origins and History, International Labor Organization (2017a) www.ilo.org/global/
about-the-ilo/history/lang--en/index.htm accessed July 21, 2017.
ILO, Constitution, International Labor Organization, (2017b) www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/
en/f?p=1000:62:0::NO:62:P62_LIST_ENTRIE_ID:2453907:NO, accessed July 24,
2017.
IMO, Brief History of IMO, International Maritime Organization (2018a) www.imo.org/en/
About/HistoryOfIMO/Pages/Default.aspx accessed July 20, 2018.
IMO, List of IMO conventions, International Maritime Organization (2018b) www.imo.org/
en/About/Conventions/ListOfConventions/Pages/Default.aspx accessed July 20, 2018.
IPCS, International Program of Chemical Safety (2018) www.who.int/ipcs/en accessed July
20, 2018.
Kirchsteiger, C., Review of industrial safety management by international agreements and
institutions, Journal of Risk Research (2005) Vol. 8, No. 1, pp. 31–51.
UNEP, Homepage, United Nations Environmental Programme (2018) www.unenvironment.
org/ accessed July 20, 2018.
WHO (2003). Leka, S., Griffiths, A., Cox, T., Work Organization and Stress: Systematic
Problem Approaches for Employers, Managers and Trade Union Representatives,
protecting workers health series No. 3. Geneva: World Health Organization. ISBN
92-4-159047-5.
WHO (2004). Concha-Barrientos, M., Campbell-Lendrum, D., Steenland, K., Occupational
Noise—Assessing the Burden of Disease from Work-Related Hearing Impairment at
National and Local Levels, environmental burden of disease series, No. 9. Geneva:
World Health Organization. ISBN 92-4-159192-7.
WHO, WHO Collaborating Centers for Occupational Health, World Health Organization,
2016 (2014) www.who.int/occupational_health/network/OH_CCs_WoW_20160502.
pdf?ua=1 accessed July 27, 2017.
WHO (2016) The Guardian of Public Health, World Health Organization (2016) www.who.
int/about/what-we-do/global-guardian-of-public-health.pdf?ua=1 accessed July 27,
2017.
WHO, Global Master Plan, World Health Organization (2017a) www.who.int/occupational_
health/network/OH_GMP_2012-2017.pdf?ua=1 accessed July 27, 2017.
WHO, Universal Health Coverage of Workers, World Health Organization (2017b) www.who.
int/occupational_health/activities/en/ accessed July 27, 2017.
World Bank, Homepage (2018) www.worldbank.org accessed July 20, 2018.
3 Nongovernmental
International
Occupational Safety
and Health Professional
Organizations
Thomas P. Fuller
CONTENTS
3.1 I ntroduction..................................................................................................... 37
3.2 International Occupational Hygiene Association............................................ 38
3.3 Workplace Health Without Borders................................................................. 39
3.4 Occupational Hygiene Training Association...................................................40
3.5 Institution of Occupational Safety and Health................................................ 42
3.6 International Commission on Occupational Health........................................ 43
3.7 International Network of Safety and Health Professional Organizations........ 43
3.8 European Network Education and Training in Occupational
Safety and Health............................................................................................. 43
3.9 European Network of Safety and Health Professional Organizations............44
3.10 International Commission on Radiation Protection........................................ 45
3.11 International Radiation Protection Association...............................................46
3.12 Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers............................................46
3.13 International Standards Organization.............................................................46
3.14 Conclusions...................................................................................................... 47
References................................................................................................................. 47
3.1 INTRODUCTION
A number of international nongovernmental (NGOs) and professional organizations
exist that cover a wide range of subject areas and topics. Many of the organiza-
tions’ goals, objectives, and activities overlap substantially. And as a result, there
exist many possible areas for collaboration and intersupport between the groups.
The members of a national professional organization may automatically belong to an
umbrella international organization due to existing arrangements or memorandum
37
of understanding. Or members of one organization may join an international orga-

nization independently. Many professionals participate in several organizations and
cross-collaborations at the same time.
This chapter briefly introduces each of the major organizations with activities asso-
ciated with occupational safety and health (OSH) at the international level. Although
many large national organizations have strong international outreach activities and
objectives, and large international membership, this chapter only includes those that
are truly “international” in nature, by either their name, membership, or charters.
3.2 INTERNATIONAL OCCUPATIONAL HYGIENE ASSOCIATION

The International Occupational Hygiene Association (IOHA) is a global community
of occupational hygienists and professionals who are dedicated to the discipline and
application of the inherent principles used to protect workers from hazards to reduce
injury and illness (IOHA, 2018). There are 35 member organizations, in 32 coun-
tries, that represent more than 20,000 occupational hygiene professionals around
the world. IOHA is recognized as an NGO by both the World Health Organization
(WHO) and the International Labor Organization (ILO).
IOHA activities include the development of promotion of occupational hygiene as
a professional field of practice and holding international conferences to support the
exchange of information and ideas on occupational hygiene theory and practice. The
IOHA National Accreditation Recognition (NAR) Committee reviews and approves
occupational hygiene credentialing and certification schemes and designates those
systems with comparable standards. There are currently 15 recognized certification
schemes recognized by the IOHA NAR Committee. With more than 13,000 char-
tered safety and health practitioners under the NAR program, IOHA has more certi-
fied OSH professionals than any other organization (IOHA, 2018).
IOHA membership organizations around the world include the following:
• American Conference of Governmental Industrial Hygienists (ACGIH)

• American Industrial Hygiene Association (AIHA)
• Association of Hygienists of Argentina (AHRA)
• Australian Institute of Occupational Hygienists (AIOH)
• Belgian Society for Occupational Hygiene
• Brazilian Association of Occupational Hygienists (Associação Brasileira de
Higienistas Ocupacionais [ABHO])
• British Occupational Hygiene Society (BOHS)
• Canadian Registration Board of Occupational Hygienists (CRBOH)
(Conseil Canadien d’Agrément des Hygiénistes du Travail [CCAHT])
• Dutch Occupational Hygiene Society (Nederlandse Vereniging voor
Arbeidshygiëne [NVvA])
• French Occupational Hygienists Society (SOciete Francaise des HYgienites
du Travail or French Occupational Hygienists Society)
• Finnish Occupational Hygiene Society (Suomen Työhygienian Seura [STHS])
• German Society for Occupational Hygiene (Deutsche Gesellschaft für
Arbeitshygiene [DGAH])
Nongovernmental OSH Organizations 39
• Hong Kong Institute of Occupational and Environmental Hygiene

• Italian Industrial Hygiene Association
• Japan Occupational Hygiene Association
• Japan Association for Working Environment Measurement (JAWE)
• Korean Industrial Hygiene Association (KIHA)
• Macedonian Association of Industrial Hygiene and Occupational Health
• Malaysian Industrial Hygiene Association
• Mexican Industrial Hygiene Association (Asociación Mexicana de Higiene
Industrial [AMHI])
• New Zealand Occupational Hygiene Society (NZOHS)
• Norwegian Occupational Hygiene Association (Norsk yrkeshygienisk
forening [NYF])
• Occupational and Environmental Health Society of Singapore
• Occupational Hygiene Society of Ireland (OHSI)
• Polish Association of Industrial Hygienists (Polskie Towarzystwo
Higienistów rzemysowych [PTHP])
• Spanish Association of Industrial Hygiene
• Southern African Institute for Occupational Hygiene—Certification Board
(SAIOH-CB)
• Swedish Association of Occupational and Environmental Hygiene (Svensk
Yrkes-och Miljöhygienisk Förening [SYMF])
• Swiss Society for Occupational Hygiene (Schweizerischen Gesellschaft
für Arbeitshygiene [SGAH] and Société Suisse d’ Hygiène du Travail
[SSHT])
• Taiwan Occupational Hygiene Association (TOHA)
• Vietnamese Industrial Hygiene Association
3.3 WORKPLACE HEALTH WITHOUT BORDERS

Workplace Health Without Borders (WHWB) was founded in 2011 as a not-for-
profit organization to address occupational health and safety issues in the developing
world. WHWB engages volunteers with expertise and experience in occupational
hygiene to donate time to support projects in economically developing countries to
build capacity in OSH through training, research, and outreach projects. WHWB is
built on a foundation of collaboration between numerous governmental, academic,
and professional organizations (WHWB, 2018). WHWB International was origi-
nally founded in Canada. National branches of WHWB have since been created in
the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia.
In the past several years, WHWB has delivered OSH training in India, Tanzania,
Vietnam, South Africa, Botswana, Mozambique, and Swaziland. The WHWB facil-
itated occupational hygiene instrument donations to Botswana, Uruguay, Pakistan,
and Tanzania. In addition, personal protective equipment was donated through
WHWB to fight the Ebola outbreak in Sierra Leone.
Research activities that have been funded by WHWB have included clay brick
kiln exposure studies in Pakistan and Nepal. Figure 3.1 shows a typical brick kiln
operation where a study has been completed by WHWB volunteers.
FIGURE 3.1 WHWB brick kiln study site in Nepal. (Photograph courtesy of Steve Thygerson.)
3.4 OCCUPATIONAL HYGIENE TRAINING ASSOCIATION

The Occupational Hygiene Training Association (OHTA) was formed to promote
improved occupational hygiene practice and build professional occupational hygiene
capacity throughout the world by developing and providing associated occupational
hygiene training materials. The training materials are developed by volunteers with
particular expertise on given subjects and are made available freely to students and
training providers (OHTA, 2018a).
OHTA began as an informal collaboration but has grown into an international
framework supported by professionals from numerous occupational hygiene profes-
sional organizations, including the IOHA. OHTA is registered as a charity in the
United Kingdom and operates through the support of volunteers who create training
materials and support program activities. Association operating expenses are funded
by small levies on training providers based on the number of students taking course
examinations. Funds are also received from supporting professional associations,
companies, and consultancies in the form of donations.
A main operating principle of OHTA is that materials are available to everyone
for free, that even for-profit concerns can gain benefit from the use of the materials,
and that they should not be excluded. It is also important that organizations with
limited funds have access to the materials, and approved instructors who may also
perform as volunteers.
Another goal of OHTA is to make access to the materials and associated train-
ing courses as easy as possible. Regional training providers are identified on the
OHTA website, and, in addition, numerous national associations and other not-
for-profit groups are available as approved trainers to provide courses. The use of
volunteers keeps administrative costs to a minimum and increases the availability
and accessibility of courses to those individuals and groups with limited financial
resources.
OHTA works to be as transparent as possible in the implementation of courses
and examinations. While maintaining high standards for course examination and
confidentiality, the benefits of attaining the course certifications are held at high
levels and are respected within the OH profession. Training quality is maintained for
OHTA course by a thorough and rigid training provider review and approval process
(OHTA, 2018b).
One of the most valuable aspects of the OHTA model is that it can be used by
early occupational hygiene professionals, managers in other fields, and specialists
in other related areas to build their knowledge base in occupational hygiene topics.
Those in the occupational hygiene field can earn certification credentials that can
lead to higher professional levels in occupational hygiene. Students can work on the
certifications over time, at their own pace, to attain goals on their terms and time-
frame. Courses offered at the “awareness” level introduce managers, supervisors,
worker representatives, and employees to basic health risks and hazards typically
associated with workplaces and identify ways to control the hazards to provide a safe
work environment. Courses at the “foundation” level can be used to support knowl-
edge development in a particular specialty area for professionals such as physicians
or nurses. “Intermediate” courses build and expand upon basic concepts to improve
technical understanding and provide hands-on and practical information about how
to assess exposure, take measurements, and design and assess effectiveness of con-
trol measures. “Academic” courses are designed to assist those individuals with
the responsibility for designing and delivering OH programs in the workplace. In
many cases, these courses, in addition to other qualifications, can be used to support
requirements for entry to professional qualification schemes. Lastly, “leadership”
level courses provide senior occupational hygienists with information necessary to
stay current in the field of occupational hygiene and grow into management and
supervisory positions in the field of occupational hygiene (OHTA, 2018c). The OHTA
occupational hygiene training and career ladder steps are shown in Figure 3.2.
FIGURE 3.2 OHTA training and career ladder.
OHTA course materials that can be found online include slide presentations for
topic lectures, course syllabi, in-class activities, homework assignments, student
manuals, practice examinations, case studies, and laboratory activities. Current
courses available through OHTA include the following:
• Basic principles in occupational hygiene

• Measurement of hazardous substances
• Thermal environment
• Noise—Measurement and its effects
• Asbestos and other fibers
• Control of hazardous substances
• Ergonomics essentials
• Health effects of hazardous substances
OHTA course examinations allow students to earn certifications in each of the topic
subjects. Examinations are administered and graded under strict OHTA program
requirements for qualified occupational health professionals. Recipients who have
earned six of the above certificates and meet other basic educational and experi-
ence requirements can become qualified to sit for IOHA NAR scheme examinations
and earn professional certifications, such as Certified Industrial Hygienist from the
American Board of Industrial Hygiene.
3.5 INSTITUTION OF OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY AND HEALTH

The Institution of Occupational Safety and Health (IOSH) was founded in 1945 to
promote health and safety at work and to support the development of safety profes-
sionals working in the field. With more than 47,000 members, this is one of the world’s
largest health and safety professional membership organizations (IOSH, 2018).
IOSH activities include ongoing training on health and safety topics by licensed
instructors and development of books and e-resources on health and safety topics.
3.6 INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION ON
OCCUPATIONAL HEALTH
The International Commission on Occupational Health (ICOH) is an international
nongovernmental professional society founded in 1906 to promote occupational
health and safety. There are currently more than 2,000 members from 93 countries.
The organization is committed to fostering OSH understanding and capacity around
the world. It works to disseminate scientific information through triennial confer-
ences at varying locations around the world. Collaboration on technical projects
is achieved through a broad variety of technical committees and working groups
(ICOH, 2018). The ICOH is recognized by the United Nations as an NGO and has
close working relationships with ILO and the WHO.
3.7 INTERNATIONAL NETWORK OF SAFETY AND

HEALTH PROFESSIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
The International Network of Safety and Health Professional Organizations
(INSHPO) is an international collaboration among professional organizations with
the goal of improving safety and health at work (INSHPO, 2018). The INSHPO
conducts meetings to share information and publishes OSH-related materials online
as a means to spread awareness of workplace health and safety issues and controls.
This organization is not-for-profit, and board members serve without compensation.
Current projects include development and dissemination of core competencies for
OSH professions, designation or moral codes of conduct, and educational equiva-
lency comparisons.
3.8 EUROPEAN NETWORK EDUCATION AND TRAINING

IN OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY AND HEALTH
(ENETOSH) was created in 2015 and is funded by the European Commission with
the aim to mainstream occupational safety and health into education and training at
all levels. It fosters the idea that health and safety are an integral part of life, and it
should be incorporated in curricula at all levels of schooling and ongoing continuous
professional development (ENTOSH, 2018).
A network of experts in various topical areas of health and safety is called upon
to collaborate and create training and educational materials at all phases of an indi-
vidual’s education and career. Figure 3.3 shows a lifelong progression where OSH
training can be mainstreamed into educational and training programs.
Through a variety of collaborations, the goals of the network are to create
high-quality educational and training materials for all levels, and then find ways
to mainstream these into various learning environments. Much of the work is done
through open exchange of information and training materials between members.
Examples of good practices are systematically collected and disseminated.
FIGURE 3.3 ENETOSH model of lifelong OSH learning. (Adapted from ENTOSH, 2018.)
3.9 EUROPEAN NETWORK OF SAFETY AND HEALTH

PROFESSIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
The European Network of Safety and Health Professional Organizations (ENSHPO)
was established in 2001. The objective of the organization is to bring safety and
health professionals from different European organizations together to collaborate
on projects and share information. The main objectives of ENSHPO are to create
dialogue with national and international authorities, exchange opinions and view-
points, identify and share good practices, and develop European-wide recognition of
OSH professional qualifications and training (ENSHPO, 2018).
The current ENSHPO members are provided in the following list:
Spain—Asociacion de Especialistas en Prevencion y Salud Laboral

Italy—Associazionne Professionale Italiana Ambiente e Sicurezza
Denmark—Danish Association of Occupational Health and Safety Consultants
Romania—Romanian Association for Occupational Health and Safety
Czech Republic—Occupational Safety and Health and Fire Prevention
Chamber of the Czech Republic
Cyprus—The Cyprus Safety and Health Association
Croatia—Croatian Institute for Health Protection and Safety at Work
United Kingdom—Institution of Occupational Safety and Health
Romania—Institute of Risk Management and Occupational Health and Safety
Malta—Malta Occupational Safety and Health Practitioners Association
Russia—National Association of the Centres for Occupational Safety and
Health
Bulgaria—National Association for Health and Safety at Work
The Netherlands—Nederlandse Vereniging voor Veiligheidskunde
Belgium—Institute for Occupational Safety and Health
Denmark—The Danish Society of Occupational Safety and Health
Slovakia—Slovak Association of OSH and Fire Protection
Portugal—Sociedade Portuguesa de Seguranca e Higiene Ocupacionais
Finland—Tyoturvallisuuskeskus Centre for Occupational Safety
Germany—Verband für Sicherheit, Gesundheit und Umweltschutz bei der
Arbeit
3.10 INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION ON
RADIATION PROTECTION
The International Commission on Radiation Protection (ICRP) is an independent,
international organization with more than 200 volunteer members from approxi-
mately 30 countries across six continents. These members represent the leading sci-
entists and policy makers in the field of radiological protection. The main goal of the
organization is to prevent cancer and other diseases caused by exposure to ionizing
radiation and radioactive materials. It was created in 1928 to promote the develop-
ment of international radiation protection standards.
ICRP is funded through ongoing contributions from organizations with an interest
in radiological protection. It maintains formal relations and liaisons with several other
international safety organizations including the ILO and the WHO (ICRP, 2018).
ICRP has published more than one hundred reports on all aspects of radiation
protection. The International System of Radiological Protection has been developed
by ICRP based on (1) the current understanding of the science of radiation exposures
and effects, and (2) value judgments. These value judgments account for societal
expectations, ethics, and experience gained in application of the system.
3.11 INTERNATIONAL RADIATION PROTECTION ASSOCIATION

The purpose of the International Radiation Protection Association (IRPA) is to pro-
vide a platform for professionals and experts to exchange information on radiation
safety in science, engineering, medicine, and technology. Standards and guidelines
are shared to assist in the creation of regulations to protect workers and the envi-
ronment. IRPA also promotes education and training in the field of radiation safety.
The organization maintains relations with several intergovernmental organizations
including the WHO and the ILO (IRPA, 2018).
3.12 INSTITUTE OF ELECTRICAL AND ELECTRONICS ENGINEERS

The Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE) is the world’s largest
technical professional organization with more than 430,000 members. The orga-
nization’s primary goals are education and dissemination of technical information
on electronics, computer engineering, and associated disciplines. The IEEE has a
significant role in the development of various safety standards associated with elec-
trical fields and equipment, and other technical subjects. IEEE produces technical
publications and organizes professional conferences of which the proceedings are
often published. Educational programs are a significant part of IEEE activities, and
online courses are available for IEEE members (IEEE, 2018).
3.13 INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS ORGANIZATION

The International Standards Organization (ISO) is a not-for-profit international orga-
nization that was created in 1946, with a membership of 160 national standards bodies
working together to share knowledge and create consensus-based voluntary standards
of practice on a broad range of topics. ISO has published more than 22,230 International
Standards covering numerous industries and technological disciplines. Standards are
created to support important social or public health issues with such goals as ensuring
safety of operations, products, and services. Standards may also be used to ensure sys-
tem reliability and product quality. Strategic and management standards can be used to
improve productivity, reduce errors, and minimize waste (ISO, 2018).
By developing and sharing good standards of practice, ISO believes it can benefit
a wide range of global stakeholders, in addition to contributors and members. ISO
products and services help level the playing field in global competition by expand-
ing markets and improving the use of resources. The harmonization of standards of
quality, service, and safety helps to ensure all countries are operating equally and
transparently. Best practices are designed to ensure sustainability criteria are met to
protect the environment, provide social justice, and ensure economic opportunity.
ISO standards are based on the consensus of more than 700 organizations and
100,000 experts. ISO office located in Geneva, Switzerland, is staffed by around 170
employees of the organization who are supported by contributions from members
and fees for ISO products and documents. Much of the consensus development work
is provided and funded by member organizations, and their members are voluntarily
working through more than 230 different technical committees (ISO, 2016).
3.14 CONCLUSIONS
The number and scale of the activities in many of the described global OSH organi-
zations is interesting to the extent that the groups work together, collaborate, and as
a result seem to build synergy at the international level. Many of the organizations
have collaborations with tripartite and government organizations in addition to those
with other NGOs. Many of the organizations consciously and specifically have an
interest in collaboration, exchange of ideas and information, and capacity building in
OSH. Many of the NGOs have particular interests in building capacity and improv-
ing working conditions in economically developing countries. The use of volunteers
to support research and training in developing countries is a good example; WHWB
provides volunteers and network support to provide OHTA training courses at dis-
tant developing countries that would not receive such training otherwise. In addition,
having the collaborations in place then offers structure and further funding support
from national professional organizations and NGOs and the structured organiza-
tional ability to apply for other grants and funding from other tripartite and govern-
mental sources.
With thousands of OSH professionals represented by the rosters of the organiza-
tions described above, it is difficult to estimate the potential for growth of support
and activity in training and research in OSH capacity building. With improved com-
munication and interface, the benefits and outreach could be substantially enhanced
and increased. E-learning tools and an online OSH course using OHTA course mate-
rials are being developed as a special project of the American Industrial Hygiene
Association (AIHA) through a memorandum of understanding with OHTA. This
may be a first step with great potential for reaching larger audiences in the future.
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icohweb.org/site/about-icoh.asp accessed July 17, 2018.
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www.inshpo.org accessed July 18, 2018.
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iso.org/files/live/sites/isoorg/files/archive/pdf/en/isoinbrief_2015.pdf accessed July 19,
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4 Cultural Issues
in International
Occupational Safety
and Health
Thomas P. Fuller
CONTENTS
4.1 Introduction..................................................................................................... 49
4.2 Safety Culture Defined.................................................................................... 50
4.3 Safety Climate Defined................................................................................... 50
4.4 Safety Culture Assessment.............................................................................. 51
4.5 Cultural Differences and Adaptation............................................................... 52
4.6 Global Differences in Safety Culture.............................................................. 56
4.7 Conclusions/Recommendations....................................................................... 58
References................................................................................................................. 59
4.1
INTRODUCTION
The globalization of business and industry in the past decades has led to increasingly
complex supply chains that have introduced new and increased risks to workers and
employers. Globalization has also caused large increases in the numbers of people
traveling across international boundaries on a regular basis to perform their work.
These workers then interact with a broad range of people from other cultures, often
working side-by-side on projects. Managers of global companies and joint ventures
may have large groups of new local employees that they will need to communi-
cate with and motivate, to reach organizational objectives and goals. The managers
of occupational safety and health (OSH) programs need to consider the culture of
employees in order to fully develop a culture of safety within the regional operations.
This chapter provides a discussion of what safety culture and climate are, and how
national cultures might influence and shape the corporate safety cultures necessary
to reach organizational goals.
49
4.2
SAFETY CULTURE DEFINED
Culture can be defined as similar ways of thinking and behaving demonstrated by
members of a social group (Rousseau, 1988).
An organizational culture is the embodiment of certain values, beliefs, and under-
lying assumptions about how the organization operates (Fahlbruch, 1999). It encom-
passes a wide variety of phenomena to include behavior, values, norms, patterns of
behavior, attitudes, and beliefs (Davies, 2000; Cox, 1998; Mearns, 1998).
Organizational safety culture is the assembly of characteristics and attitudes
that establish the significance of safety shared by groups and individuals that com-
prise the institute (Cooper, 2000). It is a broad concept for explaining how the man-
agement of an organization shapes the safety beliefs and behaviors of the workers
(Guldenmund, 2000). Safety culture is an enduring characteristic that is reflected in
the consistent way that it deals with critical safety issues independent of temporary
states (Wiegmann, 2004).
Poor corporate safety culture has been identified as a contributory factor in acci-
dents by many industrial accident investigations, and it is now generally accepted
that organizations with a strong and positive safety culture are more effective in pre-
venting workplace accidents and injuries (Shiney, 2014). Organizational safety cul-
ture can be quantified through determinants such as clarity of responsibilities, levels
of training, management selection criteria, safety audits and reviews, relations with
regulators, and management actions and attitudes (IAEA, 1991). Other indicators of
safety culture come from management style, commitment, and levels of communi-
cation. Five additional indicators of effective safety cultures include organizational
commitment to safety, management involvement in safety, employee empowerment,
reward systems that encourage safe behaviors, and systems to ensure problems are
reported and resolved (Wiegmann, 2004). Production pressure perceived by work-
ers, poor housekeeping, and lack of personal hygiene care facilities can also lead to
poor safety culture in a work environment.
Organizations where management is perceived to be committed to safety tend to
report fewer unsafe worker behaviors as a result (Mearns, 2003). Dedication to safety
by management is also associated with the likelihood to report accidents and near
misses, thus allowing for the evaluation of root causes and lowering the probability
of recurrence (Mearns, 2001). So on a global scale, for countries with workplaces
that tend to have authoritative management systems based on “command and con-
trol” methods that do not generally encourage or promote safety, it would follow that
the culture of safety would not be as strong within its organizations or businesses,
and accident and injury rates would be higher.
4.3
SAFETY CLIMATE DEFINED
Organizational climate is a descriptive measure that reflects the workforce’s per-
ceptions of the organizational atmosphere at a particular cross section of time
(Fahlbruch, 1999). Safety climate is regarded as the surface features of the safety cul-
ture determined by visible parameters such as the attitudes, perceptions, and safety-
related behaviors of the workforce at a given point in time (Gonzalez-Roma, 1999;
Cultural Issues—International OSH 51
Mearns, 2001). Safety climate is like a snapshot of the safety culture that is subject
to change and somewhat unstable. Safety climate is comprised of the attitudes and
beliefs of the workers as primarily demonstrated by their workplace behaviors and
perceptions (Bentley, 2010; Zohar, 1980). Behaviors might be demonstrated by the
likelihood to wear the required personal protective equipment. Perceptions can be
measured through surveys that ask such questions as “Do you believe your supervi-
sor considers safety important?”
Interpretations of the collective climates obtained are an indication of the pen-
etration of top managers’ organizational view down to the other hierarchical levels
(Flin, 2000). Management commitment to safety, and placing a high level of pri-
ority on safety, are closely related to levels of safety climate within organizations
(Srinivasan, 2016). Safety management programs can also be structured in ways to
maximize safety climate within specific organizations (Cheyne, 1998).
Measures of safety climate can be used as a predictive tool for the identification of
potential safety problems (Clarke, 2006). Safety climate can be used to inform man-
agement of potential safety problems. As a result, effective use of accurate tools to
measure safety climate can reduce overall accident and injury rates for organizations
(Rodrigues, 2015). A measure of safety climate could be the likelihood of the use
of safety eyewear as required by procedures and management oversight, as opposed
to a strong safety culture in which the employee wears the safety eyewear because
the worker understands the risks, and wants to protect their eyes. Culture represents
more of a belief and a norm that a person would follow over time, even when they
were working at home, for example. Safety climate is more a manifestation of the
safety culture, expressed by the behavior and attitudes of the employees at a particu-
lar point in time (Cheyne, 2002).
Safety climate can be negatively influenced by organizational or environmental
factors. Workplaces with a generally good safety climate and resulting perceptions
and behaviors by the workers can develop poor safety climates when negative work
environments of high levels of pressure or stress are introduced (Amponsah-Tawaih,
2016). Management systems can better ensure a climate of safety and related acci-
dent rate reductions, by ensuring appropriate worker training and a sound balance
between safety and production goals (Kvalheim, 2016). Ultimately, a strong safety
culture can be used to positively influence the temporary negative pressures that
impact safety climate.
4.4
SAFETY CULTURE ASSESSMENT
Accurate evaluation of safety culture has been used increasingly by management
systems to identify the problem areas in need of additional attention to reduce acci-
dents (Carroll, 1998; Fuller, 2001). In addition, using safety culture assessment and
information regarding opportunities for organizational learning, safety manage-
ment and training can focus on corrective actions to target specific problem areas
(Mearns, 2013; Lee, 2000).
It is important that international organizations have a clear picture of their
safety culture and how it may change in different international settings. Many com-
panies have begun to use safety culture assessment tools to profile the workforce
of organizations in international operations. This is particularly true in high-risk

industries such as nuclear power, aviation, and petrochemical industries (Reader,
2015; Taylor, 2010). These evaluations have become increasingly important with the
realization that organizational safety cultures can be influenced by national cultural
tendencies to practice safe behaviors and avoid risk (Hofstede, 2010).
Studies have shown that organizations which learn what and where their weak-
nesses are and then take actions to improve their safety cultures and lead to safer
behaviors in employees have fewer accident-related injuries and illnesses (ILO,
2009). Although operational parameters affect the likelihood of accidents and inci-
dents, the social environment of the workplace plays a significant role in the dispo-
sition of employees to follow safe practices (Brown, 2000). The implementation of
safety culture enhancement programs has even been shown to significantly improve
the benefits of technical advances and management systems (Yau, 2014).
4.5
CULTURAL DIFFERENCES AND ADAPTATION
In certain countries, the national norms influence such aspects of worker behav-
iors as innovation in problem solving, and dependence on static procedures to solve
dynamic problems (Lee, 2013) (Helmreich, 1999). Different cultures have been
shown to have different perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors towards risk (Weber,
1998). Studies have also demonstrated cultural differences in flexibility to act on
emerging risks, such as reallocation of resources (Weiner, 2005). These national cul-
tural tendencies then influence the safety cultures that are formed by the managers
and workers in organizations (Gharpurea, 2018). These differences can impact the
numbers and types of accidents that might occur in various operations, especially
highly complex processes and industries (Strauch, 2010).
The influence of national culture on the status of organizational safety culture
has only recently been evaluated scientifically. In a study by Reader (2015), he found
that corporate safety culture can be measured and closely related to national cul-
tural characteristics. By using known or measured national characteristics, it may
be possible to identify areas of concern by relating these to what is known about
how safety culture influences safety outcomes in the workplace. High power dis-
tance and authoritative cultures that emphasize downward communications generate
unwillingness to challenge authority and communicate upward. Based on what is
understood about corporate organizations, these characteristics tend to reduce safety
culture and increase injury and illness outcomes. Poor communication leads to high
uncertainty and poor group harmony, with high dependence on established practice,
and avoidance of change and innovation (Reader, 2015).
The basis of a good safety culture is an environment where workers have high lev-
els of trust in the organization. This culture of trust is based on open communication
and free flow of information, the belief that reported information will be acted upon,
the work environment is just and fair, the organization is flexible when necessary,
and it is an organization that fosters learning and personal growth (Reason, 1997). It
follows that in organizations that inhibit communication and information, the safety
culture would suffer. Similarly, in rigid organizations that discourage change to cor-
rect reported problems, safety would be impacted overall. So it follows that where
the social cultures of the country where the organization is located, and builds the
workforce and management teams, the local culture could be expected to pervade
and influence the organizational culture in significant ways.
In the global business setting, national cultural tendencies need to be considered
and confronted by management systems directly to address cultural and communi-
cation differences between workers of different backgrounds and cultures (Manzey,
2009). For example, where national culture shapes behavior to avoid confrontation,
special emphasis may be needed to encourage workers to report unsafe conditions
or even exposures. In societies where women have been historically subservient to
men, they may need special training or coaxing to become more involved in the
safety process, in addition to the men, and management. Personal beliefs and atti-
tudes about a certain gender or race of a co-worker can bias an individual’s behavior
in the workplace. A company operating a production facility overseas needs to have
a good understanding of the societal culture to fabricate a culture of safety within
the organization.
Case
An industrial hygienist got a call from the university hospital occupational health phy-
sician requesting an evaluation of the endoscopy unit ventilation system because a
worker had been seen for dizziness and shortness of breath after disinfecting endo-
scopes. After determining that the area ventilation system was operating properly the
industrial hygienist interviewed the workers to try and determine how an exposure
may have occurred. During the interviews it was determined that the worker had
splashed glutaraldehyde on her forearm and it had dripped down into her glove. Rather
than stop working, change the glove and wash her hand, she kept working because she
did not want to report the incident to her supervisor. When asked why, she said in her
Hispanic upbringing women were not supposed to confront men directly with personal
problems, and she did not want to have to discuss the issue with her male supervisor.
She thought she could wait until lunchtime to wash her hands. What are some things
the industrial hygienist could do to ensure a similar event did not occur in the future
with this worker or with others in the organization?
The organizational safety culture in globally operating corporations has been shown
to vary according to local cultural norms (Kirkman, 2006; Schwartz, 1999). The
national tendencies that exist within a society, and influence employee perceptions
and beliefs, can play a significant role in the safety culture that forms within the
local operation. Societal norms such as not contradicting superiors, admitting an
error, or whistleblowing illegal activities of one’s superiors or colleagues, can have
drastic impacts on the overall safety of an operation. If an organization can become
aware of the existing safety culture of the local society, it can play an important role
in understanding their workers and what types of safety management or training
would be effective.
National tendencies towards uncertainty avoidance (UA) have been shown to be
negatively associated with the safety cultures that existed within organizations oper-
ating in those countries. Factors outside the control of management directly influ-
ence the safety culture within the organization through employee-related attitudes
and practices (Noort, 2016). Uncertainty analysis is a cultural measure of society’s
tolerance for ambiguity, and measures member discontent with unstructured situ-
ations. It was one of the five cultural dimensions developed by Geert Hofstede to
describe national cultural differences (Hofstede, 1983). Countries with high UA
cultures tend to minimize ambiguity by creating strict rules and laws, minimizing
social change, and strong singular religious or philosophical beliefs. Companies in
countries with high UA scores will have poorer safety cultures than companies in
countries with low UA scores. Some predictors of safety culture associated with
organizational styles for high UA and low UA company scores are shown in Table 4.1.
The UA indices for a sample of countries are shown in Table 4.2.
Other cultural factors developed by Hofstede to describe different cultures
include individualism, masculinity, long-term orientation, and Power Distance
Index. Individualism refers to the degree to which individuals in a culture accept
and pursue goals that are in their own best interests, rather than seeking those of
the group to which they belong. Masculinity is a measure of the degree the people
in the group demonstrate what are considered to be masculine traits such as being
assertive, ambitious, and competitive as opposed to more caring and demure traits
considered feminine. Long-term orientation reflects a person’s values on character-
istics such as thrift and perseverance and ordering relationships according to status.
However, short-term orientation values tradition, fulfilling social obligations, and
TABLE 4.1
Organizational Styles for High and Low UA Companies for Various Safety
Culture Predictors
Safety Culture Predictor High UA Low UA
Employee perceptions of Management discourages new Managers open to new
management commitment ideas and open discussion suggestions and approaches
to safety
Collaborating for safety Workers are unlikely to vary from Workers are open to new ideas,
protocols, make suggestions for innovation, and working
improvements, or report errors together to solve problems
Incident reporting Tendency to avoid reporting Reduced concern in reporting
deviations from norms, including errors or problems, including
injuries or illnesses accidents
Communication Top-down following chain of Open and two-way, less
command, information is not constrained by protocol,
shared freely information is easily accessible
Colleague commitment to Workers do not feel that their Workers feel that they can rely
safety coworkers adhere to the safety on coworkers to act safely
program
Management support of Managers see safety as a necessary Managers demonstrate a
safety programs expense and give safety programs commitment to safety by
little autonomy actions and funding throughout
the organization
TABLE 4.2
UA Indices for a Sample of Countries
Country UA Index
Greece 112
Poland 93
Japan 92
France 86
Mexico 82
Brazil 76
Egypt 68
Germany 65
Nigeria 54
Australia 51
The United States 46
China 40
India 40
Ireland 35
Denmark 23
Source: Adapted from Clearly Cultural (2018).
reciprocation of greetings, favors, and gifts. Power distance refers to the extent to
which people accept inequality in the distribution of power and status, or the degree
to which people depend on superiors in a group.
Although there is little research available on how these other indices might be
used to evaluate safety culture or performance in various countries, they could be
useful tools to consider in designing international safety programs and policies.
One recent study used the five Hofstede cultural factors to evaluate how each of
the tendencies would impact safety culture in the global oil and gas industry. They
found that the cultural tendencies of masculinity, long-term orientation, and Power
Distance Index each had a significant impact and direct correlation on organizational
safety performance (Gharpurea, 2018). Yet despite the proven relationships in this
study, the nuances of how and why the impacts occur within the organization were
not identified, and this area remains one that is in need of more research in order
to design interventions to better improve the management of international safety
programs.
In a review of how culture can affect sociotechnical system operations, Strauch
(2010) determined that cultural factors within workgroups can impact rates and
degrees of human errors. In addition to language differences, cultural differences
can lead to behaviors that are associated with increased numbers and more severe
accidents in marine and aviation industries. In addition, culturally heterogeneous
work groups had more accidents than homogeneous ones, presumably due to the
differences in understanding different cultural signs.
4.6
GLOBAL DIFFERENCES IN SAFETY CULTURE
In 1986, two major industrial accidents occurred, which were both later attributed
to poor safety cultures. The Space Shuttle Challenger exploded just after liftoff and
killed seven astronauts, and the Chernobyl nuclear power plant accident eventually
killed hundreds and contaminated large parts of the Ukrainian countryside with
radioactive materials. Each of these accidents was shown to be the result of safety
cultures that allowed a continuous accumulation of failures within the organizations
that led to the accidents. In many ways, these incidents led to the advancement of
safety culture study in the following decades (IAEA, 1986). Some of the common
cultural features between National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA)
and Chernobyl were as follows:
• Competition between departments for necessary information

• Lack of response or slow, incomplete response, to identified errors or
problems
• Budget and program cuts to essential OSH operations
• Management incentives for workers to maintain the status quo
• Lack of job security and extensive use of temporary workers
• Bureaucratic safety management systems
• Performance reviews based on production without consideration of safety
(ICSI, 2018)
In a detailed study of safety climate measures based on sociocultural and/or individ-

ual factors between the United States and Italy, Barbaranelli (2015) demonstrated
that U.S. participants had significantly more positive safety climate perceptions
overall than the Italian participants. These results could have useful implications for
a global company with operations in both countries. The management approaches to
creating a climate of safety in Italy may need to be strengthened in comparison with
U.S. branches, in order to achieve equal levels of site safety and security. Although
this study did not provide definitive reasons for the differences between the two
countries, it provides strong evidence that safety climates would vary among work-
ers from other countries.
In many developing economies, workplace health and safety regulations have
taken a back seat to business development (Michaels, 1985). The false assumption
that safety regulation and safety programs increase operating costs and reduce prof-
its is still a broadly held belief by many developing country governments and busi-
nesses. Additionally, decades of downplaying the value of OSH have pervaded the
workplace culture to impact how managers and workers think about OSH. Despite
continuous advances in OSH program development and management in developed
countries, occupational health continues to be a low national priority for many eco-
nomically developing countries (EDCs) (Perrow, 1984).
There is a wide range of progress in the development and implementation of OSH
regulations and programs internationally. In general, the value of OSH programs
and policies has been realized by both businesses and governments in developed
countries; however, there are few political models for the justification and creation
of OSH regulation in EDCs (Jilcha, 2016). In many developing countries, the risks
of occupational injury and illness are significantly higher than those in developed
countries, largely because there are few requirements or standards for OSH to pro-
tect most of the workers (Tadesse, 2007; LaDou, 2003). Although more advanced
countries have pockets of workers who are not well covered by OSH protections
(e.g., informal workers, some small to midsized enterprises), and some EDCs have
well-developed and enforced OSH regulations, the general status is that EDCs lag
behind in OSH program development and implementation.
Significant percentages of the national production in EDCs are done within the
informal economy; therefore, EDCs have less to gain directly from improved occu-
pational health policies to protect informal workers who do not pay taxes and are
not explicitly part of the economy. In these EDCs, the benefits of healthy workforces
and populations need to be approached in a broader context of social and economic
policy and equity (Swuste, 2002; Joubert, 2002).
As EDCs advance in OSH development, the early changes tend to occur on larger
social issues such as national policies and regulations, social and economic struc-
tures, and human resource growth. Internal domains of organizations, including con-
trol of working conditions or hazards, tend to occur later in national development.
Occupational health tends to be a low priority in developing countries partly due
to limited resources and inadequate information. It is difficult to show government
officials why OSH is significant to the country’s economic growth, and therefore
difficult to create an impetus for change (Jilcha, 2016; O’Neill, 2000).
Developed countries have political systems and finances to support scien-
tific research that can drive policy and program development to support tech-
nical change (Verma, 2002). However, despite the evidence that having healthy
workers in a society is closely related to a healthy economy, developing countries
with poor credit, close to the poverty line, have few options for improving work-
place OSH. The high number of workplace injuries, illnesses, and fatalities thus
reduces the country’s economic resources yet further, creating a spiraling decline
(ILO, 2012).
Numerous examples exist to show how a country’s political and social systems
can have direct impacts on worker health and safety. There are as many scenarios
for how culture affects OSH as there are countries. Companies with international
operations not only need to be aware of regulations in those regions, but they must
understand the social, economic, and cultural environments that will impact worker
health and safety.
Case: Safety Culture in France

Food production is the leading manufacturing sector in France, with the highest num-
ber of employees at approximately 600,000 (Caroli, 2009). It provides an excellent
example of how market and political forces act together to impact occupational health
and safety. About 40% of French food-manufacturing jobs are classified as unskilled,
and about two thirds are blue-collar. Many of these workers work at or slightly
above minimum wage. But despite low wages, French workers are protected by strict
Employment Protection Legislation that sets such operational parameters as working
hours, holiday and vacation time off, and job security. Although only about 8% of the
workers in France fall into unions, 90% of employees are covered under some sort of
public service regulated status.
With increasing global competition in the manufacturing sector, French firms have
had to intensify work in order to take advantage of capital investments and maximize
profits. Since overtime is strictly regulated, more employees must be hired and as a
result, the employers must incur all of the additional overhead costs typically associ-
ated. In order to take advantage of expensive manufacturing equipment, many employ-
ers have begun operating on two and three shifts, which requires more workers yet. So
despite shorter working hours, the low level employees are subjected to harsher work-
ing conditions, like shiftwork and nighttime hours. In some cases the intensification of
work has led to increased absenteeism (possibly due to increased injury?) Which then
requires firms to hire yet more replacement staff.
(Caroli, 2009).
4.7
CONCLUSIONS/RECOMMENDATIONS
Strong safety cultures influence the abilities of effective safety climates and
greatly improve organizational safety performance and operational efficiencies.
Organizations should strive to induce a culture of safety into their organizations
in any country and should be especially aware of the cultural variations in workers
going abroad or being hired in foreign nations for international operations.
Weak safety cultures in developed and sophisticated organizations have been
shown to lead to accidents with devastating consequences. When hazardous indus-
tries are transferred to developing nations with limited resources and experience,
emphasis on the development of a strong safety culture can play a significant role in
reducing the inherent risks.
In developing countries, the large number of workers in the informal industry
warrants enhanced development of an occupational safety culture at a national level
(Kim, 2016). In addition, worker health and safety in the informal sector is gener-
ally unregulated (Rantanen, 2009; Naidoo, 2009). Additional research needs to be
conducted on the associations between informal work and OSH working conditions.
National OSH reporting systems need to be expanded to include this sector and these
workers to better understand and address OSH issues and problems. Once the haz-
ards to informal workers are identified, and controls are developed, workers need to
receive associated necessary training to minimize the risks.
Technologically advanced countries with sophisticated OSH regulatory systems
are also more likely to have a national culture of workplace safety in the working
population. Advances in management systems and further growth in the develop-
ment of workplace safety culture will continue to reduce the rate of incidents moving
forward. Developing counties not only need support in the creation of technical and
policy advances in OSH, but, in parallel, need training and development in safety cul-
ture in order to fully minimize workplace injuries, illnesses, and fatalities. Cultures
of injury and illness prevention need to be germinated and nurtured at the national
levels of developing countries to be sure to include all workers and organizational
activities, including the informal sector (Kim, 2016; Ametepeh, 2013).
Management systems of organizations can use the available information regard-

ing national culture and the tendencies in workers to target specific areas for special-
ized attention to reduce possible negative outcomes. Cultural norms are influential in
creating a corporate safety culture, but they can be influenced positively by targeted
management actions (Mearns, 2009). Although research has suggested that training
can moderate the impact of cultural tendencies of workers on an organization in
certain cases (Klein, 2007; Sutton, 2006), numerous questions remain with regard to
overall performance improvement and how to avoid culturally induced safety prob-
lems in complex operations (Ahasan, 2001).
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5 Global Perspectives
Risk Assessment
James F. Whiting
Risk@workplaces Pty Ltd
CONTENTS
5.1 Introduction..................................................................................................... 63
5.2 Global Uptake of ISO 31000—International Risk Management Standard.......64
5.3 Global Comparison of Risk Tolerability Criteria............................................ 65
5.4 Individual Risk and Societal Risk................................................................... 65
5.4.1 Individual Risk.................................................................................... 65
5.4.2 Societal Risk........................................................................................66
5.5 Tolerability Criterion for Individual Risk........................................................66
5.6 Tolerability Criteria for Planning New Operations......................................... 68
5.7 Investment to Prevent a Fatality...................................................................... 68
5.8 Shifting the Paradigm from Absolute Safety to Risk Management................ 70
5.9 What Is Reasonably Practicable?..................................................................... 71
5.10 Moving towards Risk-Based Language for More Effective Risk
Conversations................................................................................................... 73
5.11 A Cautionary Concluding Note....................................................................... 76
References................................................................................................................. 76
5.1 INTRODUCTION
In these days of business globalization, professional safety and health engineering
(SH&E) practitioners often need to be aware of what are the international practices
and standards around the world. Global organizations need assurance of the unifor-
mity, consistency, and harmonization of their risk management standards, policies,
and processes, in general, and their SH&E standards, in particular.
In 2009, the International Standards Organization (ISO), an international body
charged with achieving global standardization, finalized a standard risk manage-
ment system to achieve consistency and reliability in risk management by creating
ISO 31000, a standard that is applicable to all forms of risk. It should be noted that in
2011, ISO 31000:2009 was nationally adopted in the United States as an American
National Standard, ANSI/ASSE Z590.2-2011, “Risk Management Principles and
Guidelines,” and is identical to the ISO standard. The standard includes principles, a
framework, and one common overarching RM process shown in Figure 5.1.
63
FIGURE 5.1 The ISO 31000/ANSI Z690.2 RM process.
The ISO 31000 Standard and a Conformity Assessment tool (Whiting, 2012) can
be applied throughout the life of an organization or a project, and to a wide range
of activities, including strategies, decision-making, operations, processes, functions,
projects, products, services, and assets. As a benchmark measurement at any given
time, they provide an effective means of following change management and contin-
uous improvement. They can be used by any public, private or community enter-
prise, association, group, or individual. Therefore, this standard is not specific to any
industry or sector. In addition, this standard and conformity assessment tool can be
applied to any type of risk domain, whatever its nature, and whether positive (upside
risk) or negative (downside risk) consequences are being considered. Establishing
internal and external benchmarking at a single organization, national or interna-
tional level, is possible.
5.2 GLOBAL UPTAKE OF ISO 31000—INTERNATIONAL

RISK MANAGEMENT STANDARD
Since 2009, there has been widespread acceptance and adoption by many coun-
tries of the ISO 31000 Standard as their national RM standards. ISO 31000 is not
used for certification but does provide freedom for organizations to decide how
deeply and fully they establish and adhere to its principles.
Risk Assessment 65
The real strength of ISO 31000 is that it encourages risk managers and their orga-
nizations to understand and make use of the relationships, commonalities, and dif-
ferences between various risk management methods, standards, and best practices
across all risk domains, not just SH&E.
It is designed to be used to harmonize risk management processes in existing and
future management system standards such as ISO 9001:2015 QMS, ISO 14001:2015
EMS, and ISO/DIS 45001:2017 OHSMS. It provides a common approach in support
of standards dealing with specific risks and/or sectors, but does not replace those
standards. A partial list of countries that have adopted ISO 31000 includes Canada,
the United States (ANSI/ASSE Z590.2), Brazil, Russia, China, India, and Australia.
5.3 GLOBAL COMPARISON OF RISK TOLERABILITY CRITERIA

A critical stage in the RM process is evaluation. At that stage in the process, the
risk manager needs to evaluate the sizes of the risks calculated or estimated in the
preceding analysis stage by comparing them with predetermined criteria developed
in the initial establish context and scope stages. The criteria of most importance are
the prior agreed risk tolerability levels and whether the risk level is being continually
managed down so far as is reasonably practicable (SOFAIRP).
5.4 INDIVIDUAL RISK AND SOCIETAL RISK

Risks to people can be represented in two ways. Both are a combination of the like-
lihood of an event happening (e.g., an accident at a major hazard installation) and the
possible consequences—in terms of harm to people.
5.4.1 Individual Risk
Individual risk is the likelihood or probability or chance that a particular individual
at a particular location under specific exposure circumstances will be harmed. It is
usually described in numerical terms such as “a 1 in 20,000,000 chance of being
killed by lightning per annum (p.a.).” But the assessment of individual risk does not
take account of the total number of people at risk from a particular event. Individual
risk is usually expressed as the probability of fatality of an individual per year such as
1 in 1,000 p.a., 1 chance in 1,000 p.a., 10 −3 p.a., 1E − 03 p.a.
As an example, if the fatality rate for a traffic risk is estimated as 10,000 driver
fatalities p.a. in 100,000,000 drivers, then the individual risk is expressed as
10,000/100,000,000 p.a. = 1 in 10,000 p.a. or 10 −4 p.a., or 1E−04 p.a.
If the risk of work fatalities for a generic or specific risk exposure is estimated for
an organization of 20,000 exposed employees to be 4 per annum, then the individual
risk is expressed as 4/20,000 p.a. = 1 in 5,000 p.a. = 2 in 10,000 p.a. = 2 chances in
10,000 p.a. = 2 × 10 −4 p.a. = 2E−04 p.a.
In reverse, if the individual risk for a given exposure is estimated as 2 chances in

10,000 p.a., then
• For an organization of 20,000 exposed employees, there is a risk of 20,000 ×

2/10,000 p.a. = 4 fatalities p.a.
• For an organization of 5,000 employees (all other risk factors the same),
there is a risk of 5,000 × 2/10,000 = 1 fatality p.a.
• For an organization of 1,000 employees (all other risk factors the same),
there is a risk of 1,000 × 2/10,000 = 0.2 fatality p.a. OR 1 fatality in 5 years.
5.4.2 Societal Risk
Societal risk is a way to estimate the chances of numbers of people being harmed
from an incident. The likelihood of the primary event (an accident at a major hazard
plant) is still a factor, but the consequences are assessed in terms of level of harm and
numbers affected, to provide an idea of the scale of an accident in terms of numbers
killed or harmed.
Societal risk can also be expressed as a potential loss of life (PLL), which is the
number of fatalities that may be expected to occur each year, averaged over a long
period. The number should be small: if 100 people are each exposed to a risk level of
10 in a million per year, the PLL is 0.001.
The PLL is a useful basis for cost–benefit analyses (CBAs) of risk reduction mea-
sures, via the implied cost of averting fatality (ICAF): ICAF = cost of measure/
(initial PLL – reduced PLL). Such calculations are often controversial as they appear
to require a value to be placed on life, but these calculations are commonly used
internationally and may aid decision-making in regard to adopting control measures
for major hazards. For example, a low ICAF for a proposed risk reduction/treatment
measure implies that the measure is highly effective because the cost is low com-
pared to the risk reduction achieved. Conversely, a high ICAF implies a relatively
ineffective risk reduction measure, indicating that the money should be diverted to
an alternative.
5.5 TOLERABILITY CRITERION FOR INDIVIDUAL RISK

In the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, many decades ago, public safety risk
criteria for new industrial hazardous activities have been set by government regula-
tion. The starting point for determining these criteria was the statement “that any
additional risk from exposure to a new hazardous activity to a member of the public
should not be significant when compared with risk in everyday life.” Following this
approach, for new major hazard installations (say, a petrochemical plant or nuclear
reactor), the maximum acceptable level for individual risk for a nearby resident has
been taken arbitrarily as the risk level that increases the risk of death by a maximum
of 1% compared with all other causes. For developed countries, the individual “nat-
ural death” risk for the population group of 10- to 14-year-olds is close to 10−4 p.a.
or 1 in 10,000 p.a. and has been taken as the basic “background” fatality risk. The
maximum tolerable individual risk was hence established as follows:
Risk Assessment 67
1% × 1 chance in 10,000 p.a. = 1/100 × 1 in 10,000 p.a. = 1 chance in 1,000,000 p.a. = 10 −6 p.a.
In other words, the risk of a fatal accident to which an individual anonymous mem-
ber of the public is exposed because of his/her continuous presence (365 days per
year) in the neighborhood of a new hazardous activity shall be less than one in a
million years. Risk exposure levels of less than 10−8 per year, or less than once in
100 million years, are considered to be very low/almost negligible* (see note). This
individual risk level is consistent with low/almost negligible risk in other areas.
Note: The authors recommend that a very low risk NOT be classified as “neg-
ligible” or “insignificant” as that implies that they can be neglected. No risk can
ever be entirely neglected. Rather a more appropriate management approach is to
recognize that even a very low risk can increase and become of concern if the risk
factors change unfavourably. Hence it is recommended to use “very low” risk as the
descriptor only after considering if the risk factors would not change significantly
and/or quickly then the monitoring frequency to revisit a risk assessment can be set
as very low as well.
In the United States, the concept of 10−6 p.a. was originally an arbitrary number,
finalized by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration around 1977 as a screening
level of essentially zero or de minimis risk. This concept was traced back to a 1961
proposal by two scientists from the National Cancer Institute regarding methods to
determine “safety” levels in carcinogenicity testing.
The proposal for de minimis risk was contained in a 1973 notice and eventu-
ally adopted in 1977 in the Federal Register entitled “Compounds Used in Food-
Processing Animals: Procedures for Determining Acceptability of Assay Methods
Used for Assuring the Absence of Residues in Edible Products of Such Animals,”
commonly called the “Sensitivity of Method” regulations. The term de minimis is
an abbreviation of the legal concept, de minimis non curat lex—translated as the law
does not concern itself with trifles. In other words, 10−6 p.a. was developed as a level
of risk below which was considered a “trifle” and not of regulatory concern.
A survey of worldwide risk tolerability criteria (AIChE/CCPS, 2009; Appendix
B) shows similarities among the criteria around the world. The data have been
extracted from various publications and provide a benchmarking perspective. The
author’s consideration of numerous worldwide, reasonably well-established, and
widely accepted criteria for individual fatality risk tolerability criteria leads to the
indicative levels in Table 5.1.
TABLE 5.1
Generally Accepted Global Individual Fatality Risk Tolerability Levels
Individual Fatality Risk Exposed Member of
Tolerability Criteria Exposed Worker the Public
Max tolerable threshold 1 in 1,000 per annum 1n 10,000 per annum
1 × 10−3 per annum 1 × 10−4 per annum
Broadly tolerable or 1 in 1,000,000 per annum 1 in 1,000,000 per annum
acceptable levels 1 × 10−6 per annum 1 × 10−6 per annum
Caution: It must be emphasized that these data can be used for internal assurance
but cannot be used for regulatory compliance without checking with the appropriate
regulatory authority in the home country.
5.6 TOLERABILITY CRITERIA FOR PLANNING NEW OPERATIONS

The foundation for choosing quantitative risk tolerability criteria considers the
principles
1. That the exposed persons such as nearby residents should not be involun-
tarily subject to a risk from a new exposure that is significant compared to
the “background” risk associated with existing hazards.
2. That individual and societal risk should be considered separately.
Land use planning departments and regulators of major hazard facilities in different
countries have established quantitative risk criteria for new land use developments
adjacent to existing land users according to specific sensitivities of exposed public
persons, which are shown in Table 5.2. They represent very low risks compared to
other everyday risks associated with their existing land uses.
5.7 INVESTMENT TO PREVENT A FATALITY

An interesting global perspective in risk management is how different countries use
measures related to human life values when calculating CBA for deciding to commit
to spending on proposed new or changed risk controls for a particular risk, for exam-
ple, should all school buses be fitted with seat belts?
Extract Quote: Washington Post, August 25, 2011 (www.washingtonpost.com/local/
feds-reject-request-to-require-seat-belts-on-school-buses/2011/08/25/gIQATJhseJ_
story.html).
TABLE 5.2
Fatality Risk Criteria for Land Use Planning and Locations of
New Exposures
Location of Exposed Persons Fatality Risk Criteria (per million pa)a
Sensitive, for example, in hospitals, schools, 0.5
child care, aged care
Residential including hotels, motels, resorts 1
Commercial 5
Sporting including open space, parks 10
Industrial 50
a
NSW Department of Planning 2011.
Risk Assessment 69
In Thursday’s Federal Register, NHTSA cited its 2002 report to Congress, which said
that shoulder-lap belts are effective in reducing school bus fatalities, but the addition
of the belts “would increase capital costs.” NHTSA estimated equipping each bench-
style seat would cost between $375 and $600, a total of between $5,485 and $7,346 for
each large bus.
“The benefits would be achieved at a cost of between $23 and $36 million per
equivalent life saved,” NHTSA said. Rather than face a federal mandate, NHTSA said
state and local governments should be left to decide whether to spend the money. Texas
and California require school bus belts.
The standard approach to CBA of risks to life is to convert them into equivalent costs.
The monetary valuation of risks to life is often described as a “value of life.” This
phrase is convenient but inaccurate and also evokes a strong emotional response.
CBA evaluates small changes in risks for many people and does not attempt to value
individual lives. The accumulation of risk to many people, which can be expected
on average to result in the saving of one fatality, is better described as a “statistical
fatality.” For example, a reduction in risk of 10 −3 per year for each of 100 individ-
uals over a period of 10 years would amount to a saving of one statistical fatality.
This distinction is important because it is much more reasonable to place a value on
small changes in statistical risk than on individually identifiable lives. Presentation
of this difficult and often emotive concept can be improved by using the term value
of preventing a statistical fatality (VPF). This emphasizes that what is being valued
is the reduction in risk to many lives, rather than the actual lives that are at risk of
being lost.
There are many different ways of considering $ values of saving lives at work and
in societies generally. Some expressions used are as follows:
• Value of a statistical life (VSL)

• VPF, or statistical economic value for preventing a fatality
• Investment per equivalent life saved
• Investment to prevent a fatality
• Cost of a year of life saved
• Willingness to pay
• PLL
• ICAF (= cost of measure/(initial PLL − reduced PLL).
Such calculations are often controversial as they appear to require a value to be

placed on life, but these calculations are commonly used internationally and may
aid decision-making in regard to adopting control measures for major hazards. For
example, a low ICAF for a proposed risk reduction measure implies that the measure
is highly effective because the cost is low compared to the risk reduction achieved.
Conversely, a high ICAF implies a relatively ineffective risk reduction measure, indi-
cating that the money should be diverted to an alternative.
A VSL is the $ amount that a group of people, say a government, is willing
to pay for a fatal risk reduction in the expectation of saving one anonymous life.
These values can be estimated from what governments reflecting social values in
TABLE 5.3
Variations between Countries in VoLS—VSL (Thousands of
1995 U.S. Dollars)
Country Mean Value
Japan 8,280
Switzerland 7,525
The United States 3,472
France 4,435
New Zealand 1,625
Taiwan 956
South Korea 620
Source: Adapted from Miller (2000).
TABLE 5.4
Examples of International VPFs/VoLS
Context VPF or VoLS Source
U.S. school bus seat belts $23 → $36 million per equivalent life NHTSA August 2011
saved
Road fatalities on U.S. roads $5.8 million as the statistical economic U.S. DOT February 5,
value for preventing a human fatality. 2008
New Zealand VPF accident $3,4 million Wren (2011)
compensation system
OECD and EU countries $1.5 → $5.4 million OECD (2012)
how much is invested in coronary care units, road safety engineering measures,
vaccinations, etc.
These values are determined by the risk tolerance of the group [not always
consciously] and are strongly influenced by social, cultural, and economic factors.
Tables 5.3 and 5.4 show variations among countries according to these factors in
the 1990s but would be quite different now as countries’ economic circumstances
have changed.
5.8 SHIFTING THE PARADIGM FROM ABSOLUTE

SAFETY TO RISK MANAGEMENT
Internationally, more and more countries have shifted, and are shifting their safety
philosophies and practices from unrealistic absolute safety or even zero risk
beliefs to more appropriate models of managing risk to as low as reasonably prac-
ticable (ALARP). The safety regulators in many countries have been traditionally
Risk Assessment 71
prescriptive in describing absolute obligations to detail how safety risks were to be

eliminated or prevented or stopped. In recent decades, legal and regulatory safety
obligations are being described in ALARP/performance-based frameworks rather
than prescriptive, unconditional ensure without risk models. National and interna-
tional safety standards are now more and more written in terms of ALARP or the
equivalent.
5.9 WHAT IS REASONABLY PRACTICABLE?

A risk-informed performance-based regulatory approach to safety laws defines
reasonably practicable, in relation to a duty to ensure health and safety, as mean-
ing that what was reasonably able to be done in relation to ensuring health and
safety, taking into account and weighing up all relevant matters including the
following:
a. The likelihood of the hazard or the risk concerned occurring

b. The degree of harm that might result from the hazard or the risk
c. What the person concerned knows, or ought reasonably to know, about—
i. The hazard or the risk
ii. Ways of eliminating or minimizing the risk
d. The availability and suitability of ways to eliminate or minimize the risk
e. After assessing the extent of the risk and the available ways of eliminating
or minimizing the risk, the cost associated with available ways of eliminat-
ing or minimizing the risk, including whether the cost is grossly dispropor-
tionate to the risk
It is important to note some misunderstandings of CBA and ALARP. The concept

of ALARP or SOFAIRP does NOT imply that cost alone nor capacity to pay for
a reasonably practicable risk control, mitigation, or treatment measure can ever be
legal justifications or defenses for not implementing the measure. Moral and legal
factors will always emphasize the expectation that even if a risk is tolerable the
closer the risk level is to an agreed intolerable level, then the more investment in risk
management is required to drive the risk lower. Hence, the $ width of the triangle
widens in Figures 5.2 and 5.3. In terms of individual risk, ALARP or SOFAIRP tol-
erability principles are described in Figures 5.2 and 5.3 with an emphasis on “grossly
disproportionate.”
Of societal or group risk, ALARP or SOFAIRP tolerability principle is shown in
Figure 5.4 with a common expression of there being “no tolerable” frequency of inci-
dents involving more than 1,000 public fatalities per incident (e.g., Bhopal explosion/
gas release or 2 × 500 passenger planes colliding in midair).
Note: As with individual risk, it is recommended that risk zones such as “negligi-
ble” and “insignificant” or “broadly tolerable” are not used. If a risk is to be toler-
able, it needs to be below the intolerable threshold AND must be able to be shown
to be ALARP regardless of how much it is below the threshold.
FIGURE 5.2 ALARP risk tolerability framework for individual risk.
FIGURE 5.3 Examples of risk tolerability and appetites for individual risk.
Risk Assessment 73
FIGURE 5.4 Indicative societal or group risk tolerability framework (generic example for
all fatality risks to members of the public).
5.10 MOVING TOWARDS RISK-BASED LANGUAGE FOR

MORE EFFECTIVE RISK CONVERSATIONS
If an SH&E practitioner wants to converse with others, internationally as well as
nationally, then safety risk-based language can improve the quality and effective-
ness of the conversation. Risk-based conversations can make safety discussions more
realistic, objective, and solution-focused as well as less argumentative. If risk-based
conversations are to achieve this purpose, they need a common agreed language to
express sometimes complex safety concepts.
The transition from compliance-based safety to risk-based safety in large part
has occurred in many parts of the world and is beginning to take place in the United
States. This requires risk-centric organizations and progressive risk professionals
to use better terminology and language for risk-based conversations. For example,
outdated terms such as loss control and loss prevention are now being replaced with
safety risk management and risk control.
Appendix A shows more commonly used risk-based language that is becoming
more universal as preferred and recommended so as to clarify and reduce biases,
misunderstandings, and misperceptions of the group and its individual members
during safety-related discussions.
APPENDIX A
Better Terminology and Language for Risk-Based Conversations
Traditional Safety
Terminology Preferred and Recommended Risk-Based Language
Loss control/loss Safety risk management and risk control—profits as well as losses—
prevention enabling positive outcomes as well as preventing negatives—maximizing
the chances of gains, profits, and benefits—safety is about a focus on
maximizing chances of gains NOT minimizing chances of losses
Risk management includes maximizing and exploiting opportunities
Safety—as the absence of Safety—as the presence of well-being, double positive
harm, double negative
Safe acts/conditions Standard, agreed acts/behaviors/conditions
Unsafe acts Nonstandard, non-agreed behaviors/conditions
At-risk behaviors/
at-risk conditions
To accept a risk or To tolerate a risk—working with, never passively accepting always
acceptable risk uncomfortable—chronic unease—looking for how to make the risk
ALARP or tolerable risk
Safe When risk is managed ALARP
Safer/safest Lower risk level/lowest risk level
Event/scenario If used interchangeably creates confusion, for example, the expression: The
same event can lead to different consequences—is a valid statement but
the same scenario can lead to different consequences—is NOT valid
Reserve the term event for each discrete happening/action. Reserve the
term scenario for the whole sequence of all the events and circumstances
needed to describe “How”/“When”/“Where”/“Who”/“What” an incident
DID occur or a risk COULD occur
If safety is involved, Sounds like a good caring philosophy but it is an untrue, unbelievable
money does not count! statement which corrodes credibility, trust, and respect. Better to use
expressions such as “WHEN a risk exceeds our agreed defined intolerable
threshold level, and IF continued exposure to the risk is needed or
desirable for legal, moral, or commercial reasons, there is no limit to time
money effort needed to introduce measures that reduce the risk below the
threshold.” The reduced risk then also needs to be shown as always being
managed to ALARP—not just at one point in time. Tolerable means
BOTH below intolerable and ALARP
Alertness, vigilance Situational awareness and mindfulness
Violation, breach, Use nonjudgmental terms such as variation, alternative, deviation, and
failure, negligent, work-around so you will look for deeper underlying root causes of the
reckless variations
Shortcut Smarter way of doing a job which can be an approved variation but only
after a formal authorization/approval process that must involve qualitative
or semiquantitative risk assessments (Whiting, 2012)
Always distinguish between
• Finding a shortcut (smart) and
• Taking a shortcut without risk assessment (dumb)
(Continued)
Risk Assessment 75
APPENDIX A (Continued )
Better Terminology and Language for Risk-Based Conversations
Traditional Safety
Terminology Preferred and Recommended Risk-Based Language
Safety measures, Use the single term risk controls for all of them
preventative measures,
safeguards, barriers,
layers of protection,
mitigating factors,
corrective actions
Causes of incidents All causes are missing or ineffective risk controls due to deeper underlying
and risks root causes based on systemic, physical, and work environment factors
Behavioral causes Behaviors are consequences of deeper underlying root causes NOT seen as
causes in themselves
Human error Use term human factor in preference to human error to emphasize that
error is not a cause of an incident or a risk of an incident. It is a
consequence of the underlying human factors/mismatches between a job’s
requirements and the person’s capabilities and limitations. The mismatches
are usually due to systemic, physical, and work environmental factors
Possible, probable, Possible = absolute, YES/NO, black/white—it is or it is not—has no range
potential used of values—cannot be used to express a level of likelihood—cannot use
interchangeably and meaningless terms quite possible or remotely possible
hence confusingly Probable = relative not absolute—can use likely, chances, odds—always
has a range of values—used to express a level of likelihood
Potential = confusing—it can be used to express either possible or probable
Probability Likelihood, chances, and odds are risk terms preferred for
nonquantitative users
Likelihood can be Frequency can be used retrospectively to indicate how often an actual
expressed as either a incident has been occurring in the past
frequency or a AND ALSO
probability It can be used prospectively to predict how often the risk of an incident
may occur in the future
Likelihood, chances, and odds can be used ONLY prospectively to
express predictive estimate of how likely the risk will occur
Often better to use the terms “chance” or “odds” NOT decimal 0.001 or
unfamiliar exponential 1E-03 notation, for example,
1 chance in 100 ladder climbs
1 chance in 10,000 valve operations
The odds are 1 in 1,000 holes drilled
Avoid using fractions of %—hard to interpret
For example, use 1 chance in 1,000 rather than 0.1%
Always question any assessor’s perception that 1% or 1 chance in 100 is a
small likelihood. It is a large likelihood
Exposure How often and how long exposed (in financial RM, it is $ quantum)
Frequency of exposure How often, for example, exposed to noise daily (or yearly or every shift)
Duration of exposure How long, for example, exposed to asbestos 3 h/shift (or 100 h p.a.)
5.11 A CAUTIONARY CONCLUDING NOTE

Risk management is fundamentally about how to make risk-informed decisions
when life and business circumstances are uncertain. RM is not about more risk tak-
ing, rather better risk understanding of the exposures we are currently not managing
as well as we need to, or could. Safety is managing risk to ALARP, not zero risk. The
risk makers and the risk takers need to be the risk managers.
RM is needed when VUCA circumstances exist (i.e., when volatility/ Uncertainty/
complexity/ambiguity need to be managed with vision/understanding/clarity/agility).
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No.4 – Risk Criteria for Land Use Safety Planning (HIPAP 4) (January 2011).
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6 Occupational
Health and Safety
Management Systems
Charles Redinger
Institute for Advanced Risk Management
CONTENTS
6.1 A pproaches to OH&S Management................................................................80
6.2 Basic Systems Concepts..................................................................................80
6.2.1 Programs vs. Systems.......................................................................... 81
6.3 OHSMS Standards........................................................................................... 82
6.3.1 ISO’s Drive to a Unified MSS Framework.......................................... 83
6.3.2 ISO 45001:2018—OHSMS—Requirements with Guidance for Use..... 84
6.3.2.1 Scope.....................................................................................84
6.3.2.2 Normative References...........................................................84
6.3.2.3 Terms and Definitions........................................................... 85
6.3.2.4 Context of the Organization.................................................. 85
6.3.2.5 Leadership and Worker Participation................................... 85
6.3.2.6 Planning................................................................................ 86
6.3.2.7 Support.................................................................................. 87
6.3.2.8 Operation.............................................................................. 88
6.3.2.9 Performance Evaluation........................................................ 89
6.3.2.10 Improvement......................................................................... 89
6.3.3 ILO OHSMS:2001—Guidelines on Occupational Safety and
Health Management Systems��90
6.4 Conformity Assessment................................................................................... 91
6.5 The Management System Framework Pyramid..............................................92
6.6 Future Trends...................................................................................................92
References................................................................................................................. 93
Managing occupational health and safety (OH&S) hazards and risk has traditionally
been driven by governmental regulations, often referred to as command-and-control
approaches. Over time, and with advances in organizational science, nonregulatory
approaches for OH&S management have proliferated. This is seen in nongovern-
mental consensus standards, as well as innovative approaches developed by pro-
fessional organizations and companies. A theme in these newer approaches is the
application of system-based principles and methods to OH&S management. This is
79
observed with the evolution of formal OH&S management system (OHSMS) stan-
dards and guidelines.
This chapter provides an introduction to OHSMS concepts, principles, and frame-
works. An overview of the International Organization for Standardization’s (ISO)
OHSMS, ISO 45001:2018, is presented along with several other legacy approaches.
Closely linked to the use of OHSMS standards is what is referred to as conformity
assessment, which deals with numerous important issues, namely, third-party certifica-
tion. It is important to be clear that an OHSMS standard, such as ISO 45001:2018, can
be implemented in an organization, but that third-party certification is not required.
6.1 APPROACHES TO OH&S MANAGEMENT

The reduction of workplace risk and meeting regulatory compliance are two domi-
nant drivers that have shaped the historic development of OH&S management prac-
tices. A common term used to describe OH&S management practices up to the 1980s
has been “traditional compliance-based” management approaches. This reflects that
regulations imposed by national, regional, and local governmental agencies were a
large driver that impacted how OH&S professional defined their duties and organi-
zations arranged their OH&S structures and practices.
Two central purposes for governmental regulations are as follows: (1) to control
externalities (costs) that organizations do not or are not willing to adsorb, whereby
the costs are passed on to the public, which is also referred to as “risk transfer,” and
(2) to provide warnings and protection in instances where activities are hazardous.
Organizations have found over time that compliance with governmental regula-
tions does not necessarily provide the protections thought or desired, thereby leading
to lower risks, increasing risk resilience, or helping overall OH&S performance. The
challenge for many organizations has been to maintain regulatory compliance while
introducing new beyond-compliance risk management and performance measure-
ment practices as embodied in OHSMS approaches.
6.2 BASIC SYSTEMS CONCEPTS

Most organizations have some sort of OHSMS in place. That is, there is an identi-
fiable OH&S process, there are inputs to the process, there are probably some sort
of feedback loops, and there are outputs. The advent of formal management system
standards (MSSs) provides robust means for characterizing and defining an OHSMS.
Research on the breadth and similarities of OHSMSs has been conducted (IOHA,
1998). This work identified more than 30 OHSMSs in use or being developed in the
late 1990s. With the trend towards the development of international standards, there
was a trend of national standards development efforts to defer to the international
efforts. The International Occupational Hygiene Association (IOHA)-sponsored
research found that many of the existing management system approaches at that
time had many common elements.
Existing management system concepts can be traced to numerous sources. The
most common source is plan–do–check–act model. While there are numerous
definitions provided for a system, the common four elements presented are input,
OHSMS 81
FIGURE 6.1 (a) Simple system diagram and (b) feedback.
process, output, and feedback. The relationship between these four elements is
depicted in Figure 6.1a.
A question that often comes up when talking about an OHSMS is “what is the
difference between a system and program?” One way to describe this difference is in
terms of an information feedback loop. That is, feedback in a system is essential and
an integral component of the system. Conversely, this is not the case with program-
matic approaches where feedback is not necessarily part of a structural design. This
is depicted in Figure 6.1b.
A system can be further characterized as being either open or closed. In the case
of open systems, there are identifiable pathways whereby the system interacts—
exchanging information with and gaining energy—from its external environment.
This phenomenon is readily observed in biological systems. Conversely, closed sys-
tems do not have such pathways and thus limit their ability to adapt or respond to
changing external conditions.
In traditional OH&S management approaches, the focus has been on trailing indi-
cators, such as illness, injury, and fatality statistics. In a systems approach, regula-
tory compliance and trailing indicators are not neglected; however, commonly, there
is a shift in focus towards performance variables and measurements from the input
and process components of the system. These components can be thought of as being
“upstream” from the system output, or leading indicators.
6.2.1 Programs vs. Systems

The distinction is made here between traditional programmatic approaches and
newer systems approaches to OH&S management. A program is operationally
defined as singular, vertical, and based on traditional command-control regulations.
The focus is on compliance with the program standard/regulation, not the broader
impact on OH&S performance in the organization. In this conceptualization, pro-
grams do not have strong, if any, feedback or evaluation mechanisms whereby the
program is adjusted or modified.
Conversely, a systems approach—while not losing sight of programmatic require-
ments and opportunities for improvement—broadens in perspective to address the
manner in which the program affects other programs, and the extent to which the
program may or may not improve worker health and safety. Further, a systems
approach is driven by OH&S improvement, more so than by programmatic regu-
latory compliance. A key distinction of a systems approach is that there are clear
feedback and evaluation mechanisms whereby the system responds to both internal
and external events. A systems approach integrates individual programs within the
business operations and the external environment and is thus more comprehensive
than any single program.
6.3 OHSMS STANDARDS
Systems concepts have been used in managing OH&S arrangements for decades.
A new era was entered with ISO’s entry into the management system codification
arena with 9001 in the late 1980s. At that time, there were few formal OHSMS
approaches throughout the world. In the early 1990s, OH&S and environmental
management professionals and standards developers began to consider how the ISO
9001:1987 principles could be applied to environmental and OH&S arrangements.
ISO 9001 was updated in 2000 (ISO, 2000).
In 1994, an ISO Technical Committee devoted to “materials, equipment, and
offshore structures for petroleum and natural gas industries” began to develop an
integrated health, safety, and environment management system. This effort pro-
duced a draft standard but was not continued when ISO 14001:1996 was published.
Around that time, several OHSMSs were also published (e.g., BSI 8800, Australia’s
SafetyMAP). By the late 1990s, numerous nation-states, along with professional
organizations (e.g., the Japan Industrial Safety and Health Association, the American
Industrial Hygiene Association (AIHA), the Chemical Manufacturers Association),
had started to develop OHSMS standards and guidelines.
In the mid-1990s, OSHA in the United States began to consider rulemaking for a
comprehensive OH&S program standard. Activities on this effort continued through
the early 2000s. Over time, the priority of these efforts diminished and was off
OSHA’s agenda by 2003.
Researchers at the University of Michigan (UM) developed an ISO 9001-based
OHSMS that was published by the AIHA in 1996 When it was published, the UM/
AIHA OHSMS received a significant attention from various stakeholders and
standards-making organizations (Mansdorf, 1996). After this, the UM group devel-
oped and published a universal OHSMS assessment instrument in 1999 (Redinger,
1999a, b). As part of the development of the assessment instrument, they developed
a generic OHSMS model. This model has since been used widely throughout the
world by standards-making bodies to assist their development efforts and by private
companies (IOHA, 1998; European Union, 2002; ANSI, 2005).
In 1996, ISO considered the development of an OHSMS standard. It elected at
that time to not proceed. It was during those deliberations that standards-making
experts put forth the idea, and recommendation, that the International Labour Office
(ILO) would be a more suitable international organization to develop standards and
guidelines in this area. With this mandate, in 1997, the ILO began to conduct back-
ground research on management systems as a precursor to forming the tripartite
group of experts that developed ILO-OSH 2001.
While the ILO was performing these background efforts, two developments
occurred. First, ISO elected for a second time to not develop an ISO OHSMS. Second,
in Britain, the British Standards Institute (BSI) published OHSAS 18001:1999, which
followed the structure of ISO 14001:1996. This document was published specifically
OHSMS 83
for use as an auditable standard. In its introduction, OHSAS 18001:1999 stated that
the document was developed “in response to urgent customer demand for a recogniz-
able occupational health and safety management system standard against which their
management systems can be assessed and certified.”
In 2000 in the United States, the AIHA solicited the American National Standards
Institute (ANSI) to form a committee to develop an ANSI standard in this area. The
committee (Z10) held its first meeting in 2002 and issued a standard in 2005. The
second edition of ANSI Z10 was published in 2012.
In its fourth attempt, ISO was successful in starting the process to develop an ISO
OHSMS. In 2013, an ISO Project Committee (PC 283) was formed and subsequently
published ISO 45001:2018.
Dating back to the 1980s and 1990s, when management system approaches were
generally evolving (e.g., ISO 9001:1987 and ISO 14001:1996) and popular in some
areas, there was not universal acceptance of them. This general skepticism spilled
into OHSMS development efforts and was based in concerns about (1) costs to
develop, implement, and maintain a management system, and (2) costs and complex-
ities to seek and maintain certification by an external third party. These concerns
diminished in the early 2000s. By the time that ISO 45001:2018 was published, the
rationale and acceptance of OHSMS was well established.
When ISO 45001:2018 was published in 2018, the British-based OHSMS,
OHSAS 18001:2007, was generally considered as the dominant internationally used
OHSMS, even though strictly speaking it was not an international standard; it had
been formally adopted by numerous countries (e.g., Singapore and Korea) and was
considered the de facto standard used in certification schemes.
While there are numerous OHSMS standards developed within specific countries,
the focus here is on ISO 45001:2018 and briefly on the ILO OHSMS guidelines. But
first, a brief background on the development of ISO’s “high-level” MSS framework.
6.3.1 ISO’s Drive to a Unified MSS Framework

In an effort to bring uniformity to its management system efforts, ISO’s Technical
Management Board (TMB) formed the ISO Ad Hoc Group on Management
System Standards shortly after ISO 14001:1996 was published. This group pub-
lished “Guidelines for the Justification and Development of Management System
Standards” (ISO Guide 72) in 2001. This guide presented common MS elements as
follows:
a. Policy
b. Planning
c. Implementation and operation
d. Performance assessment
e. Improvement and
f. Management review
These elements followed the structure of ISO 14001:1996 and were found many
nation-specific approaches at that time.
In the early 2000s, the Ad Hoc Group on Management System Standards recom-
mended the formation of the Joint Technical Coordination Group (JTCG) to work
on establishing consistency between ISO’s various MSSs; the TMB subsequently
formed the JTCG on MSS. This group developed ISO Guide 83, “High Level
Structure, Identical Core Text and Common Terms and Core Definitions for use in
Management Systems Standards.” This document was never formally adopted, but
was issued in December 2011. In it was the recommendation to establish what is
often referred to as ISO’s “high-level MSS structure.” These recommendations were
subsequently adopted, and published in 2013, in Annex SL of ISO’s Directives (also
referred to as the ISO Supplement). Annex SL formally presented the new high-level
and generic MSS that all future ISO MSSs were required to follow. This high-level
MSS structure has ten sections, which are as follows:
1. Scope
2. Normative references
3. Terms and definitions
4. Context of the organization
5. Leadership
6. Planning
7. Support
8. Operation
9. Performance evaluation
10. Improvement
6.3.2 ISO 45001:2018—OHSMS—Requirements
with Guidance for Use
The group (PC 283) that developed ISO 45001:2018 was required to follow the MSS
structure presented in Annex SL. A brief description of the ten sections follows. For
brevity, the term “ISO 45001:2108” will be simply stated as 45001 here. However,
take note that it is important to be rigorous in indicating the year a standard was
adapted or published, when referring it.
6.3.2.1 Scope
This section covers the areas addressed in 45001. It does not contain any audit-
able requirements. 45001’s scope states, “This document helps an organization to
achieve the intended outcomes of its OH&S management system.” Identified out-
comes include continual improvement of performance, fulfillment of legal and other
requirements, and achievement of OH&S objectives. An important point in the scope
is that the standard “does not state specific criteria for OH&S performance, nor is it
prescriptive about the design of an OH&S management system.” The importance of
this is the intent for the use of the standard as risk management tool rather than as
prescriptive requirements, as seen in regulations.
6.3.2.2 Normative References
This section is required by ISO’s MSS development criteria. No normative refer-
ences are indicated for 45001.
OHSMS 85
6.3.2.3 Terms and Definitions

Thirty-seven terms and definitions are addressed in 45001. Several are highlighted
here.
Worker (3.3) is defined as “person performing work or work-related activities

that are under the control of the organization.” This definition is different
than in earlier OHSMSs that focused on employees. Of particular interest
are three “notes” to the definition that indicate inclusion of contract and
temporary workers, as well as workers provided by agencies.
Injury and ill health (3.18) is defined as “adverse effect on the physical, mental
or cognitive condition of a person.” New here is the inclusion of “cognitive
condition.” Earlier OHSMSs included mental (18001) and psychosocial fac-
tors (ILO).
Risk (3.20) is defined as “effect of uncertainty.” This is a generic definition
used throughout ISO’s MSS. To OH&S professionals, this at first seems like
an odd definition since the common definition in OH&S is “combination
of the likelihood of an occurrence of a hazardous event or exposure(s) and
the severity of injury or ill health that can be caused by the event or expo-
sure.” This more common definition is included in 45001 as “OH&S risk”
(3.21). One way to think of the singular term “risk” is to think of it as indi-
rectly related to OH&S risks such as the risk (or the “effect of uncertainty”)
related to the provision of resources.
OH&S opportunity (3.22) is defined as “circumstance or set of circumstances
that can lead to improvement of OH&S performance.” The notion of
“opportunities” is new in 45001 and can be viewed as a more positive aspect
towards improving performance versus how risk is traditionally viewed.
6.3.2.4 Context of the Organization

Examining, clarifying, and understanding organizational context establishes the
foundation upon which the OHSMS is developed. A first step is to “determine exter-
nal and internal issues that are relevant to its [the organization’s] purpose and that
affect its ability to achieve the intended outcome(s) of its OH&S management sys-
tem” (4.1). This includes gaining an understanding of the needs and expectations of
workers and interested parties; new to 45001 from previous OHSMSs is “interested
parties.” As indicated above related to OHSMS’s scope, requirements are included in
this section related to formally establishing and stating the OHSMS’s scope.
Consideration of an OHSMS’s scope is a critical first step in development and
implementation in an organization. These considerations include clarity on opera-
tions covered by the OHSMS, such as a single plant, multiple ones, or corporate-wide,
and what activities are covered, such as possibly environmental, sustainability, or
product safety.
6.3.2.5 Leadership and Worker Participation

These two pieces—leadership and worker participation—are historically considered
linchpins of the OHSMS approach. Detailed requirements are included for each in
45001. Dating back to the earliest OHSMS approaches (e.g., BS 8800, OSHA guide-
lines, SafetyMap, 18001:1999), there has been ongoing refinement and clarification
of these pieces, as seen in the ILO’s OHSMS, 18001:2007, and ANSI Z10, to name
a few.
In 45001, worker participation requirements are nested throughout the standard.
In this section, these requirements are broadly summed up as “the organization
shall establish, implement, and maintain a process(es) for consultation and par-
ticipation of workers at all applicable levels and functions, and, where they exist,
workers’ representatives, in the development, planning, implementation, perfor-
mance evaluation and actions for improvement of the OH&S management system”
(5.4). Key here is providing time, training, and resources, as well as removing bar-
riers for effective participation. Clause 5.4.d suggests emphasizing the consultation
of nonmanagerial workers in a range of activities, including OH&S policy (d.3);
assigning organizational roles, responsibilities, and authorities as applicable (d.4);
planning, establishing, implementing, and maintaining an audit program (d.7); and
others.
All OHSMS approaches include top management leadership and commitment
requirements; 45001 continues this. In section 5.1 (Leadership and commitment),
13 clauses contain auditable elements. Two clauses of interest are 5.1.j and 5.1.m.
Clause j requires that “top management shall demonstrate leadership and commit-
ment with respect to the OH&S management system by developing, leading, and
promoting a culture in the organization that supports the intended outcomes of the
OH&S management system.” The requirement related to “culture” is new in 45001,
and while its importance cannot be understated, the practicality of demonstrat-
ing this is not trivial from an audit perspective. Clause m requires that “top man-
agement shall demonstrate leadership and commitment with respect to the OH&S
management system by supporting the establishment and functioning of health and
safety committees.”
Establishing, implementing, and maintaining an OH&S policy are required in
this section (5.2). All earlier OHSMS approaches contained this requirement with
varying degrees of specificity. Of interest in 45001 is a requirement that the policy
contains “a commitment to eliminate hazards and reduce OH&S risks” (5.2.d) and is
expanded on in section 8.1.2 “Eliminating hazards and reducing OH&S risks.” This
idea is noble and resonates philosophically. However, practically, some experts argue
that it is impossible to eliminate all hazards and that it is sounder to think in terms
of the reduction or elimination of risks.
6.3.2.6 Planning
Requirements in this section have increased from earlier OHSMS approaches, and
focus on actions to address risks and opportunities (6.1) and establishing OH&S
objectives and plans to achieve them. New in 45001 is the requirement to consider
OH&S opportunities as well as OH&S risks. On the surface, this new consideration
is straightforward.
Robust requirements are included related to hazard identification (6.1.2.1), “the
organization shall establish, implement, and maintain a process(es) for hazard iden-
tification that is ongoing and proactive.” From an audit perspective, consideration
OHSMS 87
needs to be given to what constitutes “ongoing.” In well-functioning OHSMSs, this

issue points to establishing feedback channels for hazard identification-related data
that arise from any number of activities, such as audits, accident reports, or worker
complaints. The requirement to be proactive, while not absent in early OHSMS
approaches, is clearly stated here. Of particular interest is the requirement that the
hazard identification “process(es) shall take into account how work is organized,
social factors (including workload, work hours, victimization, harassment, and bul-
lying), leadership and the culture in the organization” (6.1.2.1.a). Language in this
section makes clear that hazard identification extends into “locations not under the
direct control of the organization” (6.1.2.1.e.3). As well, to multiemployer work loca-
tions, “situations not controlled by the organization and occurring in the vicinity
of the workplace that can cause injury and ill health to persons in the workplace”
(6.1.2.1.f.3).
A distinction is made between OH&S risks and “other risks to the OH&S man-
agement system” (6.1.2.2). OH&S risks refer to what could be considered tradition
risks, such as a chemical exposure, slips, trips, and falls. Risks to the OHSMS refer
to things that can affect OH&S performance, such as day-to-day operations and
decision-making, regulatory changes, the organizational culture, and changes in
resources, to name a few. A methodology for assessing OH&S risks is required, and
this needs to “be defined with respect to their scope, nature, and timing to ensure
they are proactive rather than reactive” (6.1.2.2).
Being proactive in identifying OH&S opportunities is an undercurrent in 45001.
This is specifically seen in requirements for “assessment of OH&S opportunities
and other opportunities to the OH&S management system” (6.1.2.13). Subclause
“a” states that “The organization shall establish, implement, and maintain pro-
cess(es) to assess OH&S opportunities to enhance OH&S performance, while
taking into account planned changes to the organization, its policies, processes
or its activities and (1) opportunities to adapt work, work organization and work
environment to workers; and opportunities to eliminate hazards and reduce OH&S
risks.”
The standard requires that action plan(s) be developed and that they address: iden-
tifying risks and opportunities; legal and other requirements; and preparation and
response to emergency situations (6.1.4). A significant evolution here from earlier
OHSMS approaches is that “the organization shall plan how to integrate and imple-
ment the actions into its OH&S management system processes or other business
processes; and evaluate the effectiveness of these actions.” Key here is the inclusion
of “business processes.”
6.3.2.7 Support
Activities associated with supporting an OHSMS include resources (7.1), worker
competency (7.2), worker awareness (7.3), communication process(es) (7.4), and doc-
umented information (7.5).
While requirements for worker awareness on a number of items are found in ear-
lier OHSMS approaches, 45001 has them bundled in one section (7.3). Included in
them is a unique clause (7.3.f) that states “workers shall be made aware of the ability
to remove themselves from work situations that they consider present an imminent
and serious danger to their life or health, as well as the arrangements for protecting
them from undue consequences for doing so.”
As with earlier OHSMS approaches, 45001 contains robust communication
requirements. Section 7.4.1 states that “The organization shall establish, implement,
and maintain the process(es) needed for the internal and external communications
relevant to the OH&S management system.” This includes determining what will
be communicated; identifying the parties involved in communications, including
contractors and visitors; how to communicate; and to take into account language
issues. More rigorous from earlier OHSMS standards is a requirement that “the
organization shall ensure that the views of external interested parties are considered
in establishing its communication process(es)” (7.4.1). Unique here is considering
external parties views in establishing the process(es).
6.3.2.8 Operation
The OH&S profession has done operational planning and control (8.1) since its ear-
liest days. Requirements in this section are familiar with the profession. Two items
clearly stated here are the requirement to “adapt work to workers,” and “at multiem-
ployer workplaces…to coordinate relevant parts of the OH&S management system
with the other organizations.”
As seen in other OHSMS approaches, use of the hierarchy of controls to elimi-
nate hazards and control OH&S risks is highlighted (8.1.2). It is noted that “in many
countries, legal requirements and other requirements include the requirement that
personal protective equipment (PPE) is provided at no cost to workers.”
Management of change (8.1.3) has been central from the earliest days of the
OHSMS approach. It is often cited as being one of the most crucial sections in an
OHSMS. While all requirements of an OHSMS are important, advocates suggest
that this piece is one to highlight in training and activities associated with increasing
awareness (7.3). The standard states that
The organization shall establish a process(es) for the implementation and control of
planned temporary and permanent changes that impact OH&S performance, including:
a. new products, services, services, and processes, or changes to existing prod-
ucts, services and processes, including:
• work locations an surroundings;
• work organization;
• working conditions;
• equipment;
• work force;
b. changes to legal requirements and other requirements;
c. changes in knowledge or information about hazards and OH&S risks;
d. developments in knowledge and technology.
The organization shall review the consequences of unintended changes, taking action
to mitigate any adverse effects, as necessary.
Requirements are included in 45001 for procurement (8.1.4), outsourcing (8.1.4.3),
and emergency preparedness and response (8.2).
OHSMS 89
6.3.2.9 Performance Evaluation
Many requirements in this section are familiar and aligned with earlier-generation
OHSMSs. Clause 9.1.1 states that “The organization shall establish, implement, and
maintain a process(es) for monitoring, measurement, analysis and performance mea-
surement.” This includes determining what needs to be monitored and measured, as
well as the methods and their validity. Requirements for the “evaluation of compli-
ance” are clearly stated in Clause 9.1.2, where it states “the organization shall: deter-
mine the frequency and method(s) for the evaluation of compliance [with legal and
other requirements]; evaluate compliance and take action if needed; and maintain
knowledge and understanding of its compliance status with legal requirements and
other requirements.”
Internal audits of an OHSMS are required “at planned intervals to provide infor-
mation” related to conformance with 45001, as well as with the organizations OH&S
policy and objectives (9.2.10). Internal audit criteria need to be established, along
with ensuring auditors selected to do audits are objective and impartial (9.2.2).
Results need to be reported to “relevant managers” and workers, and where deficien-
cies (nonconformities) are found, they need to be addressed.
A critical legacy element in the OHSMS approach is management review (9.3).
This standard contains robust requirements for this. It states “Top management shall
review the organization’s OH&S management system, at planned intervals, to ensure
its continuing suitability, adequacy, and effectiveness.” Key here is the evaluation
of the OHSMS’s suitability, adequacy, and effectiveness. Top management needs to
determine whether maintaining the OHSMS is aligned with strategic objectives, and
if not, should maintaining conformance to it be continued, and if it is, to ensure that
proper resources and support are being given to it.
6.3.2.10 Improvement
The term “improvement” finds its way into 45001 from ISO’s MSS requirements.
A number of “improvement”-related activities are bundled here: incident, non-
conformity, and corrective action responses; and continual improvement. The
standard states that “The organization shall establish, implement, and maintain,
a process(es) including reporting, investigating and taking action to determine
and manage incidents and nonconformities” (10.2). Specific requirements include
timely response; conducting root cause analysis, with worker involvement; assess-
ing potential historical trends; and ensuring that findings are feed back into the
planning process.
A hallmark of the OHSMS approach is continual improvement. 45001 continues
this trajectory, stating in 10.3 “The organization shall continually improve the suit-
ability, adequacy and effectiveness of the OH&S management system: by enhancing
OH&S performance; promoting a culture that supports an OH&S management sys-
tem; promoting the participation of workers in implementing actions for the contin-
ual improvement of the system; and, communicating the relevant results of continual
improvement to workers, and where they exist, workers’ representatives.” When
implementing a management system, early in the process, ways to demonstrate con-
formity to this requirement should be given.
6.3.3 ILO OHSMS:2001—Guidelines on Occupational

Safety and Health Management Systems
The ILO began its OHSMS development activities shortly after ISO elected not to
pursue development activities in this area in late 1996. The ILO’s SafeWork division
leads the agencies effort with the initial step of contracting a research study with
IOHA on OH&S and environmental management systems in use or development in
the late 1990s. With the study findings in hand, the ILO formed a 21-person working
group of experts to develop the standard that followed its tripartite structure with
seven experts each from government, labor, and industry. The working group efforts
culminated with a 2-week meeting in 2001 in Geneva where the bulk of the standard
was written.
As with OHSAS 18001:1999 and ISO 14001:1996, the ILO OHSMS has front-end
sections that address scope and context issues, with the meet of the standard con-
tained in section three, organized within five sections:
• Policy
• Organizing
• Planning and implementation
• Evaluation and
• Action for improvement
A unique feature of the ILO’s OHSMS front end is Section Two that contains a
model that governments or nation-state standards developers can follow in the devel-
opment of OHSMS standards unique to individual countries or industries. This sec-
tion is titled “A national framework for occupational safety and health management
systems.” A schematic of this structure is shown in Figure 6.2.
Strictly speaking, the ILO OHSMS is not a standard, but rather it is a guideline
with recommendations. It contains a mixture of “should”- and “shall”-based clauses
that makes auditing against it difficult. Use in third-party certification schemes
is not precluded, but its introduction states that its “application” does not require
certification.
FIGURE 6.2 ILO framework schematic.

OHSMS 91
6.4 CONFORMITY ASSESSMENT
Conformity assessment refers to the activities associated with determining whether
an implemented management system conforms with a formal OHSMS standard, such
as ISO 45001. Activities and distinctions associated with conformity assessment are
certification; auditing; first, second, and third parties; registrar; and accredited. It is
important to understand and consider conformity assessment issues and how they
relate to management systems because they are central to strategic considerations
regarding the rationale for implementing and measuring the performance of a man-
agement system (NRC, 1995).
It is common to think of the term “certification” when discussing OHSMSs.
A common misconception is that pursuing or implementing a management sys-
tem necessarily means that certification must be pursued. This is not the case.
Whereas some organizations do pursue certification of their management systems
by a third-party registrar, many do not. Making the distinction between a man-
agement system and conformity assessment activities can reduce unnecessary
confusion. Conformity assessment deals with the activities associated with deter-
mining how well a given system approach (e.g., 45001) has been implemented in
an organization.
Conformity assessment frameworks commonly have three levels:
• Primary level—assessment
• Secondary level—accreditation
• Tertiary level—recognition
The primary level represents measurement and auditing activities. Workplace air
sampling or safety surveys are examples of assessment activities, as are management
system audits. The secondary level addresses the formal qualifications of the entities
performing primary-level activities and the bodies that provide confirmation of the
qualifications. An example is with Certified Safety Professionals (CSP) or Certified
Industrial Hygienists (CIH) who perform workplace assessments. The CSP and CIH
designations are given, respectively, by the Board of CSP (BCSP) and the American
Board of Industrial Hygiene (ABIH). The certification function performed by the
BCSP and ABIH represents secondary-level activities. With management system
certification, registrars perform audits, a primary-level activity, and accreditation
agencies, accredit them to perform the registration audits. Finally, an example of
tertiary-level recognition is found in regulations that require certain activities be
performed by CSPs or CIHs. With management systems, recognition is given by
regulatory agencies who might give organizations with a certified OHSMS some
sort of regulatory relief. And possibly more important here is recognition by the
marketplace.
Each of the conformity assessment levels can be performed by first, second, or
third parties. The designation first party refers to activities performed internal to an
organization. An example is with self or internal audits. The second party refers to
activities done at a given level by a customer or entity that may not be completely
independent. An example is when a customer audits a supplier. Finally, the third
party refers to activities performed by an independent entity such as an accredited

registrar who performs a certification audit of an OHSMS.
It is important to understand that management system auditing systems are framed
within a broader conformity assessment system that ensures the audit, inspection,
certification, registration, accreditation, and/or workplace compliance inspection
system works. Critical features of a robust conformity assessment structure include
the following:
1. Having a standard (e.g., 45001) against which assessments are made

2. A way to perform the assessment that there is an agreed upon measurement
method (e.g., validated tools and protocols)
3. A strong accreditation mechanism whereby first, second, and third parties
can be certified to perform assessments and
4. A Quality Assurance/Quality Control mechanism whereby assessor per-
formance is evaluated and modified as needed—a means where affected
parties can register complaints.
6.5 THE MANAGEMENT SYSTEM FRAMEWORK PYRAMID

This framework provides a powerful tool to help develop and implement an OHSMS.
It is commonly presented in terms of four levels, or tiers, where Level 1 addresses poli-
cies, Level 2 addresses procedures and process descriptions, Level 3 addresses detailed
work instructions and best practices, and Level 4 addresses records and documents.
It is common to create a matrix based on this framework when performing an
initial gap analysis to see what OHSMS pieces are in place, and then when imple-
menting it. The matrix contains four rows, one for each level/tier, and then columns
for each OHSMS element, such as OH&S policy, internal audit, and management
review. Each cell of the matrix is then examined to see whether documents exist
for that cell. For instance, with OH&S policy, Level 1, does a policy exist? Does it
need to be modified to conform with the OHSMS requirements? At Level 2, is there
a procedure that addresses how the OH&S policy statement is created, maintained,
revised? At Level 3, this might not be applicable in small organizations, but in larger
ones, there may be a need to have specific policy development instructions in busi-
ness units or plants. At Level 4, are there documents and records related to the policy
development process that can be used to demonstrate conformance?
6.6 FUTURE TRENDS
The publication of ISO 45001 represents a significant milestone in the evolution of
OHSMS standards development. As the first truly international OHSMS standard,
and as an ISO standard, it promises to have a significant impact on worker health and
safety throughout the world.
It is anticipated that there will be ongoing efforts to integrate OH&S performance
improvement with other operational risk management activities, such as environ-
mental and sustainability efforts. Integration efforts are noble and make sense;
however, OH&S professionals need to be vigilant to ensure that worker health and
OHSMS 93
safety issues are not diminished through integration efforts. Another caution when
developing and implementing an OHSMS in an organization is to not fall into a
“checklist” mentality, or to get so focused on the OHSMS, and potentially lose sight
of fundamentals of anticipation, recognition, evaluation, and control of occupational
hazards and risks.
REFERENCES
American Industrial Hygiene Association. (1996). Occupational Health and Safety
Management System: An AIHA Guidance Document. Fairfax, VA: American Industrial
Hygiene Association.
American National Standards Institute. (2005). American National Standard – Occupational
Health and Safety Management Systems. Fairfax, VA: ANSI/AIHA Z10-2005 and
ANSI/AIHA Z10-2012.
British Standards Institute. (1996). Guide to Health and Safety Management Systems.
London, England: British National Standard, BS 8800:1996.
British Standards Institute. (1999) Occupational Health and Safety Management Systems
– Specification. London, England: BSI OHSAS 18001:1999 and OHSAS 18001:2007.
European Union, European Agency for Safety and Health at Work. (2002). OSH Systems and
Programmes: The Use of Occupational Safety and Health Management Systems in the
Member States of the European Union. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications
of the European Communities.
International Occupational Hygiene Association (IOHA). (1998). Occupational Health and
Safety Management Systems: Review and Analysis of International, National, and
Regional Systems; and, Proposals for a New International Document. Geneva: IOHA.
International Organization for Standardization. (1987). Quality Systems – Model for Quality
Assurance in Design/Development, Production, Installation and Servicing. Geneva:
International Standard ISO 9001:1987.
International Organization for Standardization. (1996). Environmental Management
Systems-Specifications with Guidance for Use. Geneva: International Standard ISO
14001:1996(E).
International Organization for Standardization. (2000). Quality Systems - Model for Quality
Assurance in Design, Development, Production, Installation and Servicing. Geneva:
International Standard ISO 9001:2000(E).
International Organization for Standardization. (2013). Directives, Part 1, Consolidated ISO
Supplement, Procedures Specific to ISO (4th ed.). Geneva: ISO.
International Organization for Standardization. (2018). Occupational Health and Safety
Management Systems – Requirements with Guidance for Use. Geneva: ISO 45001:2018.
Mansdorf, Z., Mirer, F., Wright, M., Presentations given at the American National Standards
Institute’s Workshop on International Standardization of Occupational Health and
Safety Management Systems: Is there a need? Workshop Proceedings, Rosemont, IL,
May 7 (1996).
NRC, National Research Council. (1995). Standards, Conformity Assessment, and Trade:
Into the 21st Century. Washington, DC: National Academy Press.
Redinger, C.F., Levine, S.P. (1999a). Occupational Health and Safety Management System
Performance Measurement: A Universal Assessment Instrument, AIHA, Falls Church,
VA, ISBN-13: 978-0932627926.
Redinger, C., Dalrymple, H., Dyjack, D., Levine, S., Mansdorf, Z. (1999b) Occupational
Health and Safety Management Systems: Review and Analysis of International,
National and Regional Systems; and, Proposals for a New International Document.
Geneva: The International Labour Office.
7 Benchmarking in
International Safety
and Health
Charles Redinger
Institute for Advanced Risk Management
CONTENTS
7.1 Introduction..................................................................................................... 95
7.2 Performance Measurement.............................................................................. 98
7.2.1 Measurement Hierarchy...................................................................... 98
7.2.2 Measurement Levels............................................................................99
7.2.3 Types of Metrics..................................................................................99
7.2.4 Reliability and Validity...................................................................... 100
7.3 Conducting a Benchmarking Study—Steps and Guidance........................... 101
7.4 Benchmarking Approaches and Frameworks................................................ 101
7.4.1 Individual Performance Indicators.................................................... 102
7.4.2 Program Elements............................................................................. 102
7.4.3 Management Systems........................................................................ 103
7.4.4 Use of the “BSC”............................................................................... 104
7.4.5 Role in Social Responsibility/Sustainability..................................... 104
7.5 International Benchmarking—Standards, Guidelines, and Examples.......... 105
7.5.1 International Association of Labour Inspection—International
Benchmarking OSH Regulation........................................................ 105
7.5.2 Association of Southeast Asian Nations—Survey of Good
OH&S Practices................................................................................. 105
7.5.3 EU-OSHA—Review of Successful OH&S Initiatives...................... 106
7.5.4 European Agency for Safety and Health at Work—OHSMS............ 107
7.5.5 An International Benchmarking Culture Survey.............................. 107
7.6 Corporate Benchmarking.............................................................................. 108
7.6.1 The Conference Board 2003 Survey—Striving for Best Practices....... 108
7.6.2 Organization Resource Counselors and Avery Dennison................. 109
7.7 Summary and Looking to the Future............................................................ 110
References............................................................................................................... 111
7.1 INTRODUCTION
Benchmarking is a popular management and organizational learning tool. It is a mul-
tifaceted technique that can be used to identify operational and strategic gaps, and in
95
the search for best practices to close these gaps. Benchmarking use and popularity
has increased in global efforts to improve occupational health and safety (OH&S)
performance since the 1990s. The European Union Agency for Occupational Safety
and Health EU-OSHA) defines benchmarking as follows:
a planned process by which an organisation compares health safety processes and per-
formance with others to learn how to reduce accidents and ill health, improve compli-
ance with health and safety law and/or cut compliance costs.
(EU-OSHA, 2015)
Xerox Corporation’s process improvement efforts in the late 1970s and early 1980s
are often cited as the beginning of structured organizational benchmarking. Xerox
investigated warehouse operations of L. L. Bean to gain insights on how Xerox’s
operations could be improved. Another early benchmarking example is seen in
Nissan/Infiniti’s benchmarking efforts to improve its strategic planning. In this
effort, Nissan/Infiniti examined practices at a number of companies, including
Walt Disney and McDonald’s. Quality improvement efforts, such as seen with the
Malcolm Baldrige Quality Award, are attributed to the proliferation of benchmark-
ing in global companies. Since the late 1980s, there has been an increase in compa-
nies sharing quality and process improvement information (Yasin, 2002).
While there are numerous ways to characterize benchmarking, the organizational
benchmarking literature commonly identifies three types of organizational bench-
marking (Drew, 1997):
• Process benchmarking—used to compare operations, work practices, and

business processes
• Product/service benchmarking—used to compare product and/or service
offerings and
• Strategic benchmarking—used to compare organizational structures, man-
agement practices, and business strategies
OH&S management involves a wide range of activities that include identifying haz-
ards in the workplace; determining their level of risk; taking actions to reduce haz-
ards and associated risks; and performing a bundle of measurement activities related
to these activities. A common way of describing this sequence of activities is antic-
ipation, recognition, evaluation, and control. Activities traditionally included in the
evaluation phase are collecting air samples, performing safety audits, and conducting
job-specific self-assessment, to name a few. With the increased use of OH&S man-
agement systems (OHSMSs), the evaluation phase has expanded to include manage-
ment reviews and global assessment of a company’s OH&S programs and systems.
OH&S performance assessment includes a range of metrics, which can also be
referred to as indicators. Common terms used are leading, trailing (also called out-
come), and process (also called activities) indicators or metrics. All three of these
can be the focus of an OH&S benchmarking endeavor; however, the most common
OH&S benchmarking activity looks at leading and OH&S process indicators, which
include, for instance, the organization’s overall OHSMS, or a specific program such
Benchmarking in Safety and Health 97
as training, respirator fit testing, confined space, ergonomics, and lock-out-tag-out

programs, for example. Companies also benchmark trailing indicators, such as
injury incident rates or agency citations, against industry or governmental databases;
while there is value in this, it is difficult to affect change without looking at leading
and process indicators/metrics.
Another form of OH&S benchmarking includes internal benchmarking, where
the metric or indicator of interest is benchmarked between business units, or longi-
tudinally over time, within a specific business unit or operation.
Reasons to perform OH&S benchmarking identified in a robust document pre-
pared by WorkSafe Australia (1996) include the following:
• Recognition from governmental entities and certification bodies

• Better understanding of the workings of effective OHSMSs
• Overcome complacency about the role of OH&S in the enterprise.
• Build and reinforce broad commitment to change in OH&S management
practices.
• Achieve quantum leaps in improvement in OH&S performance.
• Identify, understand, and implement the international best practice.
• Develop a shared vision for OH&S in the enterprise.
Global OH&S benchmarking also has historical links to standards and regula-
tions in the United Kingdom, the United States, the International Organization for
Standardization (ISO), and the International Labor Organization (ILO) (Idoro, 2011).
While there is value in performing benchmarking and it is widely done, it does
have detractors and caution is voiced. Two primary weaknesses are commonly iden-
tified. The first relates to mission and vision. That is, critics caution that an entity
that is benchmarking itself to another entity, or bundle of entities, might lose sight
of aspects of its mission and vision, that is, benchmarking against different goals or
ideals. The second relates to broader validity, reliability, and data quality issues; that
is, the benchmarked metrics or indicators might not queue well between the bench-
marking entities, and the quality of the benchmarking data might not be known.
Some important distinctions to keep straight when engaging in benchmarking
endeavors are as follows:
• Benchmarking process versus improvement from benchmarking (Moriarty,

2011): This is a subtle but valuable distinction made by Moriarty. The point
here is to be clear about the purpose and intended outcome from a bench-
marking endeavor.
• Benchmarks versus benchmarking: This points to the role that performance
goals (e.g., benchmarks) play in benchmarking. While benchmarking is a
process, the activity of establishing meaning from it requires attention.
A qualitative example here is whether a goal is to be “best in class” versus
“good in class.” Further, caution is needed when establishing benchmarks
and potential validity issues when benchmarking entities are not similar,
and indicators have different levels of maturity.
7.2 PERFORMANCE MEASUREMENT
Benchmarking is a measurement endeavor (Fuller, 1997). It is important to under-
stand and consider basic measurement concepts when conducting benchmarking.
Key here is the validity and reliability of performance indicators and metrics at the
core of a benchmarking effort. In measurement theory, it is emphasized that prior to
identifying any given variable or measurement for a variable, it is first necessary
to identify the concepts and indicators with which they are associated. Thus, in order
to make reliable and valid performance measurements, the indicators, variables,
measurement units, and their logical relationships must be established. This mea-
surement hierarchy is summarized in Figure 7.1.
7.2.1 Measurement Hierarchy
When considering measurement issues, it is important to understand a basic mea-
surement hierarchy. This measurement hierarchy describes the measurement pro-
cess from the conceptual to the operational levels. When issues of reliability and
validity are considered (discussed below), it is critical to understand the relationship
between concepts, indicators, variables, and operational definitions associated with
a given measurement question. This hierarchy can be summarized as follows and in
Figure 7.1.
1. Determine the construct or concept to be measured (e.g., OH&S performance).

2. Identify the indicator(s) associated with the construct(s) (e.g., employee
participation).
3. Identify the variable(s) associated with the construct(s) or indicator(s) (e.g.,
continuous improvement meetings).
4. Develop operational definitions for each variable (e.g., the number of team
meetings per year).
FIGURE 7.1 An OSH Measurement Hierarchy.

In Figure 7.1, a simple example is given showing how this hierarchy can be used
in metrics development. In this example, the construct is OH&S performance. An
indicator of OH&S performance is continual improvement. A variable associated
with continual improvement could be meetings held by a continual improvement
team. The number of team meetings held, or other aspects of the meetings, could be
described in terms of an operational definition.
7.2.2 Measurement Levels
There is a range of measurement activities conducted within OH&S management.
Following consideration of measurement hierarchy issues, attention needs to be
given to the different measurement levels. These levels refer to the different levels
found when developing operational definitions.
There are four measurement levels: nominal, ordinal, interval, and ratio. It is
important to identify in what measurement level a particular metric resides as this
impacts the type of data that can be collected and how it will be collected. Traditional
OH&S metrics such as effluent discharge quantities or lost workdays are commonly
interval or ratio level measurements.
Nominal measurements tell only what class a unit falls with respect to the
property (e.g., male/female; yes/no). These are commonly used in the
initial development of global benchmarking efforts, such as asking, “is
a lock-out-tag-out” program present? Or, are OH&S risk assessments
performed?
Ordinal measurements determine when one unit has more of a property than
does another. This allows for ranking. Ordinal measures do not indicate
how much more of the property is present, in terms of a linear scale, simply
that more or less is present. With the lock-out-tag-out programs or OH&S
risk assessments, beyond seeing if they are done, questions would look at
how well they are done, or at their quality. Likert-like scales are often used
and are an example of an ordinal measurement.
Interval measurements identify when one unit differs by a certain amount of
the property from another. Air sampling and noise dosimetry are examples
of interval measures.
Ratio measurements are the same as interval, except that there is a zero point.
Temperature is a good example of a ratio measure.
7.2.3 Types of Metrics
The types of metrics usually mentioned in OH&S performance measurement are as
follows:
Trailing versus leading: The distinction between trailing and leading indicators
refers to the order in which events take place. A leading indicator happens
before a trailing indicator. The goal is to understand the causal relation-
ship between leading and trailing indicators such that leading indicators
provide valid predictions of trailing indicators. An important concept here

is causation.
Process versus outcome: The distinction between process and outcome indica-
tors has been made for many years in quality assurance circles and provides
a good example of leading and trailing indicators. Process indicators are
considered leading indicators and are part of an actual manufacturing pro-
cess or the system of interest. Outcome indicators can be considered trail-
ing indicators since they measure the outcomes of the process or system.
Output versus outcome: Output indicators and measurement address the imple-
mentation of a system, process, or procedure. They address the result gen-
erated by the implemented system, process, or procedure. For instance, the
implementation of an OHSMS is an output. The difference that the system
makes (e.g., reduced injury rates) is an outcome.
7.2.4 Reliability and Validity

Reliability and validity issues are central to any measurement endeavor. These are
two of the most important issues to consider when conducting global benchmarking
and developing indicators/metrics that will be used. Concerns here are whether a
given metric, or measurement effort, is measuring what it is intended to measure
(validity) and whether successive measurements provide the same result (reliability).
These terms can be used when considering individual metrics or an entire assess-
ment endeavor.
Understanding the reliability of a measurement is a necessary precursor to estab-
lishing its validity. When the reliability is high, there is enhanced confidence that
changes in individual measurements are due to identified interventions, and not just
a random fluctuation in the measurement process. Reliability is commonly assessed
in three forms: test–retest, alternate form, and internal consistency. Intra-observer
and interobserver reliabilities are important considerations.
Validity refers to the degree to which a metric, or assessment activity, measures
what it claims to be measuring. There are four types of validity: face, content, crite-
rion, and construct.
Face validity and content validity are most applicable to global OH&S bench-
marking at this point in the technique’s evolution. Face validity is the least scien-
tific measure of all the validity measures. It is based on a cursory review of items
by untrained judges to determine whether a metric makes sense from a common
sense perspective. Decisions made during the initial stages of a metrics develop-
ment effort are based on face validity considerations. Content validity is a sub-
jective measure of how appropriate the items seem to a set of reviewers who have
some knowledge of the subject matter. The assessment of content validity typi-
cally involves an organized review of the metric (or instrument) to ensure that it
includes everything it should and does not include anything it should not. Content
validity and face validity are very similar and can be confused. In many efforts,
face validity considerations are performed in conjunction with content validity
considerations.
7.3 CONDUCTING A BENCHMARKING
STUDY—STEPS AND GUIDANCE
A wide range of benchmarking approaches are found in the benchmarking litera-
ture (Drew, 1997; Sanders, 2016; Fuller 1997, 1999; Evans, 2012; Moriarty, 2011).
A bundle of common steps are found in this literature and articulated well in an
OH&S guidance document developed by WorkSafe Australia (1996), which are as
follows:
• Step 1—Establish benchmarking project

• Step 2—Select teams and train them
• Step 3—Identify processes to benchmark
• Step 4—Analyze your own process
• Step 5—Select benchmark partners
• Step 6—Build relationships and conduct visits
• Step 7—Analyze performance gaps and develop improvement strategies
These seven steps are reflected in many of the studies and approaches presented
in this chapter. They also reinforce performance measurement issues presented
here.
In Step 1, a key point is to develop clarity on why a benchmarking project is being
conducted, its scope, and intended outcome. That is, how are findings expected to
be used? Step 6 reflects that many OH&S benchmarking endeavors are performed
against external entities, that is, other enterprises; however, it is not uncommon to
use steps such as these in internal efforts, that is, for instance, benchmarking differ-
ent business units within a single enterprise. Addressed in the WorkSafe approach,
but not explicitly seen in the step descriptors, is the importance of data collection and
its impact on OH&S benchmarking validity and reliability.
WorkSafe’s OH&S benchmarking tool kit provides enterprises and OH&S prac-
titioners with an excellent bundle of guidance and tools on how to conduct an enter-
prise benchmarking study. It does not contain specific benchmarking indicators, as
other studies in this chapter; rather, it provides guidance and criteria for an enterprise
to use in developing indicators most appropriate to them.
7.4 BENCHMARKING APPROACHES AND FRAMEWORKS

There is a range of OH&S benchmarking approaches and frameworks used by
enterprises, nongovernmental organizations, and governmental agencies. Some of
these focus on individual performance indicators, whereas others look more broadly
larger program elements and entire system/programs; depending upon one’s per-
spective, overlap can be seen between these. OHSMS frameworks (e.g., OHSAS
18001, ISO 45001, ILO OSH-MS) have evolved into popular OH&S benchmarking
frameworks. Scorecard frameworks are also vogue in numerous sectors; these are
commonly based on the Balanced Scorecard (BSC) method developed at Harvard
University in the early 1990s. Finally, the social responsibility and sustainability
arena provides basic bundles of OH&S performance indicators that can be used in
benchmarking.
7.4.1 Individual Performance Indicators

There are numerous ways to identify key occupational health and safety (OHS) per-
formance indicators in an organization, and with which to use in benchmarking
endeavors. In 1971, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD) established a guideline for developing safety performance indicators (SPI).
Jennings and Schulberg (2009) observe that developing an SPI program affords a
company the ability to
• Assess whether it is implementing appropriate chemical safety programs

and policies.
• Evaluate whether these programs and policies are achieving their desired
objectives.
• Help determine the extent to which such programs and policies are making
a difference.
These three points are examples of what a company may use as the foundation of an
OHS benchmarking endeavor.
The OECD guideline presents a robust seven-step process for establishing an SPI
program (OECD, 2008), which are as follows.
1. Establish an SPI team.

2. Identify key issues of concern.
3. Define outcome indicator(s) and related metrics.
4. Define activities indicator(s) and related metrics.
5. Collect the data and report indicator results.
6. Act on findings from SPIs.
7. Evaluate and refine SPIs.
The OECD SPI program approach provides a valuable framework companies can
use for international OHS benchmarking. As an international framework with a
well-defined process, issues related to validity are minimized since benchmarking
entities would be following the same process. Within this framework, individual
performance indicators/metrics (outcome or activity) can be benchmarked, as well
as the overall SPI program.
7.4.2 Program Elements
Beyond individual performance indicators, larger pieces of OHS management can
be the focus of benchmarking, and these are referred to as program elements.
An example of this type of benchmarking activity as seen in a safety climate
assessment across nine North Sea oil and gas operations that identified five best
practices in a benchmarking study between British Petroleum, Conoco, and
Royal/Dutch Shell Group (Mearns, 2001). The list of best practices that evolved
from this is as follows:
1.
Health and Safety Executive (HSE) policy documents: Top management
commits to HSE goals; “the policy is strong, concise, and visionary”; the
policy refers to striving towards zero accidents; performance is monitored
and made public.
2.
Assurance of policy compliance: Annual self-assessments and reports.
Operation and governance: One managing director has board-level respon-
3.
sibility for health and safety; a corporate health and safety advisor recom-
mends policy and chairs a committee comprising senior business managers.
Joint ventures/subsidiary policy: The parent company health and safety
4.
policy applies to joint ventures under the parent company; external health
and safety reports are made for joint ventures.
Linkage of health and safety into the business: Health and safety is a core
5.
value and part of company culture; risks are assessed, targets are set, and
performance is monitored.
Establishing a set of best practices such as those above can be an OH&S stopping
point. It can also be the starting point for ongoing longitudinal activities where
measure scales are created to determine the strength and maturity of each of these
practices.
Another example of a program element approach done internally in a UK water
utility was based on the HSE’s six key elements for effective OH&S management
(Fuller, 1999), which are as follows: policy, organization, planning and implemen-
tation, performance, auditing, and review. These elements formed the basis of an
OH&S audit program used for internal benchmarking. Three dimensions of OH&S
performance were assessed in this effort: how well OH&S management was under-
stood, how well OH&S procedures were implemented, and accident frequency rates
(Fuller, 1999).
7.4.3 Management Systems
The use of formal OHSMS has proliferated in the 2000s with the advent of
the ILO’s OHSMS (ILO, 2001), the British Standards Institutes (BSI) 18001,
numerous country-specific approaches, and recently the publication of ISO
45001:2018. OHSMS standards provide a robust framework for OH&S bench-
marking. A universal OHSMS model was developed in the 1990s at the University
of Michigan and has been used in numerous benchmarking studies (Redinger,
1998; EU-OSHA, 2002). This chapter provides background information on vari-
ous OHSMS approaches.
A key distinction in OHSMS approaches is continual improvement. Benchmarking
techniques provide a way to demonstrate the ongoing improvement of specific
OHSMS elements and the entire system. And when improvement is not found, iden-
tifying such performance gaps is valuable. Another key distinction in this approach
is performance measurement. Specific performance measurement requirements are
found in all OHSMS approaches, such as auditing, management review, and accident
investigations. While benchmarking per se is not specifically required or mentioned
in OHSMSs, it is not uncommon for organizations to include it in its OHSMS poli-
cies and procedures.
A challenge with using OHSMS elements in an external benchmarking effort is
that there is often variation in implementation and maturity. That is, there are numer-
ous ways elements can be implemented and change and mature over time.
7.4.4 Use of the “BSC”

The “BSC” is a popular business performance measurement framework developed in
the early 1990s (Kaplan, 1992, 1996). Since BSC’s introduction by Kaplan, numer-
ous iterations of the concept have been developed. The BSC approach has been
important in highlighting the difference between leading and trailing indicators and
in turning increased attention to the measurement of leading indicators. The “score-
card” concept that this approach initiated is now a common concept in business and
OH&S management, and within the concept, there are key performance indicators
that populate a scorecard. Kaplan’s BSC contains a diverse set of performance mea-
sures that are divided into four groups: financial performance, customer relations,
internal business processes, and learning and growth (Mearns, 2003).
The UK’s HSE supports the multifaceted BSC approach: “Organisations need to
recognize that there is no single reliable measure of health and safety performance.”
“What is required is a ‘basket’ of measures or a ‘balanced scorecard’ providing
information on a range of health and safety activities” (HSE, 2001). Numerous
examples of applying Kaplan and Norton’s BSC framework to OH&S management
and performance measurement are found in the literature and in companies (Koper,
2009; Paranjape, 2006; Mearns, 2003; Redinger and Birkner, 2003). Beyond pro-
viding a robust internal OH&S benchmarking framework for an organization, it is
not clear that the BSC approach is used in larger intraorganizational OH&S bench-
marking efforts.
7.4.5 Role in Social Responsibility/Sustainability

Social responsibility and sustainability have been gaining increased prominence in
the development of governmental and nongovernmental standards and guidelines.
Approaches developed by these entities provide bundles of indicators that can be
used in benchmarking endeavors. While OH&S is not the focus of social responsi-
bility and/or sustainability standards and guidelines, OH&S criteria and indicators
can be found in them.
ISO’s Guidance on Social Responsibility, ISO 26000, contains some guidance on
OH&S issues (ISO, 2010). While not robust, these do provide OH&S with visibility
within the social responsibility space.
Since its inception in the late 1990s, the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) has
provided a sustainability benchmarking platform for enterprises. Within a general
rubric of “labor practices and decent work,” GRI’s framework includes criteria and
performance indicators for OH&S. Compared to criteria and performance indicators
found in the OH&S space, these are not robust. The Center for Occupational Health
and Safety was formed in 2012, in part, to increase OH&S impact within GRI’s
structure and in sustainability reporting in general. As social responsibility and sus-
tainability standards and approaches continue to evolve, OH&S professionals should
monitor them for performance measurement guidance.
7.5 INTERNATIONAL BENCHMARKING—
STANDARDS, GUIDELINES, AND EXAMPLES
7.5.1 International Association of Labour Inspection—
International Benchmarking OSH Regulation
On behalf of the International Association of Labour Inspection (IALI), Singapore’s
Ministry of Manpower and Britain’s Health and Safety Executive have developed an
International Benchmarking on OSH Regulation (IALI, 2017). This document pro-
vides nations with a guideline upon which they can assess and organize regulatory
activities; its focus is macro; that is, it addresses high-level governmental activities
related to OH&S. Its aim is
• To help countries develop effective labor inspectorates systematically.

• To provide a structured framework for labor inspectorates to monitor
progress.
• To develop a global network of OH&S collaborating centers.
The document is an application of IALI’s International Common Principles for

Labour Inspection to OH&S, and incorporates the aspects of the following:
• BS EN ISO/IEC 17020:2012—Conformity assessment—Requirements for

the operation of various types of bodies performing inspection
• IALI’s Global Code of Integrity for Labour Inspection
• ILO Labour Inspection Convention, 1947 (No. 81)
• ILO Occupational Safety and Health Convention 1981 (No. 155)
An inspection assessment protocol is included for use in determining a nation’s cur-

rent OH&S inspection status. Competency criteria are included for personnel who
perform the assessment. Tools are also provided to assist in performing assessments,
which include a questionnaire and an assessment-scoring checklist.
7.5.2 Association of Southeast Asian Nations—

Survey of Good OH&S Practices
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) OH&S network, with support
from the ILO, conducted an OH&S best practices survey of Cambodia, Indonesia,
Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam,
Japan, and Republic of Korea (ILO/ASEAN, 2012). Each country that participated
reported on the status of their OH&S regulatory structures, national performance
statistics, and strategies for OH&S performance improvement. Highlights from four
country reports are as follows:
Lao PDR reported efforts to address worker safety and health expanded after
the nation embarked on a new and more open economy in the 1980s. Into the
early 2000s, there were challenges with many workers lacking experience in
factories, and their awareness about safety and health risks was low. Efforts
in 2005 introduced a comprehensive OH&S program that increased train-
ing of inspectors, enhanced existing labor laws, and increased collaboration
with ASEAN and ILO. It is reported that OH&S awareness has improved
along with strengthening training program requirements and delivery.
Malaysia reported a gap in safety cultures between workers directly engaged
by multinational companies and those working for subcontractors (supply
chain issue). The Safety Passport program was designed and implemented
to address this gap. In this program, workers receive training on workplace
safety and receive a “passport” after they successfully pass an assessment
administered by the agency. Malaysia reported that it was in the process of
benchmarking this program against similar systems in Europe.
Cambodia reported that its national OH&S efforts have been historically chal-
lenged by the lack of political stability and slow economic development. With
support from the ILO, trade unions, and employers’ organizations, an OSH
Master Plan was developed in 2009. The plan identified six action areas:
(1) strengthen the national OH&S system, (2) improve safety and health
inspections and compliance, (3) promote OH&S activities within employers
and workers’ organizations, (4) implement a special program for hazardous
occupations, (5) extend OH&S protection to small enterprises, and (6) build
OH&S protection mechanisms for the rural sector and information economy.
Thailand. In the ASEAN study, Thailand highlighted safety officer training.
Employment of safety officers has been mandated in some high-risk indus-
tries and expanded in 1997 to include mining, quarries, petrochemical,
manufacturing, construction, and transportation. The range of the mandate
was expanded further in 2006 to include hotel, department store, health
care, financial, physical testing unit, sports entertainment, and chemical
or biological laboratory. In 2006, the Ministry of Labour implemented an
eight-step reform of the safety officer system. Following the report, the min-
istry reported that the quality of training was strengthened. In concert with
the “zero accident” campaign, improvement of the safety officer training is
credited with a reduction in occupational accidents and disease in Thailand.
7.5.3 EU-OSHA—Review of Successful OH&S Initiatives

As part of its Healthy Workplace Campaigns, the EU-OSHA commissioned a com-
prehensive study of 24 OH&S benchmarking schemes (EU-OSHA, 2015). Detailed
summaries of 13 schemes are found in the study’s report. Numerous examples of
benefits to participant organizations in benchmarking schemes are reported. Drivers
for participating in a benchmarking scheme were identified as calibration of an
organization’s performance against the market and achievement of improvements

in accident and incident rates. Regarding improvements, the Finnish Zero Accident
Forum members’ accident rates fell by 46% between 2008 and 2012, whereas the
national accident rate did not significantly alter over the period.
There was a variation between the schemes—information-sharing requirements
varied significantly and included both quantitative (e.g., OH&S outcome) data and
qualitative good practice (e.g., process) data. A distinction was found between schemes
that require reporting quantitative performance data, versus ones with a lower partici-
pation threshold with requirements to share qualitative good or best OH&S practices.
Participation in the study/program was limited in some cases by both poor and
good OH&S-performing organizations. Poorly performing organizations were found
to be reluctant to participate because of potential scrutiny from regulators or insur-
ers. Good performers were reluctant to share information believed to provide a com-
petitive advantage.
7.5.4 European Agency for Safety and Health at Work—OHSMS

A universal OHSMS framework developed at the University of Michigan (Redinger,
1998) was used by EU-OSHA to conduct an OHSMS best practices benchmark-
ing study in the European Union (EU-OSHA, 2002). The framework’s 32 primary
content variables (e.g., continual improvement, employee participation, performance
measures) were used to assess and compare the extent to which the content variables
were present in the OSH approaches in 11 companies. The study was conducted at a
time (2000–2001) when the OHSMS approach was relatively new, and as such, many
of the universal OHSMS elements were not found in the case companies. Content
variables that were identified in the case companies tended to be ones associated
with traditional programmatic approaches to OH&S management, such as training
programs, OH&S policy, and auditing, to name a few.
7.5.5 An International Benchmarking Culture Survey

In 2015, the University of Western Australia’s Centre for Safety reported on safety
culture benchmarking survey that included eight countries and 879 respondents
(Andrei, 2015). Respondents were primarily from mining interests (69.5%); other
industries represented included construction (19.3%), oil and gas (7.2%), manufactur-
ing (2.5), and power utility (1.5%). Respondent countries included the economically
developing countries: Gambia (n = 80), Indonesia (100), Ivory Coast (136), Kenya
(84), Mongolia (164), Nigeria (106), the Philippines (97), and Zambia (106). The aim
of the survey was to gather information on OHS needs in developing countries and
to learn about improvement needs.
Factors have been identified that have been historically known to impact safety
behavior and cultures. These factors were grouped into three main areas: risks, orga-
nizational, and individual, and are discussed as follows (Andrei, 2015):
Risks: Risks present in the workplace; the perceived likelihood of risks occur-
ring; the perceived severity of risks.
Organizational: Perceptions of safety climate within the organization (e.g.,

management values, communication, training, and safety systems); how
safety is rewarded by the organization; how the organization overall learns
from mistakes; how the organization overall monitors and is alert to risk;
the perceived safety of the physical work environment of the organization;
whether high-performance safety systems were in place in the organization.
Individual: Individual beliefs about the importance of safety in the workplace;
how individuals think about mistakes in the workplace; individual compli-
ance and participation in safety procedures; what motivates peoples’ behav-
iors in the workplace.
The survey found that risks commonly identified in developed economies were
also identified in the participant countries. Risks unique in the participant coun-
tries included poor working conditions, hygiene and sanitation, and concerns about
safety equipment quality. Gaps were identified between safety vision and physi-
cal workplace safety; the importance of embedding a safety vision was identified,
as was actual support of employees to act safely. Workplace safety activities were
generally characterized as being reactive as opposed to proactive. That is, regula-
tory compliance was the primary safety driver, as opposed to proactive employee
participation.
7.6 CORPORATE BENCHMARKING
7.6.1 The Conference Board 2003 Survey—Striving for Best Practices
The Conference Board is a business membership and research organization in the
United States. This entity conducted a benchmarking project to identify OH&S best
practices used in global companies (Conference Board, 2003). A benchmarking sur-
vey of 58 companies was done first, followed by a detailed examination of Alcoa,
Baxter International, Eastman Kodak, and Motorola. The survey questions were
grouped into four categories: practices and programs, management support, supervi-
sory procedures, and employee involvement.
The findings of the study reported that not only companies striving for outstand-
ing safety and health records are ensuring strict regulatory compliance, but also they
developed their own best practices to enhance their performance. The primary driv-
ers for a beyond-compliance orientation are reported as a strong conviction that acci-
dents and injuries are unacceptable in their operations and firm belief that business
benefits—directly through reduced costs and indirectly through improved morale
and increased productivity.
The survey and detailed examination for the companies that the core elements—
leading indicators—of successful safety and health strategies are as follows:
• Leadership at the top: If the top executive believes in the work strategies,
sets expectations for other managers, follows through on those expecta-
tions, and commits appropriate resources, shared beliefs, norms, and prac-
tices will evolve.
• Confidence on the part of all employees that the company values safety and
health comparable with other values, and an understanding by all employ-
ees of how to achieve the expected performance. Everyone must be com-
mitted and engaged.
• Creating and implementing a safety and health management system that
works for the individual company.
• Monitoring performance regularly: Companies must continually assess
their norms and provide frequent feedback to all employees and to external
stakeholders.
Themes that stand out in the Conference Board study are clear management visibil-
ity and leadership; ownership of safety and health by all employees, moving from
“involvement” to “empowerment”; accountability at all levels of an organization,
including positive and negative performance feedback; open sharing of knowledge
and information throughout the organization; and incorporate safety into the busi-
ness process and an operational strategy.
7.6.2 Organization Resource Counselors and Avery Dennison

In the early 2000s, the Organization Resources Counselors, Inc. (ORC) in the United
States began to offer its member organizations an OH&S benchmarking platform.
The platform’s development began by including performance indicators and met-
rics associated with OH&S department structure, leadership practices, OHSMSs,
and trailing indicators such as injury and illness rates (Redinger, 2001). Participant
organizations include many Global 500 companies, representing a diverse set of
industries.
This OH&S benchmarking platform contains a robust bundle of performance
indicators that are organized within four categories. The organizing categories with
example performance indicators follow. Performance indicators are measured (quan-
tified) with a series of questions that are scored on a 5-point Likert scale.
Leadership commitment and support: (1) Written safety and health standards
of performance are in the form of measurable short- and long-term goals
and objectives. (2) Safety and health roles and responsibilities, based on
goals and objectives, are established in writing for each major function
and department. (3) Safety and health goals and objectives are updated
annually.
Employee involvement: (1) Workers participate in the development of safety
and health programs and policies, conducting training and education, and
safety and health program audits and reviews. (2) Management encourages
and authorizes employees to stop activities that present potentially serious
safety or health hazards. (3) A system is in place to assess employee percep-
tions about workplace safety and health.
Risk identification, elimination, and safe practices: (1) A routine hazard iden-
tification process is in place. (2) A hazard control process is in place. (3) A
medical surveillance program is in place.
Accountability: (1) Safety and health criteria are included in performance

standards for employees, supervisors, and managers throughout the orga-
nization. (2) Safety and health performance against goals is included in
regular, periodic, quantitative performance reviews with feedback for all
managers, supervisors, and employees. (3) Objectives of all levels of man-
agement include incident prevention activities such as hazard elimination,
safety, and health performance improvement.
Participant organizations report an improvement in OH&S improvement through

participating in the ORC’s OH&S benchmarking platform. A common attribute for
performance improvement is the ability to make connections between leading and
lagging performance indicators, and the ability to share best practices.
7.7 SUMMARY AND LOOKING TO THE FUTURE

OH&S benchmarking has evolved into an important component of OH&S perfor-
mance measurement, both at the macro-national level and at the micro-organizational
level. There has been a trend in OH&S benchmarking to use standardized frame-
works, such as those contained in OHSMSs (e.g., OHSAS 1800 and ISO 45001).
Developing economies find value in benchmarking with evolved economies such
as ones in the European Union and Asia. The International Benchmarking on OSH
Regulation published by Singapore’s Ministry of Manpower (IALI, 2017) provides a
robust model for developing economies to use in evolving their OH&S strategy and
structure. In like fashion at the enterprise level, WorkSafe Australia’s (1996) OH&S
benchmarking tool kit provides an excellent guide on how to create and execute an
OH&S benchmarking initiative.
OH&S benchmarking practices are relatively mature. However, there is always
room to evolve these practices in order to improve validity and reliability, and also
increase the predictive value of benchmarking.
There will always be new OH&S performance indicators coming on to the scene,
and used in benchmarking endeavors. This is seen with increased focus and mea-
surement of psychosocial and general well-being factors in the workplace. Evolution
in the exposure and risk assessment arena, such as in the use of control banding, is
one OH&S professionals should keep tabs on, as well as developments in the “total
worker health” and social responsibility and sustainability arenas.
Advances in organizational risk management are anticipated to impact OH&S
management. The increased movement towards integrated systems, as reflected in
ISO’s development of a generic management system framework, is one that OH&S
professionals should keep tabs on as it can impact performance measurement activ-
ities. The close links between OH&S benchmarking and corporate social responsi-
bility reporting should also be followed and strengthened.
In organizational risk management, there is also increased attention on what can
be characterized as “soft issues” or culture-related issues that possibly have a greater
impact on performance outcomes than do tradition focus areas, such as the sys-
tems and auditing. A promising area of research is awareness-based risk manage-
ment and the potential of OH&S professionals driving organizational improvements
(Redinger, 2017). This evolving research area may have an impact on OH&S bench-
marking as it links OH&S’s historical strengths with transforming organizational
risk management and organizational performance.
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8 International Reporting
of Occupational Injuries,
Illnesses, and Fatalities
Thomas P. Fuller
CONTENTS
8.1 Introduction................................................................................................... 113
8.2 Value to Organizations.................................................................................. 115
8.3 Value to Nations............................................................................................. 116
8.4 General Surveillance of Worker Health........................................................ 117
8.5 What Is Work and Work Related?................................................................. 119
8.6 Fatality Reporting.......................................................................................... 120
8.7 Injury and Illness Reporting.......................................................................... 121
8.8 Self-Employed Reporting.............................................................................. 123
8.9 Ethical Issues................................................................................................. 123
8.10 International Labor Organization.................................................................. 124
8.11 Various National Reporting Systems............................................................. 125
8.12 Conclusions/Recommendations..................................................................... 126
References............................................................................................................... 128
8.1 INTRODUCTION
Perhaps one of the most important aspects of a successful occupational safety and
health program, whether for an organization or a nation, is a robust and accurate
means to measure and record occupational injury and illness statistics. Without an
accurate assessment of where injuries and illnesses, and fatalities, are occurring,
it is difficult to accurately identify the causes and take corrective action. Without
sophisticated means to analyze complex data and associations, it is easy to be led
off track from the true causes of poor worker health, and away from more effective
improvements to occupational safety and health programs.
Accurate global estimates of occupational injury and disease are needed to under-
stand where priorities for control and prevention should be placed by governments
and businesses, and as a means to motivate and educate governments and enter-
prises to take corrective and proactive actions. Accurately reporting injuries and ill-
nesses in order to make meaningful comparisons between nations is a big challenge.
Recent studies have shown that fatal and nonfatal injuries in developing countries
113
are greatly underestimated (Hämäläinen, 2006). It has been shown that between
29% and 81% of occupational injuries go unreported (Tucker, 2014; Pransky, 2010;
Shannon, 2002; Rosenman, 2006; Erickson, 2000; Moll Van Charante, 1998). In one
study of rural South African workers, it was found that only 5% of workplace fatal-
ities of women were reported (Schierhout, 1997). In the United States, where there
are very sophisticated and regulated reporting requirements, between 33% and 69%
of occupational injuries go unreported. Up to 88.3% of agricultural injuries go unre-
ported (Leigh, 2004). In developing countries with poor communication infrastruc-
ture, and unsophisticated data collection methods or systems, the accurate reporting
of work-related injuries and illnesses can be nearly nonexistent.
The starting point for the creation, development, and advancement of any safety
and health program must be a clear understanding of occupational risks. The prob-
ability of an accident or illness based on a workplace exposure, multiplied by the
severity associated with the injury or illness, will provide the level of risk, which
will guide further research into the causes of the injuries, where and how workers
are exposed, the progression of disease or injury, and the best means to control,
minimize, and if possible eliminate the risk. It is widely recognized that transparent
data regarding workplace safety can be a key driver of social change (Brown, 2005).
Estimates of workplace risks can guide private or public policy with regard to the
use of limited resources to address the most significant and costly hazards, in terms
of both money and suffering to workers and their families. Social benefits in terms
of both are self-evident. According to the International Labor Organization (ILO),
workplace injuries and illnesses worldwide cost the global gross domestic product
(GDP) of about 4%, with losses in some particular countries as high as 10% of their
GDP (ILO, 2012a).
The true value of an injury, illness, and fatality reporting system for a nation is
the identification of programs and means that will reduce the economic burden on
society by showing which systems, industries, and regions need the most improve-
ment and assistance. That is, which workers are being affected most, and where will
measures to minimize exposures to the hazards be most effective and efficient. Many
successful and sophisticated companies already do this in order to maximize profits,
but countries need to use the same techniques to improve GDP and protect citizens
(ILO, 2002). A visual depiction of how occupational injury, illness, and fatality data
can be used is provided in Figure 8.1 (ILO, 2013).
In the past few decades, there has been a significant expansion in the use
of comparative risk assessment (CRA) to use available data and sophisticated
mathematical methods to identify and prioritize risks to environmental factors
(Embleton, 1996).
Despite powerful analytical and mathematical means to estimate the health out-
comes associated with workplace exposures to hazardous agents and chemicals,
most inaccuracies in assessing the risks associated with the hazards are the conse-
quence of insufficient input data. Problems in defining what constitutes an illness or
injury, what is considered work or a workplace, which workers are included in the
data pool, and the accuracy of reporting are just some of the problems in creating
accurate estimates. Additionally, accurate measures of exposure are extremely diffi-
cult to obtain and document in many parts of the world as well as for many different
International Reporting 115
FIGURE 8.1 Use and application of occupational disease data. (Courtesy of ILO, 2013. With
permission.)
jobs or tasks. Even within a single national reporting system, collection methods and
data can vary between different regions or states.
8.2 VALUE TO ORGANIZATIONS
In developed countries (countries with GDP per capita exceeding $12,000), where in
general, workers are considered valuable and limited resources, national governments
and enterprises typically realize that the human workforce assets must be protected
from harm in order to ensure their maximum value and potential output (Investopedia,
2016). A healthy worker is a productive and happy worker. Worker skills, knowledge,
and experience accumulate over time resulting in increased value to their employer.
Companies see the value of healthy workers from the standpoint of productivity or
efficiency. In addition to reduced worker compensation costs, there are lower insurance
premiums, better employee morale, improved public relations in the community, and
fewer potential regulatory penalties for noncompliance to occupational health and safety
regulations. Controls put in place in “high-risk” areas or processes to protect workers
typically also protect, or reduce the likelihood of damage, to production equipment
and process materials. Companies can assess the benefits of reduced economic costs
of accidents in terms of production time lost, penalties for missing product delivery
timelines, damage to machinery and raw materials, and product liability (Alli, 2008).
Numerous studies have been completed over the years that demonstrate improved
corporate profits or efficiencies for companies and organizations that have good
safety programs. This can only be demonstrated when the data collected for com-
paring programs with injury and illness rates are accurate. This is an area where
effective reporting and recording mechanisms improve productivity and efficiencies
for companies using this data.
Direct costs of injuries and illnesses include monetary payments made directly
related to the injury or illness. These include employer payments to insurance funds,
wages paid to employees during injury/illness-induced absences, and medical
expenses. Indirect expenses include a much broader and less well-defined list and
include such items as damage to equipment and materials, production downtime
caused by the accident, reduced output or quality due to the absence of the injured
worker, costs of replacement staffing, decreased company morale, and administra-
tive overhead time in responding to injuries and illnesses (ILO, 2012b).
8.3 VALUE TO NATIONS
When the U.S. Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) was created
in 1970, one of the first actions for OSHA as directed by Congress was to perform
an analysis of how many injuries, illnesses, and fatalities occur in the United States
each year (OSHA, 1970). The rationale was to provide a basis for the creation of
regulations and standards directed at reducing the risks in the most hazardous U.S.
workplaces. It is believed that when accurate and consistent national data on work-
place injury, illness, and fatalities are available, it becomes possible to clarify which
safety or health programs and regulations are most needed or most effective. The
first OSHA statistics were published in 1975, the total number of injuries or illnesses
per 100 full-time workers was approximately 9.5. Thirty-eight years later, after the
implementation of hundreds of risk-reducing rules and regulations, the development
of risk-specific training programs, and special emphasis or regional enforcement
programs that utilize the risk data to focus enforcement, injury and illness rates
were reduced to around 3.3 in 2013. Similarly, fatalities have reduced from around
6,500 per year in the early 1990s to 4,585 fatalities in the United States in 2013
(Drudi, 2015).
The largest losses from injuries and illnesses are the losses in wages and benefits
by employees. In the United States in 2007, these amounted to $139 billion. They
were more than double of the medical costs and triple of the lost home production
costs (ILO, 2013; Leigh, 2011). Together, these three losses represent about 1.8% of
U.S. GDP. It is expected that losses to other nations, particularly economically devel-
oping countries (EDCs), are also significant; however, this is an area where research
and reporting are lacking.
In addition to the value to nations in terms of worker longevity and morbidity, the
value can be measured in monetary value. A significant amount of data is available
that shows the reduction in the number of workplace injuries and fatalities improves
the financial and economic figures for countries that implement health and safety
regulations which are associated with the reduction in the number of injuries, ill-
nesses, and fatalities. Societal costs related to occupational injuries and illnesses
include wage replacements for injured workers, increased medical insurance costs,
and additional costs associated with social support structures related to work-related
injuries and illnesses (ILO, 2012b).
Data on injuries, illness, and fatalities in EDCs are much less available. In one
study on Mexico, researchers looked at workplace injuries that were treated in med-
ical centers operated by the Mexican Institute of Social Security. The study showed
an injury rate of 2.9 per 100 workers with an average incident cost for medical
expenses of approximately $2,000 (Carlos-Rivera, 2009). The results of this study
could be extrapolated to the remaining Mexican workforce, but it must be noted that
70% of Mexicans are not covered by the Mexican Institute of Social Security, and
they would likely not report injuries or receive treatment at the same rates and costs.
The basic problems about collecting injury, illness, and fatality data in devel-
oped countries seem to be exacerbated in EDCs where there are poor communica-
tion infrastructure, low education, and poor governance. Due to poor associations
between diseases and potential occupational exposures made by healthcare systems,
policy makers, and public health officials, even more go unidentified in developing
countries. Not only are informal workplace injuries likely to be unreported, but also
much higher percentages of workers are in the informal workforce in low economic
countries. And perhaps most importantly, lower economically performing coun-
tries have weaker and less comprehensive reporting systems and methodologies and
enforcement, so fewer injuries are reported in even the formal sectors (ILO, 2013).
8.4 GENERAL SURVEILLANCE OF WORKER HEALTH

Worker health surveillance is a strategy that uses medical evaluations and screening to
determine whether workers are capable of safely performing assigned tasks, and not
susceptible to potential hazards in specific work conditions (Alli, 2008). A secondary
activity of health surveillance is the identification of workplace exposures that are hav-
ing detrimental effects on worker health, and the development of subsequent exposure
control plans and worker health treatment plans (Halperin, 1996).
Pre-employment medical screenings provide a baseline of new employee health
and identify preexisting medical conditions. This can be valuable information for
an organization moving forward, and specific examinations can be performed to
quantify and document the current status of worker health when work begins. For
example, a health-care worker can be tested for tuberculosis or hepatitis prior to
assignment. This would allow for treatment of the worker and elimination of the
potential to spread the disease in the hospital where they are working to other work-
ers or patients. Another example would be the use of pre-assignment audiograms
to document a worker’s hearing levels when they begin work, to have a baseline to
compare against later measurements.
ILO Occupational Health Services Recommendation No. 171 of 1985 says that
health surveillance for workers should include health assessment prior to assignment
to hazardous tasks, health evaluation at periodic intervals related to hazardous work,
health assessment upon the resumption of work after a prolonged absence, and health
assessment at the termination of assignments involving hazardous work. The results

of health assessments should never be used to refuse employment or dismiss workers
who are found to have certain conditions, but rather used to identify illnesses and
provide the basis for future treatments and protections for the worker and others. Nor
are health assessments a replacement for comprehensive worksite hazard evaluation
and control programs (ILO, 1985).
The determination of particular workplace hazards and effective surveillance and
control involve active communication and participation of three groups: occupational
hygienists, occupational health doctors and nurses, and workers. Occupational hygien-
ists must accurately evaluate, quantify, and report the workplace risks from various
exposures to chemical or physical agents. It is also the hygienist’s job to report the risks
to management and take action to control worker exposures to the hazards so as to min-
imize the risks. The occupational hygienist must communicate the results of risk evalua-
tions to occupational medicine physicians for consideration in their surveillance activities
for the workers. The occupational medicine physician should be familiar with potential
health symptoms and outcomes from worker exposures to the hazard. Occupational
health physicians and nurses must be able to tie symptoms together with exposures and
effectively treat the injury or illness. The workers must be aware of the potential health
consequences to the workplace exposures and be able to recognize hazardous expo-
sure conditions, and possible symptoms of overexposure, and where and when to report
potentially work-related symptoms. Working together with the occupational hygienists,
occupational medicine physicians and nurses, and the workers can develop strategies to
minimize future exposures and protect the workers further, when necessary.
For certain workplaces, medical surveillance can be used to identify and quantify
worker exposures to particular hazardous agents. Biological Exposure Indices (BEIs)
have been developed for numerous chemicals. These chemicals or their metabolites
may show up in an exposed worker’s blood, urine, hair, breath, and other body parts
or excretions that can be used to quantify the worker’s exposure at the jobsite. Lead
concentrations in urine are one example. Thyroid scanning for gamma rays is com-
monly used in nuclear power plants to determine whether workers had been exposed
to radioactive iodine. Again, working as a team, the knowledge gained from BEI
results can be used to identify where workplace exposures may be occurring, and
how to better control them. And workers can use the information to better under-
stand that increased vigilance on their part, perhaps in better use of PPE, may be
appropriate.
At the national level, policies and mechanisms for recording occupational disease
should be created in all branches of economic activity, to provide consistent and reli-
able information through established channels. Responsibilities for collecting and
analyzing data by competent authorities need to be assigned in laws and regulations.
Data sources may include death certificates, hospital discharge records, and other
disease registries. Accurate data on occupational exposures to a broad variety of
hazardous agents including biological, chemical, physical, and psychosocial are also
needed. Further, mechanisms need to be coordinated by which various authorities
and institutions can access data to conduct research and coordinate such services
as social support and health care. A sample organizational structure for a national
health surveillance network system is provided in Figure 8.2 (ILO, 2013).
FIGURE 8.2 A model mechanism for recording and notification of occupational diseases.
(Courtesy of ILO, 2013. With permission.)
8.5 WHAT IS WORK AND WORK RELATED?

One of the main problems in attaining consistency in measures of risk when com-
paring different work processes is the determination of when the individual is
“working,” and if they were exposed to the hazard during work. Perhaps the simplest
observation is a worker painting an object on an assembly line. They are clearly at
work in the factory at the post. And they can be seen applying the paint, so they
are being exposed to the vapors to some extent. And they are also exposed to some
musculoskeletal risk since they are standing/or sitting and moving their arms to dip
the brush and paint the object. All that remains is a measure of duration on the job
doing these tasks and perhaps a concentration of the paint vapors they are exposed
to for an assessment of the risk from the chemicals.
The abovementioned example paints a simple picture of a workplace and expo-
sures. But many workplaces are not so well defined. A huge portion of work globally
today is in the informal sector, meaning it is not in a traditional enterprise setting.
Not only are these types of small businesses less likely to identify injuries as work
related, but they are also less likely to record and report them. Some examples might
be a childcare center being run at someone’s home. If a child bites one of the assis-
tants, and the bite gets infected, would this be likely to be reported? Or if a person
is working at home as a call center support staff answering the phone or making
telemarketing calls all day, would they be likely to report wrist or neck pain from
typing and holding the phone all day? And if they got up to take a restroom break
and tripped on the way there and broke their arm, would it be work related, as it
might be in a factory?
A direct way to determine work relatedness is to ask whether the person was
doing work when they were exposed, and did the exposure have a direct impact on
the initiation or progression of the injury or disease? If the answer is “yes” to both
questions, then it would be considered work related and should be recorded as such.
In general, when a worker is on company property, they are considered to be work-
ing. So an employee who slips and breaks their wrist in the parking lot on the way
into the office would usually be counted as work related.
In most cases, injuries that occur while commuting on public roads, or other trans-
portation, to and from work are not considered work related. However, injuries that
occur as part of a job and traveling would be considered work related. These might
include traffic accidents with truck drivers, physical assaults of taxicab drivers, or a
bicycle courier who has an accident while delivering a package. Different countries
are likely to have different definitions of when work begins which are important to
consider. The definitions of “work” and “workplace” become even more vague when
activities in the informal sector are included (Nelson, 2005).
8.6 FATALITY REPORTING
The simplest and most accurate workplace statistic is the number of fatalities from
accidents. This is of course because it is the easiest to quantify and document in the
case of workplace accidents that happen in a discrete time period. There are fewer
gray lines, as a fatality is easy to measure and document. Deaths of workers, even in
informal settings, are typically recorded at the hospital. And if not in a hospital, even
in EDCs, a medical practitioner, or coroner, is commonly responsible for acknowl-
edging a death and determining and recording a cause.
Deaths are much more difficult to identify however, when workplace exposures
cause diseases with long latency periods. Many workplace exposures that cause dis-
ease, and eventually death, are never identified as workplace related. As a result, many
workplace exposures and hazards are greatly underestimated (Hämäläinen, 2006;
Takala, 2014). One example would be worker exposures to bloodborne pathogens in
health care. A worker may be exposed to hepatitis B or hepatitis C and not become
ill or symptomatic, even die from the disease, until many years after exposure, when
they may no longer work in health care. In addition, the individual may have been
exposed through other, non-workplace pathways, potentially resulting in a misdi-
agnosis that the condition is not work related. As a result, many healthcare workers
who die of liver cancer many years after a workplace exposure to hepatitis B are not
identified as work related, burying the true significance of these workplace expo-
sures. Another example includes exposure to workplace chemicals that are carcino-
genic with long latency periods. It can be difficult to trace a workers’ cancer death
to a workplace exposure, when exposures were not measured or recorded while the
work was being performed, especially when the work was performed many years
earlier (IARC, 2017).
In recent years, the use of Disability Adjusted Years of Life (DALYs) has expanded
to allow comparison between injuries/illness and exposure, in limited terms. By
weighting the estimated number of years living with a disability, a relative severity
can be estimated. The DALY represents the gap between a normal standard life
expectancy in perfect health and the morbidity caused by exposures in the workplace
(Driscoll, 2005; Nelson, 2005; Ezzati, 2004). DALYs represent the present value of
the future years of healthy life lost due to injury or illness, plus the future years of
life lost due to premature death (Murray, 1994, 1997).
In one systematic evaluation of the global burden of disease for the years 1990–
2016, risk factors were identified for a variety of workplace exposures and risk
factors. CRA was used to quantify and compare risks of a variety of exposures to
carcinogens, infectious agents, and physical hazards, and relate these exposures to
DALYs for a broad range of injury, illness, and fatality outcomes (Gakidou, 2017).
Using epidemiological models, population attributable risks can be identified for a
specific type of disease and exposure scenario for a given country. Global burdens
of disease, including those attributable to occupational exposures, can then be deter-
mined and reported (Bikbov, 2014).
8.7 INJURY AND ILLNESS REPORTING

As stated earlier, accurate accident and injury reporting can be a valuable tool for
organizations to identify and correct problem areas and processes that are associ-
ated with accidents and injuries. Correction of deficiencies can improve profits and
worker morale. Nations should have an interest in generating the same sort of data
as a means to improve the health of workers, reduce injuries and illnesses that con-
tribute to hindering overall national economic advancement, and become a burden
on social and health-care systems. Associations between reporting injuries and ill-
nesses and improved economic outcomes have been routinely demonstrated in many
developed nations (UK HSE, 2017). Less current information is available to show
benefits in EDCs, but it should be expected that outcomes and benefits would be
comparable (ILO, 2012b).
With better national data and recording systems, it becomes possible to iden-
tify particular industries or regions with increased injury and illness rates. It would
indicate where more advanced exposure assessment or possible exposure reduction
controls would be useful. More detailed data could be used to identify particularly
hazardous tasks or agents within an industry or region. Injury and illness reporting
data may indicate where additional regulations may be needed, or where enforce-
ment of existing regulations may need to be expanded. The data may also support
the development and implementation of advanced or special training for particular
industries or hazardous agents or activities.
In EDCs, injury and illness data may come from either worker compensation
databases or government agencies. Worker compensation systems can be accurate
sources of information, as they are tightly bound to the workers’ injuries, and time
away from work. These can be useful, accurate, and quantifiable measures over time.
Government reporting can also be accurate, when required reporting methods and
measures are explicit and enforced regularly and consistently.
Problems with injury and illness reporting stem from a variety of inherent
weaknesses in data collection systems. These may include vagueness or difference
in reporting timeframe requirements or injury and illness terminology. Variability
in the collection of data between worker compensation systems can make it dif-
ficult to make broad comparisons of working conditions and injury/illness rates.
The population attributable risks approach using multifactorial analysis of data to
estimate the number of incident cases attributable to occupational exposures can
be useful, but typically the lack of baseline data on the incidence of the disease
in the working population or the general population can make it difficult to draw
conclusions.
Other weaknesses with existing reporting systems include the lack of accurate and
quantifiable worker exposure data to associate with the health outcomes. Relatively
accurate data are generally available in some industries, such as exposure to noise
and the resulting hearing loss. But an exposure–outcome relation can be much more
difficult in other industries where possible exposures can come from other commu-
nity settings, such as tuberculosis or hepatitis B in health-care workers. Or where
the disease latency period is extremely long, such as cancer in radiation workers.
In industries or jobs where there are long latencies and community exposures, it is
especially difficult to identify the disease as work related, such as in occupational
exposure to ultraviolet radiation in construction workers and occurrence of a malig-
nant melanoma.
Many nations’ accident and injury reporting schemes use their own recording
systems that are not easily comparable to other countries (Takala, 2014). Many
worker illness reporting directories do not include respiratory diseases, infectious
agents, heart disease, or cancer. Inconsistencies in data collection make accurate
comparisons between nations difficult. The inaccuracies in the estimates of injury
and illness cause the global burden of occupational disease to be underestimated
(Driscoll, 2005).
Reporting systems may be exceptionally deficient in several other areas. Some
national injury and illness recording systems exclude large segments of the popu-
lation. In the United States for example, two million workers in government jobs
and the military are summarily excluded from reporting (US OPM, 2018). Also in
the United States, most agricultural workers, including migrant workers, are not
included in injury and illness federal reporting. In one U.S. study, it was determined
that as many as two-thirds of all occupational injuries may go unreported (Leigh,
2004; Boden, 2008). This is similarly true in numerous other countries. In many
less developed countries, more than 50% of the working population is in the infor-
mal sector and these workers are often excluded from official labor force injury
and illness estimates (Giuffrida, 2002). According to a study by Probst (2008) the
rate of eligible injuries that were not reported to OSHA was 10.9 injuries per 100
employees. In addition, in companies with poor safety climate up to 81 percent of
eligible injuries went unreported. In the United States, businesses with fewer than 11
employees are not required to report worker health statistics. EU member states do
not do much better, and studies have shown that only between 40% and 50% of non-
fatal occupational accidents are ever reported (Hämäläinen, 2009). Underreporting
leads to gross inaccuracies in actual national and industry morbidity rates.
In the European Union, an accident is defined as a discrete event that takes place
during work and leads to physical harm. This includes cases of acute poisoning and
willful acts by other persons such as violence, as well as accidents occurring during
work but not on the company’s premises. EU definitions of accident exclude deliber-
ate self-inflicted injuries, accidents on the way to and from work (commuting acci-
dents). This includes cases of road traffic accidents in the course of work (EU, 2001
DG employment).
There may be numerous reasons for the lack of reporting injuries and illnesses.
In a study by Azaroff (2002), a variety of key factors were identified to include the
following: workers not reporting due to fear of reprisals by supervisors or peers,
workers not wanting to miss work and loss of pay, lack of insurance for medical
care, gaps in coverage or time delays in worker compensation, economic incentives
for employers not to report and not to make insurance claims, and the inability of
both workers and health-care practitioners to relate illnesses to workplace exposures.
Workplace causes for illnesses are particularly difficult to identify, and some studies
have estimated that for every fatal accident at work, there are approximately ten
deaths caused by work-related diseases (Leigh, 2000; Steenland, 2003).
8.8 SELF-EMPLOYED REPORTING
In light of the large numbers of workers who are either self-employed or work in the
informal sector, special attention should be paid to the development of education and
reporting mechanisms to collect data on injuries, illnesses, and fatalities in this broad
and diverse group. National policies and programs should be developed to provide
training to this large workforce segment regarding the definitions of occupational
illnesses and diseases, and why it is in everyone’s interest that they be reported from
all workplaces. Resources should be committed to ensuring the self-employed know
what to report, when, and to whom. Methods to report should be made as simple as
possible to ensure that the maximum number of notifications is made and that there
are no negative consequences to the individuals or organization making a report.
The provision of socially provided health services or worker compensation for
the injured or ill self-employed could be one incentive for these workers to report
workplace injuries or illnesses. Part of this service would presumably include an
assessment of worker exposure, even if only performed post-injury. Various inter-
view and case analysis methods could be used to reconstruct exposures and doses.
As more information is collected and disseminated, workplace risks can be better
identified and presumably better controlled to prevent future worker exposures and
resulting injuries.
8.9 ETHICAL ISSUES
Regardless of the details of the structure of the reporting system, there are certain
ethical standards of practice associated with the collection of information and the
rights of the workers. Laws or wording may vary from country to country, but the
basic rights should include at a minimum:
• The right to confidentiality of personal and medical information

• The right to full explanation of the purposes and results of the surveillance
• The right to refuse invasive medical procedures
• The results of surveillance cannot be used to discriminate against the worker
• The right of the worker or their representative to observe and analyze work-
place exposure data related to the worker’s assignments (Alli, 2008)
8.10 INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION

The ILO Code of Practice, Recording and Notification of Occupational Accidents
and Diseases provides fundamental guidance for the development of reporting pro-
grams (ILO, 1995).
Basic ILO Codes of Practice most related to OSH include the following:
• Occupational Cancer Recommendation (No. 147)

• Occupational Safety and Health Convention (No. 155)
• Occupational Health Services Convention (No. 161)
• Recommendation (No. 171)
• Asbestos Convention (No. 162)
• Chemicals Recommendation (No. 177)
The ILO Codes of Practice provide internationally accepted definitions and require-
ments for reporting, and also provide countries with ready-to-use tools for devel-
oping programs and collecting data. The ILO suggests that nations use the ILO
definitions within their national legally binding legislation on occupational injury
and illness reporting to ensure a maximum level of accuracy and consistency within
nations and to provide a broad platform of data for international comparisons. Just
as international companies may use injury and illness data to benchmark against
competitors, nations could use national data and statistics to evaluate themselves
against other nations in terms of worker protections, and economic advancement, as
it relates to occupational injuries, illnesses, and fatalities.
As an example of the variation in injury, illness, and fatality statistics between
countries, Table 8.1 demonstrates the fatal occupational injury rates per 100,000
workers for the manufacturing section for several different nations.
In just this short excerpt from data published by the ILO for various countries, we
can see wide and unexpected variation in the values. In a modern developed country
like Switzerland, we might have expected that the fatality rates would be lower than for
a less advanced country like Bulgaria, yet the fatality rates in Switzerland are double
those of Bulgaria. It is difficult to ascertain how and why the numbers are so different.
Employer-based record-keeping systems should be designed and required at the
national level to ensure that injuries, illnesses, and fatalities are reported to a com-
petent authority. The rules and definitions should be explicit to provide as much
guidance as possible in order to improve consistency and usefulness of the data at
TABLE 8.1
Injury, Illness, and Fatality Statistics per 100,000
Workers per Year for a Sample of Nations
Years
Nation 2013 2014 2015
Australia 1.3 1.5 1.3
Canada 2.5 0.3 0.4
Switzerland 12.3 9.9 6.9
Turkey 7.7 6.2 2.3
United States 2.1 2.3 —
Source: Adapted from ILO, 2018.
the national level. At a minimum, employer-based recording and notification systems

should include the following (ILO, 2013):
• Standard forms for recording and notification

• Detailed requirements for what must be reported
• Procedures for making notifications
• Requirements for the validation and verification of recorded and reported
cases
• Identification of responsible individuals
• The use of technology in the system
• Training and education regarding recording and notification
The ILO has played a key role in the harmonizing of international definitions and
designations of occupational diseases as a means to identify and control them in
the workplace since 1925 (Kim, 2013). The ILO lists are added to and updated on
a regular basis, when needed. Recent additions to occupational illness designations
include expanded definitions of occupational cancer and the addition of musculo-
skeletal diseases. Inconsistencies in national reporting definitions of disease remain,
however, and make an effective international comparison of global injury and illness
rates difficult.
8.11 VARIOUS NATIONAL REPORTING SYSTEMS

Reporting methods vary greatly between countries. In the ILO, occupational injury
refers to a death or any personal injury or disease that results from an occupational
accident. Occupational accidents are events that arise out of or in the course of work
that results in fatality or nonfatal occupational injury. The criteria for nonfatal inju-
ries are those where the employee missed 3 or more days of work (74) (ILO, 1996).
This methodology makes a comparison to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics meth-
ods used in the United States difficult since they record injuries and illnesses by the
number of days lost, and do not consider the sudden nature of the illness per se.
In 2013, Great Britain updated and expanded requirements for health and safety
reporting. These regulations provided detailed definitions of terms to be used in
injury and illness reporting. This document requires any workplace to report injuries
that occur to workers who are incapacitated and out of work for three consecutive
days (including the day of the accident) within 15 days of the accident. Fatalities that
occur within one year of a workplace accident must be reported, including those that
result from a biological exposure. An exception to reporting of a fatality is made
when the deceased is self-employed. And the regulation includes a list of work-
related diseases that might result from physical (e.g., carpal tunnel syndrome) and
chemical exposures (e.g., cancer) that are to be reported (UK, 2013). The require-
ments also apply to certain workplaces and activities that occur outside of Great
Britain. The UK reporting document requires that injuries and illnesses in workers
working offshore must also be included in reports.
In Finland, accidents to farmers and self-employed workers are not included in
country statistics. In the United States, employers with fewer than 11 employees,
small farms, and federal government workers are not included in national injury
and illness statistics. Also in the United States, state and local government workers
in 27 states are not included in national injury and illness reporting (Ruser, 2008).
Although fatality rates are usually easier to calculate, in many countries accurate
estimates of the population do not exist, so it is difficult to calculate national fatality
rates (UN, 2017).
A comprehensive study of reporting in New Zealand demonstrated that OSH
reporting was often incomplete, inconsistent, unverifiable, and inaccurate (Brown,
2005). It was determined that additional government oversight and direction for the
collection of data was needed in order for substantial improvements for injury illness
reporting to be made. Voluntary corporate reporting tended to be insufficient and
incomplete, and reduced the usefulness of the data at the national social level.
In France, all employees are covered by compulsory occupational medicine.
Occupational physicians are familiar with workers and their risks of exposure to
hazards in their workplaces. Occupational physicians have an obligation to report
work-related diseases, but only 33% of illnesses are reported (Valenty, 2012). And
data that are collected by physicians are not useful for epidemiological purposes due
to inconsistencies in data collection.
One author estimated that in Malaysia, only 7% of actual occupational accidents
were reported. And in sub-Saharan Africa, where there were an estimated 54,000
fatal accidents per year, 0% of the estimated number was actually reported. In the
Middle East, only 0.9% of occupational accidents are reported (Hämäläinen, 2006).
In a 2-year South African study of work-related fatalities, it was found that only
15% of the deaths had been reported (Schierhout, 1997). Reporting in rural areas and
on farms was particularly poor.
8.12 CONCLUSIONS/RECOMMENDATIONS
On a global scale, CRA estimates for the global burden of occupational work-related
deaths are probably significantly underestimated due to unavailability and inconsis-
tency of data. Additionally, work-related diseases are probably also underestimated,
stemming from problems recognizing or quantifying occupational exposures to

causative agents (Driscoll, 2005).
Due to wide variations and discrepancies in the measures and methods to collect
and analyze data used by different countries, comparisons are difficult to make.
Extrapolation of morbidity between countries is also difficult due to gross differ-
ences in such factors as community health, social support structures, healthcare sys-
tems, and environmental exposures.
Research on injury and illness reporting is lacking in developing countries.
Accurate measures need to be standardized to ensure consistency and the ability
to extrapolate study results to other industries, working conditions, and countries.
Linking financial and economic benefits to accurate injury, illness, and fatality
reporting systems can become a major incentive for any developing countries to
track these events and make fundamental improvements to occupational safety and
health at the national level. The ILO has identified several detailed areas where
reporting should be improved in all nations and developing countries in particu-
lar. Data to be collected necessary to raise OSH development policy include the
following:
• Credible estimates of the incidence rates of occupational injuries and, if

possible, illnesses
• Disaggregated according to major industry and occupational categories
• Plausible estimates of the costs to employers of occupational injuries
and illnesses, taking into account relevant absenteeism and presenteeism
multipliers
• Credible estimates of the direct costs to households of occupational injuries
and illnesses, including medical expenses and lost income
• Plausible estimates of the indirect costs to households, including lost house-
hold production
• Lost market work from unpaid caregivers and detrimental effects on
education
• Credible estimates of the role of unanticipated occupational morbidity and,
if possible
• Mortality shocks in the propagation of poverty and
• Credible estimates of the costs socialized by government programs not
funded by contributions tied to injury or illness events (ILO, 2013)
There is a need for additional survey tools globally to collect data on injuries and ill-
nesses that occur in the informal sectors. Methods need to be developed and piloted
to identify weaknesses and make necessary improvements. Then, larger studies
using these data collection tools can be used to collect data and make reports. As the
methods become more standardized, they could be used to make associations with
other industries and informal workers in other countries. The creation of an informal
sector reporting tool, for even developed nations, could eventually be modified and
used in EDCs.
Since such a large number of injuries and illnesses go unreported by employ-
ees, special emphasis and training by employers and the government is needed to
encourage workers to report. Young workers in particular often downplay their inju-
ries and tend to blame themselves and thus not report injuries (Tucker, 2014). They
need special encouragement and a better understanding of the reasons why reporting
is valuable.
With significant problems in data consistency, the emergence of new diseases and
occupational risk factors complicates useful data collection even further. As report-
ing systems are expanded to collect information on new agents such as nanoparticles
or human immunodeficiency virus, the databases need to change (Wiatrowski,
2005). Special care must be taken to ensure that the systems not only remain inclu-
sive of original measures for the sake of consistency but also expand to include new
diseases for the sake of comprehensiveness and accuracy. Even medical treatments
change over time and need to be included in reporting schemes. For example, a new
bandage design might require a modification to what is considered first aid. There is
also the potential to just “improve” existing systems to be more thorough, such as the
inclusion of such characteristics as “race, gender, and ethnicity.”
Accurate reporting of injuries, illnesses, and fatalities is closely linked to the
improvement in occupational safety and health at corporate levels (Suan, 2017).
Communication of issues and risks helps improve the bottom line and even helps to
make workers more aware and responsive to OSH initiatives. The inclusion of OSH
reporting in corporate social responsibility reporting schemes would be a valuable
tool for employers, employees, and community stakeholders (Brown, 2005). More
research and development should be done in this area.
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9 Introduction to Global
Occupational Safety
and Health Education
and Training
Thomas P. Fuller
CONTENTS
9.1 Introduction................................................................................................... 133
9.2 Worker Training............................................................................................. 135
9.3 OSH Work Abroad......................................................................................... 136
9.4 Existing Global OSH Training Models......................................................... 137
9.4.1 Occupational Hygiene Training Association .................................... 138
9.4.2 Workplace Health Without Borders................................................... 139
9.4.3 International Occupational Hygiene Association.............................. 140
9.4.4 International Training Center of the ILO.......................................... 140
9.4.5 Institute of Occupational Safety and Health...................................... 140
9.4.6 World Health Organization................................................................ 140
9.4.7 European Network Education and Training in Occupational
Safety and Health............................................................................... 140
9.5 Formal OSH Educational Systems................................................................ 141
9.6 Occupational Safety and Health Educational Curricula............................... 144
9.7 Existing Limitations and Future Directions in Global OSH Education........ 145
References............................................................................................................... 147
9.1 INTRODUCTION
Millions of people are injured and killed each year while they are working. Many
of these injuries and deaths are due to inadequate training or education in occupa-
tional safety and health (OSH). As technology becomes more sophisticated, asso-
ciated hazards become more complex. Educating and training workers, employers,
and even governments on hazards and the effective means to control and minimize
them is becoming increasingly challenging. As hazardous industries move to and
grow in economically developing countries (EDCs), the need for training and edu-
cation is ever more urgent. Although developed countries have existing education
133
and training systems, improving international harmonization and inter-coordination

might lead to consistent curricula to be used globally. Some international training
organizations have arisen to provide educational materials and courses in developing
nations. Growth of these programs, and the possible use of online courses, may be a
way to provide sufficient numbers of educated and qualified OSH workers, manag-
ers, and professionals moving into the future.
OSH professionals use education and experience to anticipate, recognize, eval-
uate, and control workplace risks. Their goal is to provide workplaces free from
hazards that can cause injury, disease, or death. They work to prevent exposure to
conditions and agents identified and treated by occupational health nurses and occu-
pational medicine physicians. OSH professionals bring expertise in engineering,
ergonomics, toxicology, chemistry, and statistics to help prevent diseases and inju-
ries before they occur.
In the past, OSH professionals received training in one of the core sciences and
then morphed into their safety roles through experience or additional coursework. In
recent years, however, with the expansion of knowledge and sophistication in safety
science and industrial hygiene, entire baccalaureate undergraduate programs have
become warranted. In addition, advanced graduate degrees have become common-
place. Graduates of doctoral programs in the safety sciences and industrial hygiene
have the ability to analyze hazards and develop highly advanced and innovative con-
trols, even as technology advances at a rapid pace on many other fronts.
Unfortunately, the ever-increasing demands for OSH professionals are significantly
outpacing the ability of existing educational infrastructure to supply competent and
qualified graduates. Workers in developing countries with expanding economies are
still subject to ever-increasing OSH risks. The least developed countries are falling
further and further behind (Ahasan, 2001). In addition, the governments and organi-
zations in economically challenged countries are often comparatively unaware of the
risks of human exposure to toxic industrial agents and industrial operations. In some
developing countries, only 10% of workforce activities are covered by any form of
regulation or governmental protections for worker safety (LaDou, 2003).
The majority of the world’s workers do not meet the minimum safety stan-
dards outlined by the International Labor Organization (ILO) or the World
Health Organization (WHO) (Goldstein, 2001). Much of the problem is the lack
of professionals educated or trained on the basic fundamentals and principles of
OSH (Lucchini, 2014). Many of these shortcomings are associated with the lack
of qualified and trained professionals either in the government or in the industry
(Parikh, 2003). Even in economically advanced countries, there remain a shortage
of qualified and competent OSH professionals, particularly in small to midsized
enterprises, and for specialty topics.
The costs in terms of human injury, suffering, and death are staggering.
Approximately 2.3 million people die from work-related accidents or diseases
each year, or about 6,300 workers each day (ILO, 2017). And millions of work-
ers are injured on the job each day around the world. The global economic burden
of workplace accidents and disease-related illnesses is estimated at 4% of global
gross domestic product each year (ILO, 2017). If it is assumed that many of these
injuries, illnesses, and fatalities could be prevented through effective controls, then
Global OSH Education and Training 135
more trained professionals are needed to analyze workplace hazards and provide
protection.
There is a need to determine where the OSH educational shortfalls are most prom-
inent, and how a greater number of well-trained OSH professionals can be added to
the occupational health team supply. This chapter attempts to analyze and explain
the existing capabilities for OSH education in individual nations and regions. Then,
in the next portion of the chapter, currently available global OSH training programs
will be described. Finally, existing systems and shortcomings will be analyzed in
an attempt to identify some possible solutions to the shortages, and to identify some
possible future directions for human resources capacity building in OSH.
9.2 WORKER TRAINING
In recent years, businesses and organizations have expanded operations and sup-
ply chains broadly into other countries and regions of the world. Free markets have
become less centralized and consumer access to information has brought increased
demand for products and materials from distant parts of the globe. Suppliers need
to supply the demands of the consumers and expand their product lines in order to
remain competitive (Gerhardsson, 1998).
As global markets expand, employers also feel a need to hire and retain the best
and most educated and experienced workers. Globally accepted standards of prac-
tice for OSH and protection of the environment have been developed that include a
minimum criterion for OSH professionals (ISO, 2018; EU, 2002; BSI, 2007). Human
resource managers need to be able to find good workers in any area of the world.
Employers need to ensure that their workers are continuously trained and updated
on the latest methods and techniques just to stay competitive. Workers in global
organizations need to have comparable skills across multinational satellite locations.
Employers working in or moving to a developing country need to either bring a com-
petent experienced workforce with them when moving to a new geographic region,
or hire and train a workforce locally in the new region. Often, a combination of
transported and regional workers is used to fulfill all employee quotas for a given
project. New workers hired regionally must be trained by the new employer, and as
a result, they become more valuable as workers, and demand for them will increase
over time.
Multinational organizations and corporations need to identify their human
resource needs and then determine how they will fulfill them in the international
locations. The levels and types of workers may be stratified locally, regionally, and
internationally. Some OSH capabilities may be required at a local level at all sites.
Other OSH capabilities and activities may be provided from a central location with
periodic worker travel to regional or international sites. Various internal or exter-
nal sources of training need to be identified to structure and supplement the global
workforce.
Studies have shown that highly educated and skilled professionals are often not
motivated to seek out all the latest resources available to them, but rather tend to rely
on their initial training and past work experiences to make decisions (Schaafsma,
2004). One study of occupational health physicians demonstrated that doctors did
not make significant efforts to seek out the latest scientific information regarding
treatments and diagnoses of occupational injuries and diseases (Hugenholtz, 2007).
Although there are likely exceptions in every case, the tendency to rely on training
and experience, and not seek new ways of doing work, is probably generally true for
other sorts of professions, including OSH. Educational or certification credentials
that require ongoing professional development and training is one method to ensure
professionals remain current in their fields.
Even skilled and experienced OSH professionals with access to high-level sources
of information need to be shown where the material is, and how to access it and put it
to use. Sources of timely information can include online peer-reviewed journal arti-
cles, access to library systems, and publications available through the government,
tripartite groups, labor representatives, and professional organizations. Websites and
webinars can also be a valuable source of timely information. Professionals may
need training on the latest topics and issues in OSH and direction on where to access
the current standards of practice on a variety of topics.
9.3 OSH WORK ABROAD

The need for OSH educated and experienced professionals has continued to expand
globally. But not all of these professionals have the experience, inclination, or soft
skills necessary to succeed on international assignments. OSH professionals need
additional credentials in order to be effective working abroad. Experience in work-
ing and traveling internationally provides some insight into the aptitude of a poten-
tial international candidate. These workers need to be sympathetic to other cultures
and regulatory systems. The ability to speak the language of the foreign assignment
is often a prerequisite. Specialized consulting firms have begun to provide cultural
education services prior to and during international assignments to prepare employ-
ees and their families for extended assignments abroad.
Personal characteristics and cultural backgrounds of expatriates have been shown
to be closely tied with an individual’s success and willingness to work in exotic
cultures and geographic locations. A person’s willingness to travel physically and
psychologically is imperative to success on the job when working abroad (Sullivan,
2006; Forrier, 2009).
Companies with continuing global operations need to include experience and
other success factors when considering hiring or career advancement of new and
existing workers. Prior international assignments are important determinants in the
future success in foreign assignments (Jokinen, 2010). In general, employees with
international experience tend to have higher individual career competencies and
are more effective working in organizations. Global leadership skills improve from
boundary spanning activities such as rotational assignments and directed training on
global management issues (Mendenhall, 2012).
Foreign language skills play a key role in the success of professionals work-
ing internationally (Itani, 2015). The ability to speak a foreign language differen-
tiates workers from other staff and makes them more successful in international
assignments. Speaking the language of the country where they are working allows
employees to better understand local regulations, cultural norms, and organizational
policies or programs. Workers who speak the local language build better workplace
relationships and assimilate more easily into the local culture (Itani, 2015).
Companies that are successful in their global business strategies will be those that
have strong international OSH programs and staff experienced in global operations
(Nunez, 2011). Competent and qualified OSH staff will continue to be in increasing
demand; companies with a steady supply of global OSH workers will have a compet-
itive advantage over other organizations (Nunez, 2011). As workplace technologies
and operations become more complex and hazardous, the availability of a competent
OSH staff that can adequately address the risks becomes even more important.
As operations of an organization expand globally, there is an increased need
for effective coordination of OSH programs, policies, and practices. Management
systems need to include the means for standardization of OSH practices, when nec-
essary, and communication of program requirements. When local norms, regula-
tions, or environmental factors require changes to OSH practices, the programs need
to consider these and be altered accordingly. Existing international management
standards such as ISO 45001 can be used to help structure such international OSH
programs. The same OSH program activities essential in homeland operations must
be considered in international operations. This includes risk assessment, hazard con-
trol, training, and change management (Nunez, 2011). The collection, analysis, and
interpretation of OSH data that are important in national operations will be equally
important, yet more difficult to obtain and manage, in international activities.
Case
A large multinational paint manufacturer recently opened a facility in Malaysia. One
of the job tasks performed outdoors required workers to wear rubber coveralls, a rub-
ber hood, full-face respirator, and heavy rubber boots and gloves for about 45 min-
utes in order to protect themselves from the dust coming from a hopper when it was
filled with a plasticizer in power form. When this activity was performed in Michigan,
US, outdoor temperatures were seldom over 24 degrees Celsius, so heat exhaustion
or strain was not typically an issue. In Malaysia however, it was not uncommon for
temperatures to exceed 30 degrees Celsius much of the year. In addition, the relative
humidity in Malaysia is often 70 or 80 percent in certain seasons.
How would the risks to the workers performing these tasks change between the
two countries? What types of controls might the international organization incorporate
to better protect the workers in Malaysia for the risks that you listed? What are some
cultural or regional factors or concerns that you might consider in your answers?
9.4 EXISTING GLOBAL OSH TRAINING MODELS

Existing training programs cannot provide the number of health and safety pro-
fessionals needed to address increasingly sophisticated technologies and associated
OSH hazards globally. The need for professionals trained and qualified to recognize,
evaluate, control, and mitigate hazards continues to increase (Kromhout, 2002).
Additional training is needed at both the technical and professional levels, in both
developed and developing countries. In an attempt to fill the void, a variety of inter-
national training models and organizations have arisen.
Professional training in OSH is to be encouraged through continuous learning

by participation in various professional organizations offering training through
conferences, technical courses, and webinars. Students and professionals with
limited resources are encouraged to attend conferences abroad when possible or
if not, attend webinars online to expand knowledge or awareness. Economically
disadvantaged potential students should always ask for a discount as many organi-
zations will reduce the course rates when need is demonstrated. Operators of these
courses should also be sure to market these materials to economically challenged
regions and potential students by stating that discounts or various scholarships may
be available.
9.4.1 Occupational Hygiene Training Association

The Occupational Hygiene Training Association (OHTA) promotes occupational
hygiene standards of practice on an international platform. OHTA develops a vari-
ety of educational training materials, including texts, slide presentations, work exer-
cises, and assessment tools. These materials are made available online at the OHTA
website and are available for training providers, students, and the general public for
free. The organization is the result of collaborations between several international
groups and depends on the support of occupational hygiene professional volunteers
for a significant amount of the work that is completed (OHTA, 2018).
OHTA is a registered charity in the United Kingdom. Operating costs are kept to
a minimum through the use of volunteers and are funded by small fees on approved
training providers and OHTA examination fees. Sponsors and supporters also pro-
vide funding and support various OHTA projects, such as new course development
and translations of course materials to other languages.
Many OHTA courses are taught around the world in EDCs by volunteer
occupational hygienists as a way to build capacity in countries and regions
with shortages of OSH professionals. Many of these areas such as Botswana,
Swaziland, Vietnam, Mozambique, and Tanzania have little OSH capacity and
little educational development in the subject. OHTA materials in collaboration
with other support organizations, such as the International Occupational Hygiene
Association (IOHA) and Workplace Health Without Borders (WHWB), go a long
way in improving the capacity of OSH and ensuring the health and safety of
workers in these regions.
OHTA courses are also offered by training consultants for fees, and used by
multinational corporations to train staff globally. The materials represent the latest
methodologies and standards of practice in occupational hygiene and are an excel-
lent training resource for any organization. Approved training providers are listed
on the OHTA website.
OHTA modules can be used as stepping stones to professional certification by
organizations within the IOHA National Accreditation Recognition program.
Completion of six intermediate OHTA modules earns an International Certificate in
Occupational Hygiene (ICertOH). The ICertOH in addition to a bachelor’s degree in
subject area topics (e.g., chemistry, engineering, and biology) and work experience
can qualify a candidate for NAR examination and certification.
Current OHTA courses offered include the following
• W201 Basic Principles in Occupational Hygiene

• W501 Measurement of Hazardous Substances
• W502 Thermal Environment
• W503 Noise—Measurement and Its Effects
• W504 Asbestos and Other Fibers
• W505 Control of Hazardous Substances
• W506 Ergonomics Essentials
• W507 Health Effects of Hazardous Substances
9.4.2 Workplace Health Without Borders

WHWB is a nongovernmental nonprofit organization founded in 2011, with a volun-
teer workforce that conducts various training courses globally. The goal of WHWB
is to engage volunteers with expertise in exposure and risk assessment, hazard con-
trol, and other technical areas of occupational hygiene to donate time to support
projects in underserved worker populations around the world. The focus of the orga-
nization is on research, infrastructure development, and training to improve worker
health in low-income and low-opportunity countries and regions (WHWB, 2018).
WHWB members volunteer their time and often teach week-long OHTA technical
courses in EDCs. The host country organization provides a course venue, markets
the course to local OH professionals, and collects a nominal fee for course attendees,
typically up to 30–35 students. The airfare and ground food and accommodations for
the trainer are paid by the host from the course proceeds, and the host still typically
makes a profit that may support the host organization or local professional societies.
WHWB has already provided OHTA and other courses in Mozambique, Tanzania,
Vietnam, South Africa, Botswana, and Swaziland. A recent OHTA training course
conducted by WHWB in Swaziland is shown in Figure 9.1.
FIGURE 9.1 An OHTA course being taught by WHWB in Swaziland. (Photograph cour-
tesy of Thomas P. Fuller.)
9.4.3 International Occupational Hygiene Association

The IOHA is a nongovernmental and not-for-profit global community of occupa-
tional hygienists and professionals who are dedicated to the discipline and appli-
cation of the inherent principles used to protect workers from hazards to reduce
injury and illness (IOHA, 2018). Activities include the development of comprehen-
sive health and safety training materials and holding international conferences to
support the exchange of information and ideas. With more than 13,000 chartered
safety and health practitioners, IOHA has more certified professionals than any other
organization (IOHA, 2018).
9.4.4 International Training Center of the ILO

The International Training Center of the ILO (ITCILO), located in Turin, Italy, pro-
vides a variety of courses as a means to improve human resource capacity and capa-
bilities in a broad range of areas, including OSH. In March 2017, the International
Training Center (ITC) conducted a 10-day course on inspection of OSH onsite for
3,600 euros, including accommodations. Also in 2017, the ITC conducted a distance
learning online course on OSH in eight modules covering a variety of topics. The
course tuition costs 3,000 euros (ITCILO, 2017).
9.4.5 Institute of Occupational Safety and Health

The Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (IOSH) is an organization of safety
and health professionals working together to try and improve worker health interna-
tionally. This group provides fundamental courses in safety management at various
locations and times throughout the year. IOSH provides guidelines of ethical conduct
for practicing safety professionals and a basic credentialing scheme based on atten-
dance and graduation from specific academic institutions in the United Kingdom
and other universities approved by the organization (IOSH, 2017).
9.4.6 World Health Organization

The WHO has a variety of projects and publications on occupational health and
safety on a broad range of topics. (WHO, 2013) They also conduct seminars and con-
ferences to discuss current issues and future directions. In the 2007 Plan of Action
for the WHO (2007), they identified training of workers and employers on occupa-
tional health as a priority (WHO, 2007). The WHO website has a variety of training
modules in several languages available to the public for free.
9.4.7 European Network Education and Training

in Occupational Safety and Health
(ENETOSH) is a network of more than 80 partners in 33 different countries. The
goal of ENETOSH is to mainstream OSH into all levels of education and training
as a means to develop a culture of OSH injury and illness prevention in society. The
network is coordinated by the German Social Accident Insurance (DGUV) Institute
for Work and Health (IAG). The organization is governed by a steering committee
comprising representatives from network members.
In order to affect all social levels, ENETOSH believes that a lifelong learning
approach is integral to effective and lasting OSH education and training. ENETOSH
programs cover all areas of education from kindergarten, primary school, secondary
school, colleges, universities, and continuing vocational training. Courses and proj-
ects result from collaborations between professionals with expertise in all aspects of
OSH and education. Target groups for courses include educational, insurance, policy
makers, governments, nongovernmental, and tripartite organizations globally.
One of the current ENETOSH projects is the systematic collection and dissemi-
nation of good practice for OSH education at all levels. The quality management sys-
tem for the project includes a list of criteria for selecting examples of good practice,
a data collection system, a coding system, program statutes, and a code of practice of
users of the ENETOSH platform. Selected examples of “good practice” are available
on the ENETOSH website where users can perform searches for certain keywords
and selection criteria. The website includes examples of how to mainstream OSH
training into course content and curricula at all educational levels.
Another ongoing ENETOSH project is the development of a consensus standard
of competence for teachers in OSH. This project focuses on the improvement of
competencies of teachers, lecturers, and trainers.
ENETOSH is an open network, and all experts dealing with OSH and education
or training are welcome to join. Some of the existing network organizations are
shown in the following list:
• European Center for the Development of Vocational Training (CEDEFOP)

• European Map of Intergenerational Learning
• European Network for Workplace Health Promotion (ENWHP)
• European Network of Safety and Health Professional Organisations (ENSHPO)
• The International Network of Safety & Health Practitioner Organisations
(INSHPO)
• World Health Organization Global Network Collaborating Centres for
Occupational Health
9.5 FORMAL OSH EDUCATIONAL SYSTEMS

OSH educational approaches vary greatly between countries. The profession of occu-
pational hygiene is perhaps most similar between the United Kingdom, Australia, and
the United States; however, even in these countries, the training of OSH students is
quite different. In Australia, occupational hygiene is taught at the master’s level at three
universities, and the doctorate is offered at one. In Great Britain, occupational hygiene
is also taught at the master’s level. In the United States, however, several universities
offer bachelor’s degree in occupational hygiene, in addition to master’s and doctoral
degrees. In the United States, the American Board of Engineering Technology (ABET)
accredits university programs in a broad variety of areas including occupational
health, environmental health, safety, and occupational hygiene. This accreditation is a

measure of program effectiveness and other categories (ABET, 2018).
In the United States, the first environmental health program was established in 1913
at the Harvard—Massachusetts Institute of Technology School for Health Officers.
Many of the initial advances in occupational hygiene stemmed from the research
conducted in these universities including development of ventilation and engineer-
ing principles in the protection of workers from airborne hazards, and the advanced
understanding of the importance of the respiratory tract as the route of absorption for
toxic aerosols. For over a century, the Harvard Department of Industrial Hygiene and
other associated divisions such as Environmental Health and Engineering Sciences
have continued to make advances in research and education in occupational hygiene,
safety, industrial medicine, and other related subjects (Harvard, 2018).
The National Institute of Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH) has created a
program of Educational Research Centers (ERCs) with the goal of providing training
and educational programs to build capacity in OSH. The ERCs focus on technolog-
ical advances, globalization, and new and emerging risks to prepare workers and
graduates of ERC programs. The training and associated research are conducted at
18 official ERC sites and numerous other affiliated universities and organizations.
The existing NIOSH ERCs are listed in Table 9.1.
European educational approaches to OSH vary considerably by country.
Academic programs in OSH in Europe began in the 1970s. These programs did
not grow significantly; however, until around the 1980s or 1990s when there was an
increased awareness of the value of OSH after several significant industrial accidents
in Europe, these programs demonstrated the need for a better understanding of risk
TABLE 9.1
NIOSH Educational Research Centers
University of Alabama at Birmingham
University of California, Berkeley
University of California, Los Angeles
University of Cincinnati
University of Colorado Denver
Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health
University of Illinois at Chicago
University of Iowa
Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health
University of Kentucky
University of Michigan
University of Minnesota
Mount Sinai School of Medicine
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
University of South Florida
University of Texas Health Science Center at Houston
University of Utah
University of Washington
assessment and hazard control. In general, European occupational hygiene programs

are less structured than those in the United States. Rather than taught as a discreet
field of inquiry, universities in Europe tend to teach OSH in a fragmented manner
where various other technological, managerial, and scientific fields such as engineer-
ing and medicine curricula include coursework in OSH (Hale, 1997). Students in
master’s programs generally enter with bachelor’s degrees in other relevant sciences
such as chemistry, engineering, or physics. In a study of postgraduate courses in OSH
in 18 European countries, courses in OSH have been increasing consistently over
the past decade. Programs include courses in safety science, occupational health,
risk assessment, management, prevention, and environmental science. Programs are
typically run under engineering, applied science, or management departments. But
despite continuing attempts to harmonize educational curricula and outcomes, OSH
programs, course structures, and course content continue to vary (Arezes, 2012).
European higher education of OSH includes a variety of methods. In the United
Kingdom, OSH is integrated into risk education and engineering. In Portugal, OSH
is integrated into engineering graduate and postgraduate programs. In Austria, safety
prevention, emergency response, biological hazards, and radioactive materials are
covered in laboratory safety courses. And in Spain, postgraduate courses are offered
in the management of occupational risks (Reinhold, 2014). In France and the United
Kingdom, safety and occupational hygiene courses occur at the master’s levels as
part of other sciences and are commonly aimed at risk assessment and reliability
rather than industrial hygiene (Arezes, 2012). There are also master’s and doctoral
programs in ergonomics, human factors engineering, and OHS management.
In Germany, two main branches deliver OSH training. One branch is done by accident
insurers and is closely affiliated with safety engineering. The second branch is offered
to physicians and advanced training in occupational medicine and is provided by spe-
cialized colleges and universities. Unfortunately, at this time, harmonized training and
standardized curricula for occupational hygiene are lacking in Germany. Most safety
engineers arrive from the bachelor degree university level. The occupational hygiene
profession and standards or practice are not well defined in Germany at this time.
In Belgium, occupational hygiene is one of the welfare domains as included in
the Act on well-being of workers in the performance of their work (04/08/1996)
and the Royal Decree on the policy of well-being of workers at work (27/03/1998).
The Internal and External services for Prevention and Protection at work requires
employers to have prevention officers and experts with various skills, including occu-
pational hygiene. Occupational hygienists collaborate with other prevention officers
in a multidisciplinary way.
There are two training courses in which the Belgian Society for Occupational
Hygiene (BSOH) participates substantively. One program is a Dutch specialist
training course for prevention officer occupational hygiene that is offered in col-
laboration with KU Leuven, Odisee, and BSOH. The Dutch course runs over two
academic years and is mainly given at the KU Leuven Gasthuisberg campus.
The second program offered is a French specialist training course for prevention
officer occupational hygiene taught in collaboration with Universite Catholique
de Louvain (UCL), Centre d’enseignment superior (CPFB), Ecole Polytechnique
de Louvain, the European Confederation of Independent Trade Unions, and
BSOH. The French training course runs over two academic years and is taught at
Louvain-la-Neuve-UCL.
The purpose of this training is to prepare students for the daily interpretation of a
job as occupational hygienist, based on a thorough theoretical knowledge combined
with practice-oriented applications. One learns to identify and assess chemical,
physical, and biological hazards at the workplace. For the different topics, a similar
course structure is followed, consisting of the following:
1. Organization, legislation, and limit values

2. Agents with specific hazard properties
3. Toxicology and routes of exposure
4. Health effects
5. Measurement possibilities: external and internal doses
6. Preventive measures
The training aims that at the end of the course, one has the required knowledge and
skills to take necessary preventive measures in specific work situations, leading to
better hygiene and health at work. This is done in consultation with a multidisci-
plinary team of prevention officers and safety experts (engineers, occupational phy-
sicians, ergonomists, psychologists, and environmentalists). This training is meant
for all interested parties for prevention and well-being of workers in companies and
organizations. The program is conducted in accordance with the prescribed require-
ments, as specified in the Royal Decree on the expertise of the prevention officers of
the external services for prevention and protection at work (5/12/2003). Prevention
officers that are experts in occupational hygiene are required to have successfully
completed the specialization module “Occupational Hygiene.”
In order to meet the upcoming demand for OSH professionals, new and more edu-
cational programs need to be developed and provided in a more structured and formal-
ized approach (Arezes, 2013). The growth of internationally standardized models for
occupational hygiene training and curricula will help guide the future development of
education systems in Europe and other regions of the world. International recognition
of OSH education credentials and other professional certifications, like that of IOHA,
that require specified training in OSH will also help push the future development of
the occupational hygiene training models. As the expectations of governments and
global employers become more sophisticated and harmonized in what is expected in
OSH staff, educational approaches will need to advance to satisfy the demand.
9.6 OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY AND HEALTH

EDUCATIONAL CURRICULA
In a study of potential employers, the capabilities shown to be most important in
recent OSH graduates included the following:
• Hazard identification and control

• Understanding relationships between exposures and health outcomes
• Interpretation of laws and regulations
• Ability to describe physical, chemical, and biological aspects of hazards

• Collecting, managing, and analyzing data
• Interpreting and applying scientific findings
• Exposure assessment and risk characterization
In addition, employers preferred to have graduates who have learned how to work in
teams, speak publicly to conduct training and make presentations, and communicate
effectively in writing (Brosseau, 2009). It is also important for new OSH graduates
to have decision-making, personal, management, and social skills in order to be
successful professionals.
As OSH professionals gain education and experience, they reach a level where
certification by a respected credentialing body is a way to demonstrate expertise in
their respective profession (Adams, 2004). The most reputable credentials are those
that require graduation from an approved academic program, a minimum number of
years of practical work experience in OSH, and passing a comprehensive and rigorous
certification examination. In an effort to standardize the credentialing bodies operating
around the world, the IOHA has created an evaluation rubric to identify the various
comparable OSH certifications internationally. The rubric includes detailed information
regarding educational level and course content for related accepted university degrees.
The following list represents the credentials currently seen as comparable by IOHA:
• American Board of Industrial Hygiene (ABIH)

• Australian Institute of Occupational Hygienists (AIOH)
• British Occupational Hygiene Society (BOHS)
• Canadian Registration Board of Occupational Hygienists (CRBOH)
• Dutch Occupational Hygiene Society—NVVA
• French Occupational Hygienists Society (SOFHYT) (Document in French
and English)
• German Society for Occupational Hygiene (DGAH)
• Hong Kong Institute of Occupational and Environmental Hygiene
• Institute of the Certification of the Figures of Prevention (Italy) (ICFP)
• Japan Association For Working Environment Measurement (JAWE)
• Malaysian Industrial Hygiene Association (MIHA)
• Norwegian Occupational Hygiene Association (NYF)
• Swedish Occupational and Environmental Certification Board (SOECB)
• Southern African Institute for Occupational Hygiene (SAIOH)
• Swiss Society of Occupational Hygiene (SSOH)
9.7 EXISTING LIMITATIONS AND FUTURE

DIRECTIONS IN GLOBAL OSH EDUCATION
As technology advances, occupational hazards evolve and become more complex.
To some extent, this has led to further compartmentalization of OSH practice.
Occupational health physicians (doctors who prevent and treat diseases and injuries
that occur in the workplace) who play a significant role in many national OSH regula-
tory systems, and may have in the past been more involved in workplace assessments,
now must spend too much time keeping up with expansion and advances in medi-
cine, such as toxicological consequences of exposure to new chemicals or materials
such as nanoparticles, to spend time in the field in physical workplaces. As a result,
and in addition, industrial hygienists, ergonomists, and general OSH professionals
must now increase their capacities for anticipation, evaluation, and control of haz-
ards in numerous new and old industries.
Due to the growth of industry around the world and particularly in EDCs, for-
mal educational institutions cannot keep up with the need for OSH profession-
als or qualified graduates from OSH programs. In addition, there is a significant
amount of global variability in OSH curricula between academic institutions and
credentialing.
Initiatives to provide training at the worker level are even more disparate.
Although a large amount of training materials are available on a broad range of top-
ics from such reputable and prestigious agencies such as the WHO and ILO, there
is no clear direction or pathway for workers, employers, or governments to follow
towards human resource development and ultimately credentialing and certifica-
tion of OSH workers internationally. Perhaps the closest system is that provided
by the OHTA where students take an examination after their courses and receive
a certificate of recognition for each course, and a series of course certificates can
lead to another level of recognition. Educational certificate programs such as these
have been shown to be one of the best ways to develop OSH capacity in an existing
workforce (Rosen, 2014). Other than university degrees, the OHTA system seems
to be one of the only international programs that include examinations and such
certificates along with their courses.
Although many of the ILO and WHO documents are available in multiple lan-
guages, most other training materials available online are generally only in English,
or sometimes Spanish or French. Perhaps a weakness of this study and analysis is
that little research can be conducted in China, Russia, and India without working
knowledge of those languages. But this is also a weakness in getting information on
western advances in OSH to those countries.
Moving forward, it seems that an optimal area for the advancement of modern
OSH principles globally will be through the use of the Internet for training (Van
Dijk, 2015). As training tools become more advanced and easier to use, it may be
possible for students in Africa to not only access OHTA training modules and mate-
rials, but actually take courses and earn certificates online. It seems a logical next
step for the advancement of worker capabilities and rights.
There is a great need for further development of OSH programs of study and
the harmonization of curricula so as to increase the numbers of competent profes-
sionals, and ensure that competencies are more comparable and interchangeable
between countries. These improvements could be used for models of expansion
globally, to improve the numbers and quality of OSH professionals in expanded
regions.
A bit of variety in college curricula and credentialing rubrics will be inevita-
ble moving forward. Each country has different cultures, capabilities, and work-
place settings. But hopefully communication between tripartite, professional,
educational, and labor organizations will improve, and they will work towards
a consensus to clarify the OSH professional role in worker health and safety,
and educational requirements. This would go a long way in helping workers and
organizations in EDCs continue to improve their understanding and capabilities
in OSH.
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10 Credentialing
Occupational Hygiene
Thomas P. Fuller
CONTENTS
10.1 I ntroduction................................................................................................... 150
10.2 Defining Profession....................................................................................... 151
10.3 The Goals of Professional Credentialing....................................................... 151
10.3.1 Job Security and Higher Wages......................................................... 153
10.3.2 Clarification of the Profession........................................................... 154
10.3.3 Documentation................................................................................... 154
10.4 Assessment of Credentialing......................................................................... 155
10.5 International Recognition of Accrediting Bodies.......................................... 156
10.5.1 American Board of Industrial Hygiene.......................................... 157
10.5.2 Australian Institute of Occupational Hygiene................................ 158
10.5.3 British Occupational Hygiene Society............................................ 158
10.5.4 Canadian Registration Board of Occupational Hygienists............. 158
10.5.5 Dutch Occupational Hygiene Society............................................. 159
10.5.6 French Occupational Hygiene Society............................................ 159
10.5.7 German Society of Occupational Hygiene..................................... 159
10.5.8 Hong Kong Institute of Occupational and Environmental
Hygiene�� 160
10.5.9 Institute of the Certification of the Figures of Prevention.............. 160
10.5.10 Japan Association for Working Environment................................. 160
10.5.11 Malaysian Industrial Hygiene Association..................................... 161
10.5.12 Norwegian Occupational Hygiene Society..................................... 161
10.5.13 Swedish Occupational and Environmental Certification Board..... 161
10.5.14 South African Institute for Occupational Hygiene......................... 161
10.5.15 Swiss Society of Occupational Hygiene......................................... 162
10.6 Other Regulated Professions and Occupations Related to
Occupational Hygiene�� 162
10.6.1 Occupational Safety........................................................................... 162
10.6.1.1 European Network of Safety and Health Professional
Organizations�� 162
10.6.1.2 Board of Certified Safety Professionals.............................. 163
10.6.1.3 Occupational Health/Nursing/Medicine............................. 164
10.6.1.4 Radiation Protection........................................................... 164
149
10.6.1.5 Ergonomics......................................................................... 164

10.6.1.6 Laser Safety........................................................................ 165
References............................................................................................................... 166
10.1 INTRODUCTION
Broadly defined, credentials are anything that provides a basis for confidence, belief,
or credit in the capabilities of someone or something. They may provide a form of
status or entitlement. Credentials may be based upon education, experience, or other
past actions that indicate the level of a person’s commitment, understanding, and
capabilities. They often represent a certain level of achievement in personal qualities
or capabilities, and they are sometimes supported by documents or certifications
awarded by organizations or institutions. It should be noted that many of the terms
used and described in this chapter have significantly different meanings and defini-
tions in various fields and professions. Credentialing has a range of meanings from
knowledge-based training-based certificates to credentials based on actual practice
and experiences.
Over the past several decades, credentialing and licensing of professions have
increased significantly in many countries. In the United States, licensing has
increased about 30% since the 1950s (Kleiner, 2013). Credentialing required by both
governmental and nongovernmental organizations has increased significantly in the
past decades and plays a major role in the supply and costs of services in many
occupations (Sweetman, 2015). In a 1992 study, there were more than 800 different
occupations licensed in at least one state, and more than 1,100 occupations either
licensed, certified, or registered (Brinegar, 1992). In the United States, licensed
occupations represent between 18% and 38% of the workforce (Kleiner, 2000, 2010).
In the United Kingdom, the percentage of workforce that requires a government
license doubled between 1998 and 2010 (Bryson, 2010). In one study of 29 European
and eastern European countries, 19 require the appointment of safety professionals,
prepared through specific education, training, or credentialing, to protect workers
(Hale, 2008).
In general, licensing tends to be more common in more educated workers, union
members, and government employees. Professional credentialing can be offered by
self-regulatory colleges, boards, or associations. Or they may be provided as a form
of licensure by local, state, or federal governmental regulating bodies. In general,
as the licensure requirements become more stringent, the benefits become more
monopolistic.
Registration is generally considered the simplest form of credential, with often
only requiring the provision of basic background information. This may also be
referred to as “conformance licensing.” Registration may include some basic educa-
tional minimum criteria, statements of agreement with ethical principles or codes of
conduct, and possible criminal record assessment. In many professions, it is possible
to practice the profession without registration, and in many professions, registration
is voluntary. Registration in its simplest form involves having one’s name placed
Credentialing Occupational Hygiene 151
on a list. At the other end of the spectrum, registration requires having education
through an accredited academic program, having supervised work experiences (in
some cases also through and accredited program), and passing a standardized exam-
ination [e.g., Registered Nurses (RNs), Registered Pharmacists (RPHs), Registered
Dietitians (RDNs), and Radiologic Technologists (RTs).]
Higher-level forms of registration often overlap with definitions of “certification,”
which typically require more stringent educational qualifications, experience levels,
apprenticeships, or examinations. Maintenance of professional certifications may
require ongoing professional development in the form of experience and education
maintenance and associated periodic review by the accrediting body. Certification
tends to be implemented and enforced through the control over the use of title
(Hemphill, 2016).
Licensure is typically the most stringent form of professional credentialing.
A license may be required to perform the given professional activities. Licensed
professions may be broad and for fairly simple activities such as taxi driving, or they
may be highly specific and complex such as prescribing pharmaceuticals. Licensure
may be used as an efficient way to ensure the quality and accuracy of professional
services, and as a way to build government revenues. Licensing is commonly used in
economically developing countries as a replacement for regulatory oversight because
of weak government oversight and inspection of industries (Ogus, 2005).
10.2 DEFINING PROFESSION
Professions can be described as work or vocation that requires certain specific train-
ing and experience and follows a particular code of practice in accordance with
agreed upon standards of quality and efficiency.
Occupational hygiene is the anticipation, evaluation, measurement, and control of
the work environment with the goal of minimizing safety and health risks to workers
(Nash, 1953). Occupational hygienists work as part of a team with occupational med-
icine physicians, occupational health nurses, toxicologists, and industrial engineers
to evaluate potential health effects to workers and minimize the associated risks.
10.3 THE GOALS OF PROFESSIONAL CREDENTIALING

We tend to think that the primary goal of professional credentialing, especially in
occupational safety and health (OSH), would be to ensure professionals are compe-
tent to assess workplace risks and take actions to protect the workers from harm.
This is true, but there are many other reasons for registration and licensing that are
worth noting.
One of the most pervasively regulated industries in many cultures is for hair-
stylists. Although one might be able to find someone who died from a bad hairdo,
safety is not a typical concern for licensing this profession. Although hairstylists
come in intimate contact with the public, and there is some rationale to ensure cer-
tain levels of awareness regarding sanitation, other similar industries (e.g., tattooists
and body modification professionals) do not have such requirements for licensing.
Partly, hairdresser licensing is to ensure minimum levels of quality as a consumer
protection for the public. It is also used to ensure ethical codes of practice for stylists
that they comply with common fair business practices and codes of conduct for their
clients. This concept is worth noting and remembering because even safety profes-
sionals need to practice codes of conduct according to professional ethical standards.
Regulations and laws are often created for reasons of safety, health, and pro-
tection of the environment. In the private sector, organizations also find value in
creating systems to evaluate conformity to enable comparability and ensure com-
petitiveness. Accepted standards of practice are evaluated by conformity assessment
bodies (CABs) to conduct inspection, testing, and certification. CAB assessments
have become important to societal stakeholders including the public, regulators,
businesses, and consumers. Accreditation bodies evaluate the CAB capabilities to
perform assessments based on particular standards and normative guidelines, and
award accreditations to competent CABs (ISO/IEC, 2004). A conceptual diagram of
conformity assessment and accreditation processes is shown in Figure 10.1.
In ancient times, self-enforced guilds and third-party regulations were created
to shift business from personal to impersonal transactions, and set requirements for
competence and honesty. Regulations were seen as an economic benefit to society as
a way to protect the public without clogging the judicial system with suits and torts
after the fact. Regulations remain fundamental to modern economies today, and it
might be acknowledged that the most advanced societies have the most advanced
and numerous regulatory or credentialing systems. The credentials of professionals
such as health-care providers, architects, and restaurant inspectors are just a few
examples of what it takes to ensure a safe and healthy society.
In a U.S. study of low- to moderate-income occupations that required licensure,
the average fee for a license was $209 and it required passing an examination,
9 months of education, and minimum age levels. In many cases, the strength of the
licensure requirements was not particularly related to health and safety but instead
was related to the lobbying prowess of practitioners in securing laws to shut out
competition (Carpenter, 2015).
FIGURE 10.1 Conceptual diagram of conformity assessment and accreditation processes.

(Adapted from ISO/IEC, 2004.)
Case
In one study it was shown that emergency medical technicians, who save people’s lives,
fell behind 66 other professions in terms of licensure requirements. These ambulance
workers charged with the responsibility of treating injured patients and keeping them
alive on their way to the hospital, had fewer licensure burdens than locksmiths, land-
scape workers, barbers, and manicurists. By comparison, the average cosmetologist
requires 372 days of training, whereas the average EMT only needs 33 days of training.
(Carpenter, 2015).
10.3.1 Job Security and Higher Wages

One of the major reasons that professional organizations and their members appre-
ciate credentialing and licensure is for protection and security of their jobs and posi-
tions. Access to the profession by potential entrants can be greatly reduced. Stringent
credentialing requirements tend to restrict entrance into a given profession, thus
reducing the supply of candidates. Another outcome is the support of higher wages
for the profession by about 15% (Kleiner, 2013, 2010; Meehan, 2015; Timmons,
2008; Pagliero, 2013). In a study about de-licensing occupations in the United States,
it was noted that attempts were met with stiff resistance by both those professionals
who held licenses and the boards who granted the license. Each group found the
license valuable in terms of finances and status (BLS, 2015).
Higher wages for licensed workers may be partly due to the monopolistic nature
of the profession and barriers to entry that reduce supply. But it can also be argued
that the added educational and experiential requirements for license holders ensure
higher quality overall for those workers holding a license in a given profession.
In a study by Kleiner (2010), it was demonstrated that occupational licensing is
positively associated with higher educational levels as shown in Figure 10.2.
FIGURE 10.2 Percentage of professionals with occupational license by education. (Adapted

from Kleiner, 2010.)
Despite professionals with higher educational levels, it could be assumed that the

reduced pool of available professionals in this field would also then reciprocally
increase costs to clients and employers.
In general, as the demand for professionals with certain credentials increases,
the salaries to those professionals will increase. That said, the number of students
enrolling into associated educational programs, or people entering the profession,
would also be expected to increase. Salaries would be expected to adjust continually.
10.3.2 Clarification of the Profession

Credentialing can be a way to delineate the role and activities of a given profession.
It can help clarify what the professionals are expected to know and be able to do.
Credentials that are designed for public protection codify the role and activities of the
profession. True credentials should be based on what professionals are doing currently
through a job-task analysis process. A person gains the work experience and earns the
associated credential. It is a way to communicate with the public and provide infor-
mation on what should be expected for various professionals and what they should be
able to do. This can also be useful for government officials. Through credentialing
publications and professional meetings, the roles and actions, such as ethical respon-
sibilities, of professionals in the field can be determined and clarified for its members.
10.3.3 Documentation
Credentialing and licensure programs can improve collaboration/identify transfer-
able skills across professions/better connections/clarify responsibilities. In Australia,
the development of a national accreditation body for several major fields such as
medicine, nursing, engineering, and accounting has greatly increased the ability of
workers to bypass regional requirements and migrate to different states to fill worker
shortages (Hawthorne, 2011).
Within a profession, credentialing can be a means to ensure worker readiness for
the job. Benchmarks of experience and education can be clearly delineated. Both
foundational- and occupation-specific skills necessary to complete tasks expertly and
safely can be identified within credentialing constructs. At the higher end of credential-
ing, it can be used to provide direction to a profession and create a vision for the future.
Credentialing can be used as a form of leadership and help to mold future leaders.
Credentialing can be a means to differentiate between various levels of experience
and competence in professionals. The American Association of Occupational Health
Nurses (AAOHN) has identified three different competency levels for professionals
using the categories of competent, proficient, and expert. Workers and employers
can use the definitions of the competencies for each level to make determinations for
assignments and career development and advancement and to indicate areas where
more training may be needed (AAOHN, 2007).
As a benefit to society, credentialing can act as a guideline to the public for the
minimum qualifications of quality. Licensure or certification of a group can provide
valuable information about the qualifications of a professional that can be difficult
to ascertain otherwise.
By helping to clarify and create individual professions of practice, credentialing

can also provide a means to complete segmented research on the group. By under-
standing the practices and beliefs of the professionals in the group, it can reinforce
standards of practice and ethical standards. It can provide valuable data about social
needs as a means to track the working population in a field. It can be used to iden-
tify the growth of specialty areas. Information learned from research can be dis-
seminated, furthering the growth of the profession. When a profession is distinct
enough and large enough, it will result in both professional and technical journals.
Professional journals can be used to communicate with the professional community.
Technical journals in the field can be used to spread scientific and policy research
results. As a profession becomes more advanced, it can lead to profession-specific
educational pathways/programs. Credentialing can set standards for lifelong learning
and professional growth. This is done in conjunction with accreditation in advanced
professions. It can require and create opportunities for various forms of continuing
education for practicing professionals in the field.
Credentialing and certification requirements can also work against migrants when
external credentials are not recognized across borders. This often keeps potential
migrant workers from entering existing job pools and reduces their overall earning
potential (Augustine, 2015).
As licensure requirements can be a barrier to entry, it creates monopolistic con-
ditions for those professionals with the credential. In some cases where licensed
activities of one group overlap with another, there has been the potential to lead
to turf wars between regulatory bodies and professional organizations (Brockman,
1996). Examples might include ophthalmologists and optometrists, or occupational
therapists and physical therapists.
Training certificates may also be considered a form of credentialing, which
often requires lower levels of formal education and shorter durations of associated
training. Certificates in “short courses” on specific topics in OSH can be a way to
bolster the qualifications and experience of a worker to be better prepared in OSH
on the worksite. Certificate training programs offered by colleges, universities, and
even for-profit consulting firms can be a way to improve hiring potential of gradu-
ates and raise wages and pay (Rosen, 2014). Typical college certification programs
run 12–24 months. Training certificates have been identified as a practical, realis-
tic, and necessary way to increase the numbers of practicing safety professionals
(Alesbury, 2013).
10.4 ASSESSMENT OF CREDENTIALING
The International Standards Organization (ISO) is a specialized system of standard-
ization whereby national bodies participate in the development of international stan-
dards of practice through expert technical committees established in various fields
of endeavor. Various governmental, nongovernmental, and professional organiza-
tions collaborate in areas of mutual interest to derive international standards and
guidelines of recommended practice in various areas.
ISO/IEC 17024:201 Conformity assessment—General requirements for bod-
ies operating certification of persons is the ISO standard created to create globally
accepted benchmarks for organizations that award personal professional credentials

(ISO, 2012). The main objective of the conformity assessments is to ensure objective
criteria are used to measure competence and scoring of certification criteria and
associated examinations. Conformity assessments such as ISO 17024 help to assure
that well-planned and well-structured certification examinations are administered
impartially, with minimal risk of conflict of interest.
The ISO certification via assessment can serve as a basis for the recognition of
certification bodies, and the certification scheme under which persons become cer-
tified. Conformity assessment of the credentialing body under ISO facilitates rec-
ognition and acceptance at the national and international levels. Additionally, the
international development and use of these conformity assessments and accredita-
tions enhance harmonization of technical fields, including occupational hygiene.
It helps in the development of recognition of the profession internationally and aids
in the global exchange of professional personnel in the OSH labor force. The ISO
standard and associated conformity assessments can serve, and often do serve, as the
basis for government recognition of professionals.
10.5 INTERNATIONAL RECOGNITION OF ACCREDITING BODIES

The International Occupational Hygiene Association (IOHA) maintains a standing
National Accreditation Recognition (NAR) Committee charged with the responsibility
of establishing an international accreditation scheme of occupational hygienists. The
purpose for the accreditation scheme is to promote respect for and recognition of occu-
pational hygiene certification as a means to promote worker health and safety globally.
The IOHA philosophy is that there is a need for practicing occupational hygien-
ists to meet and maintain a given minimum level of competency in order to safely
practice the profession. Competency is achieved through the attainment of knowl-
edge. Knowledge can be achieved through a combination of working experience and
education. Through documentation of work experience and education, occupational
hygiene professionals can demonstrate that they have met the minimum level of com-
petent professional practice (IOHA, 2018a).
Demonstration of the mastery of occupational hygiene practice builds upon the
minimum competencies and assures that the practicing professional is proficient in
a wide variety of occupational hygiene topics. Certification methods can take differ-
ent forms. It may require written examinations, oral examinations, or other review
of experience and education. The NAR Committee reviews national certification
schemes and processes and determines whether they meet the IOHA minimum stan-
dards. The NAR Committee does not review, however, the quality or content of the
individual certification schemes. There are presently 16 countries approved by the
IOHA accreditation scheme.
The primary areas of occupational hygiene IOHA competencies are exposure
assessment, risk assessment, risk control, and occupational hygiene management.
The basic educational requirements include a review of official transcripts of aca-
demic study and coursework to the level of bachelor of science (or equivalent) in a
relevant science or occupational/industrial hygiene. Professional experience require-
ments include thorough review of records, references, work histories, and detailed
portfolios that indicate the individual has attained minimum levels of competent
practice (IOHA, 2018b).
National accreditation processes and bodies currently recognized by IOHA
include the following organizations: the American Board of Industrial Hygiene
(ABIH), the Australian Institute of Occupational Hygiene (AIOH), the British
Occupational Hygiene Society (BOHS), the Canadian Registration Board of
Occupational Hygienists (CRBOH), the Dutch Occupational Hygiene Society
(NVVA), the French Occupational Hygiene Society (SOFHYT), the German Society
of Occupational Hygiene (DGAH), the Hong Kong Institute of Occupational and
Environmental Hygiene (HKIOEH), the Institute of the Certification of the Figures
of Prevention (ICFP), the Japan Association for Working Environment (JAWE),
Malaysian Industrial Hygiene Association (MIHA), the Norwegian Occupational
Hygiene Society (NYF), the Swedish Occupational and Environmental Certification
Board (SOECB), the South African Institute for Occupational Hygiene (SAIOH),
and the Swiss Society of Occupational Hygiene (SSHT).
10.5.1 American Board of Industrial Hygiene

The ABIH was created in 1960 as a means to evaluate the knowledge of practicing indus-
trial hygienists. It is meant to provide a valid, reliable, and rigorous process to ensure
competency of practitioners and thus the safety of workers and the public. The certifi-
cation awarded by the ABIH, known as “Certified Industrial Hygienist (CIH),” is also
a means for employers to ensure their employees meet the highest possible standards.
The CIH credentialing program by the ABIH is accredited by the American
National Standards Institute (ANSI) under the standard ISO/IEC 17024—
Conformity assessment—General requirements for bodies operating certification of
persons. The ABIH CIH program is also accredited by the National Commission
for Certifying Agencies (NCAA) under the Institute for Credentialing Excellence.
These two designations are indications of the high quality of the CIH credential in
terms of management, conformity, auditing, fairness, and other important aspects of
the credentialing process.
The ABIH requires all CIH recipients to practice a particular code of ethics estab-
lished by the organization. The code requires CIHs to follow specific practices and
responsibilities towards clients, employers, the public, and to the profession itself.
The ethical codes cover conduct regarding professional and legal standards, educa-
tion and experience competency, and conflicts of interest.
To obtain a CIH, applicants must satisfy specific education and experience
requirements, and then pass a written examination. The examination has 180
multiple-choice questions on a broad range of industrial hygiene topics. The test
duration is 5.0 h. The examination pass rate for the years 2003 through 2017 ranged
from 36.2% to 57.9% (ABIH, 2018a).
The ABIH CIH program was accredited to the ISO/IEC 17024 standard by con-
formity assessment completed by the ANSI March 13, 2009. ABIH has also received
accreditation by the NCAA. NCCA is the accreditation body of the Institute for
Credentialing Excellence. The NCCA accreditation process is used to ensure that pro-
fessional certification programs meet modern standards of practice (ABIH, 2018b).
10.5.2 Australian Institute of Occupational Hygiene

The AIOH is a group of approximately 1,500 occupational hygiene professionals
working to protect worker health and safety in Australia. The organization has a
variety of technical committees that work on various projects and topics. The AIOH
produces practice position papers and practical publications meant to assist working
health and safety professionals to protect the well-being of Australian workers.
One function of the AIOH is the accreditation of university master’s educational
degree programs in Australia. There are currently three accredited master’s degree
programs in occupational hygiene in the country.
Another function of AIOH is the certification of occupational hygienists in
Australia. The designation of Certified Occupational Hygienist (COH) recognizes
that a person is professionally competent to practice occupational hygiene inde-
pendently. This certification is recognized by the IOHA and benchmarked with
other similar national credentials. Members who receive this credential must meet
a strict set of educational, experiential, and competency requirements including an
oral examination of their occupational hygiene capabilities (AIOH, 2018).
10.5.3 British Occupational Hygiene Society

The BOHS is the only UK-based examining board for qualifications in occupa-
tional hygiene. The highest qualification offered is the Diploma of Professional
Competence in Occupational Hygiene (DipOH). In order to achieve the DipOH, one
must complete 5 years of comprehensive professional experience in occupational
hygiene and also hold a BOHS Certificate of Occupational Competence (CertOH),
or hold a BOHS accredited postgraduate qualification (BOHS, 2018).
In order to attain a CertOH, a candidate must have 3 years of professional experience
and complete six modules of Occupational Hygiene Training Association (OHTA),
complete a Personal Learning Portfolio, and pass a 1-h oral examination. If a candidate
has a degree from a BOHS-approved university in the United Kingdom, the OHTA
certificate requirement is waived. A third option for candidates that have a degree
from a non-BOHS-accredited university is to have 3 years of experience, complete a
Personal Learning Portfolio, pass a 1-h oral examination, and then pass a 6-h core writ-
ten examination (BOHS, 2018). The written examination is comprised of short-answer
and essay questions. Subjects covered on both written and oral CertOH examinations
include hazard recognition, risk assessment, measurement equipment and methods,
interpretation of data, and control methods. These examinations also include questions
regarding UK-specific occupational hygiene legislation (BOHS, 2016).
10.5.4 Canadian Registration Board of Occupational Hygienists

The CRBOH is a not-for-profit organization that implements a system to establish
professional competence in the practice of occupational hygiene. The CRBOH con-
fers two designations: the registered occupational hygienist (ROH) and the registered
occupational hygiene technologist, indicating two different levels of professional
competency.
The CRBOH promotes a particular code of ethics for professionals carrying its
credentials. And the organization strives to improve and expand awareness and
understanding of the practice of occupational hygiene. The overall goal is to pro-
vide safe working conditions for all Canadians and minimize workplace injury and
illness.
Eligibility to become registered is dependent upon a specific set of requirements
for formal university and postgraduate education and related combinations of expe-
rience. All candidates must sit for a half-day multiple-choice examination followed
by a half-day essay format examination. Once passing the written examination, the
candidates then sit for a half-day essay format examination (Verma, 1994). After
successfully passing the written portions of the examination, candidates take a 1-h
oral examination. Special exceptions to the normal examination process are allowed
for professionals who hold certifications from other credentialing organizations
endorsed by the IOHA NAR Committee and for graduates of particular Canadian
postsecondary programs in occupational hygiene (CRBOH, 2017).
10.5.5 Dutch Occupational Hygiene Society

The NVVA is a professional group dedicated to safeguarding the health of workers
and their descendants. They promote the science of occupational hygiene and raise
awareness of the specialty.
Professionals can achieve a ROH designation based upon educational require-
ments and professional experience. The certification process in the Netherlands does
not require a separate certification examination (NVVA, 2018).
10.5.6 French Occupational Hygiene Society

SOFHYT is the largest organization of occupational hygiene professionals in France
and was created in 1991. They conduct regular meetings to present and discuss tech-
nical topics in occupational hygiene and to promote the understanding and aware-
ness of the value of occupational hygiene in France. They have been a member of
IOHA since 1991 and are also affiliated with the OHTA.
SOFHYT has been offering a professional certification in Occupational Hygiene
Professional Certification since 2008. This credential was then approved and
accepted to meet IOHA NAR designation in 2010. Candidates must meet a mini-
mum level of education and experience before sitting for a written examination. In
2015, SOFHYT created an intermediate professional designation of “Certificate in
Occupational Hygiene” (SOFHYT, 2015).
10.5.7 German Society of Occupational Hygiene

DGAH promotes knowledge and recognition of occupational hygiene and the main-
tenance of safe and healthy working conditions. The organization of professionals
provides education and communication between professionals and organizations
practicing occupational hygiene. The DGAH also defines a code of ethical practice
for the profession.
Membership in DGAH requires the demonstration of completion of a strict set

of educational and experiential competencies. Candidates must also successfully
complete a written and oral examination before receiving the designation of occu-
pational hygienists and membership to DGAH (DGAH, 2018). The DGAH pro-
fessional designation and credentialing process is recognized by the IOHA NAR
Committee.
10.5.8 Hong Kong Institute of Occupational

and Environmental Hygiene
The HKIOEH administers a Certificate of Registered Professional Hygienist for

work with hazardous chemicals, agents, and processes. Candidates must pass both
written and oral examinations, possess a degree in a relevant subject, and have
5 years of experience to take the oral examination (HKIOEH, 2016a, b).
10.5.9 Institute of the Certification of the Figures of Prevention

The ICFP is the Italian occupational hygiene credential (ROHs) recognized by the
IOHA NAR program. This program credentialing process includes specific require-
ments for education, experience, professional references, an oral examination, and a
written examination (ICFP, 2018).
The Italian certification institution is accredited by the Italian National Unification
Body. This is a private nonprofit association recognized by the European Union that
develops and publishes voluntary technical standards for industrial and commercial
sectors (UNI, 2018). The ICFP is reviewed and certified by the Unente Italiano di
Normazione (UNI) to have met and be in compliance with ISO/IEC 17024:2003:
General requirements for certifying bodies, published by the ISO.
The Italian credentialing body is not directly associated with the Italian
Association of Industrial Hygiene (AIDII) and is an independent organization.
10.5.10 Japan Association for Working Environment

The JAWE is a nonprofit professional organization created in 1979 meant to pro-
vide a tripartite collaboration between employers, workers, and occupational hygiene
experts to ensure safe and healthful working conditions in Japan. In 2003, JAWE
became a member of IOHA.
JAWE offers credentials for a Work Environment Measurement Professional at
two different levels. In order to receive the credential, the professional must pass an
examination and complete program-associated registration courses. Topics covered
by the Type 1. Course and examination include designing, sampling, and analyzing
environmental hazards. The Type 2. Professional level includes the evaluation of work
designs, in addition to sampling and analysis (JAWE, 2018). It is not clear what the
examination entails, whether prior work experience is required, or whether the exam-
ination includes other OSH topics such as risk assessment, management, or ergonom-
ics. The JAWE accreditation system is recognized by the IOHA NAR system.
10.5.11 Malaysian Industrial Hygiene Association

The MIHA is a nonprofit professional organization created in 2003. With more
than 100 members, it is one of the largest worker health and safety organizations
in Southeast Asia. Its goals are to promote professional development of industrial
hygienists and provide timely and relevant ongoing education and training in occu-
pational hygiene.
The MIHA offers a professional designation credential called the Certified
Professional Industrial Hygienist (CPIH). The CPIH is governed by a board headed
by the current MIHA President and follows a per-defined set of criterion. In order
to achieve the CPIH designation, professionals must be full members of MIHA, be
currently in the practice of industrial hygiene, meet academic and professional expe-
rience requirements, and pass an oral examination. The MIHA CPIH is recognized
by the IOHA, and the MIHA is an affiliate member of IOHA (MIHA, 2017).
10.5.12 Norwegian Occupational Hygiene Society

The NYF is a professional association of occupational hygienists with the goal of
protecting worker health and safety in Norway. They disseminate information about
the benefits and practice of occupational hygiene and develop a set of ethical stan-
dards for practicing professionals in the field.
Within the NYF, a board called the Foundation Norwegian Occupation Hygiene
Certification conducts a professional certification and credentialing scheme. Certification
is based upon educational requirements for a minimum of 3-year technical-scientific
studies at an approved university or academy, a minimum of 7-year work experience in
occupational hygiene, and completion of both a written and an oral examination (NYF,
2018). This certification scheme has been acknowledged by the IOHA NAR.
10.5.13 Swedish Occupational and Environmental Certification Board

The SOECB is an independent certification agency that was established in 2001. The
board provides a means to guarantee the qualifications of occupational and envi-
ronmental hygienists according to criteria adopted by the Swedish Association of
Occupational and Environmental Hygienists (SAOECB, 2003).
10.5.14 South African Institute for Occupational Hygiene

The SAIOH was created in 1983 to promote awareness and recognition of occupa-
tional hygiene as a professional discipline. In 1993, the Institute for Occupational
Hygienists of South Africa (IOHSA) was created as a means to provide professional
credentials to individuals who met appropriate standards for knowledge and practi-
cal experience in the area of occupational hygiene. In 2000, these two organizations
merged to form the South African Institute for Occupational Hygiene (SAIOH).
Membership in SAIOH is provided at a variety of levels depending on education,
experience, and examination. General membership is allowed for those interested in
occupational hygiene, but not practicing. Then, levels progress from occupational hygiene
assistant, occupational hygiene technologist to the occupational hygienist designation.

The highest level of occupational hygienist requires a bachelor’s degree and 5 years of
experience, or a master’s or doctoral degree, and 4 years of experience. In addition, the
successful completion of a 3-h written examination followed by a 1-h oral examination
is required to receive the occupational hygienist designation (SAIOH, 2018).
10.5.15 Swiss Society of Occupational Hygiene

The SSHT represents professionals who practice the discipline of anticipation, deter-
mination, verification, and communication of hazardous working conditions. They
are dedicated to the wellness and safety of workers and the general community
(SSHT, 2018a, b).
The Committee de Certification des Hygiénistes du Travail (CCHT) is a group
within SSHT responsible for the certification of hygienists in Switzerland. This com-
mittee is charged with administering written certification examinations and main-
taining a list of hygienists that hold the SSHT certification (SSHT, 2018a, b).
10.6 OTHER REGULATED PROFESSIONS AND OCCUPATIONS

RELATED TO OCCUPATIONAL HYGIENE
In this chapter about global credentialing of occupational hygiene, it is worth noting
other closely related professions that interact or overlap with occupational hygiene
credentialing.
10.6.1 Occupational Safety
10.6.1.1 European Network of Safety and Health
Professional Organizations
European harmonization of safety educations and the profession began as early
as 1970 initiated by the International Social Security Association (ISSA) Safety
Training Section. This harmonization process has since been assumed by the
European Network of Safety and Health Professional Organizations (ENSHPO).
The ENSHPO was established in 2001 in order to bring together health and safety
professional organizations from across Europe. The main objectives of ENSHPO are to
• Ensure participation from all of the professional organizations across

Europe and represent the views, opinions, and concerns of this group.
• Operate as a dialogue partner with relevant national and international
authorities.
• Cooperate with other organizations, institutions, and federations within
Europe and beyond.
• Act as a forum where practitioners can exchange information, experiences,
and good practice on a wide variety of pertinent topics.
• Develop a European-wide recognition of OSH practitioner qualifications
and training.
Current ENSHPO members include the following (ENSHPO, 2016b):
• AEPSAL (Asociacion de Especialistas en Prevencion y Salud Laboral)—Spain

• AIAS (Associazionne professionale Italiana Ambiente e Sicurezza)—Italy
• Arbejdsmiljoraadgiverne (Danish Association of Occupational Health and
Safety Consultants)—Denmark
• ARSSM (Romanian Association for Occupational Health and Safety)—Romania
• CIVOP (Occupational Safety and Health and Fire Prevention Chamber of
the Czech Republic)—Czech Republic
• CySHA (The Cyprus Safety and Health Association)—Cyprus
• HZZZSR (Croatian Institute for Health Protection and Safety at Work)
• IOSH (Institution of Occupational Safety and Health)—the United
Kingdom and Ireland
• IMRSS (Institute of Risk Management and Occupational Health &
Safety)—Romania
• MOSHPA (Malta Occupational Safety and Health Practitioners
Association)—Malta
• Suissepro (SGAS, SGIG, SwissErgo, SGARM, SGAH, GRMST)—Switzerland
• Tyoturvallisuuskeskus Centre for Occupational Safety—Finland
• VDSI Verband für Sicherheit, Gesundheit und Umweltschutz bei der
Arbeit—Germany
Part of the ENSHPO focus has been on the safety and health educational programs
in the European Union. Based on UK National Occupational Standards for health
and safety, detailed competencies have been delineated for OSH professionals. These
have been used as learning outcomes for professional courses under the European
Qualifications Framework. These qualification schemes are now being compared
and harmonized with health and safety codes of practice in North America, Asia,
and Pacific countries (Hale, 2012).
ENSHPO has created an OSH certification standard as a means to ensure a min-
imum level of competence for practicing professionals in Europe. The goal is to pro-
vide employers with a mutually recognized system of competencies and qualification
for occupational health professionals (ENSHPO, 2016a).
Certification in the ENSHPO scheme does not require passing an examination.
There are two professional levels: the European Safety and Health Manager and the
European Safety and Health Technician. Registration fees range from 250 to 450
euros. Certification is based primarily on meeting certain levels of experience and
education. It also accepts designations from other recognized certification schemes
from other countries that have applied to their program.
10.6.1.2 Board of Certified Safety Professionals

The Board of Certified Safety Professionals (BCSP) offers a variety of occupa-
tional safety registrations and certifications based upon experience, education, and
examination. The highest level designation is the Certified Safety Professional,
which requires 4 years of safety experience, graduation from 4 years of academic
institution with a degree in safety engineering or closely related field, and passing
a comprehensive set of examinations on occupational safety and management.

Covering slightly different rubrics than the CIH, this credential is also highly recog-
nized globally (BCSP, 2018).
10.6.1.3 Occupational Health/Nursing/Medicine
Occupational health nursing is a profession arguably one of the closest to the prac-
tice of occupational hygiene. Occupational health nursing focuses on the promotion
and restoration of health, prevention of illness and injury, case management, worker
compensation programs, and protection from occupational hazards (AAOHN, 2007).
The necessary competencies for these nursing professionals are set by the AAOHN.
This specialty practice is built upon the foundations of nursing sciences, medical
science, public health, safety, toxicology, ergonomics, and industrial hygiene.
The American Board of Occupational Health Nurses (ABOHN) was created in
1972 as a means to set standards for occupational health nurses. The board awards
three different credentials:
• Certified Occupational Health Nurse (COHN)

• Certified Occupational Health Nurse—Specialist (COHN-S)
• Case Management (CM)
Certification is based upon a review of candidate professional experience and educa-

tion in addition to passing a written examination. There are currently approximated
4,000 active certificants (ABOHN, 2018).
10.6.1.4 Radiation Protection
The American Board of Health Physics (ABHP) grants professional certification in
the field of radiation protection and is accredited by the Council of Engineering and
Scientific Specialty Boards. The Certified Health Physicist provides protection to
workers from hazardous radiation sources. Certification examinations administered
by the ABHP evaluate candidate’s abilities in the areas of radiation measurement,
selection of detection instruments, analytical techniques for radiation sampling,
mathematical modeling of radiation exposure and control, analysis of data, and
preparation of reports. Other general topics include the development of standard
operating procedures for radiation fieldwork, emergency response, record keeping,
and applicable regulations (ABHP, 2018).
10.6.1.5 Ergonomics
The Board of Certified Professional Ergonomists (BCPE) was incorporated in 1990
and is a nonprofit organization and is endorsed by the International Ergonomics
Association (IEA). Federated societies of professional ergonomics, representing more
than 50 countries, comprise the council governing body of IEA. BCPE provides pro-
fessional certification for practitioners of human factors/ergonomics/user experience.
In Europe, the Centre for the Registration of European Ergonomists (CREE)
harmonizes the certification practices of the ergonomics societies within numerous
nations. The national certification methods are each approved by the CREE council,
and the certificates are recognized internationally. There are currently 438 registered
FIGURE 10.3 Countries currently members of CREE. (www.eurerg.eu/ homepage,

accessed July 4, 2018).
ergonomists in more than 30 CREE member countries (CREE, 2018). Countries that
are currently members of CREE are shown in Figure 10.3. The structure and oper-
ations of CREE comply with the International Standard ISO/IEC 17024:2012(en).
Other countries with ergonomics credentialing bodies include the Canadian
College for the Certification of Professional Ergonomists (CCCPE) (CCCPE, 2018)
that has a certification process that leads to the Certified Canadian Professional
Ergonomist (ACE, 2018). In Japan, the Japanese Ergonomics Society (JES) that was
founded in 1964 and has more than 2,000 members also offers a certification creden-
tialing process. JES is a member of the IEA (JES, 2018).
10.6.1.6 Laser Safety
The Board of Laser Safety offers the Certified Laser Safety Officer designation to
professionals who have demonstrated skills, education, and experience in the practice
of occupational laser safety. Related laser safety certification examinations include
the topics of laser/optics fundamentals, radiation bioeffects, non-beam hazards, con-
trol measures, regulations and standards, hazard evaluation, laser measurements,
and laser safety program administration (BLS, 2018).
Licensing and credentialing are important tools to support the development and clar-
ification of a profession and the workers that practice the field. In the past few years,
major advances have occurred in the field of occupational hygiene through the devel-
opment of international recognition schemes. In order to take full advantage of these
internationally recognized certifications, more work needs to be done to standardize
the rubrics for each certification scheme, and ensure the administrative means are in
place to verify that each certification is truly equal.
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11 Regional and National
Occupational Safety
and Health Profiles
Thomas P. Fuller
Frederique Parrot
Sanofi
CONTENTS
11.1 Introduction................................................................................................... 170
11.2 International Labor Organization LEGOSH................................................. 170
11.3 Miscellaneous National Organizations, Laws, and Enforcement.................. 171
11.3.1 France................................................................................................ 171
11.3.1.1 Demography of France....................................................... 171
11.3.1.2 Work Structure and Statistics in France............................. 171
11.3.1.3 Health and Safety—Performance in France....................... 171
11.3.1.4 Health and Safety History in France.................................. 172
11.3.1.5 Current Regulatory Framework.......................................... 173
11.3.1.6 Legislative Updates............................................................. 175
11.3.1.7 Some Specific aspects of OSH in France........................... 175
11.3.1.8 Conferences and Meetings.................................................. 176
11.3.1.9 Plans for the Future............................................................. 176
11.3.2 Spain.................................................................................................. 177
11.3.2.1 Demography of Spain......................................................... 177
11.3.2.2 Work structure.................................................................... 177
11.3.2.3 Regulatory Framework....................................................... 177
11.3.3 Latin America, South America, Central American, and the
Caribbean........................................................................................... 178
11.3.3.1 Demography of Latin America........................................... 178
11.3.3.2 Work Structure.................................................................... 178
11.3.3.3 Mexico................................................................................ 179
11.3.3.4 Brazil................................................................................... 181
11.3.3.5 Venezuela............................................................................ 182
11.3.3.6 Peru..................................................................................... 183
169
11.3.4 India................................................................................................... 183

11.3.4.1 Demography........................................................................ 183
11.3.4.2 Health and Safety Performance.......................................... 184
11.3.5 Africa................................................................................................. 185
11.3.5.1 Demography........................................................................ 185
11.3.5.2 Work Structure.................................................................... 185
11.3.6 Japan.................................................................................................. 188
11.3.7 China.................................................................................................. 189
11.3.7.1 Demography........................................................................ 189
11.3.7.2 Work Structure.................................................................... 190
11.3.7.5 Research.............................................................................. 192
11.3.7.6 Legislative Updates............................................................. 192
11.3.7.7 Plans for the Future............................................................. 192
References............................................................................................................... 193
11.1 INTRODUCTION
11.2 INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION LEGOSH
The International Labor Organization Global Database on Occupational Safety and
Healthlegislation (LEGOSH) provides an overview of the major national regulations
for health and safety at work for member countries around the globe. It provides the
ability to monitor trends and make comparisons between countries. The information
made available online assists governments, researchers, companies, worker repre-
sentatives, and other professional organizations to analyze policies and practices
regarding worker health and safety.
The LEGOSH database structure is based on a comprehensive set of themes
that follow the key provisions of International Labor Organization (ILO) standards
including the Occupational Safety and Health Convention, 1981 (No. 155), and its
accompanying Recommendation (No. 164), and the Promotional Framework for
Occupational Safety and Health Convention, 2006 (No. 187). Each country review
includes information on the following (ILO, 2016a):
1. The basic national regulatory framework

2. Regulation scope and exclusions
3. Institutions with administrative and enforcement authority
4. Employer duties and responsibilities
5. Management principles and practices
6. Worker responsibilities and rights
7. Specific hazards and risks
Regional and National OSH Profiles 171
8. Recording and reporting of work-related accidents and diseases

9. Inspection and enforcement programs
The transparency and comprehensiveness of this database makes it an invaluable

tool for developing countries to use as models in program and regulatory develop-
ment. The resource provides an excellent foundation for organizations and national
governments to create laws and develop agencies and programs. Legislation is often
an important step, if not the first step, in creating a regulatory framework that pro-
vides safe working conditions for all workers.
11.3 MISCELLANEOUS NATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS,

LAWS, AND ENFORCEMENT
11.3.1 France
11.3.1.1 Demography of France
In July 2017, France has just more than 67 million inhabitants with the largest population
in Europe, of which 3.18% is based overseas. In 2014, life expectancy at birth is high,
with difference between male (78.8 years) and female (85.2 years) (Indexmundi, 2018).
11.3.1.2 Work Structure and Statistics in France

As many countries in Europe, France has been strongly impacted by the industrialization
in the 20th century. Urban areas grew and agricultural activities were replaced by heavy
industries of manufacturing. The tertiary and commercial activities still continue to con-
centrate people in urban areas. The French economy has been seriously affected by the
global financial and economic crisis in 2007 (EU, 2015).
Today, the repartition of total employment is 2.7% for agriculture, 20.1% for indus-
tries, and 75.9% for services. Twenty-three percent of the workforce are government
employees in public administration. With Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development (OECD) annual average hours in 2015 of 1,766 h, French workers
are on the lower range with 1,482 h annually (OECD, 2017). Trade Union density is
11%, with 9% in private companies and 19 in public institutions (DARES, 2016).
The French work code details the fundamental role of unions to negotiate at the
state level, by sectors of activities and in companies. This role is currently under dis-
cussion to be developed or reduced. At this time, 98% of French employees are cov-
ered by collective bargaining representation. This compares to 6.7% in the United
States for private sector workers (USBLS, 2016). France has the second largest econ-
omy in Europe, behind Germany.
11.3.1.3 Health and Safety—Performance in France

The standardized incidence rate of accidents at work is high in France, close to two
times the average European Union (EU) rate. The French rate was 3,172.9, com-
pared to the EU average rate of 1662.9 in 2013 (EC, 2018). France represents 20%
of EU occupational injuries, with only 13% of the total population. France is also
the EU the leader for the rate of musculoskeletal disorders in occupational diseases
(460 cases for 100,000 workers).
According to the French social security database for more than 18 million work-
ers, covering occupational diseases and injuries, excluding home/job transport inju-
ries, there were 926 deaths, 624,500 injuries, and 50,960 diseases reported in 2015
(France, 2015). There were 2.7 days lost per year and per worker, based on 18.5 million
workers. And occupational diseases represent 8% of event but 41% of permanent dis-
ability and death, and 22% of lost working days.
11.3.1.4 Health and Safety History in France

History shows that economically stressed periods and wars are moments in France
when there are large changes in occupational health and safety norms.
• 1898: first act for compensing occupational injury (France, 1898)

• 1919: addition of occupational disease to the compensing act (France, 1919)
• 1936: first regulation fully dedicated to hygiene and safety in industries
• 1936: after an intensive mobilization, an accord is signed that creates
2 weeks of holidays, 40 h per week work, “Collective Agreements” Act
and Act on “Conciliation and arbitration procedures in collective labor
disputes”
• 1941: reorganization of inspection of Labor and Manpower, which signifi-
cantly strengthens the workforce of the Labor Inspectorate and creates the
body of labor medical inspectors
• 1942: a social service and a medical service for companies with more than
250 employees Loi du 28 juillet 1942 relative à l’organisation des services
médicaux et sociaux du travail
• 1945: creation of social security
• 1946: status for employees’ representatives
• 1946: formal creation of the medical surveillance for all workers in pri-
vate companies. Previously, occupational physicians was placed in mines
(beginning XIX), industries for army (1941), and other industries case by
case (France, 1946)
• 1947: creation of the health and safety committees
• 1956: third week of vacation
• 1965: organization for professional training during working life
• 1971: fourth week of vacation
• 1971: status for safety delegates in mines
• 1976: law on the development of occupational safety (France, 1991a)
• 1981, 1982: 5-week holidays, 39 h of work per week, protection of occupa-
tional injured worker, retirement benefit at 60 years old, hygiene safety, and
work condition committee
• 1982: application of regulation on health and safety to public workers
Décret n°82-453 du 28 mai 1982 relatif à l’hygiène et à la sécurité du travail
ainsi qu’à la prévention médicale dans la fonction publique
• 1991: application of the European directive 89/391/EE requiring the funda-
mentals approach: assess all risks for health and safety covering physical
and mental effects on workers (France, 1991b)
• 2001: permission of night shift for women in industries (France, 2001)
• 2008: work code change from section hygiene and safety to health and
safety (France, 2008)
• 2009: creation of the decree to support work inspectors by technical com-
petences; it includes all work risk assessments (France, 2009)
• Since 2010: few acts dedicated to arduous work. The occupational medicine
organization is progressively modified
11.3.1.5 Current Regulatory Framework

All European directives are related to health and safety in application of the Directive
89/391/EEC—OSH “Framework Directive.” EU countries are required to develop
national regulations and standards that meet the minimum criterion of the EU direc-
tives. (EU, 1989; EU, 2015)
The Labour Ministry (Ministère du Travail, de l’Emploi, de la Formation profes-
sionnelle et du Dialogue social) is responsible for developing and enforcing regula-
tions for occupational safety and health. The Labour Ministry supervises the actions
of the agency for the improvement of working conditions in providing guidance,
conducting research, and conducting investigations following serious accidents. The
main legislation on occupational safety and health is Part IV of the Labor Code
entitled “Health and Safety at Work.” The code covers topics including work dura-
tion, daily rest period, respect of fundamental freedoms, bullying, sexual harass-
ment, discrimination, and worker rights. The French Labour Ministry also produces
guidelines on various topics relating to how to meet given requirements. The Labour
Code also incorporates the treaty requirements of the EU legislation such as for risk
assessment and hazard control.
Under the French system, an “accident” is defined as any workplace occurrence that
results in an injury or illness of a worker. Under this definition, there is a clear accep-
tance of a lag in time between exposure and ill health outcomes, sometime in terms of
years. In addition, even depression, post-traumatic stress, or work-related suicide can
be considered health effects or “accidents” that result from workplace bullying.
Occupational health and safety research in France is conducted under the National
Institute for Health and Medical Research (INSERM) and the National Institute for
Research and Safety (INRS). The state Social Security Organization funds support
for worker health and safety research through the Caisse d’Assurance Retraite et de
la Sante au Travail (CARSAT) regionally throughout France and Caisse Assurance
Maladie d’Ile de France (CRAMIF) in the Paris region, in a manner similar to
worker compensation in the United States. In addition, however, these organizations
also develop exposure assessment methodologies and perform laboratory analyses as
a service to companies. They also develop and provide occupational safety training
materials to the public.
Within companies, management has the authority and resources to determine
equipment and procedures to ensure a safe workplace to meet the requirements
assigned by the occupational physician. A safety department or professional may be
called upon to provide assistance.
In France, occupational safety and health programs are primarily managed
by occupational health physicians, rather than occupational health specialists.
For example, federal directives require that occupational physicians perform
medical examinations on any and all employees that are likely to be exposed to
carcinogens. These physicals must be repeated every 6 months, and the records must
be kept 40 years postexposure (Aubrun, 1999). If the employee moves to another
company, the medical records must be forwarded to the new occupational physician.
Appropriate safety training is provided to employees at the advice of the occupa-
tional physician.
Within companies, management has the authority and resources to determine
equipment and procedures to ensure a safe workplace to meet the requirements
assigned by the occupational physician. A safety department or professional may be
called upon to provide assistance.
The third leg of the French occupational safety system includes mandated Health
and Safety Working Conditions Committees (CHSCTs) that meet at the direction of
the occupational health physician and include representatives from employees, man-
agement, occupational safety, and occupational medicine.
The French Agency for food, environmental and occupational health and safety
(ANSES) Agence nationale de sécurité sanitaire de l’alimentation, de l’environne-
ment et du travail has 1,383 full-time workers with an annual budget of 142 million
euros. Its objective is to contribute to ensuring human health and safety in the envi-
ronment, work, and food. Among other responsibilities, this group makes recom-
mendations for occupational exposure limits (OELs) to the Ministry of Labour.
However, in 2015, only 1% of the research conducted by ANSES (2015) involved
occupational health.
The French National Agency for the Improvement of Working Conditions
(ANACT) is charged with improving the quality of working conditions and pro-
moting organizational efficiency and communication. The network encourages com-
panies to consider occupational safety and health in business terms. It fosters the
coordination of activities and projects between all stakeholders (management and
employees). Its aim is to help businesses to conceive, promote, and implement public
incentive policies, tools, and innovative methods (ILO, 2016b).
Beyond requiring employers to provide safe working places free from injury and
illness causing exposures, the French system has a couple of different approaches to
occupational health and safety. One of the major characteristics of the French system
is the requirement for occupational health and social service professionals to be an
integral, if not the integral, aspect of the health and safety program. Persons with
the above credentials are assigned the responsibility for creating and implementing
the occupational safety program. Professionals with specific training in occupational
safety or hygiene are ancillary to the basic structure. In addition, the French system
requires the formation of a site safety committee for workplaces with more than
50 employees, also led by the occupational health professionals. This committee is
charged with negotiations of pay, work duration, quality of work life, career manage-
ment, and workplace safety.
Ministry of Labour has the authority to perform inspections of workplaces that
fall under its jurisdiction. Based upon the results of findings, they can issue citations
and notices for violations against regulations. Based upon the findings, the labor
prosecutor may impose financial penalties, revoke or suspend operating licenses,
or require cessation of dangerous work. In France, violations of occupational safety
and health regulations can be prosecuted under the criminal code. This includes up
to 5 years of imprisonment. Workplace bullying is punishable under criminal codes
and is punishable by up to 2 years of imprisonment and a fine of up to 30,000 euros.
11.3.1.6 Legislative Updates
Recent changes in French workplace safety legislation include methods to be used to
evaluate risks from exposure to artificial optical radiation. The law went into effect
on April 1, 2016, and requires employers to measure or calculate worker exposures
for a variety of new radiation sources including artificial sources of ultraviolet and
infrared radiation (France, 2016a). In addition, a new directive will change the OEL
for styrene effective on January 1, 2019, to 23.3 ppm or 100 mg/m3 (France, 2016b).
11.3.1.7 Some Specific aspects of OSH in France

In France, the social relationship involved in the work impacts strongly the manage-
ment of occupational risks. Also, the occupational physicians have a strong position
in the prevention of risks at work. The following sections briefly describe some of
the details about OSH in France:
• Occupational medicine: Initiated during the industrialization period, the

role of occupational physicians in OSH has been in place for 50 years. The
position is covered by a “protected employee” status, and 20% of French
employees have access to an occupational medicine physician as a com-
pany’s employee. For 80% of employees, the physician is outsourced. The
occupational physician has a duty to advise both the employees and the
employers. Progressively, their role changes due to the reduction in the num-
ber of doctors and the growth in the complexity of OSH science. The goal in
France is to reduce the individual medical surveillance and to develop the
role of nurse and other actors of the occupational health department.
• Health and safety managers: The role was fixed by the framework direc-
tive in 1989, article 7 “the employer shall designate one or more workers
to carry out activities related to the protection and prevention of occupa-
tional risks for the undertaking and/ or establishment… the workers des-
ignated must have the necessary capabilities and the necessary means…”
(EU, 1989). The text had to bring into force in European countries by the
end of 1992. It was initially completed in France in 2002 and then revised
in 2015. Some companies designate an internal health and safety manager
(France, 2011). For many small to midsized companies and a large number
of French companies, the main source of OSH support is now implemented
in the outsourced occupational health services. In these cases, all OSH pro-
grams and activities conducted in workplaces are directed by the authority
of the occupational physician.
• Arduous work: The concept was introduced during negotiation (union,
employer, state) on prolongation of working period before retirement. Since
2010, a list of constraints has established and described by intensity and by
duration. Each employer must include arduous work in job hazard assess-
ments. In cases that exceed arduous limits, the employee wins a maximum
of four yearly points. The first 20 points are available for training in order
for employee to find a new job less exposed. Also, the rest of points can
offer the maximum of 2 years of early retirement or 2 years at a part-time
job. Both benefits require the employee to be paid at their initial rate.
The program is covered by an added tax of all companies. Arduous work
includes jobs that expose the worker to excessive noise, night work, shift
work, extreme pressure, hazardous chemicals, repetitive actions, vibrations,
extreme temperatures, manual handling of loads, and arduous postures.
• Occupational disease: Related to strong medical surveillance of workers,
the recognition of occupational disease is highly developed. For the majority
of employees, 98 different tables of occupational diseases are available. They
contain the description of diseases, delay for medical action, and conditions
that may be involved in work sources. Also, a parallel process is available for
diseases that are not described in the list. Stress and psychosocial causes are
becoming more recognized as occupational disease in France.
11.3.1.8 Conferences and Meetings

A variety of conferences are held annually in France on various health and safety
topics. Many of these represent the several federal agencies with responsibilities for
health and safety. For example, on June 29, 2016, several organizations met to dis-
cuss health insurance arrangements and worker compensation approaches. The fol-
lowing groups met on June 29, 2016:
• Caisse Primaire d’Assurance Maladie (CPAM)

• CRAMIF
• Union s de recouvrement des cotisations de sécurité sociale et d’allocations
familiales (URSSAF)
• Service d’Appui au Maintien dans l’Emploi des Travailleurs Handicapés
(SAMETH)
• Caisse Nationale d’Assurance Vieillesse des Travailleurs salaries (CNAVTS)
The French Society of Occupational Hygiene (SOFHYT) is the primary professional

organization in France and has approximately 100 members. The group conducts a
1-day professional conference each year at a different city in France. Presentations
include a broad range of OSH topics.
11.3.1.9 Plans for the Future

In a recent document published by the Ministère du Travail, de l’Emploi, and de
la Formation professionnelle et du Dialogue social, they announced the plans for
occupational health and safety for 2016–2020. The goals of the program are to
be accomplished in two phases: (1) coordinating the approaches and activities of
the five major governmental organizations with roles in workplace safety and (2)
coordinating the roles and activities of nine nongovernmental agencies and organi-
zations with roles in occupational health and safety (France, 2016c). The goal of the
program is to the focus on a shift from a treatment of disability or illness-oriented
system to a more preventative approach to worker health and safety. The overall
goal is to shift the thought processes of many of these government agencies that
currently emphasize programs to treat injured or ill workers, and switch to a more
preventative OSH approach that will protect workers before they become injured
or ill. A large part of this process involves improved communication, or spread
of the understanding of the benefits of a preventative OSH approach. In a country
where the profession of occupational health revolves around physicians and health
care, this is a groundbreaking initiative. And getting these numerous federal orga-
nizations with existing missions and goals, labor organizations, employer groups,
and the professional community to work towards a common goal of a preventative
approach to occupational health in France will be a monumental task.
11.3.2 Spain
11.3.2.1 Demography of Spain
Spain is located in the southwest corner of Europe between the Atlantic Ocean and
Mediterranean Sea. It has a population of 40 million and a per capital income of
$14,500 per year.
11.3.2.2 Work structure
By the year 2002, Spain has modernized and working populations have shifted from
agriculture (4.4%) to services (57.9%), industry (30.2%), and construction (7.5%)
(Sese, 2002). Unfortunately during the years 2008–2013, the economy shrank and
the number of small to midsized enterprises (SMEs) fell by 56%. By 2014, the unem-
ployment rate in Spain was twice the average of the EU at 23% (EU Eurostat, 2017;
Trading Economics, 2018).
With 18% of Spain’s population living below the poverty line, many formal jobs have
shifted to the informal economy (WB, 2015). Unfortunately, starting a business in Spain
is extremely difficult due to layers of bureaucracy at several overlapping levels of gov-
ernment. The time need and expense of starting an SME are considerably higher than in
other EU countries and vary greatly across Spain itself. Fortunately for workers, Spain’s
Social Insurance Institution guarantees health care and access to social services for all
Spaniards. Benefits cover unemployment, illness, pensions, and family protection. The
program is funded by employers, employees, and other federal government allocations.
11.3.2.3 Regulatory Framework
The first documented regulation regarding worker safety was in 1900 and was
called the Law of Work Accidents in Spain. It required employers to indemnify
their employees who were injured at work and created the fund to support the law
in the Mutual of Work Accidents. This was followed in 1932 by the Law of Work
Accidents that mandated insurance also covered occupational diseases, accidents,
and death of workers. In 1963, the Spanish Social Security system was established
and also covered accident insurance for workers. Early on, the Mutual of Work began
to establish workplace risk prevention efforts. They subsequently worked closely
with the Department of Labor and Social Affairs to establish safe practice guidelines
and plans of action for worker health and safety.
11.3.3 Latin America, South America, Central

American, and the Caribbean
Different terms used by organizations complicate discussion of Latin American OSH
issues. Some sources describe South America as being comprised of 12 countries
(Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Paraguay, Peru,
Suriname, Uruguay, and Venezuela) Additionally, there are three United Kingdom
Overseas Territories (Falkland Islands, South Georges, and South Sandwich Islands)
and a region of France named French Guiana in the region. The combined popula-
tion is approximately 428 million (World Population Review, 2018; Worldometers,
2018a, b). Brazil comprises just over half of the population on the continent.
Other reputable sources often include Mexico, the Caribbean, and Central
America in a broader term of Latin America to describe the region (Worldatlas,
2018; Britanica, 2018).
11.3.3.1 Demography of Latin America

The variety of industry and economic advancement mirrors the grand diversity of
terrain and climate across the continent. Countries rich in mineral resources such
as aluminum, gold, silver, copper, and petroleum are heavily developed in the min-
ing industries. Agriculture is another well-developed industry based on sugarcane,
bananas, cattle, sheep, and coffee. In recent years, forestry has become a large indus-
try in large regions of South America.
All South American countries have gross income inequalities across the social
spectrum. In most Latin American countries, the richest 10% of the population
receive between 40% and 47% of the income. The poorest 20% receive only 2%–4%
(De Ferranti, 2004). Even the countries with the least income inequality in South
America are worse than any other country listed by the OECD except for South Africa.
The income differences for Brazil and Columbia were 55% in 2016 (OECD, 2016).
11.3.3.2 Work Structure
Much of the South American workforce remains in the informal sector. Workers in
the informal sector comprised 48% of the workforce and represents approximately
130 million workers. Up to 10% of the workforce has no social protections (Lora,
1998; ILO, 2014). Seventy-two percent of these informal workers fall below the pov-
erty line, and 63% have only a primary school education. Although most informal
work is in the agricultural sector, considerable informal work is a significant portion
of other industries as well: construction (69%) trade, restaurants, hotels (56%) (ILO,
2014). Attempts to reverse the trend of informality by creating new jobs in the formal
sector are under way, but push against other economic factors such as low growth,
unemployment, job insecurity, and poverty.
Partly due to the large percentages of workers in the informal sector, and partly
due to the lack of regulations, the occupational injury, illness, and fatality rates for
South America are extremely difficult to quantify accurately. Many countries do not
require companies to report injuries, illnesses, and fatality statistics. In those that
do, reporting is inconsistent and not well inspected or enforced (Giuffrida, 2001).
In a 2012 report, Hong demonstrated that workplace risks of injuries and fatalities
are higher than other regions, and 30 times higher than those in the United States
(Hong, 2012). In a 2001 study, it was determined that manufacturing, utilities, and
construction activities contributed to most fatal (43%) and nonfatal (50%) occupa-
tional accidents (Giuffrida, 2001). In a 1999 workshop of occupational health, the
top three most important occupational health problems for South America were fatal
occupational injuries, pesticide poisoning, and low back pain (Choi, 2001). Other
widely reported diseases included hearing loss and skin and respiratory diseases
(Giuffrida, 2001).
In an analysis of the South Americans’ occupational hygiene situation, Giuffrida
(2001) found the poor workplace health and safety conditions and related injury and
illness statistics to be a result of three major factors. These were the general lack of
hazard awareness by workers and management, incomplete data on causes of inju-
ries, illnesses, and fatalities that tend to underestimate the problems, and the inabil-
ity to develop and enforce workplace health and safety regulations due to the lack
of infrastructure and educational resources and professional expertise (Giuffrida,
2001). In addition, the lack of understanding regarding relationships between unsafe
and unhealthy working conditions and the impacts on society and the economy were
not well understood.
11.3.3.3 Mexico
11.3.3.3.1 Demography
The Mexican population is 124 million as of July 2017. The median age of inhab-
itants is 28.3 years. The average life expectancy is 76.1 years (Index Mundi, 2018).
11.3.3.3.2 Work Structure
Although only 8% of Mexico’s economy comes from agriculture, this sector’s
employees constitute 23% of its labor force. Conversely, manufacturing employees
constitute about 11% of the workforce yet produces 23% of the GDP. Chief prod-
ucts include motor vehicles, iron, steel, chemicals, electronics, and synthetic fibers
(Scholastic, 2018). In 2010, services contributed to 62.5% of Mexico’s GDP led by
tourism and banking (Economy Watch, 2010). Unfortunately, tourism is recently
falling off due to increasing crime in Mexico.
11.3.3.3.3 OSH Performance and Statistics

In 2015, Mexico had a fatality rate of 7.9 per 100,000 workers. In 2016, this number
rose to 8.2 (ILO, 2018a). Occupational diseases registered most frequently in Mexico
include hearing loss, chemical bronchitis and pneumoconiosis, dermatitis, and mus-
culoskeletal injuries due to cumulative trauma (Sanchez-Roman, 2006). The highest
rates of occupational accidents are found in the food and beverage preparation and
services industries. The metallic products industries have the highest proportion of
permanent disability in workers, and ground transportation industries have the high-
est occupational fatality rates in Mexico.
In an important study of aging, workforce populations in Mexico determined that
poor physical work conditions during their working careers reduced socioeconomic
levels and mobility later in life. Workers at the lower end of the economic spectrum
that spent their careers in jobs that required excessive workloads, standing, carrying
heavy objects, working in hazardous environments, and sitting in moving vehicles
for extended periods tended to be at a lower socioeconomic level, need more medical
services, and be less mobile later in life (Beltran-Sanchez, 2017). These results were
of particular concern to Mexico where government subsidized publicly funded free
health insurance and coverage is provided to many formal sector workers.
11.3.3.3.4 Regulatory Framework
Standards and principles to be followed by employers for the field of occupational
health are found in Article 123 of the Constitution of Mexico. Article 123 of the Political
Constitution of the United States of Mexico establishes worker and employee rights
and obligations and also separates workers into two groups: Group A is composed
of private-sector workers, and Group B includes government workers. The Federal
Regulation on Occupational Safety and Hygiene and the Working Environment was
adopted in 1997 and includes most related laws on OSH. The main goals of the regu-
lation are to prevent accidents and ensure safe and healthy working conditions.
In 2012, the Federal Labor Law was reformed to include provisions on OSH. In
addition, several other Mexican regulations include sections that pertain to OSH
activities. The duties of the General Director of Safety and Health at Work are
described in the Regulations of the Secretariat of Labor and Social Welfare of
2008, and the General Regulations on the Inspection and Application of Sanctions
concerning Labor Legislation Violations of 1998 contains other OSH provisions
(ILO, 2013). The Federal Regulations for Occupational Safety and Hygiene is
an extensive list of basic safety principles and performance standards that apply
in industrial settings. In addition, the Secretariat of Labor issues directives on
workplace safety that include a combination of performance-based and explicit
standards.
Currently, Mexican OSH is governed and overseen by three major national agen-
cies. The Secretariat of Labor and Social Welfare develops enforceable safety and
health standards, conducts inspection, requires the use of joint OSH committees,
collects accident and injury data, endorses research directions, and disseminates rel-
evant OSH information. Specific workplace rules are called Official Mexican Norms
(NOMs) and do not need to be approved by the legislature, but provide Federal agen-
cies authority to inspect and enforce the rules. The NOMs include a combination of
safety, health, and structural standards. The Mexican Institute of Social Security
conducts the main worker compensation program in Mexico. And the National
Advisory Commission on Occupational Safety and Health conducts studies and
develops prevention and control measures to minimize risk and disseminates infor-
mation on OSH topics.
Mexican federal labor law establishes three levels of joint committees that operate
for OSH. Workplace committees are required for various sizes and types of opera-
tions and must be composed of equal numbers of employer and employee representa-
tives that monitor compliance with regulations and support government inspections.
These committees investigate accidents, prepare reports, and propose corrective
actions (Offshore Group, 2017). As a member of the ILO, Mexico has ratified most
occupational hygiene-associated agreements and recommendations.
11.3.3.3.5 Specific Aspects of Mexican OSH

Education and training on occupational hygiene, occupational safety, occupational
health, and occupational medicine is lacking in Mexico and does not meet the
needs of human resources (Sanchez-Roman, 2006). Sources of funding for OSH
research are also scarce in Mexico, and there is no national agenda regarding
research in occupational hygiene due to the general lack of interest of support for
OSH in general.
OSH professionals and technicians tend to be employed in business, government,
institutions of higher education, and as independent consultants (Sanchez-Roman,
2006). Businesses that understand the value of OSH services in decreased absentee-
ism, reduced costs of insurance, and other general business values are most likely
employers of OSH staff.
As one of the largest trading partners to the United States, Mexico is one of
the best example of some of the main issues confronting global health and safety
issues today. Taking advantage of the inexpensive labor in Mexico, and the North
Atlantic Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) of 1994, thousands of U.S. production
facilities, referred to as maquiladoras, were built along the borders of Mexico and the
United States, and throughout Mexico in other regions. As of 2000, these companies
employed more than 950,000 workers (Brown, 2000).
The total population of the border communities is estimated at between 11 and 20
million. The average daily earnings were under $4.00 per day (CorpWatch, 1999).
Products of the manufacturing facilities include textiles, chemicals, electronics,
machinery, shoes, and food products.
Although occupational safety and health regulations and protections for workers
are nearly comparable to world standards on paper, very little is done to enforce the
standards in the maquiladoras factories. Companies are encouraged to invest in the
region, and there is a conception on the part of the Mexican regulatory agencies that
stricter enforcement of health and safety standards would have a negative effect on
the growth of the area. Companies operating in this intense production area are not
just U.S. based. Other countries such as Korea, Japan, and Spain operate facilities in
the region. Companies with these facilities follow a variety of safety practices that
may reflect standards from their home countries or Mexican regulations; however,
most of the time they do not (Brown, 2000).
11.3.3.3.6 Plans for the Future

Work-related accidents are severely underreported in Mexico due to poor admin-
istrative procedures and lack of worker representation. In addition, disability and
illness statistics are also downplayed due to early expulsion of unhealthy work-
ers before the completion of their normal work life. Underreporting of cancer,
cardiovascular, and leukemia cases go unreported as occupationally related
(Sanchez-Roman, 2006).
11.3.3.4 Brazil
Activities concerned with occupational health in Brazil are connected to three federal
ministries. The Ministry of Labour enacts legislation on safety, hygiene, and occu-
pational health. They Ministry of Labour also conducts inspections of workplaces
through its regional units and also conducts research on health and safety. The
Brazilian Ministry of Health provides medical care for work-injured workers or
those diagnosed with occupational diseases. The Ministry of Health conducts cer-
tain worker surveillance programs for a specific list of occupational diseases. The
Ministry of Social Security provides rehabilitation and compensation for injured and
occupationally diseased workers (Bedrikow, 1997).
Unfortunately, formal education and training on occupational health and safety
is severely lacking in Latin America. Formal research programs are also not exten-
sive or well developed in all regions. The only federal government institution that
conducts research and supports occupational safety and health education of the
Portuguese-speaking countries is the Fudacentro organization under the ministries
of health of Brazil. This organization supports a master’s program in OSH and con-
ducts other training, education program development, and dissemination of OSH
knowledge (Fundacentro, 2018). In addition, the University of Sao Paulo conducts
master’s and doctoral programs in occupational hygiene.
In a study of occupational health research trends in Brazil, 1,025 thesis or dis-
sertation reports were completed between 1970 and 2004, 866 of which were com-
pleted between 1990 and 2004. Most studies involved topics such as public health,
musculoskeletal disorders, and health workers. Considering the known risks, rel-
atively few research articles studied construction safety or occupational cancer
(Santana, 2006).
11.3.3.5 Venezuela
Venezuela is the second largest country in South America in terms of land mass and
population. It has the largest oil reserves in the world and is a leading oil exporter.
Other natural resources in Venezuela include minerals, water, diamonds, gold, and
aluminum. Yet with the increasing political turmoil in the past decade and the
declining economy, nearly half the population lives in extremely poor conditions
(El Universal, 2015).
Also in this timeframe, Venezuelan work became increasingly informal and pre-
carious. The informal employment rate in 2010 was 50% and has probably risen
since this study (Perazzi, 2010). As a result of their precarious working conditions,
these workers often work in hazardous conditions and are excluded from social sup-
port systems including access to health care (Kim, 2010). Moreover, in 2005, 5.4%
of Venezuelan children of 5–14 years old worked (USDOL, 2008).
In 2008, the working population was distributed between commerce (38%), man-
ufacturing (18%), hotels and restaurants (9%), transportation (8%), social services
(8%), real estate (6%), construction (5%), health and social services (4%), educa-
tion (3%), and electricity, gas, and water (1%) (Instituto Nacional, 2010). In 2006,
Venezuela was reported to have an occupational fatality rate of 15.6 per 100,000
people. This is relatively high compared with the United Kingdom (0.8) and Sweden
(1.4) (ILO, 2006). This number is also expected to be grossly underestimated because
of the significant amount of workers in the informal sectors, which do not generally
report injuries or illnesses.
Political turmoil and economic downturns have kept Venezuela from fully
implementing existing OSH regulations. Injury and illness rates for workers are
unusually high despite gaps in the data for a large percentage of the workforce
(Caraballo-Arias, 2015).
11.3.3.6 Peru
Peru is located on the central Pacific coast of South America. The population of
approximately 30 million lives in a surface area of 1.2 million square kilometers.
The Peruvian economy depends largely on the extraction of resources in mining
and forestry. Partly due to increased demand for raw materials, Peru’s economy has
been growing at about 3% per year, above the average of other South American
countries. In addition, poverty declined about 50% over the period from 2001 to
2011, partly due to economic growth and partly as a result of other social measures
(Cruz, 2015). The top areas of employment are construction, transportation, commu-
nications, agriculture, and hospitality. Each of these occupational sectors is charac-
terized by high levels of informal work (Cruz, 2015).
The first workplace health and safety regulations were established in Peru in
1908. Since that time, more than 80 regulations have been promulgated and 70
international conventions have been agreed to, including 30 ILO recommendations
(Cruz, 2015). The National System of Health and Safety at Work consists of the
National Council for Safety and Health at Work and the Regional Council for Safety
and Health at Work. In 2001, a General Labor Inspectorate was created in the gov-
ernment, and the first OSH regulations from this group went into effect in 2005. In
2011, these laws were boosted with Law 29783 on Safety and Health at work that
called for a culture of prevention and compliance with federal laws through inspec-
tion and worker participation. Since the adoption of the 29873 Law, more companies
are expanding their OSH management programs to address the new rules and poten-
tial for worksite inspections (Cruz, 2015).
OSH education in Peru consists of courses in postgraduate programs. There are
master’s programs in occupational and environmental medicine, occupational and
environmental health, ergonomics, occupational nursing, and occupational hazard
prevention (Cruz, 2015).
11.3.4 India
11.3.4.1 Demography
In 1984, a plant operated by a U.S. firm, Union Carbide, released 41 tonnes of deadly
methylisocyanate into the air at night and killed more than 3,000 people in Bhopal,
India. Another 300,000 people suffered lifelong injury and illness from their expo-
sures (Gupta, 2002).
At this plant, financial problems led to operational cutbacks that affected the
safe operations of the plant. In addition, due to the lack of housing codes or failure
to enforce them, a large population density grew very close to the plant property
line so there was no distance between the release and the sleeping people. There
were no emergency response procedures or systems in place to notify the local
population of an eminent release, so people were on their own to figure out what to
do and how to escape.
This disaster led to significant changes in the regulations for plant operations,
emergency response, and environmental protection in India, the United States, and
around the world. It is perhaps the best representation of how technology transfer from
developed countries can go terribly wrong when implemented in those with limited
resources.
Today, India is one of the world’s fastest growing economies, and it is also the
world’s largest democracy. In 2017, India had 1.3 million people (Statista, 2018a, b).
Sixty-eight percent of India’s population is of working age (Indian Express, 2017).
Ninety percent of India’s workforce is in the informal economy, mostly in agriculture
and services, and 60% of this is self-employed (Pingle, 2012).
11.3.4.2 Health and Safety Performance

Major occupational risks in India are accidents, pneumoconiosis, silicosis, mus-
culoskeletal injuries, chronic obstructive lung diseases, pesticide poisoning, byssi-
nosis, asbestosis, noise-induced hearing loss, and workplace stress (Pingle, 2012).
According to a report by the Indian statistics organization Directorate General,
Factory Advice Service, and Labour Institutes (DGFASLI), there were 29,837 inju-
ries and 1,433 fatalities in factories in India in 2011 (India DGFASLI, 2018). It would
appear that these injuries and fatalities would be somewhat underreported since the
entire working population for the period was 11,634,070 total workers.
In 2008, the India Ministry of Labour and Employment updated national regula-
tions and created a National Policy on Safety, Health and Environment at Workplace
(Indian IMLE, 2008). The policies lay down directive principles meant to guide
basic regulatory programs for worker safety and health. The policies are based on
the belief that sound safety and health incentives and regulations for employers will
benefit national economics, individuals, and society by reducing the incidence of
work-related injuries, illnesses, and fatalities. It is also believed that the rules will
also benefit the environment. The goals of the statutes will be to design a control
system of compliance, inspection, and enforcement, in addition to research and data
collection that will promote and improve safe and healthy work environments. The
objectives of the policy and associated programs will also include the promotion of
health and safety principles to workers and the public, and expansion of safety and
health education and training for professionals.
Policies and programs for the informal sectors including agriculture and services
have yet to be developed in India. It is hoped that legislative advances in the formal
sectors of mining, docks, and construction with trickle into the broader public con-
sciousness begin to impact workers in other sectors.
One of the greatest challenges ahead for India is the shortage of occupational
safety and health professionals. There are currently around 1,000 occupational
health physicians and industrial hygienists, when 10,000 would be warranted in the
organized sectors alone (Pingle, 2012). There is a need for both short-term training
courses to address specific topics, and full university programs in OSH and occupa-
tional medicine. In the long range, national accreditation standards for OSH profes-
sionals need to be developed.
11.3.5 Africa
11.3.5.1 Demography
The African continent comprises 54 independent nations. Twenty-six of the countries
are classified as middle-income countries by the World Bank. Seven of these coun-
tries are considered least developed nations, two are “fragile,” and nine are regarded
as “highly indebted poor countries” (ILO, 2016c). These independent nations with
different government systems, economies, languages, and cultures also provide very
different outlooks of the rights of workers. In many African countries, governments
are still grappling with poverty, pandemics, climate change, religious intolerance,
and political instability. The rights of workers and their health and well-being have
not risen to the forefront of the regulatory landscape.
With a population of 633 million, Africa represents a huge number of workers
exposed to a multitude of workplace hazards in every imaginable industry (ILO,
2016c). And according to the ILO, African workplaces claim over 59,000 lives each
year. Studies have shown that in Africa, work-related injuries, illnesses, and fatal-
ities cause twice the level of disability-adjusted life years (DALY) than in North
America and Europe (Ezatti, 2002). But it is also assumed that these numbers are
largely underrepresented in that many injuries, illnesses, and fatalities that result
from workplace exposures go unreported.
Many countries in Africa continue to be challenged by high rates of infec-
tious disease, including human immunodeficiency virus, tuberculosis, Ebola, and
others. These infectious agents continue to drag down labor productivity and the
capital stock of human resources. Infectious disease has also been shown to play a
role in food availability and overall longevity of the populations (Adedeji, 2016).
When considering risk and hazard assessment in Africa, it is important to con-
sider the role of infectious disease in the work environment in many African
workplaces.
The African workforce is in a particularly precarious position due to the lack of
continuous and stable work and climate instability for which such a large part of the
workforce is dependent. Where large segments of the workforce are migrants, and
the remaining have few rights or regulations to protect them, employers generally see
health and safety as an expense going against production and profit (Marie, 2006).
Workers are willing to take hazardous work and are reluctant to voice concerns
about safety for fear of losing their job (Hilgert, 2013). The large number of African
workers working in informal sectors are particularly vulnerable due to the lack of
regulatory oversight and the instability of the work (Benach, 2007). Worker vulnera-
bilities in Africa are not only a result of the power differentials between the employer
and worker, but many other factors including race, class, ethnicity, and gender all
contribute to the work landscape. The levels of vulnerability for African laborers are
far greater than those experiences in other countries, particularly western nations.
Historical and cultural conditions across the continent make it difficult to ameliorate
the worker vulnerabilities strictly through the promulgation of regulations, even if
they were enacted (London, 2014).
Despite the significant impact on worker health, relatively little peer-reviewed

research is published regarding African workplaces. High hazard industries of
agriculture, mining, and informal labor make up over 65% of the jobs in Africa.
Agriculture, which is one of the largest employers in most African countries, is a
particularly hazardous sector to workers, being seasonal, low paid, and isolated
work. And unlike mining and industry, which have received regulation in some
nations, agriculture remains largely informal and unregulated (London, 2014). There
is a particular need for research that demonstrates the economic value to a nation
when occupational health and safety is regulated and worker health and longevity are
improved; thus, there is a need for comprehensive workplace regulation. Evidence
shows that Africa has also been a recipient of the transfer of dangerous industries
and toxic chemicals shifting away from developed and western/northern countries
(Swuste, 2002). Figure 11.1 shows construction workers in Morocco working on
insufficient scaffolding.
Africa is a continent of migration. Population growth is estimated to add 380 mil-
lion workers to the job market by 2030, and 220 million of those jobs are expected
to be in rural development and agriculture (FAO, 2018a, b). Seventy-five percent of
migration occurs within Africa by people looking for work. Directions shift period-
ically between rural and urban areas and are greatly affected by crops, weather, and
even climate change. As migrants, these workers often do not have the same worker
rights, understanding of language, receive the same safety training, have access to
medical care, or are likely to report unsafe conditions or injuries to their employer,
FIGURE 11.1 Construction workers in Morocco. (Photographer: Thomas P. Fuller.)

compared to nonimmigrant workers (Shelley, 2007). Migrants have been shown to

work longer hours and in more hazardous jobs than nonmigrants (Eurofound, 2007;
Basok, 2002). All factors put this work group at greater risk of injury or fatality in
their jobs (Liebman, 2013).
Africa is also a continent of child labor. According to the United Nations, Africa
contributes 47% of child labor in the world. There are between 59 and 72 million
child laborers in Africa, and 83% of those are under the age of 12 (FAO, 2018a, b,
ILO, 2018b).

It has been estimated that occupational injuries and illnesses in Africa cause twice
as many years (DALYs) per thousand people as in Europe or North America (Ezatti,
2002). In a review by Moyo (2015), several shortcomings were identified in the sta-
tus of a group of South African countries (South Africa, Zimbabwe, Zambia, and
Botswana). Moyo noted significant inadequacies in terms of resource capital for OSH
initiatives, and a shortage of training in occupational health services. Unfortunately,
much of the article focused on occupational medicine and the treatment of work-
ers after they are injured or ill from workplace exposures. The article was oriented
towards the outdated, physician-oriented, reactive approach to OSH, rather than the
preventative approach provided by the practice of occupational hygiene. This ori-
entation demonstrates the remaining lack of awareness in South Africa regarding
what occupational hygiene is, and how it can benefit workers. There is a great need
for additional OSH training, research, and collaboration in the field of OSH in South
Africa (Joubert, 2002).
Although OSH research in Africa is sparse, there have been a handful of
studies or reviews. In one study of OSH practice in Kenya, it concluded that in
government-operated mortuaries, there was an overall failure to implement univer-
sal safety precautions for hazardous exposures to infectious agents (Okoth-Okelloh,
2015). The study found a lack of safety culture that included inadequate adminis-
trative programs, engineering controls, and personal protective equipment (PPE) to
protect workers. In a study of construction workers in Ethiopia, it was concluded
that a significant loss of productivity and increased worker injuries occurred due to
shortcomings in OSH training and the use of PPE (Tadesse, 2016).
South Africa has the most advanced systems of regulatory development and enforce-
ment. In addition, the Witwatersrand University in South Africa offers education
in occupational hygiene through the doctoral level. Yet with these advances, there
remains a gap between occupational health professionals and large numbers of work-
ers that remain in unhealthy and unsafe working conditions (Loewenson, 2004).
In South Africa, occupational safety and health falls under the Department of
Labor through the Occupational Safety and Health Act and Amendments (South
Africa, 1993). The Department writes regulations and employs workplace inspectors
that police and enforce occupational hygiene legislation.
Nigeria was the first country to host a seminar on Occupational Health for
Developing Countries in 1968. In 2005, there was an OHS meeting in Benin.
TABLE 11.1
ILO Conventions at Work
Convention Number of Ratifications
Forced labor convention no. 29—1930 53
Abolition of forced labor convention no. 105—1957 53
Discrimination convention no. 111—1958 53
Right to organize and collective bargaining convention no.98—1949 52
Worst forms of child labor convention no. 182 50
Minimum age convention no. 138—1973 49
Occupational safety and health convention no. 155—1981 13
Occupational cancer convention no. 139—1974 2
Source: ILO (2018c, d, e).
Also in 2005, the International Occupational Health Association conducted their

sixth triennial conference in Pilanesberg, South Africa.
Many countries see a value in added worker protections in terms of public health
and social benefits, in addition to national economic prosperity. However, develop-
ment of strong national regulations is labor intensive and dissemination of informa-
tion and enforcement remains difficult to implement with limited knowledgeable
staff and limited resources in most African nations.
Most African nations have ratified many of the ILO conventions for work. Out
of the 54 nations, the numbers in Table 11.1 indicate which conventions have been
ratified.
With greatly expanding international investment in Africa, many companies are
forcing implementation of higher safety standards for workers through corporate
social responsibility programs. Investors want to be sure that worksites follow inter-
national safety standards and comply with international treaties. Many developed
countries require global companies to follow the same OSH regulations for workers
abroad. And the definitions can often include the nationals hired to perform work on
international projects. Consequently, more African states and companies are realiz-
ing the need for OSH programs and educated professionals in the area, as a means
to remain competitive.
Unfortunately, many specifically African companies have not yet come to realize
the economic and financial advantages to having good OSH programs in place. In
addition, many international companies coming from countries, such as China, do
not require safety standards for international workers and do not adhere to ILO trea-
ties on worker safety.
11.3.6 Japan
Japan has a long history of laws regarding worker safety, beginning in 1916 with the
national Factory Law meant to protect workers. This was followed by the Labour
Standard Law introduced in 1947 that included more broad regulations on occupa-
tional health and safety. Other laws that followed included the following:
• Pneumoconiosis Law—1960
• Ordinance on Prevention of Organic Solvent Poisoning—1960
• Ordinance on Safety and Health at Work under High Pressure—1961
• Ordinance on the Prevention of Lead Poisoning—1967
• Ordinance on Prevention of Hazards due to Specified Chemical
Substances—1971
• Industrial Safety and Health Act—2006
In 1972, all of the above ordinances were made to conform with a new overarching
regulation with the enactment of the Industrial Safety and Health Law (Sakurai,
2012).
Since the implementation of the Industrial Safety and Health Law in 1972, occupa-
tional injury and illness rates have continued to decline, while the working population
has increased. In 2010, the main occupational illnesses in Japan were low back pain
(61.2%), heat disorders (10.1%), pneumoconiosis (6.4%), chemical injuries (2.9%), and
biological agents (1.6%) (Sakurai, 2012). Overwork and long working hours has long
been a recognized occupational hazard in Japan (Hori, 2012). The related mental
stress due to overwork has been associated with cerebrovascular disease, ischemic
heart disease, and suicide.
In Japan, the Occupational Medicine Physician assumes a prominent role in
occupational and environmental health. In 1978, the University of Occupational and
Environmental Health was established for the purpose of training occupational phy-
sicians, nurses, and hygienists.
Research on OSH in Japan is conducted by the Japanese National Institute of
Occupational Safety and Health (JNIOSH), which was established in 1942. JNIOSH
publishes the oldest OSH journal in Japan called Industrial Health. Other related
OSH organizations in Japan include the Japan Occupational Hygiene Association
and the Japan Society of Occupational Health.
Concerns for the future of OSH in Japan largely involve the slow change from
large industrial manufacturing environments to smaller companies. The incidence
of injury of workplaces with less than 50 employees is about two times higher than
larger enterprises (Sakurai, 2012). It is anticipated that the breakdown of large con-
glomerates, the rapid decrease in population, the increase in nonstandard forms of
employment, and the increasing intensification of work will all be contributing fac-
tors to additional worker risks in Japan moving forward.
11.3.7 China
11.3.7.1 Demography
The current population of China is 1.4 billion and comprises 18% of the people on
the globe. The median age is 37.3 years, and 59.3% of the citizens live in urban cen-
ters (Worldometers, 2018a, b; Statista, 2018a, b).
According to the ILO, China had approximately 779 million workers. Roughly
34 percent of these work in the informal sector (ILO, 2012). The numbers of workers
in various sectors are shown in Table 11.2.

China’s 2001 workplace fatality rate has been reported as 11.1 per 100,000 work-
ers (Zhang, 2010). Pneumoconiosis continues to be a significant occupational health
problem in China, with as many as 12 workers exposed to silica containing dusts,
and 15,000 new cases of pneumoconiosis diagnosed annually. Most of the exposures
occurred in the mining industries, followed by construction, manufacturing, metals,
and machinery industries (Liang, 2004). Workplace fatalities in coal mining have
been reported as high as 173.88 deaths per 100,000 workers. In construction, work-
place fatalities are listed at 31 per 100,000 workers (ILO, 2012).
Up to 20% of occupational illness in China comes from exposure to chemicals
and other toxic agents. Acute poisoning (4.2%) and chronic poisoning (11.26%)
were the most common causes of occupational illness in China (Ji, 2008). Carbon
monoxide, hydrogen sulfide, and ammonia made up about 30% of acute poi-
sonings, of which 50% were fatal. The main industries where these accidents
occurred were chemical, manufacturing, water treatment, mining, and construc-
tion. Other common occupational diseases in China involved musculoskeletal and
psychological hazards. Job stress is a common psychological work-related disease
in China with 20% of the working population suffering from mental health prob-
lems (Fan, 2004).
In 2000, it was reported that the routine occupational health service coverage
provided for township enterprises was only 1.4%–36% (Zhi, 2000). In a 2012 study
of occupational diseases in China by the ILO (2012), the top five occupational health
problems were as follows:
• Excessive numbers of occupational diseases are reported.

• Pneumoconiosis comprises 87.42% of all occupational diseases.
TABLE 11.2
Number of Employees in Different Sectors in China (in million)
Sector 2008
Total 121.9
Manufacturing 34.3
Construction 10.7
Transportation 6.3
Mining 5.4
Agriculture, forestry, fisheries 4.1
Source: Adapted from ILO (2012).

• There is broad variation in the types of diseases occurring and the numbers
of industries where they occur.
• Many of the occupational diseases and poisonings are difficult to cure by
the time they are diagnosed.
• There are a large number of occupational poisonings that occur, and they
often affect large numbers of workers at once.
The Chinese constitution provides the foundation for occupational health and
safety legislation in China. Subsequent laws are enacted by the National People’s
Congress and Standing Committees. Administrative regulations are enacted by the
State Council. Local regulations are promulgated by the People’s Congress or their
Standing Committees at the provincial, regional, and municipal levels of govern-
ment. The Standards Administration of China is responsible for creating national
standards of practice throughout the country, and particular standards for various
industries are set by the State Council (ILO, 2012).
The Law of the People’s Republic of China on Work Safety became effective in
2002. It includes provisions for work safety, duties of employers, accident response,
conducting investigations, and other legal responsibilities. Other laws related to
safety include the law on safety in mines which came into effect in 1993, and the law
on the prevention of occupational diseases promulgated in 2002.
Regulations for safety management of construction projects came into effect in
2004. These laws include safety responsibilities for owners, contractors, and man-
agement of construction projects. Regulations for the safe administration and han-
dling of hazardous chemicals became effective in 2002 and describe requirements
for storage, use, and transportation. In 2011, hazardous chemical regulations were
revised to include requirements for licensing, additional administrative controls,
reduce requirements on shipping poisonous chemicals and for transportation of haz-
ardous chemicals on inland waters, improve methods of chemical identification, and
increase punishments for violations of laws.
Tripartite coordination between China Enterprises Confederation (employers),
the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (workers), and the Ministry of Human
Resources and Social Security (government) is required under the Chinese Trade
Union Law of the People’s Republic of China and the Labour Law of the People’s
Republic of China. The purpose is to provide participation and democratic manage-
ment to discuss and resolve major OSH problems and issues. Research is meant to
inform regulatory development and other improvements. The research also includes
public safety, industrial safety, occupational hazards, and chemical safety.
Some relevant websites for Chinese regulatory organizations are provided in the
following list:
Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security—www.mohrss.gov.cnds

Ministry of Health—www.moh.gov.cn
State Administration of Work Safety—www.chinasafety.gov.cn
China Academy of Safety Science and Technology—www.chinasafety.ac.cn
Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention—www.chinacdc.cn/en

Secretariat of the National Safety Standardization Technical Committee—
www.chinasafety.ac.cn
11.3.7.5 Research
The China Academy of Safety Science and Technology (CASST) is a national
research institute that conducts research on accident prevention, safety, and emer-
gency response. This includes safety science and technology (CASST, 2018).
In the past, China offered prime locations for epidemiological evaluations of
worker exposures due to the relatively long-term employment and consistent expo-
sure conditions. In recent years however, occupational migration and work in the
informal sectors have increased dramatically, making these evaluations more diffi-
cult and less likely.
11.3.7.6 Legislative Updates
China advances in work safety continue to lag, and there remain a high number
of workplace accidents occurring nationwide. Foundations of safety organiza-
tion remain weak, and several industries continue to operate at high levels of risk.
Support of regulatory systems remains weak, and many agencies cannot fully imple-
ment existing programs; as a result, loopholes allow unsafe systems and practices to
continue. In addition, outdated safety technology, aging equipment, and low capacity
in safety management continue to endanger both workers and the general public
(ILO, 2012).
In 2006, a national network of disease reporting was initiated. Occupational
disease is reported to the Institute of Occupational Health and Poisoning Control
in the Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention. The system includes
(1) standard reporting indicators, (2) better means to track data, (3) real-time data
to be used to evaluate prevalence trends, and (4) specific reporting requirements
(Chen, 2008).
11.3.7.7 Plans for the Future

Occupational Safety and Health Management Systems (OSHMSs) have grown in
popularity and usefulness in China in recent years. By August 2011, 75 OSHMS
certification bodies had been accredited in China, and hundreds of technical con-
sulting services now provide program development to a wide variety of industries
including electric power, construction, petrochemical, and manufacturing (ILO,
2012). By the end of 2011, there were more than 30,000 enterprises accredited with
certification.
Despite the creations of new regulations and government organizations with
responsibilities for worker health and safety in China, there remain significant
worker exposures to hazardous agents and working conditions, and associated risks
of illness and injury. Considering the population and size of the country, research
on OSH topics is lacking in many growing and historic areas. In addition, the short-
age of OSH educated and experienced professionals curtails full implementation of
proposed OSH goals that have been promoted. OSH capacity must be developed by
expanding related research and educational opportunities.
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12 Global Issues and
Aspects of the
Disposal and Recycling
of Electronics
Thomas P. Fuller
CONTENTS
12.1 Introduction................................................................................................... 199
12.2 Regional and National Disposal/Recycling Processes..................................200
12.2.1 West (North America).......................................................................200
12.2.2 East (Asia, Middle East, Australia)................................................... 201
12.2.3 Africa, Australia, and Europe...........................................................202
12.3 Problems and Issues with Existing Systems of E-Waste Handling
and Disposal..................................................................................................203
12.3.1 Environmental Hazards.....................................................................203
12.3.2 Occupational Hazards........................................................................205
12.4 Laws and Regulations....................................................................................207
12.5 Conclusions/Recommendations.....................................................................208
References............................................................................................................... 210
12.1 INTRODUCTION
E-waste, also known as electronic waste or electrical waste, has been defined as
“Waste Electrical and Electronic Equipment (WEEE) that is dependent on electric
currents or electromagnetic fields in order to function.” This includes all compo-
nents, subassemblies, and consumables that are part of the original equipment at
the time of disposal. E-waste includes cell phones, fax machines, air conditioners,
televisions, batteries, computers, laptops, washing machines, refrigerators, and any
other major appliances and electrical or electronic equipment (EEE) (Brune, 2013).
The United States and China top the list of the major contributors of waste.
The annual global production of e-waste reached 48.9 million metric tons in 2012
and is expected to exceed 50 million metric tons in 2018 (StEP, 2014; Baldé, 2015;
Seeberger, 2016). The amount of e-waste globally is growing at an alarming rate
with no foreseeable end. WEEE has been estimated to comprise up to 8% of all
199
municipal waste (Widmer, 2005). Rapid technological innovation and changes in

lifestyle drive the electronic industry to continually reveal new products to consum-
ers (Annamalai, 2015). In addition to consumer sources, every office, manufacturing
facility, hospital, and service business contribute to the EEE waste supply chain.
The composition of e-waste is varied and is based on the type of electronic
device. Even within the same types of electronics, variations in composition can
occur. E-waste can contain heavy metals (mercury, lead, cadmium), flame retar-
dants, pentabromophenol, polybrominated diphenyl ethers(PBDEs), polychlorinated
biphenyl(PCB), and other hazardous substances (Borthakur, 2016; NEWMOA,
2008; Sepúlveda, 2010). More than 1,000 different materials have been identified in
WEEE (Cobbing, 2008). And these materials change and break down as the elec-
tronic device ages. Due to the chemical constituents and the potential for occupa-
tional and environmental negative consequences, e-waste is generally considered,
and should be handled as, hazardous waste.
About 70% of the heavy metals and 40% of the lead in U.S. landfills come from
electronic waste (Puckett, 2002). But with increasing limits of landfill disposal, e-waste
from the United States is making its way to economically developing countries (EDCs)
that will accept the environmental risks for the economic benefits that e-waste can
provide. Besides being paid to take e-waste, the materials themselves can be harvested
for the valuable materials contained within. Early personal computers could contain up
to a gram of gold, and valuable copper comprises about 20% of total average e-waste
mass (Widmer, 2005). It is easy to see the economic benefit to nations, organizations,
and informal workers willing to harvest the materials and accept the risks.
E-waste has gone from a domestic to an interregional and global problem. In 2016,
only 20% of e-waste was recycled (UN, 2017). And it is estimated that 75%–80%
of the waste is shipped to Africa and Asia for disposal and recycling (Diaz-Barriga,
2013). The actual final destination of most e-waste is either unreported or unknown,
and existing legislation is doing little to enforce and curb the illegal flow of e-waste
around the world (Ongondo, 2011). WEEE interactions with the environment.
With the growing production of electronics, e-waste is becoming more of a
global issue every day. The following section discusses various topics that are
important for addressing the e-waste problem. This includes the disposal and recy-
cling techniques of different regions throughout the world, the overall occupa-
tional and environmental hazards of e-waste, laws and regulations pertaining to
the topic, and recommendations that can be put in place to properly handle the
e-waste crisis.
12.2 REGIONAL AND NATIONAL DISPOSAL/

RECYCLING PROCESSES
12.2.1 West (North America)
North America typically uses three basic e-waste processes: disposal, recycling,
and donation. It was found by Seeberger that the average household in the United
States, in 2008, owned approximately 24 electronic devices (Seeberger, 2016). Eight
years later, this number continues to grow. E-waste in North America amounted to
Disposal and Recycling of Electronics 201
1.1 million tons in 2014. In Canada, e-waste produced amounted to 0.725 million
tons in 2014 (Kumar, 2016).
The main method of handling e-waste in North America is disposal, more specifi-
cally landfilling. According to the U.S. EPA, of the 3.4 million metric tons of e-waste
ready for disposal in 2012, 2.42 million tons (71%) ended up in landfills (Seeberger,
2016). While landfills are used to dispose of the majority of wastes due to its low
cost, this disposal method does not recover any of the toxic materials contained.
Metals such as lead and nickel can be released from buried electronics and cause
harmful environmental effects. If these harmful materials could be removed from
products before burial, or excluded from the components in electronics, negative
environmental consequences could be avoided.
Recycling is the second most common method of electronics disposition in North
America. The U.S. EPA estimates that about 29% of U.S.-generated e-waste is col-
lected and sent to be recycled (Seeberger, 2016). This equates to approximately 1
million metric tons, compared to the 3.4 million metric tons sent to landfills. The
recycling process constitutes three approaches to processing e-waste: taking the elec-
tronic device apart to reuse individual materials or components, reusing the product,
and refurbishing the product.
According to the U.S. EPA’s survey of seven recycling facilities throughout the
United States in 2009, it was found that the average collection of consumer electron-
ics was about 10,000 tons per year, of which 67% were recycled and 33% were reused
or refurbished (U.S. EPA, 2011). The recycling processes vary between the different
types of electronic products.
The last method in WEEE handling is often overlooked, or even ignored, during
research of e-waste. This process stems off of the reuse and refurbish aspects of
recycling donation (U.S. EPA, 2018). Overall, the method has nothing to do with
the dismembering of e-waste but can help slow down the timeline of e-waste from
a consumer to the dump. Instead of throwing an electronic device away, it could be
donated or sold to another consumer, thus extending the product life cycle, reducing
demand for new products, and ultimately slowing down the flow in the e-waste chain.
Donation does not deal with obsolete e-waste or the products that have been passed
around and then eventually become obsolete. This type of e-waste will still rely on
the other methods for processing.
12.2.2 East (Asia, Middle East, Australia)

In Eastern Asia, the main method for e-waste processing is recycling. Recycling in
Asia consists of primarily dismantling certain electronic products for metals. This
is routinely accomplished by small-scale operations, in the informal sector, often on
the side of the street, mainly throughout China, India, and Pakistan.
In the town of Guiyu, China, approximately 100,000 people are employed in
small informal e-waste operations that preform hazardous recycling practices such
as toner sweeping, open burning, cathode ray tube (CRT) cracking and dumping, and
circuit board recycling. The wastes recycled at these small operations are received
from Japan, South Korean, and Europe, but mainly from North America (Puckett,
2002). Other methods of handling e-waste in China include open burning to “cook”
off plastics to retrieve metals, de-soldering printed circuit boards to release computer
chips, acid baths, open dumping of recycling byproducts, and physical dismantling
by force (Jan, 2013).
In India, the conditions and recycling processes are also shown to be hazardous.
Workers employ crude methods for the extraction of metals and are often exposed
to associated hazardous materials including PCBs and other heavy metals. There is
seldom adequate ventilation or proper handling, and much of the work is done by
women and children, often in the home. In India, more than 90% of e-waste recy-
cling is done in the informal sector by primitive means, including burning in open
air. Unfortunately, the elementary methods used to extract the valuable materials
only yield 10%–20% of the precious metals contained in the electronics (Chatterjee,
2016). So even with the hazardous occupational and environmental exposures, there
remain large lost opportunities for further economic benefit.
Open burning to remove plastic and retrieve copper, and open acid extraction to
recover gold, platinum, palladium, and silver, is common in India, Vietnam, China,
India, Pakistan, and the Philippines (Leung, 2006). Dealers look to buy copper, gold,
and other metals that have value. This forces the workers to use any technique, often
inherently hazardous, to destroy electronic equipment in search of these metals.
12.2.3 Africa, Australia, and Europe

Australia is similar to the United States in the handling and disposition of e-waste.
Only 10% of Australian computers are currently recycled (TEC, 2008). Processing
e-waste in Australia is primarily done through two different methods: disposal (land-
filling) and recycling. Relying heavily on landfilling, it was found that this disposal
method is causing serious problems in Australia. Studies have shown groundwa-
ter contamination from landfills that store e-waste. According to Seeberger (2016),
“one site operated since 2005 with a capacity of 200,000 ton/year. It had the highest
groundwater lead (Pb) levels: up to 38 μg/L (almost four times higher than the local
drinking water guideline of 10 μg/L).” This highlights the potential environmental
hazards of landfilling WEEE. It also demonstrates the amount of time it can take for
hazardous materials in electronic components to break down and reach the environ-
ment, and then remain in the groundwater.
In Europe, e-waste handling methods are similar to those used in North America.
In Europe, e-waste is commonly either disposed of in landfills or recycled. Recently
however, European countries have begun to examine the health and environmental
consequences of e-waste disposal.
Similar processes are used to handle and dispose of e-waste by most African
countries. In Africa, the Bamako Convention created in 1991 bans the importation
of hazardous wastes into member nations (OAU, 1991). This ban includes WEEE.
Despite the ban on wastes entering the continent, violations occur, and there is still
the issue of handling WEEE created within African nations themselves.
Overall, the disposal/recycling methods that are used in the treatment of e-waste
tend to be relatively the same globally. Some areas of the world rely on certain tech-
niques over others for various reasons. The provided methods are the most common
not including the numerous countries that export waste to others.
12.3 PROBLEMS AND ISSUES WITH EXISTING SYSTEMS

OF E-WASTE HANDLING AND DISPOSAL
12.3.1 Environmental Hazards
The massive amounts of e-waste created, and the lack of comprehensive environmen-
tal or occupational regulations regarding disposal, have led to significant exposures of
hazardous materials to both the environment and workers. Unfortunately, these oper-
ations by unorganized workers often use rudimentary methods to extract the valuable
metals. Physical methods include smashing, pulverizing, and cutting components to
pieces. These operations by themselves expose workers to hazardous conditions, but
they also release potentially hazardous dust particles into the work environment and
surrounding neighborhoods. (Huang, 2016; Tsydenova, 2011) Other hazardous pro-
cesses used include open burning or melting of components, acid baths, and other
operations that lead to toxic vapors and fumes being released to the workplace and
then the environment (Annamalai, 2015; Steiner, 2004).
Studies have shown that approximately 80% of the e-waste generated globally
is recycled in informal settings in developing countries such as Nigeria, Ghana,
China, and India (Perkins, 2014). Common techniques used by unskilled workers
in makeshift settings include gold recovery from computer circuit boards with
cyanide salt leaching or nitric acid and mercury amalgamation (Keller, 2006;
Torre, 2006).
Mercury has been identified as a significant component of many types of e-waste
including electric ovens and ranges, home appliances, space heaters, circuit boards,
lighting, liquid crystal displays, cameras, copiers, flat screen televisions, batteries, and
fax machines (NEWMOA, 2008). Circuit boards have also been shown to contain
cadmium, lead, antimony, and beryllium (Cui, 2008; Guo, 2009). As burning, chip-
ping, and physically dismantling the electronic components are commonly used to
release the valuable metals, these hazardous materials are also released to the general
surrounding environment.
The main releases from WEEE tend to be the original materials used in the product,
auxiliary substances used in the recycling or dismantling of the product, and by-products
formed by the transformation of the original materials (Sepúlveda, 2010). The main con-
stituents and pathways from either recycling or disposal of WEEE are as follows:
• Leachates from ground dumping

• Particulate matter from dismantling
• Ashes from open burning
• Fumes of metals and plastics from melting and burning
• Liquid effluents from leaching (Sepúlveda, 2010)
A study of metals in surface dust in soil surrounding e-waste facilities in the

Philippines showed increased levels of silver, arsenic, cadmium, cobalt, copper, iron,
indium, magnesium, nickel, lead, and zinc (Fujimori, 2012). Workers themselves
were shown to be exposed to these metals, in addition to children who played and
lived in the surrounding neighborhood.
Water pollution can occur due to runoff or air dispersion from e-waste handling
sites. It can also result from leaching at dumpsites and landfills where processed and
unprocessed wastes have been disposed. Acids and other materials used in hydro-
metallurgical processes can also enter water and soil and result in the contamination
of aquatic systems (Robinson, 2009). A basic diagram depicting WEEE interactions
with the environment is shown in Figure 12.1.
In a systematic review by Grant (2013), e-waste community exposure of haz-
ardous e-waste substances through inappropriate and unsafe handling and disposal
was determined to lead to several adverse consequences. Negative health effects in
populations exposed to e-waste included altered cellular function and expression,
decreased lung function, changes in thyroid function, and altered temperament and
behavior (Grant, 2013). These studies also showed that communities located near
e-waste recycling or handling facilities suffered higher levels of spontaneous abor-
tions, stillbirths, premature births, and reduced birth weights and sizes.
In studies of people living in proximity to recycling center operations in China,
the exposed groups were found to have statistically higher levels of dioxin (Zhang,
2010; Ma, 2011; Chan, 2007). Other environmental exposures in China have identi-
fied high body burdens of polychlorinated dibenzo-p-dioxins and dibenzofurans in
people living near recycling centers, and great potential for negative health implica-
tions in future generations (Chan, 2013).
Besides human exposure and health effects, flora and biota can be impacted neg-
atively from these environmental toxins. Contamination associated with e-waste has
been associated with environmental degradation in developing countries and the
health of people living around e-waste handling facilities (Robinson, 2009). The
primary issue with the e-waste toxins is on the contamination of surface and ground-
water. This is a cause for concern due to the fact that many countries rely heavily on
landfills and their primary disposal method for e-waste.
The benefits to developing countries from exporting their e-waste are the avoidance of
strict environmental regulations and high labor costs. Unfortunately, this transfer intro-
duces serious problems in the receiving communities associated with the handling and
FIGURE 12.1 Sample of e-waste interactions with the surrounding environment. (From
Sepúlveda, 2010.)
disposal of e-waste that lead to environmental contamination and occupational exposures

to hazardous chemicals. Despite the economic benefits from the extraction of valuable
materials and metals from e-waste, many developing countries lack the infrastructure,
technology, methods, and facilities to safely dispose of and recycle e-waste. Without a
concerted effort to curb the expansion and growth of the e-waste industry in informal and
unregulated sections of developing countries, the related environmental degradation can
be expected to continue and increase in the coming years (Shamim, 2015).
12.3.2 Occupational Hazards
Many of the chemicals emitted during e-waste dismantling or recycling are known to
be hazardous to human health. Toxic effects can include skin diseases, nervous sys-
tem damage, kidney malfunction, respiratory problems, adverse pregnancy and birth
outcomes, and endocrine disruption, and underdevelopment of the brain in children
(Lundgren, 2012; Wang, 2012; Frazzoli, 2010; Kristen, 2013). In a Swedish study
of workers in WEEE, recycling plants used air monitoring and biological exposure
indices to show that they were exposed to significantly increased levels of multiple
toxic metals (Julander, 2014).
Much of e-waste recycling is done by workers in the informal sector, not by for-
mal enterprises or registered businesses. In comparison with other workers, these
informal sector e-waste workers are much less knowledgeable about their workplace
hazards and risks of exposure to toxic chemicals (Ohajinwa, 2017). The work is
very menial, and WEEE is often physically dismantled using hammers and chisels.
Devices are sometimes heated/melted/burned to separate plastics and metals with-
out ventilation necessary to reduce worker exposures or environmental releases.
Gold and other valuable metals are often extruded and extracted from electronics in
open-pit acid baths without the benefit of protective ventilation systems or appropri-
atepersonal protective equipment (PPE) (Chi, 2011).
Many of the workers in the informal sector handling hazardous e-waste include
marginalized people, who are less educated than the general populations where
they live. E-waste provides economic opportunities for many with no other options.
Disadvantaged people, women, and children represent a substantial portion of
e-waste workers (Oteng-Ababio, 2012; Chi, 2011). E-waste workers in developing
countries may make as little $1.50 per day (Puckett, 2002).
In a study of e-waste workers in Thailand, it was observed that most informal
e-waste operations were run by families and included support from women and chil-
dren. People tended to dismantle equipment using their bare hands and primitive
tools without any consideration of exposure to toxic chemicals. Even when these
workers used open burning or hazardous chemicals to extract valuable metals such
as gold, silver, copper, and nickel, they did not consider their activities hazardous to
themselves, or the local environment (Pookkasorn, 2016).
In Nigeria, 57% of e-waste workers were not aware of any PPE that could be
used to reduce exposures to hazardous chemicals (Ohajinwa, 2017). And only 18%
of Nigerian e-waste workers ever wore any sort of PPE. This was mostly due to the
lack of awareness and underestimation of potential hazards from associated chem-
ical exposures (Ohajinwa, 2017). In a similar study conducted in Bangkok, it was
determined that the majority of handlers and workers did not have a clear under-
standing or knowledge about good e-waste management including effects from
e-waste releases on their health or the environment (Pookkasorn, 2016).
Children make good e-waste workers because their small dexterous hands can
more easily dismantle small electronics parts. It is also a very low skill task that
requires little knowledge or training. But the large number of children working in
this industry is particularly problematic because the children are more likely to be
exposed to toxic agents and they are more physiologically vulnerable to the hazard-
ous health effects of the associated toxic chemicals. Children spend a significant
amount of time outdoors and in contact with the ground and soil. They exhibit
higher rates of hand-to-mouth contact than adults, and their lack of experience and
undeveloped perceptions of risk place them at higher levels of toxic agent exposure
than adults. Exposures of toxic agents to children can be longer than the routinely
assumed 40 years for adults, and the exposures to toxic agents will have the oppor-
tunity to become evident much earlier in the life of a person exposed as a child.
Physiological characteristics of children such as breathing rates, and food and water
consumption, are significantly higher in proportion to their height and weight than
those of adults (WHO, 2006). Children also have larger skin-to-body weight ratios
and more absorbent skin than adults for most chemicals. So children tend to absorb
proportionately more toxic chemicals and maintain higher doses than adults (WHO,
2006). Metabolic defenses to toxic agents are much less developed in children, and
they are therefore more sensitive to damage. These physiological characteristics
combined with the higher levels of exposure discussed above place children at a
much higher level of risk of injury and illness compared with adults (Perkins, 2014).
Related to this is the problem of surrounding communities and exposure to vul-
nerable populations (children and elders). As stated by Heacock, “Chemicals can
accumulate in children’s bodies because their immature systems are unable to pro-
cess and excrete some toxic materials effectually.” (Heacock, 2016). The exposure
can be the result of indirect or direct exposure and can cause many health and devel-
opmental issues. Some health effects are found in Table 12.1.
TABLE 12.1
Common E-Waste Components and Their Potential Health Effects
Toxicant Health Effects (Children)
Lead Impaired cognitive function, behavioral
disturbances, attention deficits, hyperactivity
Mercury Deficits in motor function, attention disorders
Cadmium Deficits in cognition learning, behavior, and
neuromotor skills
Hexavalent chromium Unknown but is classified as a carcinogen
PCBs General cognition, visual–spatial function,
memory, attention, motor function
Source: Adapted from Chen (2011).

12.4 LAWS AND REGULATIONS

The Basel Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movements of Hazardous
Wastes and their Disposal was adopted in 1989 and put into force in 1992. The objec-
tive of the convention is to protect the human health and the environment against the
adverse effects of hazardous wastes. The convention proscribes requirements regard-
ing transboundary movements of hazardous waste. Due to the hazardous properties
such as mercury, flame retardants, and lead, e-waste is considered a hazardous waste
and falls within the framework of the convention. The convention is the most com-
prehensive global environmental agreement on hazardous wastes and other waste,
and 186 nations are parties. The United States remains one of the only developed
countries in the world that has not ratified the Basel Convention and permits, and
depends upon, transport of toxic e-waste internationally (UNEP, 1992).
The Basel Convention does not have set regulations specifying how countries
manage, how to pack, or how to ship waste. The main focus of the convention is the
enforcement of responsibility when a spill or improper disposal occurs. The conven-
tion enforces safe shipment by making the exporting party take liability for remedi-
ation and relocation of hazardous waste. So the international convention is more of
a reactive regulation, primarily due to the lack of authority over agreement nations.
The United States, one of the largest e-waste producers, has no federal legislation
that mandates the recycling of e-waste. While there are no federal regulations, “there
are many states that have begun to mandate environmental responsibility by banning
the disposal of e-waste into landfills” (E-waste, 2013). Currently, there are 18 states
that have banned disposal into landfills. But the United States does not ban the trans-
port of e-waste internationally.
Other regulations or laws that affect e-waste are bilateral agreements. This involves
two or more parties (countries) that have come to an agreement on issues such as
e-waste and radioactive waste. For example, the United States has five bilateral agree-
ments that focus on hazardous waste. Agreements with Canada and Mexico allow
for the export and import of hazardous materials between borders for recycling and
disposal. The other three agreements with Costa Rica, Malaysia, and the Philippines
allow hazardous waste shipment to the United States for recycling and disposal, but
do not allow export of waste from the United States to those countries (EPA, 2018).
In EU, Waste Electrical and Electronic Directive, manufactures, and importers of
within member states are required to take back their products from consumers and
ensure safe disposal at the end of life (EU, 2012). Other regulations regarding WEEE
are being developed or considered in the EU.
The Bamako Convention created by the Organization of African Unity in 1991
bans the importation of hazardous wastes into member nations. It is meant to control
the transboundary movement of hazardous wastes within Africa and to curb trans-
port of these materials onto the continent. The convention also requires member
states to ensure safe management of hazardous wastes within their jurisdiction, and
to take steps necessary to prevent waste pollution from negatively affecting human
health or the environment (OAU, 1991). The Bamako Convention is much stricter
than the Basel Convention and prohibits all import of hazardous wastes into African
nation member states.
Solutions to the e-waste problem can be many pronged. Production of electronics
products is expected to continue to rise to support global consumer demand and
corporate profits for product manufacturers and distributors. With little regulatory
impetus coming out in the major producer countries, the waste will continue to flow
to EDCs when they reach their end of life. The fundamental interactions that support
the generation and flow of e-waste are shown in Figure 12.2.
Greenpeace is challenging manufacturers to take action on their own to reduce
the global impact of the waste of their products through two main approaches. One
is to embrace and expand the principle of “individual producer responsibility” where
each manufacturer develops programs to take financial responsibility for the disposal
or recovery of their products. Besides ensuring the products are handled appropri-
ately, it builds in incentives to design electronics that are more easily recoverable or
less hazardous to the environment (Cobbing, 2008). The second Greenpeace recom-
mendation is to design out toxicants from electronics products, eliminate hazardous
substances, and replace harmful ingredients with safer alternatives.
Besides Greenpeace, other nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) need to
become more active in e-waste management and analysis. NGOs can help provide
oversight on corporate and national e-waste production and control. NGOs should
conduct more local research, interviews, and surveys of social climate and activities
to identify which methods and systems will be most beneficial in particular regions
of interest (Orlins, 2016). These NGOs can then help build capacity and provide
training in the management of e-waste locally to reduce occupational and environ-
mental impacts. This can be especially useful in addressing the issues and concerns
of activities in the informal sector.
E-waste has been a growing problem globally for many years and is on the rise.
While many countries have disposal and recycling methods in place, these methods
should be evaluated and improved to allow for safer disposal. Many problems have
come to be due to e-waste and the challenges it provides for disposal. Overall, more
FIGURE 12.2 Intersecting actors in e-waste generation and flow. (Adapted from Orlins, 2016.)
action needs to take place to allow for safer disposal method to be put in place,
regulated, and enforced. Environmentally sound management for recycling facil-
ities should include (1) a systematic management approach, (2) risk assessment,
(3) risk control and prevention, (4) effective communications and awareness train-
ing, (5) adherence to requirements and standards, (6) program review and corrective
action, and (7) transparency (UNEP, 2011).
E-waste management programs must closely consider and include social, polit-
ical, and economic conditions of the regions where they are to be put in practice.
Interventions must consider and be able to address the economic and social con-
ditions that impact the value of e-waste handling and recycling (Lundgren, 2012).
A broad tripartite approach involving international organizations, governments, and
research institutions is needed to address the complex interrelated issues surround-
ing e-waste creation and handling.
Sustainable management of raw materials and hazardous waste requires a more
compatible system of production that considers the flows of associated wastes
downstream. There need to be business models that include collaboration between
EEE manufactures and downstream collection of recyclable and waste materials
(Cucchiella, 2015). Rather than sending electronics to waste handling and allow-
ing the transfer to developing countries, better methods to remove waste materials
should be developed to allow safer and more efficient reprocessing. A sustainable
economy is a recycling or recovering economy.
Although epidemiological studies to date have not definitively identified a causal
relationship between e-waste exposures, the observation and evidence of human
exposure to chemicals associated with e-waste warrant a precautionary approach to
control and minimize e-waste (Grant, 2013). Research programs should be expanded
to increase understanding and the body of knowledge regarding health effects to
people and the environment. Policies, educational programs, and public health inter-
ventions should be expanded to ensure human health is not affected. Ecological and
environmental studies should be completed to evaluate the impacts of e-waste on
biota and fauna.
Regulation and legislation of e-waste need to be put in place to better regulate
what is happening with the e-waste produced. This will not completely solve the
problem but will be a stepping stone for the future. Extended producer responsibility
legislation can place requirements on manufacturers to design and sell more envi-
ronmentally friendly products using fewer hazardous materials and more recyclable
components to reduce the volumes and risks associated with WEEE (Olds, 2012).
Additional international standards need to be developed to fill existing gaps that still
allow developed countries to transfer hazardous wastes externally (Renckens, 2008).
In 2011, the U.S. EPA and the Environmental Protection Administration of
Taiwan created a collaborative International E-Waste Management Network.
The groups are working to build global capacity for sound e-waste management
and to exchange information and best practices (EPA, 2011).
The relative value of discarded electronics components to EDCs leads to the
transfer of this waste from developed and financially secure countries to the poorer
countries. Weak laws regarding e-waste disposal promote the growth of disposal and
dismantlement in the informal sector.
Nearly two decades after the Basel Convention was created as a means to protect
human health and the environment against the adverse effects, and restrict trans-
boundary movements of hazardous wastes, the international mechanisms that were
created to provide environmental justice and equity to all countries remained inad-
equate (Sonak, 2008). Numerous accounts presented in this chapter show that the
same is true for the shipment and systems in place for hazardous electronic waste.
The continued economic exploitation of EDCs by more advanced developed
nations is a root cause of the ongoing transfer of hazardous waste and hazardous
operations to countries desperate for economic opportunities despite the occupa-
tional and environmental costs (Castleman, 2016). The transfer of hazardous elec-
tronic waste is no exception. Despite the creation of corporate responsibility indices
used to demonstrate sound environmental management, little is being done by corpo-
rations to curb the creation, or provide a solution, to the growing problem of e-waste.
Collaboration between governments needs to be increased to develop better ways to
restrict the illegal transfer of hazardous e-waste to countries that are ill prepared to
handle it in a safe and efficient manner.
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13 Global Burden
and Aspects of
Occupational Cancer
Thomas P. Fuller
CONTENTS
13.1 Introduction................................................................................................... 215
13.2 Occupational Cancer Defined........................................................................ 217
13.3 General Methods Used to Evaluate Carcinogenicity..................................... 219
13.4 Cancer Research Organizations.................................................................... 220
13.4.1 U.S. National Toxicology Program.................................................... 220
13.4.2 International Labor Organization...................................................... 221
13.4.3 International Agency for Research on Cancer................................... 222
13.4.4 European Union.................................................................................224
13.5 Occupational Exposure Limits for Carcinogenic Agents..............................224
13.5.1 The European Union..........................................................................224
13.5.2.1 Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and
Restriction of Chemicals..................................................... 225
13.5.2.2 The Netherlands.................................................................. 225
13.5.2.3 France.................................................................................. 225
13.5.2.4 Germany............................................................................. 226
13.6 Controls Available to Reduce Occupational Exposures to Carcinogens........ 226
13.6.1 Elimination and Substitution............................................................. 226
13.6.2 Engineering Controls......................................................................... 227
13.6.3 Administrative Controls.................................................................... 227
13.6.4 Personal Protective Equipment.......................................................... 227
13.6.5 Regulation.......................................................................................... 228
13.6.6 Communications and Education........................................................ 228
13.7 Occupational Cancer Research...................................................................... 228
References............................................................................................................... 230
13.1 INTRODUCTION
The global burden of cancer is a major source of morbidity and mortality. In 2012,
there were 14 million new cases of cancer and 8 million cancer-related deaths
globally (IARC, 2014). By the year 2030, the incidence of cancer cases is globally
215
expected to increase to 22 million (Bray, 2015). In general, the highest cancer inci-
dence rates occur in the high-income countries of North America and Western
Europe, in addition to Japan, Korea, and Australia (IARC, 2018a). The percentage
of cancer cases attributable to workplace exposures in these developed nations is
expected to decline in the coming years due to occupational exposure restrictions
that have been in place now for several decades (Boffetta, 1999; IARC, 2018b).
Overall age-adjusted death rates have been falling dramatically in the United States
for lung, bronchus, colon, prostate (men), and breast (women) cancers for the past
20 years (ACS, 2018). According to International Agency for Research on Cancer
(IARC), based on population sizes, more than 60% of all cancer cases occur in
Africa, Asia, and Central and South America. These regions also account for 70%
of all cancer fatalities (IARC, 2014). In addition, the burden of disease is expected
to increase greatly in these lower economic countries in the next two decades due
to aging populations, industrial growth, and other environmental and social risk
factors (Stewart, 2016; Torre, 2015).
The broad differences in types of cancers in various world regions lend infor-
mation about the causes and preventions that could be taken to lower the number of
cases. Many of the cancers in the industrialized countries are associated with diet
and lifestyle. In these regions, cancers of the breast, colorectum, and prostate are
common. However, cancers of the liver, stomach, and esophagus are more common
in low-income countries. Decreased survival rates in developing countries are likely
to be the result of reduced availability of advanced clinical care or early diagnosis.
In economically advanced countries, efforts have been taken to prevent occu-
pational cancer by reducing the workplace exposure to carcinogens (Blair, 2011).
Workers in developed countries tend to be more educated and aware of the hazards
and health consequences of exposure to carcinogens, and they are more reluctant to
be exposed. Workers in economically developing countries (EDCs) that are becoming
more industrialized will likely be at increasingly greater risk of exposure to carcin-
ogens in the workplace. As industrialized countries move towards service-oriented
businesses, there are fewer workers exposed to hazardous working c onditions, and
there are fewer workers exposed to carcinogens overall.
Many of the “dirty” industries (manufacturing, mining, chemical, and petroleum
production) that have left the advanced countries are moving rapidly to the less
developed nations, and as a result, more workers in the developing countries will
be exposed to carcinogens in the future. Sixty-three percent of all cancers occur
in low- and middle-income countries (Espina, 2013). Dirty industries are also less
likely to be adequately regulated in these less developed nations. Workers in EDCs
are less aware and often less concerned about the risks associated with the exposure
to carcinogens. These workers also have fewer options for employment and may be
willing to accept risks for that reason. Workers in these underdeveloped countries
may also be more susceptible to harmful effects of carcinogens due to their poor
nutritional levels and other physiological and environmental factors (Hashim, 2014).
Technologies that might be used in advanced countries to protect workers from
hazardous exposures are often not available in EDCs. And neither companies nor
countries are fully aware of the long-term economic benefits of keeping the work-
force healthy.
Global Burden of Occupational Cancer 217
Cancer comes with high socioeconomic costs. Cancer costs the U.S. economy
more than $243 billion in 2009. Ninety-nine billion was due to medical costs, and
more than $144 billion was from lost productivity due to illness or death (Reuben,
2010). If occupational cancers were assumed to make up only 8% of the total
number of cancers, this would imply that occupational cancer costs the U.S. $243
billion × 0.08 = $19.44 billion (Nurminen, 2001; Steenland, 2003; Rushton, 2012).
Studies have shown that more than one-third of all cancers are preventable,
including those that arise from occupational exposures (Danaei, 2005). Occupational
studies of nasal cancer in furniture workers exposed to wood dust as early as 1940
showed a diminution of the disease after exposure was reduced (Hayes, 1986).
Numerous opportunities for occupational prevention of exposure to carcinogenic
agents or conditions continue to exist today. Collaborative strategies for research
and intervention policies and education are needed to fully reduce the incidence of
occupational cancer worldwide (Espina, 2013).
13.2 OCCUPATIONAL CANCER DEFINED

Ramazzini was an Italian physician who associated several diseases with v arious
occupational exposures in the 17th century. He related exposures to irritating
chemicals, dusts, and metals to health effects in his treatise “Diseases of Workers”
(Ramazzini, 1718). Ramazzini related diseases to various workplace exposures in 54
different occupations. He noticed that nuns had a lower incidence of cervical cancer
and higher-than-expected incidence of breast cancer. In the 18th century, Percival
Pott found links between prolonged exposure to soot, and scrotal cancer among
chimney sweeps in London (Pott, 1775).
Since those early years, cancer has been associated with numerous other
occupations including paraffin workers, shale oil workers, and in the textile industry.
In addition, lung cancer cases were noted in miners and bladder cancer in dye mak-
ers. In the first part of the 20th century, cancer clusters were found in varied but dis-
crete occupational settings such as nickel refineries and the manufacture of asbestos
products, among others (Siemiatycki, 2006). In most of these discoveries, cancer was
related solely to the associated occupation, rather than particular causative agents,
through primitive retrospective cohort studies. Cancer itself was not related to a
particular known agent until the 1950s, when cigarette smoking was associated with
lung cancer.
Today, much of what is known about cancer still comes from occupational
exposures. Research on occupational exposures to carcinogens forms the basis
of much of the understanding about relative risks, prioritization of controls, and
the development of the means for cancer prevention. And as understanding of
occupational cancer increases, the consequences of public exposures to the same car-
cinogens become evident. For example, the awareness that occupational exposures
to diesel engine emissions are associated with cancer provided useful information
about the relative risks of general public exposures to diesel exhaust, and the need to
reduce environmental exposures from vehicle emissions.
As many agents can cause cancer in both environmental and occupational s ettings,
and individuals can be exposed to carcinogens in both the workplace and other public
settings, or the home, it can be difficult to define an “occupational exposure.” There

is no simple definition; however, we can consider an occupational carcinogen to be
one where the primary exposure to the agent occurs in the workplace and the primary
epidemiological evidence comes from increased cancer risks associated with occu-
pational settings at discrete times and places. Some agents are particularly difficult
to define as “occupational” as they are commonly encountered in the everyday envi-
ronment; sunlight, tobacco smoke, and diesel exhaust may be considered to be in this
category. However, outdoor workers exposed to sunlight for extended periods, bar-
tenders or waiters exposed to secondhand smoke, or traffic patrol personnel standing
in heavy levels of exhaust all day may be considered occupational exposures.
Originally, carcinogens were loosely identified when cancer clusters occurred in
a particular industry work group. As epidemiological studies increased in sophistica-
tion, they could more closely relate specific worker exposures to cancer. In addition,
over time, direct evidence of carcinogenicity was derived from experimental animal
studies. Today, toxicological studies of carcinogenesis can include complex analyses
of chemical and metabolic interactions of agents with cells and tissues within living
organisms. Absorption and metabolism of toxic agents within the body can be followed
and analyzed to observe the changes in the organism including toxic, mutagenic, and
carcinogenic effects. In the near future, it may be possible to determine carcinogenicity
by comparing a chemical molecule with those of other chemicals to identify similar
characteristics or traits that equate the likeliness that the new agent is also cancer caus-
ing in the absence of time-consuming and expensive epidemiologic or animal studies.
Despite what we have learned about the cancer-causing properties of numerous
chemicals and hazardous agents, occupational exposures to them are still widespread.
Tens of thousands of workers are still routinely exposed to well-recognized carcin-
ogens such as heavy metals, diesel engine emissions, asbestos, polycyclic aromatic
hydrocarbons, and silica. And although there have been increasing controls over occu-
pational carcinogens in developed countries, there is growing evidence that the use of
hazardous processes and materials is shifting to EDCs at an increasing pace (Hashim,
2014; Pearce, 1994). The use of carcinogenic agents is expanding in countries where
workers tend to be less educated about, and less aware of, the hazardous or carcino-
genic properties of chemicals, where there are fewer government regulations for the
handling and training on toxic chemicals, and many of the workers are children. Along
with this shift in the use of carcinogenic agents in the workplace, a surge in occupa-
tional cancers can be expected to occur in developing countries in the decades to come.
Studies have estimated that between 4% and 8% of all cancers in developed
countries are caused by occupational exposures (Nurminen, 2001; Steenland, 2003;
Rushton, 2012). Attributable fractions for different cancers vary by agent and by
regions. In U.S. studies, workplace exposures accounted for 6%–17% of all lung
cancers in men (Driscoll, 2005; Steenland, 2003). A similar study conducted in
Finland showed that 29% of male lung cancer cases were due to occupational factors
(Nurminen, 2001). In Europe, up to 10% of all bladder cancers were attributable
to occupational exposures (Boffetta, 1999). In a recent report of a large occupa-
tional cancer study in France, it was shown that 42% of occupational cancers were
caused by exposure to asbestos (ANSES, 2018). In the United States, cancer of the
trachea, bronchus, and lungs made up 12% of all workplace fatalities (Nelson, 2005).
In one global study, cancer was identified as the top killer of workers, surpassing both
workplace diseases and accidents in the number of deaths worldwide (Hamalainen,
2007). In a recent analysis of work-related illnesses, cancer was attributed to 26% of
all occupationally related fatalities (Hamalainen, 2017).
13.3 GENERAL METHODS USED TO

EVALUATE CARCINOGENICITY
In recent years, advances in molecular biology and cancer research have demonstrated
that cancer develops from a complex multifactorial web of causes. The most relatable
evidence for establishing a relationship between an agent and a carcinogenic outcome in
humans historically, however, has been through epidemiological studies. Diseases are
identified in a human population, and then the factors a ssociated with its occurrence are
identified (Hill, 1971). Some of the first formal epidemiological studies that identified
carcinogenic effects were in workers exposed to asbestos, benzene, and vinyl chloride
(Fontham, 2009). As it remains today, most agents identified to be carcinogenic to the
larger population have first been identified in occupational populations. Other useful
epidemiological information comes from studies of human lifestyle (e.g., tobacco and
alcohol consumption) and patients receiving various medical therapies or treatments.
Limitations in epidemiological evaluations include the existence of confounders
that hide or confuse the understanding of relationships, inaccurate estimates or mea-
sures of true exposure or dose, and other study biases that hide the true effects of
the agent. Scrupulous study design and mathematical manipulation aid in assuring
validity and accuracy of cancer studies. Often, an agent is evaluated by more than
one study before a conclusion is drawn. And studies included in the evaluation pass
the strict guidelines for the strengths of cancer association between exposure dura-
tion and level, consistency with other studies, and the timing of exposure to the
development of disease.
In developed countries, the studies of occupational exposures to carcinogens are
expensive and time consuming, but they are performed when possible and especially
when there are explicit concerns regarding the agent or exposure. These types of
exposure studies are grossly lacking in workers exposed in developing countries, and
the resulting epidemiological analyses are not possible.
The second most useful method for determining potential carcinogenicity of an
agent is the long-term bioassay in experimental animals. Animal testing for toxic
effects of chemicals began as early as 1900. Since that time, animal studies have
been used to identify approximately 30% of carcinogens known to humans (Huff,
1993, 1999; Fung, 1995; Maronpot, 2004). Due to anatomical, metabolic, genetic,
and physiological differences between animals, they are not the perfect means of
predicting carcinogenicity of humans to all agents. However, the usefulness of the
information they provide has been demonstrated for numerous agents. In recent
years, however, the use of animals for toxicity evaluation for humans has been
curtailed for ethical reasons.
In order to replace the use of animal studies, new toxicokinetic and mechanistic
studies are expanding drastically. These methods use what is already known about
the mutational signatures that comprise tumors and cancer cells and compare them
with other similar chemicals that would be expected or likely to result in similar
outcomes. It becomes a systematic method to evaluate mechanistic data and iden-
tify likely toxicological outcomes for various chemicals by comparing them to the
biological outcomes of other known carcinogens. Some of the mechanistic signals
of carcinogenesis have included such characteristics as transformation of metabo-
lites that can damage DNA, alteration of gene expression, disruption of the immune
system, and interference with molecular communication. Results of these types of
studies, combined with sophisticated mathematical and computational manipula-
tions, can lead to the evaluation of significantly more potential carcinogens in much
less time than previously possible. Future advances in these types of studies will con-
tinually expand to include toxicological predictions based on physical and chemical
properties of molecules, genomic responses of biological samples, cancer pathway
and network analyses, and even clinical studies of molecular changes in tissues of
exposed humans (Cote, 2016; NTP, 1999; EPA, 2017).
13.4 CANCER RESEARCH ORGANIZATIONS

Several internationally respected organizations conduct research and publish reports
on cancer-causing agents and environmental conditions. Each organization identi-
fies the methods used to study and evaluate carcinogens. Some of the methods and
assumptions used between agencies overlap, whereas some do not. Each organiza-
tion identifies different levels or types of cancers and creates a rating scale of severity
where different chemicals or agents can be categorized. Although some calls for
greater harmonization in cancer research methodology and classification, differences
between organizations’ methods and levels remain for a variety of complex reasons.
In most cases, it is useful to evaluate the results from two or more of the cancer
research organizations to obtain a more valid and useful perspective of the occupa-
tional applicability to the cancer research information available. Some of the more
important and significant organizations that provide current information on carcino-
gens are described in the following sections.
13.4.1 U.S. National Toxicology Program

In the United States, the National Toxicology Program (NTP) prepares a Report
on Carcinogens (RoC) for the Secretary of Health and Human Services through a
series of review mechanisms, and publishes reports periodically. Monographs on
carcinogens are prepared according to the strict review mechanisms and processes
(NTP 2016a, b). The NTP makes two carcinogen classifications: agents are c lassified
as “known to be human carcinogens” when there is sufficient evidence of carcinoge-
nicity from studies in humans, which indicates a causal relationship between exposure
and disease, and agents classified as “ reasonably anticipated to be human carcinogen”
are those that are indicated by limited evidence of carcinogenicity in humans where
a causal link is credible but alternative explanations such as bias and confounders
cannot be excluded. Evidence of possible human carcinogenicity from animal studies
or from convincing information about mechanistic processes that indicate an agent
may be carcinogenic to humans can also be used to classify an agent in this category.
In the 14th NTP ROC published in 2016, there are 62 agents listed as known
human carcinogens and 186 listed as reasonably anticipated to be human carcinogen.
In the latest listing, there are six new agents known to be human carcinogens:
• Epstein–Barr virus
• Human immunodeficiency virus type 1 (HIV-1)
• Human T-cell lymphotropic virus type 1
• Kaposi sarcoma-associated herpesvirus
• Merkel cell polyomavirus
• Trichloroethylene
Five of the six new listings are linked to viruses for which there are no vaccines
available. In total, the viruses are linked to more than 20 different types of cancers.
These viruses and subsequent cancers are more likely to develop in people with
weakened immune systems. These new biological agents, in addition to other infec-
tious diseases previously identified to cause cancer, such as hepatitis B virus (HBV)
and hepatitis C virus (HCV), are especially alarming since it is estimated that 16,000
HCV, 66,000 HBV, and 1,000 HIV health-care worker infections occur globally
each year due to sharps injuries. The fraction of infections of HCV, HBV, and HIV
attributable to occupational exposures represents up to 39%, 37%, and 4.4%, respec-
tively, of all transmissions identified globally (Pruss-Ustun, 2005). In addition, these
numbers are most likely underestimated due to the lack of sharps exposure reporting.
In addition to the six new carcinogens listed in the 2016 NTP report, cobalt and
cobalt compounds that release cobalt ions in vivo were added to the list as reason-
ably anticipated to be a human carcinogen in an additional report published by the
Department of Health and Human Services in 2016 (NTP, 2016c).
13.4.2 International Labor Organization

The International Labor Organization (ILO) established the first list of occupational
diseases in 1925 (Kim, 2013). It was an important tool for the harmonization of
international policies and regulations to protect workers from occupational diseases.
In 1934, the list was updated with Convention number 42 to include primary epitheli-
omatous cancer of the skin. In 1980, the list was updated again to include lung cancer
and mesothelioma caused by asbestos.
Today, the ILO recognizes cancer as a leading cause of worker illness and fatal-
ity. The ILO Convention C139 was created in 1974 to curtail worker exposures to
carcinogens in the workplace. It requires each ratifying member country to work
to prohibit or reduce the use of carcinogens, and to take action to minimize worker
exposures to carcinogenic substances and agents in the workplace. It also requires the
establishment of medical surveillance for workers exposed to carcinogens during and
after employment, and the establishment of appropriate associated record-keeping
systems (ILO, 1974a). At the same period, the ILO created a recommendation
number 147 on how to prevent occupational hazards from carcinogens, (ILO, 1974b).
In 1977, the ILO created a comprehensive guideline on the control and preven-
tion of occupational cancer. Topics discussed in this document included suggested
ethods for the determination of safe exposure levels for workers exposed to carcin-
m
ogens through the use of epidemiologic and animal studies. It also proposed various
preventive measures to be taken to minimize worker exposures. Other subjects in the
manual included workplace and biological monitoring, administrative controls, and
medical surveillance of workers (ILO, 1977).
The ILO document Occupational Safety and Health Series 74 published in 2010
by the ILO provides a list of 21 agents currently believed to cause cancer (ILO,
2010). Occupational carcinogens listed in this report included the following:
• Asbestos
• Benzidine and its salts
• Bis(chloromethyl) ether
• Chromium VI and chromium VI compounds
• Coal tars, coal tar pitches, or soots
• Beta-naphthylamine
• Vinyl chloride
• Benzene
• Toxic nitro- and amino-derivatives of benzene or its homologues
• Ionizing radiations
• Tar, pitch, bitumen, mineral oil, anthracene, or the compounds, products, or
residues of these substances
• Coke oven emissions
• Compounds of nickel
• Wood dust
• Arsenic and its compounds
• Beryllium and its compounds
• Cadmium and its compounds
• Erionite
• Ethylene oxide
• Formaldehyde
• HBV and HCV
13.4.3 International Agency for Research on Cancer

Over the past several decades, IARC has been evaluating and identifying work-
place carcinogens. The IARC is an international agency within the World Health
Organization that performs and publishes critical reviews of epidemiological studies
and experimental data on the carcinogenicity of chemicals, agents, mixtures, pro-
cesses, and biological materials to which humans are exposed. Collective bodies of
experts review the available information about human exposures and potential car-
cinogenic outcomes and provide a cancer rating for each subject. The IARC ratings
are provided in Table 13.1 (IARC, 2014).
The IARC has identified 32 carcinogenic occupational agents. In addition, they
have identified 11 exposure circumstances that are carcinogenic to humans. They have
also identified 27 agents and 6 exposure circumstances that are probably carcinogenic
to humans. A partial listing of the IARC carcinogenic ratings for occupational agents,
occupations, and industries is provided in Table 13.2 (IARC, 2014).
TABLE 13.1
Current IARC Cancer Groups
Group 1: Carcinogenic to humans
Group 2A: Probably carcinogenic to humans
Group 2B: Possibly carcinogenic to humans
Group 3: Unclassifiable as to carcinogenicity in humans
Group 4: Probably not carcinogenic to humans
TABLE 13.2
Partial Listing of IARC Group 1 and 2A
Group 1: Carcinogenic to Humans
Agent, Occupation, or Industry Cancer Site/Cancer Main Industry or Use
Acid mists, strong inorganic Larynx Chemical
Arsenic Lung, skin, bladder Glass, metals, pesticides
Benzidine Bladder Pigments
Leather dust Nasal cavity Shoe manufacture and repair
Mineral oils Skin Lubricant
Nickel compounds Nasal cavity, lung Metal alloy
Silica dust Lung Construction, mining
Trichloroethylene Kidney Solvent, dry cleaning
Vinyl chloride Liver Plastics
Wood dust Nasal cavity Wood
Aluminum production Lung, bladder
Coal-tar distillation Skin
Coke production Lung
Painter Bladder, lung, mesothelioma
Rubber manufacture Stomach, lung, bladder, leukemia
Group 2A Carcinogens
Acrylamide — Plastics
Bitumens Lung Roofing
Indium phosphide — Semiconductor
Polychlorinated biphenyls — Electrical components
Vinyl bromide — Plastics, textiles
Art glass workers Lung, stomach
High temperature food frying —
Hairdressers and barbers Bladder, lung
Shiftwork with circadian disruption Breast Nursing and others
Source: Adapted from IARC (2014).

Carcinogens with Cancer Site and Industry.
13.4.4 European Union
International classifications for carcinogens have been harmonized at the community
level by the European Union in Regulation (EC) No 1272/2008. Cancer-causing
agents were originally established by the Commission on Cancer in 1963 and iden-
tified in a Cancer Liaison Program (CLP) (ACS, 2018). The classifications are as
follows:
• CLP class 1A: known carcinogenic potential for humans

• CLP class 1B: presumed carcinogenic potential for humans
• CLP class 2: suspected human carcinogens
13.5 OCCUPATIONAL EXPOSURE LIMITS

FOR CARCINOGENIC AGENTS
Occupational exposure limits (OELs) have been identified for thousands of chemicals
and toxic agents by numerous regulatory and standards development organizations
globally. Typically, OELs represent the maximum allowed concentration of a given
substance in the air in the workplace. They are generally based on a time-weighted
average over an 8-h period. Levels can be set when risks can be reasonably estab-
lished and safe levels of exposure can be set. Similarly, for non-genotoxic agents
(substances that do not directly damage DNA), safe levels of occupational exposure
can also be determined. However, for most genotoxic carcinogenic agents, a thresh-
old effect cannot be identified and it becomes extremely difficult to derive a safe level
of occupational exposure. Infectious disease carcinogens are considered not to have
thresholds.
At this time, there are no international OELs that are consistently recognized
or agreed upon. Many occupational carcinogens do not have OELs in many coun-
tries. In many countries, OELs have not been established because safe levels of
occupational exposure have not been agreed upon. Some governments have char-
acterized risk quantitatively and compared exposures to commonly accepted social
and economic criteria in order to set OELs. Even where OELs for carcinogens have
been established at the national level, broad scientific and policy differences lead to
greatly differing OELs between different countries in many instances (Ding, 2014).
In some countries, the as low as reasonably achievable approach used to minimize
worker exposure to ionizing radiation has been applied to no-threshold carcinogens.
13.5.1 The European Union

In the European Union (EU), indicative OEL values (IOELVs) for carcinogenic
substances are determined by a commission of independent scientific experts, called
the European Scientific Committee on Occupational Exposure Limits (SCOEL).
Determinations are based on the types of carcinogenic effects, mechanisms of
action, and whether the substance is genotoxic. Carcinogenic substances are catego-
rized into the following groups:
Group A: Non-threshold genotoxic carcinogens identified by linear non-threshold

(LNT) models of extrapolation test results from high-dose animal studies and low-
dose human studies
Group B: Genotoxic carcinogens where studies are not sufficient to demonstrate
the LNT model and a dose threshold is not identified
Group C: Genotoxic carcinogens where a practical threshold can be determined
from available data
Group D: Non-genotoxic carcinogens and non-DNA-reactive carcinogens where a
threshold can be set based on a no observable adverse effect level
OELs have been set by SCOEL for carcinogens in groups C and D.
In 2004, the EU promulgated Directive 2004/37/EC for the protection of workers
from the risks related to exposure to carcinogens or mutagens. These regulations
require employers to access worker risks of exposure to carcinogens. Specific
hygienic workplace practices such as contamination control and personal protective
equipment (PPE) are mandated. These laws also delineated requirements for worker
information and training (EU, 2004).
13.5.2.1 Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation

and Restriction of Chemicals
Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and Restriction of Chemicals (REACH)
is the European Community intergovernmental body responsible for registration,
evaluation, authorization, and restriction of chemical substances. REACH limits on
carcinogenic substances are based on two different effect levels. Derived no-effect
levels (DNELs) are set for carcinogens that have a threshold (REACH Regulation
Article 119). For carcinogens without a threshold, REACH sets a derived minimal
effect level (DMEL) of cancer risk levels of either 10 −5 or 10 −6 as indicative tolerable
risk levels for workers. Methodologies for DNEL and DMEL are determined by
REACH and followed by registrants that manufacture/import/or use over 10 tons per
year (ECHA, 2010, 2011).
13.5.2.2 The Netherlands
In the Netherlands, OELs are recommended by the Dutch Health Council. OELs
for carcinogenic and mutagenic substances are based on one of the two substance
risk levels. A prohibitive risk level limits the additional risk of cancer to less than
10 −4 per year (4 × 10 −3 for a 40-year working lifetime). An additional target risk level
allows an additional risk of up to 10 −6 per year (4 × 10 −5 during a 40-year working
lifetime).
13.5.2.3 France
In France, OELs are derived for chemicals with and without a threshold. For
carcinogens without a threshold, low-risk occupational exposure levels are set at
three different levels to control excess risk of developing cancer (10 −4, 10 −5, or 10 −6)
INRS (2008). Methods to be used to measure and assess pollutants in the workplace
are developed by the OEL committee of the National Agency for Safety and Hygiene
in Food, the Environment and work (ANSES, 2017).
13.5.2.4 Germany
Germany sets OELs for carcinogenic substances for which there is evidence of a
threshold. For carcinogens without a threshold, risk-based target values are used to
limit worker exposures. An acceptable risk target level is currently set at 4 × 10 −4,
but moves to 4 × 10 −5 in 2018. An additional tolerable risk target level is 4 × 10 −3 if
certain specified safety and control measures are in place BAuA (2011).
13.6 CONTROLS AVAILABLE TO REDUCE OCCUPATIONAL

EXPOSURES TO CARCINOGENS
Despite what is known about the industries and agents that cause cancer, workers
continue to be exposed to carcinogenic agents. In a French study from 2005, it was
shown that more than 13% of workers are still being exposed to substances known
to cause cancer (DARES, 2005). Numerous and significant opportunities to reduce
workplace exposures remain untapped. The costs to implement controls and reduce
worker exposures remain to be misunderstood in terms of the payback in worker
health and other direct and indirect costs. The effectiveness of the most sophisticated
means of control is not understood and is not fully used even in the most developed
countries. Further yet, undeveloped nations may not only fully understand the con-
sequences of worker exposures to carcinogens but also not be aware of the means
to curtail exposures to workers. The most relevant methods to reduce occupational
exposure to carcinogenic agents involve four main approaches: (1) elimination or
substitution, (2) engineering controls, (3) administrative controls, and (4) PPE.
13.6.1 Elimination and Substitution

Attributable risks to workers from carcinogens can be reduced either by reducing the
number of carcinogens to which workers are exposed or by reducing the exposure
levels to the carcinogens. The first method that can be used to reduce exposures to
carcinogens is often via elimination of the agent in the workplace. In some cases,
it is as simple as excluding the material from the production or fabrication process.
An example here is the use of alternative fixatives in pathology and histology to
replace carcinogenic formaldehyde mixtures. In the 1970s, Sweden was one of the
first countries to ban the use of asbestos in products and by the 1990s had seen a
reduction in the incidence of pleural mesothelioma in workers (Hemminki, 2008).
In other cases, the carcinogenic process can be altered in some way to reduce worker
contact or proximity to carcinogens. Substitution of one type of carcinogenic raw
material used to produce a product with one that is less toxic and not carcinogenic
can be a useful means to reduce occupational exposures (IARC, 2014). Engineering
controls such as ventilation or enclosures can be used to reduce worker exposures
too. Examples here could be as simple as using lids to keep carcinogenic vapors from
escaping into the workers’ breathing zone. A process change such as implementing
wet hygienic methods to keep dust levels from grinding processes down and prevent
the spread of contaminates could also be used to reduce airborne levels of dust. Wet
spray methods could also be implemented to control the generation of airborne dust
in stone-cutting operations where silica is a significant component. These alternative

production methods can reduce the amounts of silica dust workers who would inhale
considerably.
13.6.2 Engineering Controls
The next method to minimize worker exposures to carcinogens is the use of
engineering controls. Engineering controls are defined as any system or device that
separates the worker from the hazardous agent. This could include a safer nee-
dle device to keep nurses from being stuck with a contaminated patient needle to
reduce the transmission of bloodborne pathogens such as HIV or HBV. Engineering
controls can also include ventilation systems that draw carcinogenic aerosols away
from the workers’ breathing zones. Ventilation engineering controls can include
sophisticated fume hoods and withdrawal systems, or simple designs such as natural
airflow or wind patterns in a factory or hospital to carry carcinogenic aerosols away
from the workers.
13.6.3 Administrative Controls
Administrative controls to reduce exposure to carcinogens can include written pro-
grams, policies, and procedures that help workers understand carcinogenic hazards
and actions needed to be taken to reduce exposures. Worker education, training, and
record keeping are all considered forms of administrative controls.
13.6.4 Personal Protective Equipment

Lastly, the use of adequate and effective PPE can lead to significant reductions in
worker exposure to carcinogens. Impermeable gloves, aprons, goggles, and face
shields are a last line of defense to protect the skin or eyes from coming in direct
contact with carcinogens. Respirators can be an effective means to reduce worker
exposure to carcinogens through the airborne pathway. In order for any PPE method
to be effective, however, workers need adequate levels of training on PPE use, includ-
ing donning and doffing.
Unfortunately, many of the engineering controls and even PPE used, and even
taken for granted, in developed countries are not always available in economically
challenged countries. Informal sector workers exposed to airborne carcinogenic dust
or vapors may not have access to local exhaust ventilation not only due to the cost
of such systems but also because there is no electricity. Appropriate PPE for many
jobs is often unavailable in developing countries. Even adequate gloves or simple
respiratory protection devices such as an N95 respirator may not be available in
sufficient quantities.
With the greater understanding about the relationships between infectious agents
and cancer, new opportunities for primary prevention arise. The need to protect
health-care and other workers at risk from infectious agents including HIV, herpes
virus, Epstein–Barr virus, and HBV becomes even more urgent when the additional
risk of cancer is added to the already-inherent biological risks. Many EDCs already
burdened with catastrophic numbers of HIV are now also at an elevated risk of can-
cer in addition. Health worker training in the effective use of PPE to protect from
bloodborne pathogens, the use of impervious gloves, safe needle devices, immediate
prophylactic treatment of workers exposed to known infectious agents, the diligent
use of medical surveillance of workers, and the use of available vaccines will not
only be expected to reduce the transmission of infectious agents to workers but also
reduce the subsequent development of infectious agent-related cancers in the popula-
tion (Vineis, 2014). It is essential that these protective devices and systems be made
broadly and consistently available to workers in these developing countries in order
to curtail occupational cancer rates.
13.6.5 Regulation
Another strategy that can be used to mitigate occupational cancer is the develop-
ment of regulation governing the potential for worker exposures to carcinogens.
Regulations on the use of carcinogens and limits on the levels and durations of
worker exposures can have significant effects on global outcomes and prevalence
of disease (Landrigan, 2011). National development and expansion of existing can-
cer and infectious disease reporting mechanisms would also aid in reducing cancer
rates. Development of vaccines for infectious diseases can also be a tool to reduce
the associated subsequent occupational cancers. These societal benefits should be
included in decisions regarding funding for research and vaccine development.
13.6.6 Communications and Education

Communications and public health education programs that are expanded to reach
greater populations and provide more information regarding hazardous agents,
pathways of exposure, and the relations between infectious diseases and cancer
will also benefit in the reduction of occupational cancer burden (Landrigan, 2011).
Professional organizations can contribute to the awareness and understanding of
occupational carcinogens and how they can be controlled to reduce worker expo-
sures and negative outcomes. Conferences, seminars, and workshops can be held
on specific occupational carcinogen topics with specific work groups. Health-care
workers can be targeted for training on the recent findings regarding carcinogenicity
related to infectious agents and the importance for improved worker protections.
13.7 OCCUPATIONAL CANCER RESEARCH

Despite the growing shift in occupational cancers to developing countries, asso-
ciated research is lagging behind. Most research on occupational cancer has been
in the formal sector of developed countries. Very little research on carcinogens
in the informal and precarious workforce sector and in developing countries has
been completed (Santana, 2009). These informal workers typically work outside
of formal industry, in homes or informal settings. They do not have occupational
safety and health training or support. They are particularly precarious in that they
typically do not fall under any social support system and workers do not typically
have any health-care benefits, including emergency medical care if they get hurt
while they are working.
A 2009 report produced by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
on reducing environmental cancer risks included a section on occupational cancers.
It highlighted four general areas where research on occupational cancers should be
enhanced: identification of occupational carcinogens, epidemiologic research, risk
assessment, and prevention (Reuben, 2010).
Identification of occupational carcinogens can be improved through advanced
employee surveillance systems and more accurate workplace exposure assessments.
Better strategies for predicting adverse effects of working conditions and mixtures
of hazardous agents in combination with advanced computational analyses will also
improve the understanding of carcinogens.
Epidemiological studies must be better designed to identify exposed populations
and routes of exposure. Cancers in women and minority workers need to be evalu-
ated more broadly. And the relationships between maternal and paternal exposures
and genetic effects in offspring need to be evaluated (Ward, 2003).
Increased use of biomarkers associated with occupational carcinogens is seen as
a way to improve knowledge about risk. With better understanding of occupational
cancer and risks, better primary and secondary prevention and communication strat-
egies can be developed and implemented.
Improved research on the control and prevention of occupational cancer includes
greater emphasis on the front end of industrial process design to minimize the poten-
tial for worker exposure to carcinogens. Means to identify and protect workers at
particularly high risk should be prioritized and implemented (Reuben, 2010).
Occupational exposure to carcinogenic agents and working conditions accounts for
a significant portion of the global burden of disease and death. And the impacts of
these exposures reach far beyond the injured worker to affect families, organiza-
tions, and nations.
Due to the lack of reporting, the true occupational contribution to the rates of
certain cancers remains unknown. New evidence of the relations between infec-
tious diseases and cancer is particularly alarming. In addition, many occupational
illnesses, injuries, and fatalities go unreported for large segments of the informal and
contingent workforces. In low-income countries, the lack of efficient health and sta-
tistical data collection makes it difficult to accurately assess the burden of cancer on
the population (IARC, 2017). Informal workers such as people working from home,
children, and migrants are often not included in health statistics databases (Nelson,
2005). Therefore, the true risk of occupational cancer is expected to be higher than
what has been reported.
It is estimated that 30%–50% of all cancers could be prevented if public health
strategies were put in place to counter known risk factors (Stewart, 2016). This
includes a reduction in the contribution from occupational cancers through the
use of elimination, substitution, engineering controls, administrative controls,
and PPE.
In a 2014 review of occupational cancer epidemiology research, it was determined

that there has been a substantial decrease in the number of studies published between
1991 and 2001 (Raj, 2014). This same study demonstrated a lack of data from indus-
trializing countries such as Russia, China, and India, and there are nearly no studies
from the Middle East or most countries in Africa. In addition, few studies include
female workers.
In not knowing what the true nature of the cancer hazard is or what exposure levels
are, many workers go unprotected from toxic or fatal exposures. Much remains to be
done in terms of worker protections, ranging from accurate exposure assessment and
risk characterization, exposure evaluation, and development and implementation of
controls to minimize exposures. Workers exposed to carcinogens in developing coun-
tries where sophisticated controls such as ventilation or respiratory protection may not
be available are in need of research for alternative methods of protection such as the
use of natural ventilation or readymade PPE, and the use of housekeeping and hygienic
methods. As the numbers of exposures and illnesses are expected to increase in the
next decades, even small changes and improvements can have major impacts globally.
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14 Migrant Worker
Occupational Safety
and Health
Thomas P. Fuller
CONTENTS
14.1 Introduction................................................................................................. 235
14.2 Migrant Populations.................................................................................... 236
14.3 Geographic Regions and Migrant Movements............................................ 236
14.4 Benefits of Migration................................................................................... 239
14.5 Migration Governance................................................................................. 239
14.6 International Organization for Migration....................................................240
14.7 Governing Consensus of Migrant Labor..................................................... 241
14.8 Economic and Social Disparity of Migrants............................................... 242
14.9 Education and Languages of Migrants........................................................ 242
14.10 Occupational Health Risk Factors for Migrants.......................................... 243
14.11 Occupational Health Outcomes...................................................................244
14.12 Potential Underreporting..............................................................................246
14.13 Recommendations for Improvement............................................................246
References............................................................................................................... 247
14.1 INTRODUCTION
As the world becomes increasingly globalized, people, institutions, governments,
and financial systems become more entwined and interdependent. In the past two
decades, the world has become drastically more connected through the Internet,
improvements in air travel and other forms of transportation, and expansion of global
business endeavors. As political interconnections have expanded, and people become
more aware of opportunities in other regions, migration increases to take advantage
of better political conditions, economics, and social systems. Migration can also
benefit governments, businesses, and communities. In many cases, both origin and
destination countries work together to create opportunities for migration.
Migration is a global phenomenon of gigantic importance that affects all aspects
of society in some capacity. Although most migration occurs legally, in recent years
there has been a drastic increase in migration due to poverty, famine, conflict,
235
persecution, and environmental disaster. As a result, migrants end up in regions

that do not have necessary political, social, or economic capabilities to absorb and
adjust to them. These increased numbers of unqualified or unneeded migrants place
additional economic and social burdens on the host countries, leading to further
regional instability and erosion. Migrants who enter these regions or countries that
do not want them, or do not have infrastructure to take care of them, live in rela-
tively insecure and precarious conditions. Living conditions for these migrants are
often substandard and do not meet normal public health standards. They often have
limited or no access to health-care systems.
Despite the existence for hundreds of years, the complexities of the politics,
economics, and cultural aspects of today’s migration make it difficult to understand
and sometimes politically charged. It is important for educated professionals to bet-
ter understand how migration impacts their areas of endeavor and communities. For
example, health-care providers and public health agencies need to study migrant
groups to see how services can be better provided and how migrants impact commu-
nities. It is equally important for occupational safety and health (OSH) professionals
to expand their awareness of how migrants assimilate into the work environment and
how to best protect them from injury, illness, or death. Migrants comprise a special
class of workers that need specialized assessment and protection controls, and OSH
professionals need to know how to address those needs.
14.2 MIGRANT POPULATIONS
There were 258 million international migrants in the world in 2017, comprising 3.4%
of the global population (UN DESA, 2017c). And according to the International
Labor Organization (ILO) migration is likely to intensify in the coming years due
to increasing work deficits in large geographic regions (ILO, 2017). People in search
of work will be migrating in increasing numbers, particularly from Africa and Latin
America. Younger workers between the ages of 15–24 are more likely to migrate.
Numbers of global migrants over the past several years are shown in Table 14.1.
Separate from migration numbers that represent more or less permanent move-
ments, there were more than 40 million internally displaced persons and 22.5 million
refugees in 2016 (IDMC, 2017; UNHCR, 2017). With ongoing political conflict in
the Middle East and other regions throughout the world, these numbers of people
moving across national boundaries are expected to increase in the near term. The
relative numbers of migrants in various regions are shown in Figure 14.1.
Work is the major reason for international migration. Migrant workers comprise
about 70% of all migrants. And about 75% of those go to high-income countries, with
23% going to middle-income countries (IOM, 2017 migrant report). Approximately
55.7% of migrants are male, whereas 44.3% female. Industries and sectors where
migrants work are shown in Table 14.2.
14.3 GEOGRAPHIC REGIONS AND MIGRANT MOVEMENTS

The United States is the leading destination country for international immigration,
followed by Germany, Russia, and Saudi Arabia. In Saudi Arabia, migrants comprise
Migrant Worker OSH 237
TABLE 14.1
Number of International Migrants as a Percentage of the World’s Population
Year Number of Migrants Migrants as a % of World’s Population
1970 84,460,125 2.3
1975 90,368,010 2.2
1980 101,983,149 2.3
1985 113,206,691 2.3
1990 152,563,212 2.9
1995 160,801,752 2.8
2000 172,703,309 2.8
2005 191,269,100 2.9
2010 221,714,243 3.2
2015 243,700,236 3.3
Source: UN DESA (2015).

Note: The number of entities (such as states, territories, and administrative regions) for
which data were made available in the 2015.
UN DESA Revision of International Migrant Stock was 213. In 1970, the number of
entities was 135.
FIGURE 14.1 International migrants, by major region of residence, 2000–2015 (million).

(IOM 2017 migrant report, p. 16.)
88% of the total population (UN DESA, 2017a, 2017b). The leading origin countries
of migration are India, Mexico, Russia, and China. A graphical representation of
destination and origin countries is provided in Figure 14.2.
According to the World Bank, two-thirds of international immigrants reside in
high-income economies (the United States, Canada, Australia, Western Europe).
TABLE 14.2
Common Occupational Sectors for Migrants
Sector Percentage
Services other than domestic 64.1
Domestic services 7.0
Manufacturing and construction 17.8
Agriculture 11.1
FIGURE 14.2 Top 20 destinations (a) and origins (b) of international migrants in 2015
(million).
Just less than a third reside in middle-income countries, with the remainder in low-
income countries (World Bank, 2018; Docquier, 2011).
These estimates are inherently difficult to document, however, for a variety of
reasons. Individual immigration status is often fluid and difficult to capture in time.
A temporary visit visa may change to an unauthorized overextension. These “irregu-

lar” migrant populations become difficult to count, and different national systems for
identifying migrants add another dimension making accurate comparisons between
countries difficult (Gordon, 2009). Another problem in creating accurate measures of
migrants involves the common confusing bureaucracy surrounding governmental rec-
ognition of migrant status and the clandestine nature of migrant activity (Koser, 2010).
Measuring migratory movement is a difficult endeavor and requires extensive resources
and infrastructure that are often beyond those available to many governments.
14.4 BENEFITS OF MIGRATION
Despite much of the negative political rhetoric regarding migration, there are many
social and economic benefits to both origin and destination countries. One recent OECD
study found that the taxes migrants pay host governments minus the benefits they receive
tend to be positive (OECD, 2013). Migrants can have a positive effect on labor produc-
tivity and gross domestic product per head. They can have a positive effect on the labor
market, especially in markets where there are particular shortages of specific workers.
In one Norwegian study, it was shown that a 10% increase in migrant employment in
the construction industry led to a 0.6% decrease in wages of construction workers, but
that these wage and cost reductions were passed along to consumers (Bratsberg, 2012).
Migration can have positive impacts on the countries of origin. It can reduce
unemployment and poverty. It can lessen social burdens on already weak and u nstable
social systems. Money sent by migrants back to the families in their home countries
can have a considerable positive financial impact on the economies of those coun-
tries. They can represent a relatively stable source of income over time. In 2016, the
flow of remittances worldwide reached US$429 billion (World Bank, 2017).
Migrants, and their families who remain behind in their country of origin, can
benefit immensely. Wages of migrants abroad can be many times higher than from
their same job at home (Clemens, 2009). The largest relative income gains occur
in the least skilled and most restricted migrants (Gibson, 2011). Other benefits to
migrants generally include better health than in their native countries, higher school
enrollment rates, and large reductions in infant mortality (World Bank, 2016).
14.5 MIGRATION GOVERNANCE
International migration governance primarily stems from United Nations member
state agreements to cooperate on various aspects of migration including the devel-
opment of laws and norms, and to create governance institutions and mechanisms.
The benefits of enhanced global governance of migrations include improved control
and awareness of the movements of people, better use of resources for monitoring
through coordinated transit points, and control of illicit activities including smug-
gling, human trafficking, organized crime, and terrorist activities. Better migration
control and coordination also improves awareness of financial remittances and flow
of monies across borders.
Unfortunately, international controls and agreements for migration policy lag
behind those developed for other social areas, such as human rights, trade, and even
environmental impacts. A more effective global governance system for migration

could create beneficial opportunities for participating states. Guiding principles, rules,
and norms, whether binding or not, can create benchmarks of state behavior and guid-
ance for the development of programs and policies where there are currently none.
While the UN convention on refugees has been widely ratified, and a specific
UN agency for refugees has been created, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR), instruments to support migrants have received far less support.
International treaties that exist for human trafficking and migrant smuggling have
been ratified, yet protections for migrants, sometimes in extremely vulnerable
situations, generally do not exist.
There are a variety of reasons that international migration policy is difficult to
develop. Migration encompasses such a broad range of technical topics across inter-
national boundaries the complexities are difficult to understand. Economics, demo-
graphics, religion, cultural values, and political stability can all be influenced by
migration. The development of policies that change the dynamics in one country
over those in another is difficult to agree upon. The sovereignty of countries and the
right of States to self-determination often outweigh the common good of the inter-
national community. Due to the complexity of migration, it is often misunderstood
by the general population, and it becomes a politicized topic of discussion in public
immigration debates. The lack of information about how migration will affect a
country’s economy, culture, and social systems makes it difficult to rationally debate
the issues and form consensus. Often when clear data are available, it is disregarded
for cultural or political reasons.
Case
There is often concern that an influx of migrants into a region will negatively affect
employment and the wages of existing national workers. However, in a comprehensive
study in Denmark, it was shown that the new migrant workers tended to take the lower
paid jobs, but the existing Danish workers in those jobs tended to move on to other
higher paying positions in the region. Overall employment in the area increased, along
with Danish worker wages.
(Foged, 2015).
One of the main reasons international migration policy development is so difficult is

due to the imbalance of power between the origin and destination countries. Migrants
have little bargaining power when they arrive at their destination countries. They
tend to, and need to, accept what civil privileges and freedoms they are given, and
they have little recourse to object to their conditions. In that regard, it suggests even
greater need for international cooperation for the development of benchmarks and
standards for all countries to follow in terms of migrant rights.
14.6 INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR MIGRATION

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) was founded in 1951 as an
independent regional organization. Over the years, it became a much more global
organization, and in 2016, it joined the United Nations as a related organization. The
IOM has convened an annual International Dialogue on Migration since 2001 to bring
stakeholders together to discuss relevant and emerging migration topics. In 2015, the
IOM created a Migration Governance Framework that outlines the essential elements
necessary for safe, orderly, and responsible state migration policies. This governance
framework advocates three main principles: adherence to international standards and
fulfillment of migrant rights, development of comprehensive and coordinated state
policies and programs, and international collaboration and coordination.
14.7 GOVERNING CONSENSUS OF MIGRANT LABOR

Although there has been some development of international cooperation on such
issues as refugee persecution and human trafficking, less has been implemented on
the rights of migrants. The ILO has done the most to address health and safety
working conditions of migrants. On the global level, there are the 1949 Migration for
Employment Convention (Revised) (ILO Convention No. 97), the 1975 Convention
Concerning Migrations in Abusive Conditions and the Promotion of Equality of
Opportunity and Treatment of Migrant Workers (ILO Convention No. 143), and
the 1990 Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and
Members of their Families.
Topics addressed in ILO Convention No. 97 include policies regarding migrant
recruitment, remuneration, work age, employment taxes, worker training, and mem-
bership in trade unions (ILO, 1949). Convention 143 expands responsibilities for
monitoring and control of migration by States and provides for human rights of
migrants and expands their equalities of opportunity and treatment in host countries
(ILO, 1975).
The only place working conditions are discussed in either of these two conventions
is in Article 12 of Convention 143. It requires members to “guarantee equality of
treatment, with regard to working conditions, for all migrant workers who perform
the same activity whatever might be the particular conditions of their employment.”
Note that this does not imply equal working conditions with native workers in the
host country. In fact, except for this clause, governance guidelines or standards for
working conditions in international migration governance are nearly nonexistent.
A word search for “occupational” of the 2018 World Migration Report had no hits.
Occupational health and safety issues were not mentioned in the entire 347-page
report (IOM, 2017).
The European Union (EU) recently drafted new rules that would require employ-
ers in one EU country to provide the same working conditions for legal EU workers
from other countries working in their nations. The policy will basically continue the
EU Directive 96/71/EC from 1996, which requires equal working conditions, includ-
ing health and safety, for posted workers. However, this new revision will still not
protect working conditions of migrants coming from outside the EU. And the extent
that the agreement will affect worker safety overall is presently unclear.
The EU Strategic Framework on Health and Safety at Work 2014–2020 describes
future commitments to worker rights. The document addresses emerging risks and
aging workers specifically, but does not mention migrant or immigrant workers and
rights (EU, 2014). Nor are there any explicit U.S. OSHA regulations that specifi-
cally address migrants, although there are mentions sporadically in OSHA alerts
and other informational materials. And language deficiencies are implicitly covered
in the Global Harmonization Standard for hazardous material postings and labels.
In Canadian OSH legislation, significant gaps have been identified in the working
conditions and occupational safety applied to migrant farm and agricultural workers
(Otero, 2010; McLaughlin, 2014).
14.8 ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DISPARITY OF MIGRANTS

Migrants have consistently been shown to suffer economic discrepancies due to a vari-
ety of factors. Migrant wages have been shown to be up to 13% less than natives work-
ing in the same firms (Bartolucci, 2014). It is well known that migration across national
borders, even between developed countries, causes a loss in the intrinsic value of human
capital. Different schools and educational systems, loss of credentialing, and differ-
ences in equipment, modalities, and methods can cause migrants to be less valuable,
even if only for perceived differences. Losses are significantly influenced by cultural
differences between the origin and destination countries. Migrant human capital value
is significantly higher for migrants from highly developed countries, with similar lan-
guage and cultural values, than for migrants who come from economically developing
countries with different languages and cultures (Sanroma, 2015). The more different
they are, the greater the losses in relative value of human capital (Cheswick, 1979; from
Carneiro, 2012). As migrants find themselves unqualified for similar positions they had
held in their countries of origin, they begin to accept offers at lower skilled occupations,
amplifying the loss in wage phenomenon. Migrant language skills of the destination
country have been shown to be important determinants of wages (Cheswick, 2002).
Employers in destination countries rank migrant qualifications lower than natives,
and it accounts for two-thirds of wage differentials (Carneiro, 2012; Kampelmann,
2016; Chan, 2014). In one study, managers were shown to be more likely to hire
workers with similar national origins. And since only 1.5% of the managers were
foreign-born, it significantly negatively impacted immigrant wages (Aslund, 2014).
The lack of managers from other countries then tends to hold migrant job placement
and wages back further.
Migrants searching for positions may intentionally downgrade their qualifications
to increase the search pool and find better matches (Weiss, 2003). They often cluster
into ethnic enclaves, and seek work in the same areas, which also has a downward
impact on wages (Carneiro, 2012; Aydemir, 2008). Migrant wages eventually begin
to rise with work experience in the destination country and by obtaining local train-
ing (Cohen, 2002).
14.9 EDUCATION AND LANGUAGES OF MIGRANTS

Some studies have indicated that migrants with lower levels of education and poor
language skills may accept more hazardous jobs because they do not fully understand
the risks. And a study by Orrenius showed that workers that spoke no English faced
greater injury and fatality rates than other workers (Orrenius, 2009). Approximately
39% of foreign-born adults in the United States do not have a high school diploma,
compared with 11% of natives. In a study by Grieco (2003), 35% of immigrants
reported speaking English poorly, and 12% did not speak it at all. The Center for
Disease Control and Prevention reported that worker deaths among Hispanic immi-
grants were greater due to poor English language and literacy abilities, partly related
to the inability to understand safety training and documents (CDC, 2008).
In addition to reduced levels of training for migrants due to language and edu-
cational deficiencies, migrants are often hired through contractors or manpower
agencies (sometimes located overseas). It is often assumed that these contractors
or agencies will assume the health and safety training requirements internally,
but these companies are often unfamiliar with specific hazards of a migrant’s job
assignments, and equally unprepared to offer these workers adequate training.
These workers are often temporary, and extensive safety training is not deemed
worth the time for the short period the workers will be on-the-job (Belin, 2011). The
lack of inexperience of these workers often then exacerbates the training failures
further (HSE, 2010).
14.10 OCCUPATIONAL HEALTH RISK FACTORS FOR MIGRANTS

Although a considerable amount has been written about the economic and social con-
sequences of migration, much less is known about the OSH conditions of migrants
compared with native workers. In a study in China, migrant workers accounted for a
disproportionate burden of occupational morbidity and mortality (Fitzgerald, 2013).
Other studies have also shown that migrant workers tend to have higher injury rates,
and be employed in more dangerous industries, than native-born workers (Schenker,
2010; Ahonen, 2007; Reid, 2010).
A 2009 study by Orrenius showed that during the period 1992–2005, while the
overall U.S. worker fatality rate declined, the percentage of fatalities by foreign-
born workers rose from 3.5% to 18% of the total (Orrenius, 2009). This same
study concluded that immigrants do tend to work in more dangerous industries and
occupations.
Immigrants may take riskier jobs for a variety of reasons. One may be similar
to taking a job for lower wages; by accepting the riskier job, the likelihood of being
hired may increase. Another reason may be cultural, in different levels of acceptance
of risk. Or to put it another way, the value of life, or limb. Immigrant workers may
be used to more dangerous working conditions that were accepted in their origin
country, and they may not perceive the working conditions in the destination coun-
try as particularly dangerous, again pointing towards cultural differences in risk
acceptance. Migrants also tend to work high levels of overtime, and at accelerated
paces, adding to the risk of an injury- or work-related illness (HSE, 2010; Otero,
2010; Hennebry, 2015). And they have been shown to take additional work risks in
order to please their supervisors (Vartia-Väänänen, 2007). In fact, part of the reason
employers like to hire migrants is their willingness to work long hours and do work
that natives are not inclined to perform (Basok, 2002).
Migrants also tend to be younger than most native populations (EC, 2010). This
would tend to make them more likely to accept more physical challenges and risks
than older workers with more experience. Migrants have also been shown to be
assigned more hazardous work by their supervisors than native workers in the same
job categories (Eurofound, 2007).
The social and economic precariousness of migrant work can also play a role
in determining the risk factors associated with safety on the job. Workers in more
precarious jobs, such as migrants, have been shown to suffer disparities in their
general health compared to workers in more stable jobs (Puig I Barrachina, 2013).
Employees that report high job insecurity exhibit higher levels of workplace injuries
and illnesses (Probst, 2001). These workers may show lower levels of motivation
towards compliance with safety rules.
14.11 OCCUPATIONAL HEALTH OUTCOMES

In a study by Chan (2006), 21 of 29 construction fatalities in New York City during
a 12-month period were immigrants with poor language skills. In a review of the
United States Bureau of Labor and Statistics data for the period 1992–2005, Orrenius
found a dramatic increase in the percentage of immigrant to overall fatalities per
100,000 workers shown in Figure 14.3.
The job design and type of business where migrants are employed can have an
impact on the number and level of injuries or illnesses they might incur. Barling
reported that job characteristics associated with high-performance and high-quality
work systems led to fewer occupational injuries (Barling, 2003). When workers have
a high perception of job insecurity, they tend to show less motivation to follow safety
rules, which results in higher numbers of accidents and injuries (Probst, 2001).
FIGURE 14.3 Overall fatality rate and fatalities to foreign-born workers (Orrenius, 2009).
Companies operating in highly developed countries with well-trained workers

engaged in job design through their knowledge and preexisting skill set will tend
to have lower injury rates. Employees participate in decision-making, including
safety decisions, and thus tend to be more proactively involved, with positive results.
Simard reported that workers who participated in management decisions were much
more proactively involved in their own safety, and not just for the sake of regulatory
compliance (Simard, 1997).
Conversely, it follows then that in countries, work sectors, and jobs with much
lower level of work sophistication, performing simpler tasks, the workers would
be less involved in the design and control of their workplaces, with adverse out-
comes in terms of workplace health and safety. In addition, it would follow that in
countries with cultural and managerial styles that discourage worker involvement
in decision-making, workers would be less interested in safety. Workers performing
high-performance work tend to be more satisfied (Berg, 1999).
Turnover rates for workers performing higher skilled jobs also tend to be lower
(Guthrie, 2001). Both of these factors would play a major role in the participation in
safety training and the likelihood to apply the information gained to the workplace.
High turnover rates make the cost of training go up and overall effectiveness of
safety training go down. This is again a particular problem for migrants who are
often moving and changing jobs.
In a paper by Barrachina, it was noted that precarious workers, namely, women,
those in nonsupervisory positions, and those working in Eastern and Southern
Europe, were more likely to suffer job dissatisfaction and poor work-related health
(Barrachina, 2013). Certain types of contract workers are less likely to report unsafe
working conditions and then suffer the consequences in terms of injury and illness
(Van Aerden, 2015).
Studies have shown that contract workers suffer more frequent and severe injuries
than regular full-time workers (Blank, 1995; Quinlan, 1999). These workers often
have less experience or formal safety training, and they tend to work longer hours
and in more hazardous jobs (Wright, 1998). They also tend to work in more informal
work settings and structures where workplace risks are higher (Glodstein, 2001).
Negative health outcomes in migrant workers are often closely associated with
the types of jobs and sectors they work in (Vartia-Väänänen, 2007). The increased
proportions of migrants working in more hazardous and physically demanding sec-
tors such as construction, agriculture, and fishing include significant hazardous tasks
and exposures and increase their likelihood of workplace-associated injury or illness
(Eurofound, 2007). Migrants are commonly exposed to excessive vibration, noise, heat,
pesticides, and other airborne contaminants. Immigrants to the United States from
Mexico have been shown to have higher work-related fatalities (Loh, 2004). These
higher fatality rates at least in part arise because of their disproportionate employment
in the hazardous industries of construction, and agriculture (Richardson, 2003).
Many immigrants work in service industries such as retail shops or driving
taxicabs. Many own their own businesses. But working with the public in service
industries can also be hazardous. Between 1992 and 2005, more than 3,000 foreign-
born were murdered on the job in the United States, making homicide the leading
cause of immigrant workplace fatality (Franklin, 2006; Sincavage, 2005).
14.12 POTENTIAL UNDERREPORTING
There is reason to speculate that immigrant injury and illness rates are underre-
ported. Immigrant workers may be less likely to report their injuries or illnesses
for fear of reprisal, or missing work without compensation. Partly because of their
reduced language skills, and partly because of their lack of understanding of social
systems, migrants do not partake in available health-care benefits when they are
available to the extent of natives (Rust, 1990).
Contract workers are less likely to report workplace injuries or seek associated
medical treatment due to fears of being dismissed. In small to midsized enterprises,
contract workers are fearful of reporting unsafe conditions to authorities. Often when
they do, they either lose their jobs or their employers “go out of business” altogether
rather than pay penalties or fix the unsafe conditions (Underhill, 2011).
When migrants use health-care services, it tends to be at very late stages of
illness or disease (Vartia-Väänänen, 2007). Migrants tend to work in more pre-
carious and informal industries and in seasonal jobs (Gravel, 2014). These smaller
employers would be less likely to partake in OSHA required reporting mecha-
nisms, and would be less likely to report injuries and illnesses in these workers.
Employers may be less likely to report a fatality as work related in migrant cases
to avoid scrutiny of working conditions or possible inspections. Undocumented
workers would be less likely to report injuries or illnesses for fear of drawing
attention to themselves with the authorities. They are often also unaware of how to
access occupational health services or even basic medical treatment. And if there
was not going to be either medical assistance or workers’ compensation, then there
are few benefits to reporting an injury or illness. So as a result, the injury, illness,
and fatality rates for immigrants are probably even greater than what is reported
(Orrenius, 2009).
14.13 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR IMPROVEMENT

The practical implications of companies or countries using contract or migrant
workers are clear. Additional accidents and injuries will occur with organizations set
up to take advantage of a flexible workforce. When using these workers, additional
controls may be warranted to confront the increased and new risks. Injuries and
illnesses may be reduced through additional hiring screening, on-the-job training,
better communication of safety practices, and a culture of open communications and
continuous improvement. Some workers may need special training on safety prac-
tices, including such topics as the usefulness of personal protective equipment. They
may need special encouragement to report injuries, exposures to hazardous agents,
or unsafe conditions.
In a study by Amuedo-Dorantes (2002), it was shown that additional worker
safety training for temporary workers can significantly reduce the likelihood of inju-
ries. Considering the high numbers of immigrants who do not speak English, and
the high injury and fatality rates for immigrants, it is clear that safety training and
written materials, including labels and postings, need to be available to the workers
in their native languages.
One way to increase the number of migrants in a workforce and to increase wages
would be to promote more immigrants into managerial positions (Aslund, 2014). It
might also follow then that an increase in foreign-born managers might also improve
the health and safety working conditions at the location.
Research on migrant working conditions and occupational health and safety out-
comes should be expanded in order to gain better understanding of the issues and to
find possible solutions. Injury and illness reporting deficiencies should be rectified
by pointed research into the topic to better assess conditions and outcomes.
Professionals in both OSH and other areas should be informed of migrant issues
and particular vulnerabilities in their workplaces. OSH professionals who under-
stand the issues and concerns will be in a better position to do something about
them. This could mean better communications with managers and supervisors about
migrants, increased emphasis on cultural differences and language deficiencies, and
involvement in corporate hiring and promotional practices for immigrant workers.
Social service and health-care providers in a community should be aware of special
migrant health conditions, cultural differences, and potential workplace hazards.
Migrants in unsafe working conditions around the world could benefit from
increased world governance that clarified national responsibilities to protect all
workers from hazardous working conditions and agents. The decoupling of normal
health and safety regulations from people with few protections is unethical from a
professional standpoint for practicing OSH professionals. Governments should work
to create controls and protection standards and regulations oriented directly and spe-
cifically at the protection of migrant worker rights within individual nations and
across international boundaries. The ILO has provided numerous reports and guid-
ance documents that can be used to guide management principles and development
of state of federal regulations. Pressure from practicing professionals who become
informed on the issue of migrant workplace safety can begin the dialogue towards
the development of regulations and policies necessary to protect these vulnerable
workers.
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15 Child Labor
Thomas P. Fuller
CONTENTS
15.1 Introduction................................................................................................. 253
15.2 Child Labor of the Past................................................................................ 254
15.3 Child Labor Today....................................................................................... 255
15.4 Child Labor Terminology............................................................................ 256
15.5 What Child Labor Looks Like.................................................................... 258
15.6 Negative Consequences of Child Labor......................................................260
15.6.1 Harmful Effects to the Child............................................................260
15.6.2 Negative Impacts on Society........................................................... 261
15.7 Child Labor in Agriculture.......................................................................... 262
15.8 Child Labor in Retail Trade......................................................................... 263
15.9 Child Labor in Construction........................................................................ 263
15.10 Children Working at Heights....................................................................... 263
15.11 Lack of and Failure to Use Protective Equipment....................................... 263
15.12 Causes of and Conditions for Child Labor.................................................. 263
15.12.1 Famine and Disease.......................................................................264
15.12.2 Poverty...........................................................................................264
15.12.3 Lack of Social Structure or Government....................................... 265
15.12.4 War................................................................................................. 265
15.13 Ways to Combat Child Labor......................................................................266
15.14 Organizations and Guidelines..................................................................... 268
15.15 Recommendations....................................................................................... 269
15.15.1 Policy Development....................................................................... 269
15.15.2 Research......................................................................................... 269
15.15.3 Dissemination of Information and Public Outreach...................... 270
References............................................................................................................... 271
15.1 INTRODUCTION
Children that work present special problems to occupational safety and health
(OSH) professionals with the responsibility of protecting workers from hazardous
conditions. This issue also represents a problem to the larger OSH professional com-
munity, because of the responsibility to protect all workers on a public health level,
and not just from an organizational or business standpoint.
A job that may be relatively safe for an adult to perform, such as lifting an
object, by nature of their physical characteristics, could be hazardous to a child. An
253
occupational exposure to a recommended occupational limit value based on risk

evaluations for an adult working 40 h per week for 40 years may not be applicable to
a child beginning their working life well before 18, often working longer than 40 h
per week, and with greatly different physiological and metabolic responses to toxic
agents. Children are also at greater risk than adults of being injured by hazardous
machinery or operations, sometimes due to their size and sometimes due to their
inexperience and lack of training.
Some work performed by children is considered good in that they learn social
skills of responsibility and gain experience. It is often the case that the work begins
to interfere with normal schooling and life experiences and eventually hinders their
social development, in addition to causing physical harm. The resultant lack of
schooling leads to a young adult with poor social, reading, and math skills who must
then endeavor to find useful and meaningful work with these disadvantages that last
a lifetime. This is in addition to the potential physical ailments resulting from child-
hood work exposures.
Contrary to how many people think, child labor is not a third world problem,
but occurs on a global scale. Many children in the United States work in hazard-
ous conditions and are exposed to toxic chemicals on the job. And many advanced
nation corporations manufacture products with parts and materials produced abroad
with child labor infused into the supply chain. In addition to the moral reasons for
eliminating child labor, there are business reasons. Child labor is used because it is
typically cheaper than adult labor. Companies or countries that use child labor in
their processes, or in their supply chains, gain an unfair advantage over their com-
petitors. If for no other reasons, nations and businesses should have an interest in
policing child labor for the sake of business value.
Lastly, the social consequences of child labor are seen in the precariousness of the
eventual post-child labor adult working class. Uneducated, unskilled, injured, or ill,
this group is not the shining model for a working social class. They live on the edge of
poverty, often in the informal sector with few medical or social services available to
them. They seldom pay taxes, and when they have children, they will likely be raised
in similar environments to how they were raised, working, and not being educated.
For developed countries that provide aid to many of the less developed countries, this
is a revolving door where financial support can never solve the social problems unless
child labor (which causes many of the social problems) is eliminated.
This chapter describes some of the definitions of child labor in use by different
organizations, and explains the consequences to children and society. It then tries to
provide some realistic alternatives and potential solutions to the child labor problem
and provide resources for more information and guidance on the topic.
15.2 CHILD LABOR OF THE PAST

Various forms of child labor have existed through time. Child labor, indentured
servitude, and child slavery existed in America since its first beginnings. Starting in
agriculture, children quickly moved into urban jobs and factory work with the growth
of cities and industrialization. Children were often preferred workers because they
were seen as easier to manage, less expensive, and less likely to form labor unions.
Child Labor 255
The use of child labor peaked in the early 20th century in the United States,
France, and the United Kingdom. But the growth of worker advocacy groups like
the National Consumers League and Working Women’s Societies led to increasing
demands for social reform in workplaces, which included regulations for the limita-
tion of child labor. In 1904, the National Child Labor Committee was created to fight
for children’s protections and rights to education. Finally, in 1938, the Fair Labor
Standards Act was passed that included federal standards and limitations for the use
of child labor (UI, 2018).
15.3 CHILD LABOR TODAY

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the world’s population is nearly 7.5 billion
(USCB, 2017). Children make up about 27% of the world’s population at approxi-
mately 1.9 billion (Gapminder, 2011).
Globally, approximately 218 million children between the ages of 5 and 17 work.
Of these, 151.6 million are considered to be child laborers. These are children whose
work interferes with their normal educational and other development. It can include
long working hours, or working during normal school hours. The definition of child
labor also includes children who work in hazardous conditions, or with toxic agents.
A total of 72.5 million children are considered to be employed in hazardous activ-
ities. Hazardous activities include conditions of physical, psychological, or sexual
abuse, and working underground, under water, at dangerous heights, and in confined
spaces. Hazardous work also includes working with dangerous machinery or heavy
loads. Exposure to hazardous chemical or physical agents, extreme noise, tempera-
tures, and vibration is also considered hazardous. Working long durations, and shift
or night work, is also considered hazardous by the International Labor Organization
(ILO) (ILO, 2017a).
About 70.9% of child laborers work in agriculture (farming, hunting, forestry, and
fishing). This is followed by work in the informal economy with 17.2% of children
in service activities (retail, restaurants, hotels, transport, storage) and 11.9% of child
labor in industry (construction, mining, utilities, manufacturing) (ILO, 2017a). Forty-
four percent of child laborers are between the ages of 5 and 11 (ILO, 2013). Seventy
percent of those workers meeting the definition of child laborers are unpaid family
members (FAO, 2018). In terms of prevalence, Africa has the highest rates of child
labor. Relative percentages of child labor for other regions are shown in Figure 15.1.
In agriculture (including hunting, forestry, and fishing), children face long hours
in extreme temperatures, are exposed to pesticides, and work in conditions without
adequate sanitation, food, or water. They often work for little or no pay, but for food
and a place to sleep. Children have been documented harvesting bananas in Ecuador,
cotton in Egypt, tea in Argentina, and cut flowers in Columbia (UI, 2018). A study of
U.S. teenagers working in agriculture showed that this age group was highly unlikely
to wear assigned appropriate personnel protective equipment (PPE) such as goggles,
helmets, and earplugs (McCurdy, 2012).
In manufacturing, children have been documented making carpets in India, soccer
balls in Pakistan, bricks in Nepal and India, and even fireworks in Guatemala and
Peru. In mining, children have been reported as young as 6- or 7-year-old breaking
FIGURE 15.1 Relative rates of child labor globally. (Based on ILO, 2018.)
TABLE 15.1
Child Labor Distribution by Branch of Economic Activity
Sector Share (%)
Agriculture 58.6
Industry 7.2
Services 32.3
Domestic work 6.9
Source: Adapted from ILO (2013).
and washing rocks. Nine-year-olds were being used to set underground explosives.
Other activities included mining for gold in Columbia, chrome in Zimbabwe, and
coal in Mongolia. Although poverty increases the likelihood of child labor and it
comprises up to 22% of the labor force in low-income countries, it is not the only
factor. Upper middle-income countries have as much as 6.2% of the workforce from
children (ILO, 2013 “Making Progress”). Child labor distribution by branch of eco-
nomic activity is shown in Table 15.1.
15.4 CHILD LABOR TERMINOLOGY

The United Nations Convention on the Rights of a Child, Article 1 defines a child as
a “human being under the age of 18” (UN, 2018). The United Nations defines child
labor as “work that is inappropriate for a child’s age, affects children’s education, or
is likely to harm their health, safety or morals” (FAO, 2018). The ILO defines child
labor as children doing work that is dangerous or unsuitable for them (ILO, 2016).
It can depend on the child’s age, the hours and type of work, and the conditions
Child Labor 257
in which the work is performed. Not all work performed by children under 18 is
considered child labor.
Child work can take many forms and occur at many ages. Positive forms of child
work include good experiences that educate and develop their capabilities. Work
can create skills and awareness in children and adolescents that lead to increased
feelings of self-worth and satisfaction. The understanding of the value and benefits
of labor are positive outcomes that can remain with a child for a lifetime. Beneficial
work can improve health and intelligence such as chores around the home, helping
in a family business, and working outside of school hours—all are positive learning
experiences and are generally regarded as good. These types of activities can also
contribute to the welfare of their families and help prepare the child for a productive
working life as an adult.
Negative forms of child labor are considered as those that are harmful to physical
and mental development and well-being. This could include any work that interferes
with their schooling, subjects them to harmful working conditions, or deprives them
of normal childhood development and dignity. Interference with normal schooling
would include any work that interfered with school attendance. This includes leaving
school early or arriving late. It could also include excessively long and heavy work
that interfered with a child’s ability to complete assignments or adequately engage
while at school.
Work that subjects children or adolescents to toxic chemicals, harmful physical
agents such as excessive noise or radiation, and musculoskeletal hazards such as
heavy lifting or awkward postures are considered negative forms of child labor. In
the absence of accurate scientific data regarding the negative effects of these harm-
ful agents on children, a precautionary approach should be taken regarding their
occupational exposures. Safe levels of exposure to a particular chemical for an adult
cannot be considered “safe” for a child. Due to the differences in physiology and
metabolism, children are typically considered to be more sensitive to harmful effects
of chemical agents. Adult threshold limit values can be signals that exposure is haz-
ardous to children, but it is generally assumed that children should not be exposed to
the same levels as adults due to their developmental status. A safe lifting weight for
an adult should not be considered safe for a child. Nor should safe working durations,
rates, or postures for adults be considered safe for children. This includes excessive
work such as shown in Figure 15.2. In addition to all the other “unknown variables”
regarding hazardous exposures to children and potential negative outcomes, the
exposure durations for child laborers are considerably longer than for adults.
Cumulatively negative exposures to excessive levels of noise to a child could be
expected to have significantly higher likelihood of resulting in negative consequences
in their lifetime, and sooner in their lifetime. Exposure to carcinogenic agents, which
often take long periods before manifesting in an exposed worker, would be assumed
to occur much sooner in the life of a person who is exposed as a child.
Extremely negative forms of child labor include those in which the child is
deprived of all rights and protections normally provided by a society or government.
These children may be working to support their families, or be separated from their
families, or orphaned. They work for survival and perform all forms of hazardous
work, do not attend school, and do not partake in normal childhood activities or
FIGURE 15.2 Child labor as identified by excessive work. (Courtesy of photographer Steve
Thygerson.)
experiences. These children often exist and work outside of normal societal support
systems such as medical benefits, welfare systems, or any form of social net or sup-
port. When these children are injured or sick, there is no support structure or access
to health care.
The most extreme forms of child labor are defined in Article 3 of ILO Convention
Number 182:
(a) all forms of slavery or practices similar to slavery, such as the sale and traffick-
ing of children, debt bondage and serfdom and forced or compulsory labour, including
forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict;
(b) the use, procuring or offering of a child for prostitution, for the production of
pornography or for pornographic performances;
(c) the use, procuring or offering of a child for illicit activities, in particular for the
production and trafficking of drugs as defined in the relevant international treaties;
(d) work which, by its nature or the circumstances in which it is carried out, is likely
to harm the health, safety or morals of children.
(ILO, 1999).
15.5 WHAT CHILD LABOR LOOKS LIKE

According to the ILO Recommendation Number 190, hazardous child labor is codi-
fied as work that exposes children to the following:
• Physical, psychological, or sexual abuse

• Work underground, under water, at dangerous heights, and in confined
spaces
• Dangerous machinery, equipment, or tools
• Manual handling of heavy loads
• Hazardous chemicals, agents, processes, temperatures, noise, or vibration
• Particularly stressful working conditions including long hours, night shifts,
or confinement
Child Labor 259
FIGURE 15.3 Children at work in the construction industry. (Courtesy of photographer

Marianne Levitsky.)
Children at work in the construction industry are shown in Figure 15.3.

Child labor is not limited to developing countries, but some of the most advanced
nations have considerable child labor rates. In the United States, more than two
million children are exposed to occupational hazards each year (Castillo, 1999).
Child labor is very common in the United States, and in a 2003 study, it was shown
that nearly 30% of farm-working children had driven tractors, all-terrain vehicles, or
pickup trucks. Despite being considered hazardous work, many children under the
age of 16 reported driving self-propelled combines, handling toxic fertilizers, and
working in silos (Park, 2003).
According to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, human trafficking
might be identified by a long list of conditions that might be observable. Some of
those conditions are listed as follows:
• The appearance that the person is disconnected from friends or family.

• The child is not attending school.
• Sudden and dramatic changes in behavior.
• Bruises or visible injuries.
• The person is confused, disoriented, fearful, timid, and submissive.
• They seem to have been coached or memorized what to say.
• The person is often in the company to whom they seem subservient or to
whom they defer.
• The person does not seem to have many personal possessions, or basic
items most people would have (e.g., a wallet, different and weather appro-
priate clothing, appropriate shoes).
• The child has little freedom of movement, appears malnourished or poorly
clothed.
If human trafficking is suspected, the trafficker should never be confronted directly.

Suspicious activities or conditions should be reported immediately to the U.S.
Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) Homeland Security Investigations
(HIS) Tip Line 24 h per day (USHS, 2018).
15.6 NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF CHILD LABOR

15.6.1 Harmful Effects to the Child
Unintentional injuries are the leading cause of death of children between the ages
of 10 and 19. In 2004, nearly a million children globally died due to injuries (WHO,
2008a). More than 95% of injury deaths to children occur in low- and middle-income
countries. Child survival has been described as one of the most significant moral
dilemmas of the 21st century (WHO, 2008b; Lee, 2003).
Injuries in young workers aged 15–24 is a public policy priority in many c ountries
because this group consistently shows the highest rate of workplace injuries
(Salminen, 2004; Santana, 2012). In one study, the fatality rates to young agricul-
tural workers in the United States were shown to be three times higher than the
death rates to adult private sector workers nationally (Hard, 1999). In addition, there
is good reason to believe that the injury and illnesses reported by young people
are actually even higher. Research has shown that up to 81% of workplace injuries
go unreported (Pransky, 1999; Probst, 2008; Rosenman, 2006). Underreporting of
workplace i njuries is particularly prevalent in young workers (Tucker, 2014).
Due to anatomic and physiological differences in children, they can be much
more susceptible to hazardous working conditions or exposures than normal healthy
adults. Rapidly growing cells, tissues, and organs are more susceptible to harmful
effects of toxic chemicals, and greater absorption rates in children, and are more
likely to lead toxic health effects or cancer (Bruckner, 1999). Children have higher
breathing rates, and aspirational absorption efficiency, than adults so children can
be expected to receive a higher dose through the inhalation route than adults with
the same exposure (Chung, 1993). Children have immature immune systems that put
them at greater risk to some agents. They also absorb and retain heavy metals in the
brain more easily than adults.
Children are often assigned some of the simplest and most routine tasks on a given
jobsite. They may work long hours in awkward postures bent at their waist or knees.
As their bodies are still developing, they are particularly vulnerable to the harmful
effects of overexertion and repetitive motions. Due to the combination of the above-
mentioned factors, children are at an increased risk of musculoskeletal injuries.
Exposures to the same levels of noise can lead to greater risk of hearing loss to
children due to the sensitivity of their hearing. The smaller size of children makes
Child Labor 261
them more susceptible to harmful musculoskeletal injuries, and they require more
food and rest than adults. Children do not have the same ability to assess risk as adults,
and they tend to accept work in more hazardous environments. Young workers lack
experiences and may be less familiar with safe operating procedures for sophisticated
machines and equipment. Sixty-four percent of workplace fatalities of workers under
18 in the United States are from transportation incidents and contact with objects or
equipment (NIOSH, 2003). Young workers may lack emotional and psychological
maturity required for some tasks, and they may be unfamiliar with their basic rights
as workers and be less willing to complain about adverse working conditions.
Due to these differences in children, they are much more likely to be injured in
the workplace. In the United States, children between the ages of 15 and 17 were
30% (4.9/2.9) more likely to be injured at work than older workers (CDC, 2001).
Child workers have also been shown to be less likely to report workplace hazards
than adults (Breslin, 2007).
Growth deficiency is prevalent among children that work. Working children
fall behind in height and weight compared to other children. Often exhausted
and malnourished, working children often do not earn enough to feed themselves
adequately (ILO/IPEC, 2017a).
In a recent study by Sturrock (2016), child labor was closely associated with poor
mental health. Risk factors included work in domestic labor, working at a younger
age, and increased intensity of work. Mental health problems most evident in child
workers included low self-esteem and isolation. Working children were also demon-
strated to have mood and anxiety disorders (Fekadu, 2006). Child workers have also
been shown to have problems in sleeping (Kiran, 2007).
In some cases, the long hours of work performed by children directly impact their
education, either by time away from schooling or by negatively influencing their abil-
ity to achieve their full potential. Adolescents working more than 20 h per week are
more likely to drop out of school or complete fewer months of education. The worst
forms of child labor including slavery, prostitution, soldering, and drug trafficking
can have traumatic effects on the health and development of children (UI, 2018).
Child labor leads to long-term social and personal consequences related to the
lack of education and social stigmatization. A child that does not receive primary or
secondary education is at an extreme disadvantage socially. They may not be able to
read or perform basic math skills necessary to function effectively in modern soci-
ety. This leads to a lifetime of work in the most menial jobs and industries. Adults
who worked as child laborers are also likely to have work-related negative health
outcomes related to hazardous exposures as a child. These may include musculoskel-
etal disorders or outcomes of exposure to hazardous chemicals, such as pesticides.
Exposure limits created to represent safe levels of exposure to adults for a period of
40 h a week for 40 years are often significantly exceeded in the child labor workforce.
15.6.2 Negative Impacts on Society

In free trade societies, the use of child labor provides unfair advantages. Businesses
and governments that use child labor reap benefits in that labor costs are greatly
reduced below typical market wages. Since workers are illegal, taxes are typically
not paid for child laborers. And employers are not required to pay into work compen-
sation, pension, vacation, and medical insurance benefits. Child laborers often do not
fall within state run welfare of health-care systems, so nations allowing child labor
may have unfair advantages in reduced operating costs.
The monetary benefits of child labor are never shared equally in society. An indi-
vidual business may be more financially successful, but other members of society
will end up paying more. In the long run, nations will end up with a large segment of
the population that are disabled or incapable of effective and efficient work. Social
costs of caring for large populations of injured or ill child workers will cost the state
more in the long run. If these injured and ill children are not supported by the state,
which is often the case, they are often cared for by other family members, or other
philanthropic charitable or religious organizations.
15.7 CHILD LABOR IN AGRICULTURE

Agriculture is the sector where most child labor is found. Many children begin
working as early as 5 years old (ILO, 2006). And it has been shown to be the most
hazardous work for children. Agriculture, forestry, and fishing make up approxi-
mately 43% of all workplace fatalities for young workers in the United States
(NIOSH, 2003). For young agricultural workers, the risk of fatality is four times
that of young workers in other industries (BLS, 2000). In the Philippines, children
working in agriculture were at five times the risk of injury than children working in
other sectors (Castro, 2013).
Child laborers in agriculture are exposed to hazardous machinery, confined
spaces, work at elevations, excessive work durations, exposure to dangerous tools
and equipment, ultraviolet radiation, livestock, excessive levels of noise, and hazard-
ous chemicals/pesticides.
In 2014, it was estimated that approximately 720,000 youth under the age of 20
worked on farms in the United States. It is common for children working in agricul-
ture to drive tractors or use heavy machinery. Tractor overturns are extremely com-
mon and were the leading work-related cause of death to farmers in 2015, with 401
fatalities (NIOSH, 2017). Between the years of 1995 and 2002, an average of 113
youth die each year in the United States working in agriculture. The leading sources
of youth deaths were attributed to heavy machinery (23%), motor vehicles (19%), and
drowning (16%).
Many children working in agriculture work with and are exposed to increased
levels of pesticides (Calvert, 2003). Regulations that limit access to pesticides vary
by country. In the United States, children under the age of 16 cannot handle category
I or II pesticides. But when in the proximity of spraying and other applications, it is
easy for these same children to become exposed. These exposures can lead to both
immediate and long-term effects that include rash, nausea, vomiting, headaches, and
dizziness. Large doses can cause loss of consciousness, coma, and death (Alarcon,
2005). Long-term exposures to pesticides at even low levels have been associated
with chronic health problems including cancer, neurologic disorders, and infertility
(Alavanja, 2004). Children seldom receive adequate training on the use or hazards
associated with pesticides (HRW, 2010).
Child Labor 263
15.8 CHILD LABOR IN RETAIL TRADE

The retail trade is associated with the second highest level of workplace fatalities
in young workers in the United States, 63% of which were caused by homicide or
violent acts (Windau, 1999). Particular hazards in retail fatalities include handling
large sums of cash, working alone, and working late evening or early morning.
More than 60% of nonfatal injuries to young workers in retail trades occurred
in eating and drinking establishments. The most common injuries were cuts, burns
from hot surfaces of grease from fryers, and scrapes (Mardis, 2003).
15.9 CHILD LABOR IN CONSTRUCTION

Children working in construction are at serious risk from a wide range of conditions
including falls, falling objects, electrocution, collapsing structures, and heavy
machinery crashes. Other hazards include exposure to dangerous power tools, exces-
sive noise, extreme thermal conditions, and toxic substances such as asbestos and
silica, or solvents such as toluene or epoxy resins.
15.10 CHILDREN WORKING AT HEIGHTS

Several common child labor practices put children at significant risk of falls.
Agriculture is the most common setting for nonfatal serious falls resulting in head
and limb injuries. Particular dangers in this sector include climbing tall trees to
pick crops, working on unprotected platforms, silos, unlit shafts and wells, and deep
drainage ditches (ILO, 2006).
Many children work at heights on ladders in agriculture or on scaffolding in con-
struction industries. Children often work as pickers in fruit harvesting. They may
carry heavy bags and work in wet weather conditions.
15.11 LACK OF AND FAILURE TO USE PROTECTIVE EQUIPMENT

As stated above, 73 million children worldwide work in hazardous working condi-
tions and with hazardous agents. Unlike their adult counterparts, children do not
typically have access to properly fitting protective equipment. Protective gloves are
not sized for the small hands of children. Protective helmets are seldom sized prop-
erly for children. Protective suits and respirators for use with hazardous chemicals
or pesticides are never available in children’s sizes. As a result, children often go
without even this last line of defense from workplace hazards. Children are also less
likely to fully understand the usefulness or rational for using PPE.
15.12 CAUSES OF AND CONDITIONS FOR CHILD LABOR

Child labor does not only occur in economically developing countries, but also
occurs in developed countries that have their own problems with child labor. In the
United States, more than 30% of all fatal injuries to young workers occurred in
family businesses (NIOSH, 2003). Many of these occur in agriculture on family
farms. In developing countries where parents and families depend on children to

help support and provide for the existence, child labor can be easily understood. In
developed countries, the use of children to perform hazardous and dangerous work is
much more difficult to understand. It is presumed that parents clearly do not under-
stand the danger they put their children in, and more needs to be done to educate
them to the hazards and ramifications.
Causes of child labor have historically included poverty, lack of education, and
repressions of worker rights in general. Limited regulatory prohibitions that con-
done or promote child labor also exacerbate the natural societal forces that cause
children to work. More than one quarter of the world’s population live in extreme
poverty setting the stage for child laborers to assist in the support of the family for
basic survival. Even in societies where child labor is banned, the laws may not be
enforced or the use of child labor is well hidden. Governments and courts may have
few resources to enforce regulations, even in countries where strong child protec-
tions exist on paper. In certain countries, broad exceptions have been made to allow
child labor in certain industries such as agriculture.
Case
A Safety Manager of a large dairy in the Midwest U.S. went to a nearby Safety pro-
gram to give a class presentation. He spoke all about the activities and hazards associ-
ated with dairy operations, including working on a dairy farm. When a student asked
if they had any policies on the use of children to work on the farms the Safety Manager
said “No, the safety practices taken are up to each of the farmers in the regional dairy
cooperative. If they dairy company asked farmers not to use their children in the oper-
ations of the farm, the farmers might decide to sell their milk to someone else.” What
would be some alternative solutions available to this Safety Manager of the dairy com-
pany buying milk from the cooperative of farms?
15.12.1 Famine and Disease

Children often become orphans as the result of famine and disease. The HIV crisis
in Africa has led to thousands of orphans who need to fend for themselves and their
siblings.
15.12.2 Poverty
Global spending and social support have a huge influence over the poverty levels of
children throughout the world, and therefore their likeliness to work. Cuts in social
spending force more children to work at earlier ages. Poverty-stricken families with
several children are often led to “sell” or “rent” their children out as indentured ser-
vants. Children are often sent to do more hazardous jobs in place of their parents to
reduce the likelihood of injury to the parent and possibility of the parent being out
of work (ECLT, 2017).
Poverty and lack of decent work in general society tend to lower the working
ages for children as they become more important to the financial survival of the
family. Or in the worst cases, the family collapses and the children need to fend for
Child Labor 265
themselves on the street. The lack of social protection systems for the poor, and par-
ticularly for children, forces children into labor just to provide for themselves. More
than knowledgeable adults, children are not aware of social services that might be
available to them.
Poor nations faced with large interest payments due on development loans to
the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund are typically required to fol-
low monetary and social policies according to the loan agreements. These policies
require the developing nations to allow open trade and competition that drive prices
of goods down, but other internal operating costs up. As a result, government spend-
ing on regulation and enforcement on occupational and public health topics, and
education, are reduced. In regions with huge governmental debts, the percentage of
child labor increases, and the number of children receiving and education goes down
(UI, 2018).
15.12.3 Lack of Social Structure or Government

Weak governmental systems and political instability often lead to economic
downturns and vulnerabilities. The poor and children are often most affected and
are least protected from harsh economic and political conditions. Lack of access
to legal protections is common for the poor, and without adult intervention, nearly
impossible for children. Children do not typically pay taxes and cannot typically
receive related social service benefits, or even basic medical care.
In the United States, child labor is permitted in agriculture when working on
family-owned farms. Despite the documented increased risks to children who work
with hazardous farm equipment, toxic chemicals used for pesticide and rodenti-
cides, and hazardous levels of noise that exceed otherwise permissible limits,
children in the United States continue to be injured and killed in agriculture and
ranching.
15.12.4 War
War is another factor that contributes to child labor. Many children become orphans
as the result of war, and these children need to work to survive to support themselves
and sometimes their siblings. In a study from Bangladesh, injury was the primary
cause of losing a parent (Rahman, 2005). These orphaned workers often work in
street industries such as the collection of bottles for refunds or recycling, polishing
shoes, washing cars, cleaning, dish washing, and collecting and selling wood. In a
Cambodian study of child labor in the sugarcane industry, the consent to work in
the formal sector on a plantation was given by the children themselves (ILO, 2015;
Cambodia Ministry of Planning, 2013).
As devastating as war is in so many other social ways, it often leads to increases
in the levels of child labor. Often it is because one or both of the child’s parents
are deceased as a result of the conflict. They need to provide for themselves and
sometimes other younger siblings. In countries under civil war or social collapse,
orphanages as we might think of do not exist. Children are left to live on the street
and make a living, however, they can. Often at a very early age, these orphaned
children are recruited to serve in the armies that defeated them and killed their
families. In countries with rampant armed conflict, child labor is performed by 17%
of all children (ILO, 2017b).
15.13 WAYS TO COMBAT CHILD LABOR

By looking at the long list of causes of child labor above, it is understood that regu-
lations and laws alone cannot eliminate the practice. Strong international standards
and conventions are a beginning and a way to educate policy makers and politicians
about the problems that child labor brings to children and society as a whole.
Building upon the guidance of international guidelines and standards, indepen-
dent nations can begin to draft regulations and laws that begin to restrict and limit
child labor within and across their borders. Laws can govern minimum working
ages and compulsory school attendance. But in order to be truly effective, the laws
need to be followed up with programs for inspection and enforcement, which is typ-
ically lacking, particularly in developing countries where the fundamental reasons
for child labor have not yet been addressed.
A variety of means have been identified to combat and eliminate child labor. The
first step is to become informed about the national laws regarding child labor, and
the current status and extent of child labor in your society. These national codes can
be a starting point for any organization. In addition, management and employees
should be educated on child labor definitions and issues so there is a better under-
standing of the issues.
Companies and organizations should next review requirements of international
buyers and brands regarding child labor standards and expectations. Standardized
international industry codes on the use of child labor have been developed. Companies
and organizations should be sure they are aware of all expectations of buyers, local
codes, and industry standards for the use of child labor to ensure they remain at
the highest possible level of compliance. Corporate social responsibility programs
that consider environmental and sustainability in enterprise supply chains, including
internationally, must expand these programs to include OSH of their global work-
force. Supply chain review must include the identification and elimination of inap-
propriate or illegal child workers, and child labor.
Employers should take positive actions to ensure the ages of their workers. ILO
standards in the Minimum Age Convention (No. 138) set the minimum age for work-
ers at the minimum school-leaving age of the country. It must not be less than 15
for any developed country, and the limit is 14 for developing countries. Companies
should take the most stringent actions possible to ensure the ages of young workers,
and document all findings.
Organizations and nations that review their supply chains to ensure worker
health and safety should become familiar with the signs of child labor and be sure
to eradicate it when identified. A comprehensive analysis of safe and health working
conditions in supply chains should be able to note when children are working within
that system. Policies, programs, and procedures should be clear that child labor is not
permitted, and they should include reporting schemes and response protocols when
it is identified. Companies should conduct onsite meetings and audits to engage with
Child Labor 267
companies to discuss approaches to eliminate child labor within the supply chain
(ILO, 2017b).
Another aspect of child labor directly related to supply chains is the expanding
growth of informal labor that supply chains have become dependent upon. Working
conditions in informal labor tend to be more hazardous than those in formal manu-
facturing industries. And informal industries that tend to be unregulated also tend to
involve more child workers. By using formal manufacturers in official supply chains,
it will reduce the use of informal sector workers and the use of unmonitored child
labor (ILO, 2017b).
One approach to reducing the impacts to child workers is to reduce the hazard
level of the working conditions. If workplace risks to children are adequately iden-
tified and addressed, then controls could be implemented directly to eliminate the
hazardous characteristics of the work (ILO, 2014c).
Besides creating internal policies and programs to prevent child labor, compa-
nies and organizations can also create or join voluntary industry-wide collaborative
initiatives against child labor. Eliminating child labor from the market eliminates
unfair competitive advantages. By creating consensus and adhering to agreed upon
standards, companies level the business playing field and create a holistic natural
approach to eliminating the worst forms of child labor.
Cross-industry collaborations can go even further in reducing the use of child
labor within and entire industry, or region. The ILO Global Compact Child
Labor Platform is one example where industries can get involved and accelerate
progress in reducing child labor. The labor platform provides companies and
organizations with models for program and policy development and implemen-
tation (ILO, 2014a).
In a study regarding child labor in brick kilns in Nepal, it was determined that the
most effective intervention strategies would include the following:
• Financial support to families to provide support for education and prevent

financial bondage
• Onsite educational programs
• Additional research to determine which harm reduction strategies are most
effective (Lamar, 2017)
Direct interventions in child labor have been separated into two categories: p rotective
and preventative (Paruzzolo, 2009). Protective interventions tend to involve the direct
removal of children already working in hazardous locations in the worst forms of
child labor. But these types of preventions tend to not be lasting, with children often
reengaging in the same labor after time (deGroot, 2007), and often leave the children
in the same conditions that caused the need to work in the first place, poverty, and
disadvantage (Bhukuth, 2006).
Protective approaches to child labor intervention tend to take a more holistic
approach maintaining balance with the social and familial systems. Examples can be
offsetting poverty by providing financial support structures, integrating educational
services to match specific needs more closely, and targeting the initial causes of child
labor (Lieten, 2010; Paruzzolo, 2009).
15.14 ORGANIZATIONS AND GUIDELINES

Various international conventions and guidelines have already been in existence for
many years. The ILO is one of the more active organizations working to identify and
curtail child labor globally. Some of the major ILO conventions and recommenda-
tions include the following documents:
• Convention concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the

Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour, 1999 (No. 182), and
Recommendation (No. 190)
• Convention concerning Minimum Age for Admission to Employment, 1973
(No. 138), and Recommendation (No. 146)
• Convention concerning Safety and Health in Agriculture, 2001 (No.184),
and Recommendation (No.192)
ILO Convention 138 was created in 1973 and sets clear guidelines and limits on
the use of child labor in agreement nations. ILO 138 child labor limits are shown in
Table 15.2.
The ILO International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour is source
of information on child labor with many ideas and suggestions for the identification
and eradication of child labor. The website includes links to guideline documents
and online training programs (ILO, 2018).
The Global March Against Child Labor (GMACL) is a worldwide network of
trade unions, teachers’ and social organizations that work together towards the elim-
ination and prevention of all forms of child labor. The organization supports local,
regional, and national efforts through a variety of international instruments related
to the protection of children’s rights. They bring together a range of stakeholders to
build and strengthen collaborative activities and programs (GMACL, 2018).
The Save the Children’s Resource Center is an online library of information
on topics of child protection, rights governance, health, nutrition, education, and
poverty (Save the Children’s Resource Center, 2018). The purpose for the center is
to help build global capacity for the development and protection of children. The
library is open to the public, and articles are free.
TABLE 15.2
ILO Convention 138 Child Labor Limits
Minimum Age at Which Possible Exceptions for
ILO Convention 138 Children Can Start Work Developing Countries
Hazardous work 18 (16 under strict 18 (16 under strict
conditions) conditions)
Basic minimum age (should not be below 15 14
the age for finishing compulsory schooling)
Light work that does not threaten health and 13–15 12–14
safety or hinder education
Child Labor 269
15.15 RECOMMENDATIONS
As in other situations, workplace injuries to children are preventable. Childhood
labor injuries can be combated on a variety of fronts. A public health approach to
injury prevention involves data collection, risk factor analysis, development of inter-
ventions, evaluation, and widespread implementation of proven prevention methods.
15.15.1 Policy Development
The development of international conventions and recommendation of practice are a
beginning point for nations and global corporations to begin to identify and address
child labor, either within their borders or within their supply chains. National regu-
lations and programs must also be created in order to further evaluate and enforce
noncompliant formal companies, and to also begin to educate and inform those
working in informal sectors. Government policies and regulations should promote
basic rights of children, including access to education and other social support
services.
Global organizations need to incorporate the evaluation of supply chains to
ensure child labor is not part of the system at all manufacture, production, and dis-
tribution levels. Workers in these organizations, particularly working in the area of
corporate social responsibility, need to be aware of international, national, and home
country regulations and laws on the use of child labor. Programs and policies need
to be developed and implemented on every level. These programs must include the
evaluation of working conditions that may move a child from an “acceptable work”
category in terms of working hours and conditions to a “child labor” category based
on identified hazardous working conditions.
In order for developing countries to build capacities, funding must be provided for
each of the steps. Occupational health and safety and policy professionals in devel-
oped countries need to be made aware of the extent and significance of child labor
conditions and problems. The significance and impact of child labor is not always
widely understood, and the rational for prevention and elimination is pervasively
underappreciated by professionals and politicians in economically advanced coun-
tries. The lack of awareness and understanding undermines the organizational drive
to extend energy and resources to research and solve the problem of child labor in
developing countries.
15.15.2 Research
As most of the more significant and harmful forms of child labor are happening in
developing countries, in order to begin public health prevention approaches, national
capacities for data collection and record analysis must be improved. Training on
research collection methodologies must be expanded to provide on-the-ground pro-
fessionals to collect and analyze injury, fatality, and illness statistics. Effective inter-
vention strategies must be created and implemented over time.
In one study of child labor in sugarcane in Cambodia, the need for additional
research was identified in some general areas (ILO, 2015). It could be assumed that
some or all of these basic research needs could also apply to other child labor indus-
tries and regions. The areas included the following:
• Macro-level supply chain analysis to provide information on social

conditions that are the cause for child labor, existing industry production and
distribution pathways. Supply chain analysis would also evaluate the roles
of key actors including farmers, the children, owners and manufacturers,
industry representatives, government officials, and end-user corporations.
• Deeper evaluation of social conditions and relations between children, par-
ents, and the immediate environment.
• Comprehensive analysis and reporting of OSH risks to children in specific
jobs and industries. This research should provide concise recommendations
for risk reduction and provide easy to understand reasons why the changes
are necessary for the protection of the child.
• The long-term impacts on child health and well-being in relation to physical,
nutritional, educational, and social outcomes.
Research goals and needs have also been outlined in ILO documents in detail.
Research needs in hazard assessment is one of the topic areas. This study also pro-
vides direction on how to formulate and conduct research regarding child work and
labor (ILO, 2014c).
15.15.3 Dissemination of Information and Public Outreach

In order for the negative global consequences of child labor to be eliminated, what is
known about the harmful personal and social impacts must be more broadly inves-
tigated and disseminated. The moral and ethical dilemmas for occupational health
and safety professionals need to be discussed and debated at all levels in the govern-
ment, professional organizations, and corporations. Once professionals understand
the issues and need to act, effective and inexpensive interventions need to be identi-
fied and implemented.
Families, parents, and even children themselves need accessible and understand-
able information about the physical, mental, and social outcomes that result from the
worst forms of child labor. Awareness about health and safety risks can be a gateway
to further acceptance of more complex social and cultural changes necessary for
sustainable change, including creation and implementation of new social systems
and associated regulations (ILO, 2015).
A broader community of professionals including occupational hygienists, health-
care practitioners, and social workers need to be better informed about child labor
issues, why it is an important global social issue, and why it should be important to
them as professionals and individuals. Global corporations should be knowledgeable
about this issue, and know their supply chains, for purely business reasons, but also for
public relations purposes (ILO, 2014b). Lastly, professional organizations and nongov-
ernmental organizations and their members should be aware of child labor conditions
and issues, and do their part to eradicate the worst forms wherever possible through
research, white papers and policy statements, and outreach and training programs.
Child Labor 271
Labor and professional organizations need to do more to inform their members

about the social and personal ramifications of the expanding use of child labor.
Child labor is a violation of basic human rights and most international treaties and
standards. Professional organizations need to work with other organizations, busi-
nesses, governments, communities, families, and members to increase awareness the
hazards and extent of child labor.
The U.S. Department of Homeland Security Blue Campaign provides a foundation
for identifying and reporting human trafficking.
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16 Modern Slavery and
Occupational Health
Thomas P. Fuller
CONTENTS
16.1 Introduction................................................................................................. 275
16.2 Definitions of Modern Slavery.................................................................... 276
16.3 Types of Slavery.......................................................................................... 278
16.3.1 Human Trafficking........................................................................... 278
16.3.2 Debt-Based Slavery......................................................................... 279
16.3.3 Contract Slavery.............................................................................. 279
16.3.4 State-Imposed Forced Labor............................................................280
16.3.5 Forced Marriage...............................................................................280
16.3.6 Descent-Based Slavery....................................................................280
16.3.7 Forced Recruitment for Armed Services.........................................280
16.4 Numbers of Slaves.......................................................................................280
16.5 Consequences of Slavery............................................................................. 282
16.5.1 Economic and Social Consequences of Slavery.............................. 282
16.5.2 Social and Health Consequences to Slaves...................................... 283
16.6 Factors That Foster Modern Slavery...........................................................284
16.6.1 Overpopulation................................................................................284
16.6.2 Poverty............................................................................................. 285
16.6.3 Government Instability, Weakness, Corruption, and
Lack of Interest��285
16.6.4 War and Social Disruption............................................................... 286
16.6.5 Cultural Values................................................................................. 286
16.6.6 Environmental Destruction.............................................................. 287
16.7 How Is Slavery Reported or Identified?....................................................... 287
16.8 What Can Organizations Do to Combat Slavery?....................................... 287
16.9 Legislation to Improve Government Oversight and Control....................... 289
16.10 Other Responses to Slavery—Educate, Communicate, and Collaborate......291
16.11 Conclusions/Recommendations................................................................... 293
References............................................................................................................... 294
16.1 INTRODUCTION
Despite extensive evidence to the contrary, many people in the world today believe
that slavery and forced labor are occurrences fixed in past civilizations and societies.
275
They seem to adhere to several myths about the extent of modern slavery, and the
forms that it takes. One myth is that slavery no longer exists in the U.S. or modern
European or Western civilizations. Another myth is that if it does exist in a developed
nation, it is only in the sex industry. Yet another myth is that slavery only exists as
one form and does not include the trafficking of people into slavery. Unfortunately,
none of these common assumptions made by many people in our modern and civi-
lized societies are true.
Modern slavery, in all its forms, represents a gross violation of human rights
and international law, and it is considered a crime against humanity. It is also a
major threat to global economic stability, democracy, political development, and
world peace (Ngwe, 2012). The lack of rights and protections, normally afforded to
workers, such as the ability to voice concerns or refuse dangerous jobs, makes slaves
exceedingly more vulnerable to workplace risks.
16.2 DEFINITIONS OF MODERN SLAVERY

The most basic definition of slavery is found in Article 1(1) of the Slavery Convention
of 1926 as “the status or condition of a person over whom any or all of the powers
attaching to the right of ownership are exercised.”
In recent years, the concept of “modern slavery” has arisen and has broadened the
definition to include forced labor, forced marriage, forced sexual exploitation, human
trafficking, and state-imposed labor. The International Labor Organization (ILO) in
the Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29), Article 2.1, defines forced labor as “all
work or service which is exacted from any person under the menace of any penalty
and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily” (ILO, 1930).
Forced labor includes six basic conditions:
1. Threat or actual physical harm to the worker

2. Restriction of movement and confinement
3. Debt bondage
4. Withholding wages and wage reductions
5. Retention of passports and identity documents
6. Threat of denunciation of illegal status to authorities (Craig, 2007a; ILO,
2005).
Slavery was prohibited by Article 4 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

(UN, 1948). On paper, slavery is illegal in every nation. Modern forced labor differs
from historic slavery in a few basic ways. In contemporary slavery it costs less to
acquire slaves. Some slaves can be purchased for as little as 10 U.S. dollars (Bales,
2008). Unlike in the past, slaves are not owned for life, but for limited durations of
a few years, or even months. Slaves cost less and are easy to get rid of, and replace.
This is a particular concern because there is less interest in keeping them healthy
and safe. Lastly, slavery today is globalized, meaning that it is occurring in numer-
ous countries and in broad swaths of geographic and economic regions on a regular
and persistent basis. Some of the basic differences between old slavery and modern
slavery are provided in Table 16.1.
Modern Slavery and Occupational Health 277
TABLE 16.1
Basic Differences between Old Slavery and Modern Slavery
Old Slavery Modern Slavery
Slaves were owned and traded as a commodity Legal ownership is not always part of the process
High purchase costs Low purchase costs
Low return on investment High return on investment
Long-term ownership Short-term usage and exploitation
Slaves were of limited commodity and supply Unlimited supply of slaves, easy to transport
Slaves maintained Slaves used and disposed of
Source: Adapted from Bales (2000).
In an article entitled “Badges of modern slavery,” Amir Pas-Fuchs helps to iden-

tify and define modern-day slavery by a series of basic working and living condi-
tions called “badges” (Pas-Fuchs, 2016). The first of these is the lack of dignity or
state of humiliation in the social order. Slaves have no rights as citizens or members
of society for a variety of logistical and legal reasons. But this lack of status can be
used to identify and indicate when modern slavery is occurring or is likely to result
in exploitative conditions. Another badge is ownership of a person. A person may
willingly pay to be transported to a new employer in a foreign land, and in the end
be coerced or tricked into a life of bondage or indebtedness. The term “ownership”
is not always clearly applicable but needs to be applied more broadly to identify
conditions where the level the employer maintains is tantamount to possession.
Control, and thus possession, can be maintained through violence, sexual abuse,
threats of legal action, excessive debt, withholding pay, psychological abuse, and
physical restraint.
Another badge of modern slavery that is common to the practice is that it feeds
on the otherness, race, or sex of the persons. Differences, weaknesses, and disabil-
ities are exploited in order to seek some benefit. These slaves are often children or
even family members who are unlikely to protest or even be aware initially of the
degree to which they are being abused. In many parts of the world, race is still the
key feature that determines who is enslaved by whom. Differences are exploited and
accepted as part of the social landscape and order.
The last badge of slavery is the lack of consent or free choice. The choice between
starvation and work rationally puts the employer in a position of exploitation of
the worker. They can wield complete control and offer the most meager of wages.
Working excessively long hours in hazardous conditions, in isolation, for meager
wages could be considered exploitative and thus modern slavery. It is common for
employers to hold workers’ hostage on boats or isolated locations, withholding their
passports, and restricting their departure. These activities should be considered
modern slavery and called out as such.
The Palermo Protocol defines trafficking in persons as the recruitment, transpor-
tation, harboring, or receipt of persons, by means of coercion, abduction, deception,
or abuse of power or of vulnerability, for the purpose of exploitation. It goes on to
specify that exploitation shall, at a minimum, include sexual exploitation, forced

labor, slavery, and slavery-like practices. The full definition of trafficking in persons
in Article 3 of the protocol is as follows: “the recruitment, transportation, transfer,
harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other
forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or
of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits
to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the pur-
pose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the
prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services,
slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs.” (Art.
3 (a)). It also specifies that “The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring
or receipt of a child for the purpose of exploitation shall be considered ‘trafficking
in persons’ even if this does not involve any of the means set forth in subparagraph
(a) of this article” (Art. 3 (c)).
• Smuggling is defined as explicit consent to be taken illegally across national

borders. The relationship between smuggler and migrant typically ends
when the destination is reached.
• Trafficking is a form of ongoing exploitation: even if the person has at some
stage consented, this is meaningless because of the deception and coer-
cion involved. Trafficking occurs within as well as across national borders
(Craig, 2007a)(2007b).
Smuggling is the act of moving people or objects secretly and illegally. Trafficking
is an act of transporting people or migrants to employers. Trafficking takes a more
insidious connotation in that the process includes recruitment, transportation, trans-
fer, and harboring persons by means of the use of force or coercion, abduction, fraud,
the use of power or position, giving or receiving benefits to achieve consent of the
person for the purpose of exploitation (UN Protocol 3A, 2000a).
16.3 TYPES OF SLAVERY
16.3.1 Human Trafficking
Human trafficking includes the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring, or
receipt of people by means of threat or use of force or other forms of coercion,
abduction, fraud, deception, abuse of power or position, or receiving payment or ben-
efit to achieve consent of a person with control over another person for the purpose
of exploitation (UN, 2000b). Depending on the terms of the trafficking activities,
international courts have made different interpretations of law for trafficking cases.
In general, the trafficking process and traffickers are conducting slavery despite
the consent of the victim, in some cases, to be exploited. Trafficking is basically
the transport of people into slavery. In a review by Siller (2016) however, in the
international judicial use, the terms “slavery” and “trafficking” have become mostly
indistinguishable. In many cases, “the law of trafficking is encompassed under the
umbrella of enslavement as a crime against humanity” (Siller, 2016).
Since persons are often brought into trafficking by means of deception, the
traffickers are often initially trusted by the victim. They may be the same sex,
race, religion, or come from the same country of origin (Simmons, 2013). These
commonalities are used to form a bond with the victim. Many of these bonds
remain in the victims’ mind even as they are suffering the exploitation and bond-
age (Aronowitz, 2010).
Contrary to common thought, traffickers are not always affiliated with organized
criminal groups, but often acted through close knit cultural or family groups. Many
of these groups did not see their activities as criminal but as a means to make profit
on the lives of their victims (Simmons, 2013). Trafficking has often rightly been
associated with immigration fraud and the corruption of federal agents (David,
2010). Trafficking has been shown to be associated with the illegal transfer of money
including money laundering (Simmons, 2013). In Vietnam, Thailand, and Cambodia,
two-thirds of the trafficked labor were men working in fishing, agriculture, and fac-
tories (Pocock, 2016).
16.3.2 Debt-Based Slavery
Debt-based slavery is one that forms when the victim enters an arrangement to
work to pay off prior debts. However, wages are not enough to pay the debt, related
interest, and living expenses during the work, and as a result, the victim enters an
increasing spiral of uncontrollable debt. In some cases, these workers willingly take
employment and sign extended contracts to work that they would not normally sign
due to their vulnerability and desperation as a form of contractual bondage. In
colonial times, this form of debt bondage was also known as indentured servitude.
In many cases, workers enter into these agreements even knowing, or sensing, the
possible conditions they will be living or working under, yet feel they cannot refuse
the opportunity. In other cases, workers given the opportunity to escape the extreme
conditions (including violence and degradation) refuse to leave until the end of their
next pay period (Phillips, 2012).
In Southeast Asia, debt bondage is practiced as a form of slavery where poor
parents sell their children or themselves as collateral for loans. Between 15 and 20
million people have entered slavery in this way (iAbolish, 2018). Unfortunately, few
are able to earn enough to ever repay their debts and never regain their freedom.
Enslavement of children in this form is common in Haiti and other Latin American
countries where children live with a family and in return for food and shelter they
work excessively, are mentally and physically abused, and never receive an education
(Issa, 2017).
16.3.3 Contract Slavery
A significant portion of people entering into slavery do so on their own volition in
search of work due to economic desperation (ILO, 2009). Workers migrate to distant
regions or nations in order to avoid poverty and hunger. They are enticed by offers
of money and security from landowners and businesses. However, it often turns out
that the costs for room and board for workers exceed what they earn, and they enter
into an endless spiral of debt, without contact with their home countries, and without
any way to pay to return to home.
16.3.4 State-Imposed Forced Labor

State-imposed forced labor is a special type of modern slavery whereby the govern-
ment abuses its citizens in the form of abuse of conscription or compulsory labor
under the guise of economic development. The abuse of internationally accepted
standards for prison labor also falls under this category.
16.3.5 Forced Marriage
Women make up more than 70% of forced labor. This figure includes women and
girls who comprise 84% of people into forced marriage globally. More than 90% of
all forced marriage takes place in Asia and Africa. More than 36% of those forced
into marriage were children at the time of the marriage (ILO, 2017).
16.3.6 Descent-Based Slavery
Descent-based slavery describes the conditions and cases where people are born into
slavery because their parents were slaves (Quirk, 2009).
16.3.7 Forced Recruitment for Armed Services

In a number of regions, children as young as six are forcibly recruited to fight in
armed conflict and combat. Children are often used as informers and trained to
handle crude weapons and improvised devices. According to a recent report by the
United Nations (2016), child recruitment is common in Afghanistan, India, Central
African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, Iraq, Palestine, Lebanon, Libya,
Bali, Myanmar, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Yemen, Columbia, Nigeria, the
Philippines, and Thailand (UN, 2016).
16.4 NUMBERS OF SLAVES
The ILO estimates that between 19.5 and 22.3 million people were victims of
forced labor or human trafficking at any given time in the period between 2002
and 2011q (ILO, 2012). By 2016, there were 40.3 million people living in modern
slavery, including forced marriage, of which 24.9 million were in forced labor.
There are 5.4 slaves for every 1,000 people living in the world (ILO, 2017). A
breakdown of global estimates of forced labor in 2011 by activity is shown in
Figure 16.1.
By region, the ILO has identified the numbers of forced laborers in million as
(ILO, 2012):
Asia and the Pacific—11.7

Africa—3.7
Latin America and the Caribbean—1.8

Central and southeastern Europe—1.6
Developed economies—1.5
The Middle East—0.6
Data show that most victims of human trafficking come from Asia, Central and
Eastern Europe, and Africa. The most desireable destinations for traffickers are the
more developed countries of Western Europe and North America. Fifty-eight per-
cent of people living in slavery are in the five countries of India, China, Pakistan,
Bangladesh, and Uzbekistan (Walk Free Foundation, 2016). Figure 16.2 shows a
geographic distribution of slavery in the world.
FIGURE 16.1 Global estimate of slavery by form. (www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_

norm/---declaration/documents/publication/wcms_182004.pdf accessed February 7, 2018.)
FIGURE 16.2 Geographic distribution of slavery globally. (Adapted from ILO, 2017.)
Although there are numerous resources for data on modern slavery, there is an
immense amount that remains unknown. Human trafficking and slavery remain hid-
den crimes in an underground economy. Neither perpetrators nor victims of slavery
are likely to report slavery, and thus, reliable data on the exact numbers of victims
are impossible (Ngwe, 2012; Bales, 2015). About 42% of all those trafficked work
in the sex industry (Craig, 2007a). In a study by Brown (2011), 70% of trafficking
victims were women and 50% were children. Other common slave industries include
brickmaking, mining, fish processing, gem production, fireworks, and carpet pro-
duction (Craig, 2009). The remaining 58% of trafficked workers go to other occupa-
tional sectors in a broad range of categories. In 2016, the victims of exploitation were
working in the following sectors (ILO, 2017):
Domestic work—24%
Construction—16%
Manufacturing—15%
Agriculture and fishing —11%
Wholesale trade—9%
Personal services—7%
Mining and quarrying—4%
Begging—1%.
Modern slaves tend to be placed into industries with large staffing shortages, where
there is a high demand for cheap labor. These are often the most arduous or danger-
ous jobs in hazardous industries. These sectors are often conductive to trafficked
workers because they have little government oversight and workers can be easily
hidden from authorities, such as in homes, restaurants, hotels, farms, logging, and
boats (Lindley, 2011).
16.5 CONSEQUENCES OF SLAVERY
16.5.1 Economic and Social Consequences of Slavery
Much of the negative impact of slavery is in the form of economics. Employers and
even multinational corporations and governments could be considered to be encour-
aging and facilitating modern slavery when they force the cost of labor into unre-
alistically low levels. Human trafficking and modern slavery are valued at $32 and
$44 billion per year. It is the third largest illicit trade globally, falling just behind
arms and drug sales (Bales, 2007; Belser, 2005). Trafficking is expected to surpass
illegitimate arms and drug sales within the next few years (Wheaton, 2010). Home
countries suffer the loss of the youngest, healthiest, and most capable workers. In
host countries, slaves often create economic and social burdens and lead to increased
legal, medical, and social costs that were unforeseen, and for which the host country
is ill prepared.
Slavery creates unfair competition between businesses and nations. A neighbor-
ing country that uses slaves for a significant portion of an industry gains an unfair
economic business advantage against their rival nations. Similarly, a global business
that includes slaves within portions of their global supply chain creates an unfair
advantage over their competitors who need to pay more for labor of free workers. It
is in the interest of businesses to know whether their competitors use slave labor, in
addition to consumers wishing to follow basic legal, moral, and ethical principles.
The money going into the hands of slave owners is a significant loss of tax revenue
for governments. Taxes lost from slaves performing labor, at minimal or no wages,
rather than legitimate workers in legitimate business represent significant financial
losses to governments. These also represent losses to other competing businesses
who create products and services without the use of forced labor at much lower labor
costs. There are great financial reasons for legitimate businesses to care that their
competitors are not using slavery in significant portions of their supply chains.
The societal costs of supporting trafficked victims are also significant. Although
victim support is lacking in many countries, whether rescued or not, these slaves at
some point end up in hospitals, social services, mental health facilities, or prisons.
All of these represent significant potential costs. A person who sells a kidney to send
money home to Somalia where their family is starving is inevitably going to end up
in the hospital receiving tens of thousands of dollars of medical services that will
likely never be repaid. Currently trafficked victims are supported by charities and
nongovernmental organization (NGO) efforts. But with greater recognition of the
problems, governments will be called to play a greater role in victim support, even if
only in the form of judicial prosecution and deportation of illegal immigrants (Craig,
2017a).
16.5.2 Social and Health Consequences to Slaves

Slavery victims suffer a variety of psychological and physical consequences. Besides
direct physical and psychological violence, victims often work in unsafe environ-
ments, live in conditions of poor sanitation, receive poor nutrition, and receive lit-
tle or no medical care when it is needed (Rezaeian, 2013). Slaves tend to have and
receive very low levels of schooling. Despite continuous work for many years, slaves
tend to remain in poverty, which continues to be the principal cause of their vul-
nerability (ILO, 2009). Slaves seldom achieve long-term economic or social secu-
rity, they maintain low levels of literacy and education, they tend to be excluded
from political activity or discourse, and they seldom interact or receive benefits from
social infrastructure or services (Phillips, 2012).
In a study of 387 survivors of trafficking of the ages 10–17 in Thailand, Vietnam,
Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos, 56% showed symptoms of depression, 33% had
symptoms of anxiety, and 26% had symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder
(PTSD) (Kiss, 2015). In another study of sex-trafficked workers in Nepal, 85.5%
reported symptoms of depression, 87% had clinical symptoms of anxiety, and 27%
reported symptoms of PTSD. In one study from Southeast Asia, 53.8% of trafficked
males working in the fishing industry had been subject to severe violence (Pocock,
2016). This same study indicated extended working hours (mean 132.3 h per week)
without breaks, and excessive lifting and bending and other exposure hazards.
Slaves often suffer occupational illnesses and injuries from hazardous machinery,
exposure to pesticides, poor sanitation, temperature extremes, inadequate shelter,
excessive work durations, and physical abuse. Injuries and illnesses due to the treach-
erous occupational exposures and living conditions lead to incapacities that reinforce
the precarious position of the slave (Harriss-White, 2006; Kabat, 2017).
Perhaps one of the most impressive demonstrations of the lack of empathy for
slaves is in the Morecambe Bay tragedy in 2004 when 21 Chinese illegal immi-
grant laborers were drowned by an incoming tide off the coast of England. Men and
women between the ages of 18 and 45, who spoke little English and knew little about
the area, were picking cockles in the sands off the coast when the tide came in sud-
denly. They were part of a larger total group of 36 workers. The Chinese gangmas-
ter of the group was eventually sentenced to 12 years for manslaughter, but British
natives purchasing the cockles from the illegal group were not prosecuted (BBC,
2004). A prime example of the racially biased nature of modern slavery where a jury
of British natives found the British men purchasing the cockles were not guilty and
36 Chinese workers without proper cockling permits were working and living under
the noses of immigration officials and local cockling licensing authorities.
If modern slaves are not kept in shackles by force, there are many other means of
coercion to keep them in place. The leading means of coercion include withholding
wages and physical violence. Other methods include threats against other family
members, the need to repay debts, physical isolation and barriers, withholding pass-
ports, and threats of legal action or imprisonment (ILO, 2017). Debt bondage occurs
when workers arrive at a job and find that they cannot make enough to pay for their
lodging and food and fall into an endless chain of debts they can never repay.
Many victims that become part of the sex industry come from homes with extreme
physical, sexual, and psychological abuse (NISMART, 2002). These children, often
living on the street, are extremely vulnerable and common targets for pimps, sex
offenders, and pornographers.
16.6 FACTORS THAT FOSTER MODERN SLAVERY

The various factors that lead and contribute to the growth of modern slavery are
often overlapped and intertwined. Modern slavery exists due a large part, to apathy
and ignorance of government officials, the general public, and corporations. Several
of the major factors that affect the likelihood of slavery occurring in a particular
nation are the basis of country ratings in the Global Slavery Index (WFF, 2016).
Some key features of the likelihood of slavery are included in the following sections:
16.6.1 Overpopulation
The rapid increase in population after World War II, particularly in developing
nations, led to further breakdown of already fragile economic and social conditions.
When countries cannot economically secure the well-being of their people, it can lead
to poverty and often higher infant mortality rates. As a means to compensate, popu-
lations tend to rise overall. Subsequent overpopulation and the lack of food or work in
poorer countries rendered many of the most able-bodied vulnerable to trafficking as a
means to escape their status (Bales, 2008; Population Matters, 2010). Overpopulation
and lack of local opportunity is still a main reason today why people willingly give
themselves up to migrate or be “taken” to a new and potentially better life.
16.6.2 Poverty
Poverty is often the reason why people seek to migrate or move to a different geo-
graphic region. The causes of poverty can be many. They include famine, war, over-
population, economic collapse, government corruption, and injustice in legal and
social systems. When faced with a choice of continuing on in poverty or migrating
to a new region, even at great risk, many people will accept those risks. They may
pay for transport directly to a trafficker and without any control or recourse, become
the victim of the trafficker.
Migrants from Haiti, Mexico, and Central America seeking to escape poverty
and violence come to America to work in agriculture and domestic service; many of
these people fall into various forms of modern slavery and exploitation. Originally
trafficked with the promise of “good” work and pay, they barely make enough for
mere subsistence and continue to work and live in harsh and dangerous conditions
without the freedom to get away (Bales, 2009).
16.6.3 Government Instability, Weakness,

Corruption, and Lack of Interest
The growth of modern slavery must also be linked with the governments in the
countries where it occurs. Government institutions and the rule of law are difficult to
develop and maintain when a nation is in economic and social turmoil. Corruption
undermines existing government policies and destroys the morale of the population
(Ngwe, 2012). When democracy, justice, and the rule of law breakdown, it leads to
general discontent and violence. Criminal traffickers use the cover of chaos, conflict,
and disaster to inflict violence and trickery on desperate people to enslave them
(Bales, 2008). The lack of civil, political, and social protections for all or a por-
tion of a population increases the likelihood that various forms of modern slavery
will occur.
Modern slavery occurs in developed countries when governments do not promul-
gate or enforce laws that prohibit it. International treaties and laws clearly set the
standards for the prohibition of slavery, yet it goes on in many advanced countries
throughout the world. This occurs for a variety of reasons from lack of funding
and resources, lack of interest, or weak and corrupt government agencies. Slavery is
allowed to occur where there is complicity between slave owners and lax enforce-
ment by government officials (Craig, 2017a).
Since it is often an international problem with traffickers working across borders
and continents, there is a need for multiple nations to work together and coordinate
activities, yet there is relatively little or no formal cooperation between governments
and the various international antihuman trafficking agencies (Laczko, 2005).
Slavery is also a result of global capitalistic economic and monetary policies that
require maximum financial efficiency and profit for corporations. Slavery is clearly
linked to global supply chains through the global economy and not exclusive to any
one industry or geographic region (Issa, 2017). Ever-increasing global competition
requires that labor be very cheap. The reduction in wages, and the unavailability of
other choices, forces workers into a type of “wage slavery” doing appalling work in
hazardous conditions just to survive. Economic and business models and policies
that force nations and people to lower standards for environmental care, occupa-
tional safety and health (OSH), and the basic rights of workers to refuse hazardous
work are a form of slavery. Businesses in developed countries that do not maintain
supply chains free of slaves and other hazardous working conditions are supporting
systems where nations and people accept work that would be illegal in developed
countries.
In regions of Latin America, a high demand for labor in remote areas where
there is little supply leads to trafficking and slavery where government oversight
is difficult (Issa, 2017). Urban workers may agree to a contract and be taken to a
remote area where they are cheated out of their wages and physically confined.
This form of slavery that occurs in remote areas without government oversight in
industries such as mining, agriculture, and logging often coincides with various
other illegitimate operations, hazardous working conditions, and environmental
destruction.
16.6.4 War and Social Disruption

Factors that disrupt social stability have been associated with victims entering into
human trafficking and slavery. This has been notably demonstrated in the precari-
ous positions of Syrian refuges who in order to escape civil war allow themselves
to be trafficked out of the region, often ending in modern slavery-like conditions in
Western Europe.
16.6.5 Cultural Values
Many cases of modern slavery come about due to cultural and religious beliefs and
practices. In northern African countries such as Mauritania, the Republic of Sudan,
and Mali, racially based chattel slavery is thriving. This is perhaps the worst form
of slavery where people are captured and forced into bondage, and becomes the
“property” of their captors. Children can be born into this slavery and become the
property of the slave owners. People including children can be traded or bartered for
property or payment of debts (Fight Slavery Now, 2018).
In some nations, the historical context of slavery itself is an impetus to continue
the practice. In Brazil for example, wealthy landowner families may have owned
slaves, in some form, for several generations. It is an accepted and expected practice
and almost considered a “right.” There are even cases as late as 1998 where slaves
that have escaped from landowner estates are captured by local law enforcement
and returned to the plantation by the police (ILO, 2009). Many of these wealthy
landowners and business people exercise power and influence over state, federal, and
municipal authorities and practice slavery with impunity.
16.6.6 Environmental Destruction
Wherever conditions lead to the loss of the natural environment, the impacts on local
society can be profound in terms of food and water supply, availability of agricultural
jobs, loss of fuel for cooking or heating, and other factors. Environmental destruction
is often closely linked to the human population that it supports through overpopula-
tion, overharvesting or fishing, and financial gain through poaching, illegal mining, and
deforestation. This loss of the environment then leads to poverty and the loss of paying
work. People move towards various forms of slavery and forced labor to survive.
Interestingly, many of the illegal activities destroying the environment that lead to
increased levels of slavery due to financial hardship and desperation also use slaves
to perform the work. In Brazil, where slavery has been entrenched for 300 years,
slavery still exists in every region (Antero, 2013). And today, the deforestation of the
tropical rain forests in Brazil is primarily conducted by slave labor in order to create
more land for ranching and livestock production, production of charcoal, and other
agricultural development (sugarcane, coffee, cotton) (ILO, 2009; Phillips, 2012).
16.7 HOW IS SLAVERY REPORTED OR IDENTIFIED?

Considering the magnitude of the modern slavery problem, there is still a lot unknown
about how it occurs, and what the impacts are. The phenomenon is understudied on
many fronts from the economic impacts on nations and corporations, the costs to
societies in loss of people and provision of services, and the long-term impacts on
victims. Health impacts on slaves that result from working conditions are mostly
unknown and undocumented. This is an area where OSH academics could make a
large impact and provide a benefit.
16.8 WHAT CAN ORGANIZATIONS DO TO COMBAT SLAVERY?

The discovery and public identification of modern slavery in a company’s supply
chain can have serious economic and public image consequences (Noble, 2014).
Corporate social responsibility (CSR) tools and programs have been developed to
help large companies identify a broad range of ethical and environmental conditions
and challenges (New, 2004). Tools that can be used to identify and remove modern
slavery in supply chains are less well developed to this point. Companies that allow
slavery within their supply chains are a major reason nations and workers accept this
type of work.
In recent years, retailers such as Wal-Mart and Carrefour established trade restric-
tions on meatpacking groups connected to producers in Brazil known to use slaves in
their livestock production. Nike also placed restrictions on the use of leather coming
from the Amazon region of Brazil due to the lack of reliable governance of illegal
operations such as deforestation, but also including slavery (Phillips, 2012).
Supply chain management is often seen to fall under a larger umbrella of cor-
porate sustainability initiatives (Gladwin, 1995). Supply chain ethics, environmen-
tal evaluation, and even occupational health and safety concerns are often covered
by the same professionals (Rasche, 2013; Epstein, 2014; New, 2015; Bartley, 2007).
Several firms have prohibited slavery and forced labor in their supply chains through
the use of standard wording in their corporate codes of conduct and CSR state-
ments. In general, these firms place the ethical responsibility to ensure that slavery
is not part of their supply chain within environmental and worker health and safety
management systems and consider the problem resolved. It turns out, however, that
finding and eliminating modern slavery from supply chains is more difficult than
thought, and often the corporate business models themselves are part of the reason
slavery begins and flourishes. In an extensive review by Crane (2013), he shows how
corporate actions that require suppliers to cut costs to minimum levels in order to
survive, leave suppliers to cut costs in the only part of the chain they control, wages
of workers. Workers who may have entered into a working arrangement suddenly
have their wages cut and can no longer cover their living expenses supplied by the
employer, and fall into a form of debt bondage. Geographically isolated and desti-
tute, the workers must continue on in the position.
Often, it is difficult for a CSR program to see or evaluate all the parts of the
supply chain. The electricity used to produce a product in China may use a form of
state-imposed forced labor. It would first be difficult to identify this form of labor as
an independent corporation, and secondly, it would be problematic to try to influence
change in a state-run operation without other larger influences.
Other types of workers who are often not covered by CSR programs would be
contracted, temporary, and agency-supplied workers that might be used within the
supply chain. These workers may be indistinguishable from other factory workers,
but they may be subject to some of several aspects of the definitions of modern
slavery (Barrientos, 2008). Ultimately, these workers have lower visibility within
CSR programs. Even victims of slave labor have reason to hide their plight from
CSR evaluators since their discovery would probably mean the end of their position.
These people are also often bound to their lives by complex social and psychological
ties (Bales, 2002).
The illegality of slavery brings another challenging dimension to CSR programs.
Due to the illegality, suppliers go to great lengths to hide slavery, or “ slavery-like”
practices. If they are caught, they not only may lose an important customer but also
could be fined or even go to prison. So there is a known criminality to modern
slavery which can put CSR auditors or inspectors in harm’s way if they are doing
their job effectively. Unlike environmental conditions that might or might not meet
the goals of the CSR program, or that may be overlooked for a period where new
systems or controls are put in place, the identification of slavery is often more clear
and explicitly illegal. A company would be expected to cut ties with the supplier,
the CSR evaluator would be expected to report the slavery to authorities, and the
supplier would be expected to take immediate actions to rectify the situation, which
may not be possible. Evaluators or auditors could be subject to bribery or grave
physical harm.
Some of the best advances in CSR supply chain management in regard to identi-
fying and policing slavery have come from the nongovernment sector. NGOs have
increased the visibility of trafficking activities through websites and other media
attention. One example is the Walk Free Foundation, a nonprofit that was formed in
2001. The group performs independent studies and published a Global Slavery Index
and is working with numerous global nonprofit organizations, religious groups, and
governments to communicate conditions and measures to be used to combat slavery
through advocacy and policy change (Walk Free Foundation, 2018).
In one study, it was shown that organizations that include human rights due dili-
gence in their CSR programs are four times more likely to uncover actual or poten-
tial human rights violations (McGregor, 2017). Companies and organizations that
use due diligence processes such as those to evaluate workplace violence or harass-
ment could effectively apply similar methods to identify and prevent modern slavery
in their supply chains (Olsen, 2017).
NGOs can play a leading role in the development of antislavery policy in govern-
ments, in addition to corporations. It has been shown that NGOs played a significant
role lobbying for and shaping the UK Modern Slavery Act (Craig, 2017a). Much of
the work and output of NGOs in the United Kingdom was in the form of education
and public awareness of the existence of slavery amidst their communities, despite
ongoing inattention and lack of action by the government. One NGO called “uncho-
sen” has created a series of short films on various aspects and conditions of modern
slavery based on actual case studies (Unchosen, 2017; Craig, 2014). The films are
valuable tools for building awareness in the community and can be shown as educa-
tional tools in schools to create empathy.
The Walk Free Foundation includes ratings of national government regulations
to curb slavery in their annual Global Slavery Index. The listing reviews exist-
ing legislation in each country and rates them on a scale of 12 different catego-
ries (WFF, 2016). The index also rates nations on their level of response to and
support of victims of slavery once they are identified and rescued. Measures in
this index include such categories as survival support and criminal prosecution of
perpetrators.
16.9 LEGISLATION TO IMPROVE GOVERNMENT

OVERSIGHT AND CONTROL
As modern slavery is primarily a criminal activity, it would follow that creation and
strict enforcement of laws and regulations would be a good starting point for com-
batting it. But despite the fact that international laws outlawing slavery have been in
place for nearly 100 years, it still abounds. In 2015, the United Kingdom passed a
Modern Slavery Act. This is a comprehensive series of laws that clarifies the various
actions that are considered slavery, gives the government the means and funding to
identify wrongdoing and enforce the laws, and structures judicial prosecution and
sentencing for perpetrators (UK Government, 2015). Unfortunately, this Act does
not go far enough to ensure that slavery does not occur, or to enforce and apply pen-
alties if it does.
Sex trafficking and prostitution of minors has been an extremely difficult phe-
nomenon for governments to effectively address. Where it is illegal for a minor
to consent to sex, trafficked children have been arrested and charged for prosti-
tution by local law enforcement agencies. Rather than being treated as victims,
these children earn criminal records and receive no assistance to change their
predicament (Jordan, 2013). In the United Kingdom, as soon as a prostituted

minor who has a record of prostitution turns 18, they are deported for being an
illegal immigrant.
The United Nations has begun to address illegal trafficking in two relevant pro-
tocols: The first protocol addresses the smuggling of migrants, and the second is
related specifically to trafficking (UN, 2000a, 2000b). These protocols provide guid-
ance and standards for governments to follow to assist in the eradication of trans-
national human trafficking. In order for countries to be signatories of the protocols,
they must first be signatories of the United Nations Convention against Transnational
Organized Crime and the Protocols Thereto (UN, 2004).
The United Nations Global Compact is a voluntary system designed to align strat-
egies and operations with universal principles on human rights, labor, and the envi-
ronment. The system calls for the “elimination of all forms of forced and compulsory
labor” (UN, 2018). The global compact has more than 9,500 participating companies
in more than 160 countries that have committed to the sustainable development goals
and a reporting framework for progress on human rights and sustainability. The
elimination of forced labor and development of decent work in global supply chains
is a main focus of the compact goals. It also promotes communication and education
on the risks of slavery in supply chains.
In 2017, France passed a law that requires French-based companies employing
5,000 workers in the country or 10,000 employees worldwide, to develop a “plan of
vigilance” to identify and report possible environmental, health, and human rights
violations within their supply chains. This includes the use of child labor and slavery
within corporate supply chains. The program requires companies to develop pro-
grams and procedures to evaluate their partners and subsidiaries and to take actions
to alleviate potential violations. They must also arrange a system for reporting and
responding to potential violations. Companies that are found to be in violation of the
law can be fined up to 10 million euros (France, 2017).
In 2012, California began enforcing the California Transparency in Supply
Chains Act of 2010. This law requires certain large companies to disclose their
efforts to ensure that slave labor was not any part of their product supply chain to
the public. The law provided detailed requirements for the content and format for the
information to be made available. Disclosures must address by whom and how the
supply chain was evaluated, how audits of material suppliers were conducted, forms
of supply chain certification, accountability standards and procedures for address-
ing employees or contractors that do not meet company standards, and training for
employees and supply chain managers (CA, 2010; Harris, 2015). The California
Occupational Safety and Health Administration (Cal/OSHA) enforces State OHS
regulations without any consideration of the immigration status of the worker. This
California law provides a basic structure to guide companies to improve transpar-
ency and public disclosure of their supply chain activities, but this law has been
criticized for not going far enough and leaving enforcement to other federal and state
laws. Statements on a website regarding corporate policies and programs denounc-
ing slavery may look good to the public, but may not actually be addressing the
actual issues (New, 2015).
Much of human trafficking is preventable through immigration policy reform.

Immigration policies that punish victims through racial profiling, and threats of
imprisonment or deportation, force the endeavor further underground and exacer-
bate the problems (Brennon, 2017). Policies that encourage fair and decent wages
and provide social supports for migrants who may be uneducated, unaware of avail-
able services, and afraid to report abuse and exploitation to authorities would auto-
matically reduce the trafficking trade.
One of the closest links between OSH and slavery is through the regulation of
health and safety in the workplace. Trafficked workers and migrants have been shown
to routinely work in environments dangerous to their health (Benach, 2011). If gov-
ernments had regulations on health and safety, and they conducted regular worksite
inspections and enforcement, then in theory working conditions for migrants, or
otherwise exploited laborers, would become apparent. If working conditions are
unsafe, then the workers are clearly being exploited and the safety conditions may
just be the tip of the iceberg indicating other deeper exploitation issues. Dangerous
and unhealthy working conditions are one of the key exploitations inflicted by slave
owners. Additional research regarding migrant and slave work exposures will work
to expand understanding of the problems and issues, and work towards job safety
improvements and safer working conditions.
Several legislative actions have been taken in Brazil over the past two decades to
combat slavery. In 1995, a federal labor inspectorate system was established to create
legislation. In 2003, a National Plan for the Eradication of Slave Labor was estab-
lished that identified employers that kept workers in conditions that were “slave-
like.” As a result of negative publicity to these businesses, and other factors, between
the years of 2003 and 2010, more than 21,000 workers were released from these
“slave labor” conditions (Phillips, 2012). In 2005, a National Pact for the Eradication
of Slave Labor in Brazil was created that asks firms to voluntarily commit to the
antislavery effort. In 2010, the pact had more than 130 full signatories representing
20% of the gross domestic product of Brazil (Phillips, 2012).
16.10 OTHER RESPONSES TO SLAVERY—EDUCATE,

COMMUNICATE, AND COLLABORATE
The fact that there are more than 40 million slaves in the world today does not
mean that it is a well-known or understood phenomenon. Employers and enslavers,
and even slaves themselves, have serious interests in keeping their activities hidden
from society. As we have discussed, even people perpetrating the crimes of traffick-
ing and slavery do not always understand the criminality of their behaviors, as they
are only exploiting willing workers. The importance of researching modern slavery
and trafficking for the purpose of disseminating information and communicating
the issues and outcomes to a broader society cannot be understated. In a study of
the narration of slave stories, Laura Murphy has documented how telling stories
about slavery in various literary genres can be used to elevate the social awareness
and discussion of the great injustices ongoing in our societies right below our noses.
She shows how powerful personal stories of suffrage can connect an otherwise
impartial reader with those who have suffered under bondage and exploitation. The
strategic use of real-life experiences can instill a sense of world citizenship and
responsibility that “exceeds the bounds of the personal identification with the sol-
itary narrator who suffers” (Murphey, 2015). Individuals and organizations that
would not normally feel that slavery is their problem or take an interest in stopping
it, can be influenced to take action by creating a sense of duty and promote a sense
of social justice activism.
Similar to the use of narrative to communicate stories of exploitation and injus-
tice, researchers and other OSH professionals can report and disseminate infor-
mation about exploitation of workers regarding health and safety issues. In many
cases, exploitation may be evident by unsafe working conditions. Everyone globally
deserves a safe workplace. It is the OSH professionals’ responsibility to make the
unsafe conditions known to officials and the public. This may include reporting con-
ditions to their own managers and directors regarding unsafe workplaces of suppliers
or others in the supply chain.
Case
As my well-meaning colleague stated, she has a small farm in Pennsylvania and she
hires the nicest group of migrants to help her harvest pumpkins every autumn. When
I asked what form of healthcare do they have? And what is available for medical
response to the workers in the field? Or what types of safety training do they receive
for the operation of the heavy equipment, she said “none”. What differentiates this
small operation from one that might be termed “modern slavery”?
In his article about supply chain management and CSR, Stephan New concludes
that modern slavery is in many cases created by external social and economic
forces that are ultimately created by economic and business models and practices.
Policies that push to improve corporate profits do so at the expense of suppliers
who are often pushed to reduce costs of labor to the point where they can only hire
workers at the most meager of wages, taking advantage of other economic and social
conditions and factors (New, 2015). The place of modern CSR programs is to butt
against the profit incentives to increase transparency and root out slavery despite the
economic incentives to utilize it, from within the corporations. Unfortunately, CSR
programs are doing little to actually provide safe working conditions for workers,
prevent the use of child labor, or eliminate the use of slavery. OSH professionals
involved in CSR programs need to ensure that they are not part of a company or CSR
program that condones slavery for ethical and legal reasons.
Modern slavery is a fact of our global society, and every person, company, and
organization plays a role in its existence. The complexity of the relationships between
business, government, academia, and every other aspect of our daily social lives
makes addressing the underpinning issues and causes of modern slavery difficult.
All civilized institutions need to communicate and collaborate to work together to
combat slavery at the root causes, wherever possible. Collaboration between differ-
ent agencies and social and scientific disciplines will be essential to solving the prob-
lem of slavery (Jordan, 2013). Conditions that allow slavery to exist are a long-term
threat to global political and economic stability.
In his assessment of the UK Modern Slavery Act, Craig (2017) noted that training
on the topic was lacking at many levels. Legislators, judges, and law enforcement
needed better training on recognizing and defining illegal human labor conditions
and activities. This is also true for other members of the community including edu-
cators and service providers.
Health-care and social workers who may eventually come in contact with victims
of modern slavery, whether in an emergency room or courtroom, need to be trained
on the signs and symptoms of modern slavery. Once a victim is identified, these
workers need to know how to report the crime without bringing attention to the
victim or the possible perpetrator who may be accompanying, and even assisting the
victim. Reporting processes need to be created and used so that victims can be rec-
ognized and managed to address their immediate needs and work with them as they
escape their captors and return to normal society. Medical, nursing, and emergency
responder education should include the means to recognize and support victims of
modern slavery, and how to effectively work with local law enforcement to report
illegal conditions (Domoney, 2015; Stoklosa, 2015).
Governments need to adhere to international conventions against human trafficking
and create associated laws and border controls. Border controls and immigration
policies need to be improved and equipped to detect and prevent human trafficking.
There should be increased cooperation and information exchange between nations
regarding perpetrators and victims of trafficking. States should improve training on
the issues and identifiers of trafficking for law enforcement, immigration officials,
and others associated with the transfer and movement of people including airlines
and shipping companies.
The failure of CSR programs to identify and eliminate slavery from global supply
chains demonstrates an inherent fault with the approach. Businesses do not have an
interest in social justice if it goes against corporate profits. Although the public face
of CSR programs is to demonstrate interest in social and environmental concerns, the
majority of companies do not include social justice or slavery parameters within their
CSR programs or reporting. And corporations will practice CSR to the extent that the
public takes an interest in slavery or is aware of and care about the negative ramifi-
cations, which to a large extent they are not and do not. To improve compliance with
international regulations on the use of slavery in supply chains, governments need to
become more involved in CSR reporting.
OSH professionals and their professional organizations need to advocate for the
rights of workers in all situations. This includes slaves in all of the various forms,
industries, and geographic regions described in this chapter. OSH professionals’
ethical responsibilities do not stop at the doors of their employer or border of their
nation. OSH professionals have an ethical responsibility to improve working condi-
tions globally and in all workplaces.
As consumers, we need to demand that the supply chains of our retailers are free
of slave labor. CSR information is becoming more readily available in most indus-
tries. Consumers can read the reports and demand more action and transparency
regarding the use of slaves within the supply chains of the products they purchase.
As citizens, we need to demand that our governments do more to protect our econ-
omies and the fair trade of our businesses to exclude the use of slaves in supply
chains. As the government itself is a huge consumer, this must include transparency
in governmental supply chains to ensure slaves are not used in government activities,
in addition.
OSH professionals need to take an active role in educating businesses, the
public, the government, and colleagues on the breadth and depth of the global
slave problem that exists today. The provision of healthy and safe conditions for
workers must include vulnerable and defenseless slaves, who have no resources or
capacities to defend themselves. Modern-day slavery needs to be understood and
explained to a broader population, and OSH professionals must take an active role
in this process.
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17 Occupational Health
and Informal Work
Marianne Levitsky
Workplace Health Without Borders
CONTENTS
17.1 Introduction................................................................................................... 299
17.2 Definition of Informal Work.......................................................................... 299
17.3 The Global Dimensions of Informal Work....................................................300
17.4 Health and Safety and Adverse Impacts of Informal Work..........................302
17.5 Examples of Hazards in Informal Work........................................................304
17.6 The Growing Global Information Grid Economy.........................................304
17.7 Addressing the Problems of Informal Work.................................................. 305
17.8 Conclusions....................................................................................................307
References...............................................................................................................307
17.1 INTRODUCTION
According to the International Labor Organization (ILO), more than 60% of the
world’s employed population earn their livelihood in the informal economy. Informal
workers generally lack the protections that may be afforded those in the formal
economy: access to social security programs, workers’ compensation, government
regulation, and sick/holiday time and pay. This has profound implications for occu-
pational health and safety (OHS). In a recent report on the informal economy (ILO,
2018), the ILO states that “informality has a harmful effect on workers’ rights,
including fundamental principles and rights at work, social protection, decent work-
ing conditions and the rule of law.”
17.2 DEFINITION OF INFORMAL WORK

The “informal economy” has a different meaning than “informal work” or “informal
employment.” “Informal economy” refers to an economic sector at the enterprise
level, whereas “informal work” and “informal employment” refer to individual jobs.
Everyone who works in the informal economy does informal work, but the converse
is not true: some informal workers work in the formal economy.
299
FIGURE 17.1 Overlap of informal work with formal/informal economies.
The ILO definition of the informal economy (ILO, 2018) encompasses enterprises
that
• Produce goods only for household use.

• Are not registered with government institutions or programs.
• Do not have formal bookkeeping systems.
• Have employees, if any, who do not pay into social pension or insurance
programs.
• Have fewer than six workers, or do not have a fixed location.
Workers in informal employment include those who own and/or work in an infor-
mal enterprise, as described above. Other workers considered to work in informal
employment (even if they work for a formal enterprise) are those who do not pay
into social insurance programs or do not have paid vacation and sick leave. Types
of informal workers include domestic workers, waste pickers, casual day laborers,
street vendors, and workers in cottage (home-based) industries.
Figure 17.1, while not to scale, illustrates the concept that informal workers are
mainly those who work in the informal economy but also include some who work for
a household and some who work in the formal economy. A visual depiction of formal
and informal economy relationships is shown in Figure 17.1.
17.3 THE GLOBAL DIMENSIONS OF INFORMAL WORK

While more than 60% of the world’s workforce is in informal work (50% if agri-
culture is excluded), the informal economy is not equally distributed. Figure 17.2
[Panel A reproduced from the ILO report (ILO, 2018)] shows the global distribution
of work in the informal economy (including agriculture), ranging from less than
20% in developed countries like the United States to more than 90% in some parts
of Africa. Figure 17.3 (Panel C from the ILO report) shows the different components
of informal work by region.
Occupational Health and Informal Work 301
FIGURE 17.2 The global distribution of work in the informal economy. [International
Labour Organization (ILO). Women and men in the informal economy. 2018. 156 pp. ISBN
978-92-2-131581-0 (web pdf), www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/
documents/publication/wcms_626831.pdf.]
FIGURE 17.3 Components of informal work by region. [International Labour Organization

(ILO). Women and men in the informal economy. 2018. 156 pp. ISBN 978-92-2-131581-0
(web pdf).]
Not only does informal work account for most of the world’s workforce, but in
developing countries, it may account for the majority of economic activities. It has
been estimated that informal work in developing countries may contribute up to 60%
of the gross domestic product (DCPP, 2007).
17.4 HEALTH AND SAFETY AND ADVERSE

IMPACTS OF INFORMAL WORK
As stated by the ILO (2018),
Although not everyone in the informal economy is poor and there is also poverty in
the formal economy, ample empirical research has shown that workers in the informal
economy face a higher risk of poverty than those in the formal economy, while infor-
mal economic units face lower productivity and income. Indeed, most people enter the
informal economy not by choice but as a consequence of a lack of opportunities in the
formal economy and in the absence of any other means of earning a living.
According to the ILO, “the 2 billion women and men who make their living in the
informal economy are deprived of decent working conditions.”
The nature of informal work makes it very difficult to obtain reliable overall data
on the health and safety of informal workers. As observed in a report on a South
African seminar on informal work, “it is still very difficult to collect reliable epide-
miological data, which means that the health risks that informal workers face often
remain invisible to policy makers” (London, 2018).
However, various studies conducted in the past two decades, reported by Lund
and Marriott (Lund, 2011), cite the following estimates of the dimensions of hazard-
ous conditions faced by informal workers:
• Exposures to dangerous chemicals with no protection, ranging from 6% of

casual laborers and wage workers in Gujarat, India, to 74% of workers in
Indonesia.
• High percentages of workers reporting that their general working condi-
tions are unsafe, including nearly 50% of all wage workers in Bangladesh,
30% of workers in Russia, 24% of workers in Argentina, and 17% of work-
ers in Chile and Brazil.
• In Tanzania, 40% of all workers but 80% of casual agricultural workers
reported unsafe conditions.
• In Bangladesh, 16% of rural workers had suffered a work-related injury that
required them to miss a week of work.
• A survey of 1585 informal workers in rural and urban Zimbabwe found
similar occupational injury and mortality rates to those found in the formal
economy, but higher rates of occupational illness.
While hazards faced by informal workers are similar to those encountered in the
formal economy, their effects on informal workers are exacerbated by factors related
to the nature of informal work. These factors include the following:
• Absence of workers’ compensation, health insurance, or other forms of

social protection to support workers incapacitated by injury or illness
• Lack of access to health care to treat injury or illness
• Lack of health and safety resources, including knowledge and expertise to
assess and control hazards, and lack of control equipment such as ventila-
tion and personal protective equipment
• No access to government regulatory and enforcement regimes. As noted

by the ILO, “OSH [Occupational Safety and Health] legislation often does
not apply to [informal] workplaces or, if it does, it is not effectively imple-
mented and enforced. Individual workers do not have access to sound OSH
advice and training, and are often exposed to risks to their safety and health
without adequate protection” (ILO, 2011)
Surveys by the ILO conducted early this century found that the burden of the costs
of occupational injury and illness fell on the informal workers themselves and their
households (ILO, 2004). These surveys found that
• The majority of workers in Bangladesh, Brazil, Chile, China, India,

Indonesia, Moldova, Pakistan, the Philippines, Tanzania, and Ukraine
themselves bear the costs of work-related injuries or illness.
• Workers in Africa are among the least likely to have insurance against acci-
dents or injury at work.
• In Gujarat, India, 93% of workers had no insurance against wage-work
risks. Where employers do pay the medical costs of work accidents, pay-
ment only covers 22% of work injury costs for male workers and only 7%
of such costs for women.
• Sixty percent of workers in Hungary are entitled to employer-provided
medical services for work injuries and illness but more than 20% never
actually receive such services.
Predictably, the ILO also found that in the absence of workers’ compensation or
health insurance, workers continue to work if at all possible, despite injury and ill-
ness. As noted by Lund and Marriott (Lund, 2011), “if workers do not take time
off to recover or to seek necessary health care, their illness or condition is likely
to deteriorate, possibly causing more long-term productivity declines or more long-
term absenteeism in the future. Workers who continue to work while unwell and
infectious also increase the risk of occupational illness for other workers with whom
they come into contact.”
The negative correlation of informal work with well-being is demonstrated by the
ILO in Figure 17.4 [Figure 17 from the ILO report (ILO, 2018)]. As described by the
ILO, “a measure of social development is the Human Development Index (HDI),
which combines the indicators of long and healthy lives, knowledge, and a decent
standard of living. Comparing national data on informal employment as a share of
total employment with HDI values shows that countries with higher informality also
have a lower HDI value.”
Low occupational health standards in the informal economy can have spillover
effects in the formal sector, as observed by a participant in the South African semi-
nar on informal work. As cited in the seminar report, this participant “argued that the
political and economic forces that have resulted in the trend towards sub-contracting,
outsourcing and the casualisation of labour … have also led to the undermining of
OHS regulation, so that it is not only the informal economy that now suffers from a
lack of appropriate regulation and standards” (London, 2018).
FIGURE 17.4 Relationship between informal employment and HDI values. [International
Labour Organization (ILO). Women and men in the informal economy. 2018. 156 pp.]
17.5 EXAMPLES OF HAZARDS IN INFORMAL WORK

The hazards of informal work are similar to those often encountered in the formal sec-
tor, though as noted, these are often exacerbated by lack of knowledge and resources
to ensure adequate assessment and control. There is considerable research literature on
specific health and safety hazards in informal work. Examples include the following:
• A report on Zanzibar seaweed farmers documented numerous health and

safety problems, including rashes and eye irritation from seawater contact,
stings by poisonous fish, and ergonomic issues resulting from heavy physi-
cal demands (WIEGO, 2011).
• A study of informal construction workers in Pakistan revealed that both
employers and workers lack knowledge of OHS laws/standards, resulting
in the absence of safe work practices and nonreporting of injuries (Ahmed,
2018).
• A number of studies reported on the health of agate processors in India
(NIOSH, 2015; Chaudhury, 2012), who usually work from their homes and
have high rates of silicosis and tuberculosis due to silica exposure from
processing gemstones.
17.6 THE GROWING GLOBAL INFORMATION

GRID ECONOMY
While international development agencies have concentrated on the problems of
informal work in developing economies, the growth of the Global Information Grid
(GIG) has given rise to a “gig economy,” which results in similar problems in more
developed countries. While Figure 17.3 indicates that the percent of informal work
in developed countries is less than 20%, the growth of companies like Uber suggests
that this percent is growing.
In her 2018 book Gigged, Sarah Kessler (2018a) says that “20% to 30% of the
working-age population in the United States and European Union had engaged in
freelance work. Add part-time work to the mix, and some estimates put the percent-
age of the US workforce that did not have a full-time job as high as 40%.” Articles by
Kessler and others illustrate how gig workers lack the social and workplace protec-
tions that are often enjoyed by workers in the formal economy. Citing the example of
Pablo Avendano, a bicycle courier killed on the job, Thomas Fox Parry (2018) points
out that “in this gig economy, liability for work injuries, including death, falls on the
worker and their family.”
An article by Kessler (2018b) describes the “crazy hacks” that a Canadian woman
used to earn a living when her husband lost his job. Kessler documents the expe-
riences of this woman who managed to support her family by sourcing work on
Mechanical Turk, Amazon’s online crowdsourcing marketplace. As described by
Kessler,
No matter where Milland was in her house, if she heard the alarm go off, she would run
to her computer. There were thousands of other Mechanical Turk workers competing
with each other to grab the high-paying work, which was assigned to whoever could
claim it first. Milland would sleep in her office so that she could listen for the alarm
to go off at night without waking her husband. When she spotted good tasks, often
through her alarm system, she used an automated tool to keep her queue full with the
maximum 25 tasks that could be assigned to her at one time, and then worked furiously
to finish them and grab more before they were snatched by other people.
Unsurprisingly, this woman developed ergonomic injuries due to this work. Kessler
notes that
There is no paid sick leave in the GIG economy. And among US workers who rely on
sites like Mechanical Turk for their entire income, almost 40 percent don’t have health
insurance. Milland lived in Canada, with universal health care, but she couldn’t afford
the break. She wore a wrist brace and an elbow brace and kept on clicking.
17.7 ADDRESSING THE PROBLEMS OF INFORMAL WORK

The ILO has stated that in view of the dimensions and consequences of informal
work, “transition from the informal to the formal economy is of strategic signifi-
cance for hundreds of millions of workers and economic units around the world that
are working and producing in precarious and vulnerable conditions.” Therefore, it
concludes, “there is an urgent need to tackle informality” (ILO, 2018).
Addressing problems of the informal economy has been identified as crucial to
Sustainable Development Goal #8, (UN, 2016) to promote sustained, inclusive, and
sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment, and decent work
for all. (Sustainable Development Goals, or SDGs, are global priority-setting goals
established by the United Nations in 2015.)
A target set under this goal (Target #8.3) is to “Promote development-oriented
policies that support productive activities, decent job creation, entrepreneurship,
creativity and innovation, and encourage the formalization and growth of micro-,
small-, and medium-sized enterprises, including through access to financial ser-
vices.” Complementing this SDG, in 2015 the International Labour Conference
adopted Recommendation No. 204, Recommendation Concerning the Transition
from the Informal to the Formal Economy (International Labour Conference, 2015).
This recommendation sets out a wide-ranging agenda for countries to promote the
transition from informal to formal enterprises, and ensure decent work for those
currently employed in the informal economy. Among the recommendations is that
nations should “promote and extend occupational safety and health protection to
employers and workers in the informal economy.”
While the ILO emphasizes transition out of informal work as its highest priority
in addressing these problems, efforts are also being made to improve the health
of informal workers by extending occupational health services. In a 2014 work-
shop on Health Coverage and Occupational Health and Safety for the Informal
Workforce in Developing Countries, participants from Asia, South America, and
Africa reported on a variety of initiatives to offer health services to informal
workers (Taylor, 2016).
Other efforts have been strongly promoted by Women in Informal Employment:
Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO), a network focusing on conditions of women
in informal work. A section of their website (WIEGO, 2018) focuses on OHS, doc-
umenting experiences of informal workers and efforts to improve their health. For
example, WIEGO has worked with informal street vendors in Accra, Ghana, to
advocate for a variety of protections against health and safety hazards, including the
following:
• Better waste disposal systems to avoid clogged drains and gutters, which
lead to often intolerable smells and disease vectors that can cause food poi-
soning and diarrhea
• Improved cooking equipment and access to fire extinguishers
• Better lighting and security measures to prevent traders from being preyed
upon by criminals (Cities Alliance, 2014)
Other examples of successful advocacy cited by WIEGO include the following:
• The provision of safety equipment to rag pickers in Pune, India

• The Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) in India, which has
worked with local designers to develop equipment with better ergonomic
features for waste workers, garment workers, and bakers in the informal
sector (WIEGO, 2013)
• The provision of seaweed farmers with protective equipment, such as boots,
gloves, and hats, by the companies to which they sell (WIEGO, 2011)
In citing this last example, WIEGO’s report notes that “one of the most practical
ways to start extending OHS to these seaweed farmers may be to put pressure on
the end sellers and consumers to enforce health and safety standards through ethical
trade initiatives.”
In a 2014 paper, Valentina Forastieri of the ILO called for a variety of measures
aimed at integrating OHS of informal workers with general OHS services and data
gathering (Forastieri, 2014). “In designing or strengthening national OSH policies
and programmes,” she states, “promoting safe and healthy working conditions
should aim not only at the formal but also at the informal economy.” She goes on
to call for “a self-sustainable health insurance scheme and a referral system for the
extension of occupational health services using the existing public health structure
and a community health approach to prevent and control injuries and communicable,
endemic and occupational diseases.”
17.8 CONCLUSIONS
Protecting the health of informal workers will require the involvement of institu-
tions that have not traditionally carried lead responsibilities for OHS. As noted by
Forastieri, these include the existing public health infrastructure and community
groups, which could be enlisted to provide occupational health services that in a
formal economy may be provided by employers, unions, regulatory agencies, and
workers’ compensation systems. As pointed out by WIEGO, traders (the buyers and
sellers of the products of informal workers) could be motivated to provide protective
measures for their suppliers, fulfilling responsibilities that employers in the formal
sector would be expected to meet. Through ethical trade initiatives, consumers are in
a position to pressure such traders to protect the health and safety of their suppliers.
Addressing the occupational safety and health problems of informal work is crit-
ical to overall social and public health. This is not only because informal workers
account for the majority of the global workforce but also because poor working con-
ditions in the informal sector can have spillover effects by driving down standards
in the entire economy. The growth of outsourcing and the gig economy threatens to
counteract international efforts to transition economies from the informal to formal
sectors. Improving global health and well-being for everyone will therefore depend
to a great extent on affording to informal workers the health and safety protections
and social supports enjoyed in the world’s formal workers in the most advanced
industries and economies.
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18 Travel Safety and Security
for the Global Worker
Thomas P. Fuller
CONTENTS
18.1 Introduction................................................................................................. 310
18.2 International Work Hazards........................................................................ 310
18.2.1 Violence/Kidnapping....................................................................... 310
18.2.2 Transportation Hazards.................................................................... 311
18.2.3 Political Instability........................................................................... 311
18.2.4 Infectious Diseases.......................................................................... 312
18.2.5 Natural Disasters.............................................................................. 312
18.3 Legal Perspectives....................................................................................... 313
18.4 Business Perspectives.................................................................................. 314
18.5 Identifying and Assessing Risks.................................................................. 315
18.6 Before Workers Travel................................................................................. 318
18.7 Security Measures....................................................................................... 320
18.8 Travel Insurance.......................................................................................... 321
18.9 Contracted Services..................................................................................... 322
18.10 Program Evaluation and Continuous Improvement..................................... 322
18.11 Living Abroad.............................................................................................. 323
18.11.1 Food and Drink.............................................................................. 323
18.11.2 Communicable Diseases................................................................ 323
18.11.3 Hotel Safety................................................................................... 323
18.11.4 Driving Safety................................................................................ 324
18.11.5 Communications............................................................................ 325
18.11.6 Using Taxis.................................................................................... 325
18.11.7 Environmental Conditions............................................................. 325
18.12 Special Concerns for Female Travelers....................................................... 325
18.13 Psychosocial Adaptation.............................................................................. 326
18.14 Emergency Preparedness............................................................................. 326
18.15 Conclusions/Recommendations................................................................... 326
Appendix: Sample Organizational Policies, Programs, and Procedures for
International Workers..................................................................................... 327
Policies.................................................................................................................... 327
Programs................................................................................................................. 327
Procedures............................................................................................................... 328
References............................................................................................................... 329
309
18.1 INTRODUCTION
The increased globalization of business, industry, and agriculture requires an ever-
increasing number of world workers and employees to travel internationally. The num-
ber of workers traveling abroad is expected to increase by 50% by 2020 (PWC, 2010).
These workers on extended duty beyond the borders of their homelands are subject to
many risks unlike and greater than most that they see in their daily lives in their home
countries. The average total cost of a 1-year international assignment is US$311,000.
The average cost of a failed international assignment in terms of productivity, repu-
tation, medical evacuation, and other costs is up to US$950,000 (SOS/IOSH, 2016).
These workers represent a valuable asset to the organization sending them abroad, but
it is argued that employers also have a duty to care for these workers’ security, health,
and safety beyond the actual workplaces in these foreign countries while they are on
assignments. This chapter describes many of the risks that traveling workers may be
subjected to, and the responsibilities that employers have to protect them while work-
ing abroad. It also provides sources of accurate information regarding travel risks.
It identifies programs and procedures to minimize and control risks, in addition to
responding to emergencies.
Whether it is for a short visit to a foreign manufacturing site, or a 2-year over-
seas assignment, employers have an ethical responsibility to ensure the safety of
travelers and ex-patriots while they are abroad. Not only should the home country
occupational exposure limits and job safety working conditions be met, but traveling
abroad brings a whole new set of security and safety concerns that may not be part
of the normal occupational safety and health rubric at home. Workers abroad may be
subjected to potentially violent social settings and workplaces. They may encounter
a variety of infectious agents, or wild and venomous animals or poisonous insects.
Differences in languages, food safety customs, availability of safe drinking water,
and standards of medical care each warrant a thorough review for every employee
traveling to any country internationally.
18.2 INTERNATIONAL WORK HAZARDS
18.2.1 Violence/Kidnapping
Being the victim of crime or violence when traveling abroad for work is not
unusual in many regions of the world. International travelers may appear racially
different, they may dress differently, they may not know the language, and they
behave differently from local populations. They are not aware of local conditions
and appropriate security measures; it is easy to become a target of petty or serious
crimes.
There are more than 100,000 kidnapping cases annually, but only 10% are reported
to local authorities for fear of revenge and repercussions of talking to the police
(Smith, 2010). Kidnapping hot spots include Mexico, Brazil, India, Venezuela, Nigeria,
Pakistan, Afghanistan, Columbia, Iraq, Ecuador, Somalia, and the Philippines.
Travel Safety and Security 311
But they also happen in economically developed and western/European countries.

International workers and jobsites are common kidnapping targets due to their known
and seen wealth. Workers or family members may be taken off the street, in hotels,
and at jobsites.
18.2.2 Transportation Hazards
If transportation is a significant workplace hazard in the developed countries, then
transportation is especially hazardous in economically underdeveloped ones. In addi-
tion, the employer should consider travel to and from work, as part of the job assign-
ment for the international worker. According to the Aid Worker Security Database,
48.8% of violent attacks on workers occur in transit on roads (AWSD, 2016).
Approximately 1.25 million people die each year in road traffic accidents. And
90% of road fatalities happen in low- and middle-income countries even though
these countries have only half the vehicles in the world. Nearly 50 million people
suffer nonfatal injuries and disability. In less developed countries, road accidents
equal up to 5% of their gross national product (WHO, 2016).
Since a significant portion of road fatalities occur to workers, employers should
be mindful of the impact these accidents have on their organizations. And although
companies can control such factors as worker driving and vehicle maintenance to
reduce their direct risks, many risk factors that impact their worker’s safety depend
on social factors of the host country. Factors including road conditions, and laws
that affect other drivers’ behaviors such as speed limits, drinking and driving, and
distracted driving, can play a large role in determining the level of risk of road travel
for workers on assignments internationally. Organizations with workers abroad have
an interest to become politically active on these issues as a means to improve their
own worker’s safety.
In addition, in low-income countries, half of the road deaths are of pedestrians,
cyclists, and motorcyclists. Although being injured or killed while commuting to and
from work is not typically considered a workplace occurrence, it would still behoove
employers to consider the risks to their workforce and take action to reduce the likeli-
hood of losing this valuable commodity of human resource. Employees might be encour-
aged to take public transportation, or special training might be provided to help workers
understand the risks and possible precautions that could be taken on a personal level.
18.2.3 Political Instability
Many countries are under some forms of political instability or strife, or even civil
war. Gunfire and artillery are common occurrences in many countries. Several
sources of information regarding the political conditions and safety for international
travel are available:
U.S. Department of State—Travel (www.state.gov/travel/)

European Commission—Consular Protection (https://ec.europa.eu/consular-
protection/content/home_en)
UK Government—Foreign Travel Advice (www.gov.uk/foreign-travel-advice)

Australian Government—Smart Traveller (http://smartraveller.gov.au/Pages/
default.aspx)
18.2.4 Infectious Diseases
A wide variety of infectious diseases that have been eradicated in the western world
are still endemic in large regions of the world. Malaria, typhoid, tuberculosis, and
yellow fever still are endemic in Africa, India, and large parts of China. Much of the
world still has polio and small pox. Huge parts of Africa are still being ravaged by
human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome.
Workers traveling to and through various countries need to consider all the path-
ways of exposure that they may encounter during their travels. Travel notices are pro-
vided at a variety of sources including the Center for Disease Control and Prevention
and the World Health Organization (WHO). It cannot be assumed that the family
physician will be aware of the appropriate travel vaccines and endemic diseases in
foreign countries. It is best to verify the recommendations with a variety of sources
and reference points well before travel begins.
Case
An engineering firm sent a worker to tend to a project for one week on an oil-drilling
platform well off the coast of Gabon in western Africa. After checking with the CDC
travel information, the company did not recommend or provide malaria medicine for
the worker since he would be working far out at sea and there would not be mosquitos
there. A few days after returning home from his trip, the worker began getting head-
aches and diarrhea. After a couple days, he saw his doctor and they ran some tests. The
worker had contracted malaria and after a few days had an extreme case of liver failure
and died. Upon investigation of the case, it was found that the day the worker arrived in
Gabon, the helicopter service to the oil platform was not working and he spent the night
in a hotel on land. It was concluded that he was bitten by a mosquito at this time, and
contracted the disease. In a lawsuit brought by the employees’ family, the company was
found to be responsible for the workers’ death by not providing appropriate protection
for the worker.
Foodborne infectious diseases can also be problematic for many workers traveling
abroad in many parts of the world. Combined with long airline travel, lack of sleep,
poor diet, and dehydration, infectious organisms in the food can be catastrophic.
Elderly workers, and employees with other medical conditions, can be especially
vulnerable to foodborne illnesses.
18.2.5 Natural Disasters
Natural phenomenon such as earthquakes, volcanoes, typhoons, hurricanes, and oth-
ers may occur any time and disrupt travel and the well-being of international work-
ers. Some regions of the world may be more prone to various natural disasters. Some
natural disasters may be more likely to occur in certain seasons or regions. Others
may provide no warnings whatsoever.
Some countries may not only be prone to natural disasters, such as earthquakes,
but the infrastructure may not be designed to support the occurrences. Not only are
parts of Mexico more prone to large-scale earthquakes, many of the buildings are
not built to withstand them and often tumble to the ground, where more modern
buildings built to higher safety specifications would not be affected.
Some regions of countries may be more susceptible to natural disasters. Low-lying
regions may be more susceptible to flash flooding or storm surges. Coastal regions
are more likely to suffer greater wind damage from hurricanes and large storms.
18.3 LEGAL PERSPECTIVES
The International Labor Organization (ILO) Promotional Framework for Occupational
Safety and Health (2006) is a collective agreement between countries to develop
acceptable programs and regulations to prevent occupational accidents, illnesses,
and diseases. This framework requires signatory countries to develop national pol-
icies, systems, programs, and cultures that ensure safe and healthy work environ-
ments for all workers. Legal debate and discussion about the scope of the framework
has led to interpretations that include employees working in foreign destinations
(Mathiason, 2013). That is, workers traveling to another country on assignment also
have the right to have safe and healthy working conditions.
The ILO 1981 Occupational Safety and Health Convention’s Preventative
Approach to Occupational Safety and Health and the Duty of Care also described
the responsibilities for governments to ensure a broad interpretation of the legal con-
cept “duty of care” to require employers to provide occupational health and safety to
all workers. The convention applies the scope to all branches of economic activity in
which workers are employed, including public service. And Article 3 of the conven-
tion defines “workplaces” as “all places where workers need to be or to go by reason
of their work and which are under the direct or indirect control of the employer”
(ILO, 1981).
Article 2 of the 2006 ILO framework requires continuous improvement of pro-
grams for worker health and safety to reflect relevant ILO guidelines and industry
standards as they are created. This can be interpreted to include the assessment of
new risks as they emerge, and development of ways to control those risks. This now
includes protections for risks to business travelers, international assignees, and all
employees of the company working abroad (Mathiason, 2013). This has expanded
to include such foreseeable location-specific risks to international workers such as
kidnapping because the hazard is incurred during the line of duty (Claus, 2009).
Risks to these international employees are considered unique but not exceptional
and therefore need to be identified by the employer and any actions available to
control risks need to be set in motion by the employer (Berkowitz, 2011). If a risk is
foreseeable, then the employer must take action to control and minimize it. These
controls could include ensuring workers have appropriate vaccines before travel,
security measures are in place, and workers have received appropriate safety and
security training (ILO, 2006). Overall, business traveler risk assessment and miti-
gation programs are now considered the standard of care for corporate health and
safety program managers (Claus, 2009, 2010).
Case law in the European Union (EU), the United Kingdom, the United States,
and Australia has already begun to reflect the industry standards in international
travel responsibilities for employers (Berkowitz, 2011). Employers have already been
held responsible for employees who have been injured in accidents, victims of crime,
kidnapping, and gotten sick with infectious diseases while working abroad. The UK
Corporate Manslaughter and Corporate Homicide Act of 2007 specifically imposes
criminal liability on employers for gross breaches of the duty of care for the death of
employees working abroad (UK, 2007).
The UK duty of care requires employers to provide for the safety of workers when
there is a foreseeable risk and a causal link between the work required and an injury.
When working abroad, this duty of care extends beyond the worksite to include all
aspects of life while on assignment including travel and safety at their accommo-
dations. Additionally, the European Directive 89/391 also outlines responsibilities
for employers to provide and promote occupational safety and health for employees
traveling abroad throughout the EU (EU, 1989).
In the United Kingdom, the Health and Safety at Work Act of 1974 requires
employers to provide a duty of care to all workers. In addition, the UK Corporate
Manslaughter and Corporate Homicide Act of 2007 can impose criminal liability
on organizations where there is a gross breach of duty that results in the death of an
employee. Both of these laws can be applied to workers extraterritorially even when
the negligent decisions causing the death were made by managers remaining in the
United Kingdom. The EU and Australia each have similar laws that place responsi-
bility on employers to provide for worker safety while on international assignments
(Berkowitz, 2011).
In an in-depth analysis of laws associated with dangerous international employee
assignments, Berkowitz (2011) showed that the determination of the extent of legal
responsibility for employers to provide for all aspects of worker safety while they are
abroad is a complex issue. The laws involved in each international case depend on
the laws in the host country and specific details about each case, including whether
the worker was “at work,” whether the injured worker is covered by workers’ com-
pensation, and whether they can sue their employers.
18.4 BUSINESS PERSPECTIVES
Separate from the legal concerns and implications for provision of safety for inter-
national workers, there are fundamental business reasons for having global worker
security programs. By promoting worker travel safety, organizations will
• Reduce the disruptions to business due to unnecessary incidents.

• Improve worker moral and peace of mind while on international assignments.
• Increase return on investments.
• Improve public relations and reduce the likelihood of media attention.
• Reduce the number of premature worker returns from assignments.
• Reduce the costs associated with repatriation and medical responses.
• Lessen legal liabilities associated with international travel (SOS Gold, 2013).
18.5 IDENTIFYING AND ASSESSING RISKS

Before sending employees to international assignments, the employer has a responsi-
bility to thoroughly assess all the various risks the worker will be exposed to during
their travels. It may not be possible to eliminate all the risks that an employee may
encounter abroad, but legal liabilities can be reduced by providing adequate warn-
ing of the risks that the workers may encounter. A comprehensive risk assessment
should follow predetermined protocols and be documented for future reference and
revision, when necessary.
Basic risk assessment for international travel should include at a minimum the
following:
• Individual and detailed aspects of the travel to and work within the host country
• Identification of specific health, safety, and security risks for each activity
• Determining which individuals are at risk
• Evaluating what risk control measures are available and most practicable
• Measuring residual risks that remain after controls are in place
• Reviewing and updating the risk assessment periodically to reflect environ-
mental, social, political, and economic changes
As risk is greatly dependent on the country or region the worker will be traveling
to, this is a good place to begin the risk assessment. Political institutions and
local laws should identify any potential problems for individuals working abroad.
The online database of the State Department of the United States is an excellent
resource to identify the political systems and stability of hundreds of countries
and is updated frequently (USSD, 2018). The State Department lists travel advi-
sories for numerous countries that identify particular hazards, crime reports, and
even areas to avoid. Requirements for passports or visas for each country are also
provided. In addition, general guidance for traveling abroad is provided on the
United States State Department website.
The ILO also provides information for workers going abroad on assignments.
Much of the information is country specific regarding working conditions, national
regulations, and ratification of ILO treaties and conventions (ILO, 2018). Travel
advisories and notices for several countries are provided at the ILO website.
In addition to political stability, the economic stability of the country should be
assessed. Methods for employee payment and financing of their work and living
expenses abroad need to be identified prior to assignment. Trustworthy financial
institutions must be identified before travel, and the legal means of payment and
movement of money must be understood in order to avoid any possible illegal activ-
ities. Tax liabilities need to be evaluated to ensure an employee working abroad
complies with all tax and financial obligations during their stay abroad.
Workers need to be trained on how and where to attain cash, and how to secure the
cash that they have on hand. Cash can be obtained at hotel automatic teller machines
(ATMs) and at currency exchanges on the secure side of airport clearance systems.
ATMs on the street should never be used in many cities and regions.
Social systems and cultural norms must be analyzed and assessed. Religious and
cultural differences can present a form of “risk” if the traveling employee is unfamil-
iar with social norms and practices. Consumption of alcohol may be illegal. Certain
prescription drugs such as pain relievers, medical marijuana, other medicines, and
even poppy seeds may be illegal. These need to be identified before travel to preclude
complications from arising at immigration checkpoints. Certain clothing or attire
may be inappropriate or even illegal. Other clothing may be required, such as head
of face coverings for women in public.
Security systems within the region of assignment should be analyzed. Private
armed services may be needed in addition to local law enforcement. In fact, the
validity and conduct of local law enforcement may also warrant explicit evaluation
by professional consultants prior to assignment. Weaknesses and inefficiencies, and
even corruption of law enforcement in the area, may preclude placing workers in the
area, or at least warrant increasing private security systems to offset the concerns.
Medical incidents that occur during worker travel can be very disruptive to busi-
ness activities and the lives of workers. Thousands of international trips are canceled,
delayed, and negatively affected by injury and illness during the trips (Druckman,
2014). Many of the illnesses in workers are caused by communicable and infectious
diseases. Workers who become dehydrated and tired from travel become susceptible
to these diseases. Illnesses are often exacerbated and prolonged due to limited and
inadequate health-care facilities and lack of appropriate medicines (Allegranzi, 2011).
Medical risks may include the lack of access to acceptable emergency or routine
health-care services. The WHO provides a comprehensive list of endemic diseases
throughout the world. The WHO lists various countries and now has a crisis-rating
system that grades the various outbreaks of infectious diseases in different countries.
In this system, Grade 3 countries indicated events with substantial public health
consequences that require substantial WHO response. Grade 2 conditions or events
represent outbreaks that represent moderate public health consequences and require
moderated WHO response. Grade 1 conditions are events that represent minimal
public health consequences and require minimal WHO response (WHO, 2018).
Routine and emergency medical care sources and hospitals should be identified
before travel. Services should include the availability of psychiatric treatment and
support if the need arises. Emergency medical travel capabilities should be identi-
fied. The means to pay for both local emergency medical services and emergency
medical travel should be arranged prior to appointment and arrival.
The medical conditions of employees and their families traveling with them
should be evaluated prior to assignment. Workers with known preexisting medical
conditions (e.g., diabetes, hypertension, pacemakers/defibrillators) should be consid-
ered especially. Special medical treatments and routine examinations or treatments
should be considered. Sources for examinations and treatment should be identified
and arranged prior to travel, if possible. Employees with special medical conditions
may not be appropriate for assignments that would put them or their families at exces-
sive risk due to inadequate medical facilities or capabilities in the assigned country.
In a study of 48 large U.S. multinational companies with employees traveling
abroad, it was observed that contrary to common perceptions, most serious med-
ical problems that require aggregate services occur in what are considered to be
“low-risk” countries that are economically developed rather than “ high-risk” eco-
nomically developing countries (Druckman, 2014). This study also showed that busi-
ness travelers in what would be considered “safe” working environments such as
finance or business services actually used a greater proportion of medical services
than more hazardous industries such as mining or construction. This is partially
explained by larger numbers of workers from those sectors and the injuries being
related to the employees themselves. In addition, many of the injuries and illnesses
in “low-risk” countries occur when employees are on personal time, or traveling
within the host country to local tourist attractions, and partaking in non-work-related
activities. This same study showed, however, that the “high-risk” countries did show
a clear “gradient of risk when viewed from the perspective of the individual trip”
(Druckman, 2014). On an individual trip basis, a trip to a “high-risk” country is
much more likely to require hospitalization than travel to a “low-risk” host country.
The need for vaccinations and ongoing prophylactic treatments, such as malaria
medications, should be evaluated for employees prior to travel. Malaria medications,
for example, must begin prior to travel, and continue for a period after travel, in order
to be fully effective. Some countries require proof of vaccination prior to admission.
This may be particularly true when returning from countries with ongoing outbreaks
of highly contagious diseases, such as yellow fever.
Additional information on vaccines and vaccination programs can be found at the
following websites:
www.who.int/immunization/en/—World Health Organization Immunization,

Vaccines, and Biologicals
www.cdc.gov/vaccines/index.html—United States Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention
https://ecdc.europa.eu/en/home—European Center for Disease Prevention and
Control
www.dh.gov.uk—United Kingdom Department of Health and Social Care
Transportation risks include a broad variety of modes of travel. Airline travel today
is fairly standardized and includes control of terrorism activities on the planes them-
selves. Airline travel security, including aircraft maintenance, is fairly well regulated
and controlled by international standards of conformance.
Once inside a nation, however, transportation safety and security can vary widely.
Generally, train and bus travel will be safer and more secure that traveling in individ-
ual vehicles. Personal vehicles are significantly more susceptible to damage and injury
from collision and road accidents. Vehicular accident rates due to different traffic and
road conditions vary greatly between countries, and traveling to work by car can present
significant hazards to workers and should be considered and minimized when possible.
In addition to the hazards of vehicular accidents, workers traveling in a vehicle
by themselves may become a victim of kidnapping, crime, or terrorism. Armored
vehicles and traveling with security staff may reduce the overall risks but may also
draw additional attention to the worker.
Special worker risks are characteristics that might put workers at particular risk
in a given nation or region. Women may be especially vulnerable in certain cultures,
and special precautions may be warranted. They may be likely subjects of violence
or segregation from certain areas or facilities. In many parts of the world, women
need to adhere to strict social norms, and if they do not, they are subject to criminal
charges.
Lesbian, bisexual, gay, and transgender employees may be at particular risk in a
number of countries. In several countries, sexual relations with members of the same
sex are subject to fines, imprisonment, or death. It is important that workers, and
particularly family members, understand the laws and ramifications of violations.
Religious proselytization is also considered a crime in many countries. Symbols
of certain religions are illegal in many countries, and laws should be followed to the
greatest extent possible. In France, it is illegal to wear face coverings or hijabs and
other conspicuously religious symbols in public. In many Muslim-oriented coun-
tries, wearing a crucifix or cross could be construed as proselytizing and subject to
criminal charges. Wearing religious symbols of a counter religion is not a sensitive
or wise activity in any culture and easily leads to resentment and hostility, and should
be avoided whenever possible for both legal and security reasons.
18.6 BEFORE WORKERS TRAVEL

Organizations with workers traveling abroad should have clearly developed poli-
cies and procedures to guide travel activities and responses to unusual conditions
or situations. Safety practices, policies, and limits should follow a combination of
regulations and standards of both the home and host countries, with a slant towards
the requirements that are most stringent and conservative. Organizational policies
should be sure to include the individual responsibilities of employees too. Sample
organizational travel policies and programs are provided in the Appendix.
Traveling abroad should begin with an analysis of the host country including
political and social stability, visa requirements, embassy locations, health condi-
tions, and cultural norms. Special support organizations are typically available both
within host countries and from sources abroad before travel. An employee selection
process should be used to identify existing employees who may be willing to travel
abroad. This process would also identify language capabilities, experience traveling
abroad, understanding of and sensitivity to other cultures, and possible limitations to
traveling internationally.
Factors to consider before sending workers to a foreign country include currency
stability and possible expenses, religious and cultural differences, employment laws,
and the availability of reliable communications systems. Driving laws and access to
medical care should also be determined before travel begins. The political and social
conditions of the country should be considered too, including terrorist activity, civil
unrest, and lack of infrastructure, such as grocery stores (Berkowitz, 2011).
Useful sources of information regarding traveling abroad include the following:
• ILO Country Profiles on Occupational Safety and Health (www.ilo.org/

safework/countries/lang--en/index.htm)
• ILO Global Database on Occupational Safety and Health Legislation
(LEGOSH) (www.ilo.org/dyn/legosh/en/f?p=14100:1:0::NO:::)
• CIA, Central Intelligence Agency World Fact Book—The Fact book pro-
vides information on the history, people, government, economy, energy,
geography, communications, transportation, military, and transnational
issues for 267 world entities. (www.cia.gov/library/publications/resources/
the-world-factbook/)
• WHO (www.who.int/en/ and www.who.int/ihr/IVC200_06_26.pdf)
• UK Department of Health (www.dh.gov.uk)
• U.S. Centers for Disease Control (www.cdc.gov/travel)
• European Centre for Disease Control (www.ecdc.europa.eu)
• U.S. Department of State Bureau of Consular Affairs—Country Information
(https://travel.state.gov/content/passports/en/country.html)
Prior to travel abroad, the means by which employees will communicate should
be determined and verified. Special cellular telephone adaptions might be neces-
sary through the service provider. If they are not available, it may be necessary to
make arrangements to purchase service once the new country is entered. Means
to charge existing or new phones should be available or adaptable to the country’s
power sources. E-mail should be available at the new country, and power adapters for
portable computers may be necessary. Charging systems and adapters should also
be available while en route to and from the host country. Backup communications
systems should be considered and identified prior to travel.
Employees traveling abroad should be in good physical condition and have
routine medical checkups throughout the travel period. Physical and electronic
copies of medical and dental records, blood groups, vaccines, and prescriptions
should be available. Medical and dental insurance providers should be contacted
prior to travel to determine existing coverage and whether additional insurance
or premiums are required. Workers should be sure to take an adequate amount of
prescription and nonprescription medicines to last for the duration of travel. The
legality of prescription, and even over-the-counter medications, should be verified
prior to travel.
Medical services available to the worker in the host country should be evaluated
and verified prior to travel. Some countries need to have proof of medical insurance
coverage for certain minimum monetary values prior to issuing a visa.
Special potential medical problems at host sites such as extreme temperatures or
altitudes should be considered for travelers. There may be some period of acclimati-
zation associated with the assignment that should be accommodated in the planning
of the itinerary. Older workers or those with special medical conditions may need
more time, or special support in adjusting to the new environment. Medical kits
may be warranted depending on the locations to be visited. These could include
regular first-aid materials, water purification tablets and filters, sunscreen, diarrhea
treatment, insect repellent, mosquito nets, and antihistamines. In extremely impov-
erished locations with minimal access to health care, sterile medical supplies such
as syringes, dressings, and sutures may be useful (IOSH, 2015).
In areas where hospital standards are extremely low, additional medical equip-
ment and supplies such as blood plasma and single-use thermometers may be war-
ranted (IOSH, 2015). Workers or family members with any special nutritional needs
should consider where they will acquire the food. Special allergies to foods or other
materials should be evaluated prior to travel.
Financial services and measures should be in place before traveling abroad.
Adequate amounts of cash should be on hand, and the means to send payments
to employees should be known and verified before travel, if possible. Credit card
companies and banks should be contacted to ensure that the credit and debit cards
will work properly internationally. Copies of all card numbers, access codes, and
passwords should be kept in a separate document when traveling. Access to credit
card and bank account information through the Internet cloud should be considered
for continued access from remote locations. The data stored as a PDF and sent via
e-mail is a good backup measure to ensure access to the bank and card information
from anywhere.
If possible, it is a good idea to open a local bank account in the host country. An
account in a local bank is a good way to ensure access to money when it might be
needed. Local laws should be investigated to ensure there are no violations, but local
bank managers should also be familiar with requirements. A local credit/debit card
from a national bank could also be useful for long-term assignments.
Employees should learn as much as they can about their host country before trav-
eling by reading travel journals, looking at websites, asking people who have been
there, and in some cases by professional consultants who can teach them specifics
about host country culture and customs.
Workers should be familiar with the seasons of the host country and bring appro-
priate clothing. If necessary, they may need to obtain special clothing or equipment
before they travel. Whenever possible, dress should be casual and not draw attention.
Expensive jewelry and watches should be minimized and kept out of sight.
The appropriate luggage to be used may also vary by host country and the route
of travel. Be sure to use suitcase locks so it is easy to see whether someone has tam-
pered with your luggage. Keep a tag with your name and address attached inside
the luggage as a backup to the outer tag. And keep a list of all the items inside the
suitcase. Avoid using soft-sided luggage since it can be easily compromised. Be sure
to keep a reasonable supply of necessary daily prescription medications in your hand
luggage in case your luggage is lost or delayed.
18.7 SECURITY MEASURES
Each country presents a different type of personal security threat to business trav-
elers. Employers need to be made aware of potential threats and how to deal with
or avoid them. Employees with little or no experience traveling abroad are at par-
ticular risk. Even the most-simple aspects of packing and preparation can affect the
likelihood of being victim. Certain materials and important medications should not
be left in luggage and should be in carry-on bags along with applicable copies of
prescriptions.
Strict guidelines for itineraries and timelines should be adhered to, and specific
check-in times should be predetermined. Accommodations should be selected care-
fully and in safe areas with easy access to public transportation and hotel shuttles
and taxis. Fares to destinations should be agreed upon before entering vehicles,
whenever possible. Even the route to the destination can be determined before you
get in the car.
Case
In Mexico City, there are taxis that are vetted by western hotels that are accepted as
respectable and “safe” through a system of registration or recognition by such charac-
teristics as age and company emblems. Other less reputable taxis frequent the streets
and are taken by locals at a much lower fare, and slightly higher risk. Taxis have been
known to target foreigners and then take them for ransom. This can be especially true
if the fee for service to the destination is not agreed upon before entering the vehicle.
Many of the “non-approved” taxi drivers do not speak English. You need to know what
the taxi etiquette is in whatever country you are travelling in, and if you plan on taking
the taxi from the airport to your hotel when you get there, you not only need the right
money, but which taxis to take and what to say. What is taxi etiquette in Johannesburg,
South Africa?
If workers are driving a car in the foreign country, then the rules of the road should
be learned prior to travel. Carjackings are common in some countries. In some coun-
tries, drivers are known to cause intentional “accidents” in order to try to solicit
bribes or other forms of payment.
It goes without saying that foreign visitors should keep their defenses up at all
times. When approached on the street by people wanting money or directions, travel-
ers should keep their distance and discourage interaction even though it appears the
person is in need, lost, needs money for a bus ticket, or found what appears to be a
valuable ring or wallet. Travelers should always keep at least arms-length away from
people on the street, if possible. Opulent visible jewelry should not be worn, even
if costume, as it attracts the eye of would-be thieves. Valuable jewelry is sometimes
best left at home altogether for the duration of the travel overseas.
Whether a natural disaster, social or political unrest, disease outbreaks, or economic
instability, there should always be a contingency plan for each event. The plan and the
strategy may be different for each type of event and for each country. It may be useful
and safer to have an adequate amount of cash on hand in the event that electronic bank-
ing goes down. Exit strategies and timeframes should be determined prior to travel
in the event that management cannot communicate with their employees. Emergency
meeting locations for multiple staff in a country should be determined ahead of time.
Emergency responses and exit strategies should be practiced periodically.
Travelers should avoid carrying large sums of money, but enough cash for emergen-
cies should be kept on hand. Money should be kept in more than one place to prevent
losing it all at once. Travelers’ checks should be kept in addition to various interna-
tional currency. Whenever possible, store cash and other valuables in available safes.
Keep important phone numbers in more than one location. Numbers should
include emergency contacts and the numbers of the nearest embassy or consulate.
18.8 TRAVEL INSURANCE
Actions need to be taken that ensure travelers have adequate medical, dental, and
emergency response insurance before traveling. Many corporate or state government
worker medical insurance policies do not cover extended travel outside the home
country. Most policies only cover emergency services or emergency repatriation in
some instances. Some policies require prior notification before international travel
in order to be validated.
When medical insurance policies do not provide reasonable coverage for work-
ers and their families traveling abroad, they need to be upgraded or supplemented
with additional policies. In some instances for extended visits, certain countries
will require proof of adequate medical insurance prior to administering a visa or
travel permit in the country. Employees need to know how to access the medical
insurance, and which facilities or health-care systems in the country should be
used with the carrier policies. Dental and ophthalmic insurance coverage should
also be verified and supplemented, if needed, for the employees and traveling
family members.
Insurance for other emergencies is highly recommended, depending on the region
or country visited. Insurance for security incidents can include responding to kid-
napping and ransom situations. Security incidents may also include blackmail and
extortion, and other legal responses to criminal situations. Separate from ransom
payments themselves, professional security and legal consultant advice and response
can cost several tens of thousands of dollars. The advice of security and legal profes-
sionals can go a long way when dealing with criminals and complex legal and politi-
cal situations in a foreign country. Workers charged with crimes, actual or fabricated
by local law enforcement, need competent professional legal representation that can
be extremely costly.
18.9 CONTRACTED SERVICES
Organizations working with external consulting services and contracted agencies
should have clear arrangements for delineation of responsibilities. Contractor and
consultant competencies should be vetted thoroughly by independent sources.
Lines of normal and emergency communications should be set up and tested.
Insurance and funding sources must be clearly identified and put in place before
travel begins.
18.10 PROGRAM EVALUATION AND CONTINUOUS

IMPROVEMENT
The travel safety and security program should be reviewed and evaluated periodi-
cally. Deficiencies and weaknesses should be documented, reported, and corrected
as soon as possible. A problem identified in one country or worker arrangement may
be likely to exist in another worker’s assignment. Problems identified should not
be hidden, but reported to other workers, as a way to improve safety and security.
Open communications in the area of program evaluation is the best means to ensure
worker safety is continuously moving forward. All levels of management must be
made aware of the status of travel security at all times. A list of all workers on
assignment should be readily available to management and all departments with
responsibilities for worker travel safety and security.
18.11 LIVING ABROAD
18.11.1 Food and Drink
Many infectious diseases are transmitted via food and drink, so precautions should
be taken continuously during the time in the host country. Between 30% and 70% of
travelers have traveler’s diarrhea, and the majority are believed to be caused by bac-
terial pathogens in food or drink (Connor, 2018). To be safe, only cooked food that
is served hot should be eaten. Raw fruits, salad, and vegetables should be avoided.
Water should be boiled before drinking or brushing teeth. If boiling is infeasible,
disinfectant tables or bottled water should be used. The use of ice should be avoided
unless made from boiled, chlorinated, or treated water.
Travelers with food allergies should practice extreme caution. Many countries
do not require food labeling, of if there is labeling, it may be in a foreign language,
incomplete, or incorrect. Antidote medication for allergic reactions may be unavail-
able, so travelers should carry their own, whenever possible.
18.11.2 Communicable Diseases
If all medical preparations were completed properly prior to travel, then issues with
communicable diseases while in the host country should be reduced. Ongoing vig-
ilance is important, however, as conditions may change over time and in different
regions. Outbreaks that occur in nearby countries or areas may overflow into the host
country with little warning or notice. Additional vaccines, social distancing, or other
precautions may be warranted.
18.11.3 Hotel Safety
Prior to selecting a hotel, learn as much as possible about it and the surrounding area.
Find out local transportation availability and what other institutions are in the sur-
rounding area. Inquire whether they have a written hotel safety program and onsite
security. Is the hotel compound gated to vehicles and pedestrians and secured by
armed guards? Do visitors go past a checkpoint to get to the elevators, or are they
operated by key card?
If possible, avoid staying in hotel ground floor rooms to reduce public access and
improve security. For fire safety, rooms on the second to fourth floors are preferable
to higher floors.
When you arrive in your room, check for other access points (balconies, patios,
adjoining rooms) and ensure they are secure. Test the room telephone to be sure it is
functional. Never answer the room telephone unless you have made prior arrange-
ments to accept a call at a certain time. If the phone rings and you are not expecting
a call, wait until after the phone stops ringing and call the operator to see who called,
and if someone in the hotel was looking for you. Using the phone to check on your
whereabouts is a key way that criminals can track your activities. Recently, hotel
telephones have been increasingly used for extortion scams, kidnapping, and other
criminal activities.
If someone knocks on your hotel door, use the spyhole. Never open the door to
anyone you do not know. If someone is at your door that you are not expecting and
do not know, call the hotel reception desk to send someone to inquire who it is. If
someone from the hotel arrives unexpected to make repairs in your room, check with
the hotel reception before letting them in. While they are in your room, maintain
control of all your valuables.
Always keep the deadbolt or chain on your hotel room door when you are there. If
the door does not have a chain or deadbolt, ask to change to another room. If second
door locks are not available, use a wedge of wood to secure the door from the inside.
When you are not in the room, leave the television on low.
Do not linger in the hotel lobby and be cautious about who you talk to there. Do
not have loud conversations about your trip, work, room, or personal life with others
in the lobby, restaurant, or bar or the hotel.
Locate the nearest fire alarm and extinguishers. Learn the available fire escape
routes, and follow them to the final exit points to ensure they are clear.
Avoid keeping large amounts of cash in your room, and use the room safe for small
items and small amounts of cash. Keep laptop computers and other cash at the hotel safe.
18.11.4 Driving Safety
Be sure that your driver’s license from your home country will not expire while you
are traveling. If it will, get it renewed before you leave on your trip. Always carry
your license and insurance information in the vehicle when driving.
Learn about official local driving rules before driving. Learn about driving cul-
ture and practices from travel books or local residents. Be aware of local police
traffic practices, including frequency and types of roadblocks. Carry cash in order to
pay traffic fines you may receive while driving.
Never depend solely on electronic navigation systems for travel, but carry hard
copy maps in the vehicle at all times. Be aware of, and avoid, restricted travel areas.
Be sure you have a spare tire and know how to change it prior to traveling to remote
areas. Carry additional emergency supplies in the vehicle including first-aid kits,
fire extinguishers, toolkits, reflective vests, emergency flares, and warning triangles.
Keep your car in good working condition and check tires, fluid levels, and gaso-
line levels before traveling. For long trips, check on the location of gas stations along
the route. Keep vehicle doors locked at all times, even when exiting for short times,
such as to refuel. Do not leave valuables in the car.
If you are not familiar with your surroundings, do not get out of the vehicle. If you
are involved in an accident and are suspicious of the cause, do not exit the vehicle. If
people are pointing out problems with your car or tires, be particularly wary. Drive
on to a separate distant public and busy area to stop and inspect the vehicle. Be wary
of people wishing to assist you in your auto repair before you have asked them.
If you are ever stopped by local law enforcement and are then asked to report to
the local police station, contact your emergency contact numbers to let them know
your situation.
Before leaving on a trip, check traffic and road conditions. Avoid peak travel
times and avoid traffic congestion when possible. Consider weather, air pollution,
and driving terrain, and make appropriate adjustments in your expected trip dura-
tion. In low-economic countries, avoid driving at night, if possible.
18.11.5 Communications
During the worker’s time abroad, systems should allow for 24/7 two-way commu-
nications between the organization and the traveler. Mechanisms should be in place
to ensure that workers can be informed of changing risk levels either in their host
country or surrounding regions or in the home countries. Backup systems should
also be identified and tested periodically.
Systems for workers to communicate with family members’ traveling/
non-traveling should be developed to ensure safety and peace of mind. Protocols
should require normal contact times and response activities in the event contact
cannot be made.
18.11.6 Using Taxis
In many countries, taxis represent a significant risk from both traffic accidents and
criminal activity. Local conditions should be investigated to determine the safest
practices before a taxi is engaged. Hotels will typically know which taxi companies
and car services are safe and reputable. In many countries, hailing a taxi in the street
is not a safe option. It is always preferable to hire a cab by telephone or from the
hotel. Never get into a taxi without verifying that it is the one you hired.
Once in the taxi, confirm your route and the expected fare with the driver. Always
sit in the back of the cab and always wear a seat belt. Do not be overly familiar with
the driver or share personal information such as where you are from, your profession,
employer, or title. If you are uncomfortable with the driver, their driving, or the route
being taken, consider having the driver take you to a secure and public location to
hire a new taxi for the remainder of the trip.
18.11.7 Environmental Conditions
Extreme weather conditions may not unduly strain workers in top physical shape,
but they may stress other workers who may be less physically fit. Extreme weather
can put additional stresses on workers of family members and exacerbate preexisting
medical conditions sensitive to them. High altitude or high levels of air pollution can
put stress on individuals with respiratory illnesses.
18.12 SPECIAL CONCERNS FOR FEMALE TRAVELERS

Depending on the host country, women may be at particular risk. Many countries
have gender-specific cultural and legal restrictions. In many countries, it is illegal for
a woman to drive, or even ride in a car with a man that is not her husband. In some
countries, a woman alone in public is frowned upon and a likely target for crime.
Women may be required to wear certain clothing in public. In some host countries,
women’s magazines depicting western attire and partial nudity may be considered
pornographic and lead to arrest. In some countries, bare skin shown on women is
frowned upon and goes against some cultural and religious norms. To minimize
unwanted sexual advances and garner greater acceptance by the local residents, it
is prudent to dress with discretion and show respect for the culture you are visiting.
18.13 PSYCHOSOCIAL ADAPTATION
Even the most seasoned traveler can eventually be worn down by extended travel and
long duration assignments. Lack of family and social support, foreign cultures and
languages, hostile social or political situations, and dangerous security conditions
can make life abroad stressful and lead to a variety of psychological problems such
as depression. Psychological issues can be even more pronounced and common in
family members who relocate with the assigned worker. Spouses and children who
accompany the worker may be exposed to different, and possibly worse, conditions
of exclusion and social separation. Mental issues should be anticipated and accepted
as normal psychological responses to stressful situations. Employers should be pro-
active in helping workers and their families in their work-life and work-family issues
for the psychological well-being of the employee, and success of the travel assign-
ment (Black, 2007). The need for professional support should be recognized as soon
as possible, and arrangements should be made to get assistance as soon as possible.
18.14 EMERGENCY PREPAREDNESS
Emergency plans and procedures should be developed to cover every possible
foreseeable emergency situation. Meeting points and evacuation routes should be
planned and practiced ahead of time. Resources to respond to all types of emer-
gencies should be readily available, and/or deployable. Access to security providers
and other consultants should be available 24/7, and funds should be available as
necessary. Workers and their families need to be trained on all aspects of emergency
preparedness and response. Periodic drills and exercises should be used to test emer-
gency preparedness, and corrective actions should be taken when needed.
Workers should carry medical and security travel assistance contact information
in case they do not have the capacity to communicate. In countries where the worker
is not fluent in the host language, arrangements should be in place for interpreters
to respond in all emergencies. Care should be taken to assure that the response to
an emergency affecting one worker does not put other workers at the jobsite at risk.
Globalization has led to ever-increasing numbers of workers traveling abroad. The
responsibility of employers to provide for the safety of their employees extends beyond
the borders of their nation of origin. A combination of education and awareness on
the risks and hazards in each country, and the basic risks associated with interna-
tional travel need to lead to programs and systems to ensure the ongoing well-being
of workers abroad. The risks are broad and numerous, so individual workers on
assignments cannot be expected to have all the tools and expertise needed to ensure
their own security. A comprehensive and elaborate system should be in place before
and during employee international travel.
APPENDIX: SAMPLE ORGANIZATIONAL POLICIES, PROGRAMS,

AND PROCEDURES FOR INTERNATIONAL WORKERS
Policies
Policy statements generated at the top levels of management set the foundation for
international travel safety. Leadership and commitment to the health and safety of
workers traveling abroad provide guidance for the programs and procedures devel-
oped to ensure that goals and objectives are met.
Policy statements on intent provide guidance for how travel security should be
developed to ensure meeting organizational objectives. Compliance with home and
host government regulations should be part of the policy, in addition to a commit-
ment to follow the accepted industry standards of practice. Well-designed policy
statements regarding international travel will be sure to align with other corporate
policies such as sustainable development and corporate social responsibility.
Programs
Once organizational policies regarding international travel have been developed,
various programs should be created to address the identified goals. The organiza-
tional structure to address various travel security objectives should be developed to
delineate roles and responsibilities of departments or individuals in the organization.
Clear lines of communication and responsibility between different levels of manage-
ment should be part of written travel safety programs.
One primary organizational department should be identified with the central role
and responsibility for the overall travel security program. This person or depart-
ment should have the experience and resources available to complete the required
tasks that are assigned. Various programs that will need to be developed to support
a comprehensive and thorough travel safety program will include at a minimum the
following:
• Risk assessment
• Traveling worker/family assessment
• Pretravel protocols
• Medical evaluation/preparation
• Training for workers and traveling/non-traveling family members
• Communications
• Accommodations
• Transportation (to and from host country and within the host country)
• Security services
• Educational systems (for family members traveling with worker)
• Financial services/operations
• Insurance
• Legal services
• Emergency response
• Post-travel debriefing
• Auditing/reporting /continuous improvement
Procedures
Once the overarching programs are completed for the international worker travel
safety and security goals and organization, detailed procedures can be created to
support the individual program objectives. Clear and concise written procedures
offer the opportunity for various departments to review other department’s proce-
dures and identify conflicts, inconsistencies, or redundancies before they occur in
practice. Quality assurance and document control systems can be put in place to
ensure consistency over time, and keep track of program changes and improvements
as they are made. Procedures that are transparent and readily available to workers
and managers help to clarify program objectives and set easy to follow tasks and
steps for workers to follow at each step of the travel assignment.
Emergency response procedures should include initial notification, communi-
cation, risk assessment, response actions, ongoing event monitoring and analysis,
continued support actions, and de-escalation/recovery. These procedures should be
written and available onsite as hard copies and electronically as PDFs on computer
systems, and also available through the Internet. Workers and managers should
receive detailed training on emergency response procedures. Emergency drills and
exercises should be held periodically.
Training programs lead to detailed procedures regarding how and when workers
will receive training. The training procedures will identify the topics covered in each
session and provide documentation of worker attendance.
Travel Security—Pretravel Checklist

Risk assessment
Political stability
Social stability
Economic stability
Religious requirements
Cultural requirements
Reliable telephone
Reliable Internet
Reliable electrical service
Criminal activity
Transportation systems
Weather conditions
Employee factor risks
(Continued)
Travel Security—Pretravel Checklist

Insurance
Medical
Repatriation
Dental
Ophthalmic
Ambulance
Auto
Medical preparation
Predeparture checkups and screenings
Copies of medical records and prescriptions
Necessary vaccinations
Prescription medications
Over-the-counter medications
Eyeglasses and contact lenses/solutions
Spare eyeglasses and contact lenses
Eyeglass and contact lens prescriptions
Finance
Employee payments
Local bank account
International credit/debit cards
Local credit cards
Security
Types of crime
Onsite security
Travel security
Emergency response team
24-h communications
Emergency meeting points
Emergency evacuation plans
Normal communications
High-risk areas identified
Travel itineraries provided
Employee and family member training
Accommodations clearance
Transportation
International driving permits required
Car service/security provided
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Index
A American Board of Industrial Hygiene (ABIH),
91, 157, 164
AAOHN, see American Association of American Board of Occupational Health Nurses
Occupational Health Nurses (ABOHN), 164
(AAOHN) American Industrial Hygiene Association
ABET, see American Board of Engineering (AIHA), 82, 83
Technology (ABET) ANACT, see French National Agency for the
ABHP, see American Board of Health Physics Improvement of Working Conditions
(ABHP) (ANACT)
ABIH, see American Board of Industrial Hygiene Annex SL, 84
(ABIH) ANSES, see French Agency for food,
ABOHN, see American Board of Occupational environmental and occupational
Health Nurses (ABOHN) health and safety (ANSES)
Accident(s) Association of Southeast Asian Nations
Chernobyl nuclear power plant, 56 (ASEAN), 105–106
costs of, 7–8 ATMs, see Automatic teller machines (ATMs)
in European Union, 123 Australian Institute of Occupational Hygiene
in Finland, 126 (AIOH), 157
in France, 171, 173 Automatic teller machines (ATMs), 315
industrial, 56, 190 Awareness
injury/illness, 6, 114, 121, 122 cultural, 10
insurers, 143 lack of, 8–9
Law of Work, 177 public, 12, 13
in Mexico, 181 worker, 87, 179
traffic, 120 AWSD, see Aid Worker Security Database (AWSD)
vehicular, 317
workplace, 120, 134 B
Administrative controls, 227
Africa(n) Balanced Scorecard (BSC), 101, 104
demography of, 185 Bamako Convention, 202, 207
disposal/recycling processes, 202 Basel Convention, 207, 210
health and safety performance, 187 BCPE, see Board of Certified Professional
infectious diseases, 312 Ergonomists (BCPE)
informal workers, 14 BCSP, see Board of Certified Safety
Newsletter, 31 Professionals (BCSP)
regulatory framework, 187–188 Belgian Society for Occupational Hygiene
work structure, 185–187 (BSOH), 143
Agriculture, child labor in, 255, 262, 263, 265 Benchmarking, 95–97
Aid Worker Security Database (AWSD), 311 approaches and frameworks, 101–105
AIHA, see American Industrial Hygiene audit program, 103
Association (AIHA) corporate, 108–110
AIOH, see Australian Institute of Occupational distinctions of, 97
Hygiene (AIOH) guidance document, 101
ALARP, see Low as reasonably practicable industry, 9
(ALARP) International Labor Organization, 97
American Association of Occupational Health OH&S management system, 9–10, 103–104
Nurses (AAOHN), 154, 164 organizational, types of, 96
American Board of Engineering Technology performance measurement, 98–100
(ABET), 141, 142 safety culture/climate, 107–108
American Board of Health Physics (ABHP), 164 BLS, see Bureau of Labor and Statistics (BLS)
333
334 Index
Board of Certified Professional Ergonomists in women and minority workers, 229

(BCPE), 164 work-related deaths, causes of, 6
Board of Certified Safety Professionals (BCSP), Cancer Liaison Program (CLP), 224
91, 163–164 CARSAT, see Caisse d’Assurance Retraite et de
Board of Laser Safety (BLS), 153, 165 la Sante au Travail (CARSAT)
BOHS, see British Occupational Hygiene Society CASST, see China Academy of Safety Science
(BOHS) and Technology (CASST)
Brazil, 181–182, 287, 291 CBAs, see Cost–benefit analyses (CBAs)
Brazilian Ministry of Health, 182 CCCPE, see Canadian College for the
British Occupational Hygiene Society (BOHS), 158 Certification of Professional
British Standards Institute (BSI), 82, 103 Ergonomists (CCCPE)
BSC, see Balanced Scorecard (BSC) CCHT, see Committee de Certification des
BSI, see British Standards Institute (BSI) Hygienistes du Travail (CCHT)
BSOH, see Belgian Society for Occupational Center for Disease Control and Prevention, 192,
Hygiene (BSOH) 243, 312
Bureau of Labor and Statistics (BLS), 244 Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 319
Centre for the Registration of European
C Ergonomists (CREE), 164–165
Certificate of Occupational Competence
CABs, see Conformity assessment bodies (CABs) (CertOH), 158
Caisse Assurance Maladie d’Ile de France Certified Industrial Hygienists (CIH), 91, 157, 164
(CRAMIF), 173 Certified Professional Industrial Hygienist
Caisse d’Assurance Retraite et de la Sante au (CPIH), 161
Travail (CARSAT), 173 Certified Safety Professionals (CSP), 91
California Occupational Safety and Health CertOH, see Certificate of Occupational
Administration (Cal/OSHA), 290 Competence (CertOH)
California Transparency in Supply Chains Act Chattel slavery, 286
(2010), 290 Chernobyl nuclear power plant accident, 56
Canadian College for the Certification of Child labor, 253–254
Professional Ergonomists (CCCPE), in Africa, 187
165 in agriculture, 255, 262, 263, 265
Canadian Registration Board of Occupational causes and conditions, 263–264
Hygienists (CRBOH), 158–159 famine and disease, 264
Cancer poverty, 264–265
definition of, 217–219 social structure/government, lack of, 265
in economically advanced countries, 216 war, 265–266
incidence of, 215–216 combat and eliminate, 266–267
methods to evaluate, 219–220 in construction industry, 24–25, 259, 263
occupational exposure limits, 224 Fair Labor Standards Act, 255
administrative and engineering controls, hazardous, 258
227 information and public outreach,
communications and education, 228 dissemination of, 270–271
elimination and substitution, 226–227 International conventions and guidelines, 268
European Union, 224–225 International Labor Organization, 24–25,
in France and Netherlands, 225 255, 256, 258
in Germany, 226 negative consequences of
personal protective equipment, 227–228 harmful effects, 260–261
Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation negative impacts on society, 261–262
and Restriction of Chemicals, 225 policy development, 269
regulations, 228 protective equipment, failure to use, 263
research organizations research collection methodologies, 269–270
European Union, 224 in retail trade, 263
International Agency for Research on social consequences of, 254
Cancer, 31, 216, 222–223 terminology, 256–258
International Labor Organization, unintentional injuries, 260
221–222 and workers, 13–14
National Toxicology Program, 220–221 working at heights, 263
Index 335
China CREE, see Centre for the Registration of

demography of, 189 European Ergonomists (CREE)
health and safety performance, 190–191 Cross-industry collaborations, 267
regulatory framework, 191–192 CSP, see Certified Safety Professionals (CSP)
research and legislative updates, 192 CSR, see Corporate social responsibility (CSR)
work structure, 190 Cultural awareness, 10
China Academy of Safety Science and Cultural values, modern slavery, 286
Technology (CASST), 192
CHSCTs, see Health and Safety Working D
Conditions Committees (CHSCTs)
CIA, see Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Debt-based slavery, 279
CIH, see Certified Industrial Hygienists (CIH) Demography
CLP, see Cancer Liaison Program (CLP) in Africa, 185
Codes of Practice, 6, 25, 124 in China, 189
Collaborating centers for occupational health, 30 in France, 171
“Command and control” methods, 50, 79 in India, 183–184
Committee de Certification des Hygienistes du in Latin America, 178
Travail (CCHT), 162 in South America, 178
Comparative risk assessment (CRA), 114, 121, 126 in Spain, 177
Conference Board (2003) Survey, 108–109 Department of Labor and Social Affairs, 177, 187
Conformity assessment Derived minimal effect level (DMEL), 225
conceptual diagram of, 152 Derived no-effect levels (DNELs), 225
of credentialing, 155–156 Descent-based slavery, 280
and ISO 31000 Standard, tool, 64 Diploma of Professional Competence in
OH&S management system, 91–92 Occupational Hygiene (DipOH), 158
Conformity assessment bodies (CABs), 152 Directive 2004/37/EC, 225
Construction industry Directorate General, Factory Advice Service, and
child labor in, 24–25, 259, 263 Labour Institutes (DGFASLI), 184
migrant employment in, 239 Disability Adjusted Years of Life (DALYs), 121,
Contract slavery, 279–280 187
Contractual bondage, 279
Conventions and Recommendations, 21–24 E
Corporate benchmarking, 108–110
Corporate Homicide Act (2007), 314 Economic(s)
Corporate safety culture, 50, 52, 59 cultural/educational vs., 10
Corporate social responsibility (CSR), 287–289, and financial benefits, 2–3
292 Economically developing countries (EDCs), 216,
Cost–benefit analyses (CBAs), 66, 68, 69, 71 218, 227
CPIH, see Certified Professional Industrial development and management, 56–57
Hygienist (CPIH) electronic/electrical waste, 200, 210
CRA, see Comparative risk assessment (CRA) global gross domestic product, 4, 5
CRAMIF, see Caisse Assurance Maladie d’Ile de injuries/illness/fatalities in, 6, 7, 116, 117, 121
France (CRAMIF) training and education, 133, 146
CRBOH, see Canadian Registration Board of transfer of technology, 5–6
Occupational Hygienists (CRBOH) Education
Credentials children’s, 256, 261
board awards, 164 communications and public health, 228
conformity assessments, 155–156 cultural/economic vs., 10
definition of, 150 direction/pathway, 145–147
education/training and, 11–13 in European Union, 12, 142, 143
of hygiene, 162–165 formal system, 11, 141–144
International Occupational Hygiene goal of, 134
Association, 145 Institute of Electrical and Electronics
licensing/licensure, 12–13, 151, 153, 154, 165 Engineers, 46
professional, goals of, 150–155 International Agency for Research on
registration, 150–151 Cancer, 31
rubrics, 146 and languages of migrants, 242–243
336 Index
Education (cont.) European Union Agency for Occupational Safety

mainstreaming occupational safety and and Health (EU-OSHA), 96, 106–107
health, 12 European Union Strategic Framework on Health
occupational safety and health, 144–145 and Safety at Work, 241–242
Educational Research Centers (ERCs), 142 E-waste, see Electronic/electrical waste
Electrical or electronic equipment (EEE), 199, Executive Board, of World Health Organization,
200, 209 27, 28
Electronic/electrical waste, 199–201
in Africa, 202 F
in Australia, 202
Bamako Convention, 207 Fair Labor Standards Act, 255
Basel Convention, 207, 210 Fatality
composition of, 200 economically developing countries, 6, 7, 116,
in Eastern Asia, 201–202 117, 121
in Europe, 202 foreign-born workers, 243, 244
global production of, 199–200 injuries and illnesses, 6–7
hazards reporting system, 120–121, 127, 128
environmental, 203–205 risk management, 68–70
occupational, 205–206 value to nations, 116–117
interactions with environment, diagram of, workplace statistic, 120–121
204 young agricultural workers, 262
laws and regulations, 207 Federal Labor Law, 180
in North America, 200–201 Federal regulations for occupational safety and
solutions of, 208–210 hygiene, 180
water pollution, 204 Forced Labour Convention (1930), 276
ENETOSH, see European Network Education Forced recruitment, for armed services, 280
and Training in Occupational Safety Foreign-born worker, 242–245
and Health (ENETOSH) Formal education, 11, 155, 182
Engineering controls, 226, 227 Foundation Norwegian Occupation Hygiene
ENSHPO, see European Network of Safety and Certification, see Norwegian
Health Professional Organizations Occupational Hygiene Society (NYF)
(ENSHPO) France
Enterprise transferring technology, 5–6 accidents, 171, 173
Environmental Protection Administration (EPA), conferences and meetings, 176
201, 209 health and safety
ERCs, see Educational Research Centers (ERCs) history in, 172–173
Ergonomics, 164–165 performance in, 171–172
Ethical issues, reporting system, 123–124 legislative updates, 175
EU-OSHA, see European Union Agency for occupational
Occupational Safety and Health exposure limits in, 225
(EU-OSHA) safety and health in, 175–176
European Agency for Safety and Health at Work plans, 176–177
(EU-OSHA), 32 regulatory framework, 173–175
European Network Education and Training work structure and statistics in, 171
in Occupational Safety and Health French Agency for food, environmental and
(ENETOSH), 12, 43–44, 140–141 occupational health and safety
European Network of Safety and Health (ANSES), 174
Professional Organizations French Labour Ministry, 173
(ENSHPO), 44–45, 162–163 French National Agency for the Improvement of
European Union (EU), 31–32, 160, 171 Working Conditions (ANACT), 174
accident of, 123 French Occupational Hygiene Society
Directive 2004/37/EC, 225 (SOFHYT), 159, 176
educational approaches, 12, 142, 143
electronic/electrical waste, 203 G
migrant labor, 241
occupational exposure limits, 224–225 GDP, see Global gross domestic product (GDP)
in regulation, 224 German Social Accident Insurance (DGUV), 141
Index 337
German Society of Occupational Hygiene Hong Kong Institute of Occupational and

(DGAH), 159–160 Environmental Hygiene (HKIOEH),
Germany 160
occupational exposure limits in, 226 HSE, see Health and Safety Executive (HSE)
training branches, 143 Human Development Index (HDI), 3, 303
GIG economy, see Global Information Grid Human trafficking, 259–260, 271, 278–282,
(GIG) economy 291, 293
Global burdens of disease, 121, 134 Hygiene, 10–13
Global gross domestic product (GDP), 3, 4, 7, in Australia, 141
114, 179 in Belgium, 143
Global Harmonization Standard, 242 in Germany, 143
Global Information Grid (GIG) economy, in Great Britain, 141
304–305 professional credentialing (see Credentials)
Globalization Hygienist(s), 12, 38, 118, 138, 143
of business and industry, 49, 310, 326
characteristics of, 2 I
economic and financial benefits, 2–3
growth and, 4 IAG, see Institute for Work and Health (IAG)
occupational safety and health, 5–6 IALI, see International Association of Labour
Global March Against Child Labor (GMACL), Inspection (IALI)
268 IARC, see International Agency for Research on
Global Master Plan (GMP), 30–31 Cancer (IARC)
Global Reporting Initiative (GRI), 104, 105 ICAF, see Implied cost of averting fatality (ICAF)
Global Slavery Index, 289 ICertOH, see International Certificate in
GMACL, see Global March Against Child Labor Occupational Hygiene (ICertOH)
(GMACL) ICFP, see Institute of the Certification of the
GMP, see Global Master Plan (GMP) Figures of Prevention (ICFP)
Governing Body Committee on Freedom of ICOH, see International Commission on
Association, 25 Occupational Health (ICOH)
Governmental regulations, 79, 80 ICRP, see International Commission on
Greenpeace, 208 Radiation Protection (ICRP)
GRI, see Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) IEA, see International Ergonomics Association
Gross domestic product (GDP), 3, 4, 114, 134, (IEA)
291, 301 IEEE, see Institute of Electrical and Electronics
Engineers (IEEE)
H IGOs, see Intergovernmental organizations
(IGOs)
HBV, see Hepatitis B virus (HBV) ILO, see International Labor Organization (ILO)
HCV, see Hepatitis C virus (HCV) ILO Global Database on Occupational Safety
HDI, see Human Development Index (HDI) and Health Legislation (LEGOSH),
Health and Safety at Work Act (1974), 314 170–171
Health and Safety Executive (HSE), 103, 105 IMO, see International Maritime Organization
Health and Safety Working Conditions (IMO)
Committees (CHSCTs), 174, 241 Implied cost of averting fatality (ICAF), 66, 69
Health Assembly, of World Health Organization, Incidents, costs of, 7–8
27–28 Indentured servitude, 279
Health nursing, 164 India
Health surveillance, see Worker health surveillance demography, 183–184
Healthy workers, 57, 115 health and safety performance, 184
Hepatitis B virus (HBV), 221 India Ministry of Labour and Employment, 184
Hepatitis C virus (HCV), 221 Indicative OEL values (IOELVs), 224
Hierarchy of measurement, 98 Individual risk
HIS, see Homeland Security Investigations (HIS) ALARP or SOFAIRP tolerability principle,
HKIOEH, see Hong Kong Institute of 71–73
Occupational and Environmental risk management, 65–66
Hygiene (HKIOEH) tolerability criterion for, 66–68
Homeland Security Investigations (HIS), 260 Industrial Safety and Health Law, 189
338 Index
Industry benchmarking, 9 International Ergonomics Association (IEA),

Informal work(ers), 58 164, 165
addressing problems of, 305–307 International Labor Organization (ILO)
in African, 14 administrative programs, 24–25
in agricultural sector, 178 benchmarking, 97
definition of, 299–300 cancer research organizations, 221–222
global dimensions of, 300–301 child labor, 24–25, 255, 256, 258
Global Information Grid, 304–305 Codes of Practice, 6, 25, 124
hazards of, 304 competitiveness and safety, 8–9
health and safety and adverse impacts of, constitution governance, 21
302–304 Conventions and Recommendations, 21–24
Injuries/Illnesses, see also Reporting system in Forced Labour Convention, 276
costs of, 7–8 funding sources, 21
economically developing countries, 117 global compact child labor platform, 267
fatal and nonfatal, 113–114 goals of, 26
International Labor Organization, 114, governing body, 21, 22, 24
124–125, 127 history of, 20–21
reporting, 121–123, 127, 128 informal
self-employed reporting, 123 economy, 299
types of, 6–7 work, 302, 303, 306
use and application of, 114, 115 injuries and illnesses, 114, 124–125, 127
value to nations, 116–117 International Programme on the Elimination
value to organizations, 115–116 of Child Labour, 268
worker longevity and morbidity, 116–117 migrant
workplace exposures, 114, 119–120 labor, 241
INRS, see National Institute for Research and populations, 236
Safety (INRS) occupational
INSERM, see National Institute for Health and diseases in China, 190
Medical Research (INSERM) safety and health, 22–24
INSHPO, see International Network of Safety OH&S management system, 90
and Health Professional Organizations project guidelines, 25–26
(INSHPO) promotional framework for occupational
Institute for Occupational Hygienists of South safety and health, 313
Africa (IOHSA), 161 regulatory format and legal powers/sources,
Institute for Work and Health (IAG), 141 21–22
Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers reporting system, 124–125
(IEEE), 46 training and education, 134
Institute of Occupational Health and Poisoning worker health surveillance, 117, 118
Control, 192 International Labour Conference, 22, 25, 306
Institute of the Certification of the Figures of International Maritime Organization (IMO), 33
Prevention (ICFP), 160 International Monetary Fund, 4, 265
Institution of Occupational Safety and Health International Network of Safety and Health
(IOSH), 42, 140 Professional Organizations
Intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), 13, (INSHPO), 43
19–20, 34 International nongovernmental organizations
International Agency for Research on Cancer (NGOs), 13, 34, 37, 47, 208, 289
(IARC), 31, 216, 222–223 International Occupational Hygiene Association
International Association of Labour Inspection (IOHA), 80, 138
(IALI), 105, 110 accreditation scheme, 156
International benchmarking, 105–108 credentials, 145
International Certificate in Occupational Hygiene evaluation rubric, 145
(ICertOH), 138 Malaysian Industrial Hygiene Association, 161
International Commission on Occupational membership organizations, 38–39
Health (ICOH), 43 NAR Committee, 38, 42, 159–161 156–157,
International Commission on Radiation 160
Protection (ICRP), 45 philosophy, 156
International Dialogue on Migration, 241 training programs, 140
Index 339
International Organization for Migration (IOM), Japanese National Institute of Occupational

240–241 Safety and Health (JNIOSH), 189
International Programme on the Elimination of Joint Technical Coordination Group (JTCG), 84
Child Labour, 268
International Program on Chemical Safety L
(IPCS), 33
International Radiation Protection Association Labour code, 173
(IRPA), 46 “Labour is not a commodity,” 21
International Risk Management Standard, see Labour Ministry, 173
ISO 31000 Labour Standard Law, 188–189
International Social Security Association (ISSA), Lack of awareness, 8–9, 269
162 Latin America
International Standards Organization (ISO), 9, 46 Brazil, 181–182
benchmarking, 97 demography of, 178
credentialing, 155–156 Mexico, 179–181
ISO 31000, 63–65 Peru, 183
OH&S management system, 82–89 Venezuela, 182–183
social responsibility, 104 work structure, 178–179
International Training Center of the ILO Law of Work Accidents, in Spain, 177
(ITCILO), 140 LEGOSH, see ILO Global Database on
International workers, programs for, 327–328 Occupational Safety and Health
International work hazards Legislation (LEGOSH)
infectious diseases, 312 Level of measurement, 99
natural disasters, 312–313 Licensing/licensure and credentialing, 12–13,
political instability, 311–312 151, 153, 154, 165
transportation hazard, 311 Linear non-threshold (LNT) models, 225
violence/kidnapping, 310–311 Low as reasonably practicable (ALARP), 70–74
IOELVs, see Indicative OEL values (IOELVs)
IOHA, see International Occupational Hygiene M
Association (IOHA)
IOHSA, see Institute for Occupational Hygienists Malaysian Industrial Hygiene Association
of South Africa (IOHSA) (MIHA), 161
IOM, see International Organization for Management system standards (MSSs), 80,
Migration (IOM) 83–84, 137
IOSH, see Institution of Occupational Safety and Masculinity, 54
Health (IOSH) Metrics, types of, 99–100
IPCS, see International Program on Chemical Mexican Institute of Social Security, 117, 180
Safety (IPCS) Mexico, 179–181
IRPA, see International Radiation Protection Migration Governance Framework, 241
Association (IRPA) Migration/migrant worker, 235–236
ISO, see International Standards Organization benefits of, 239
(ISO) consensus of, 241–242
ISO 14001:1996, 83 economic and social disparity of, 242
ISO 31000, 63–65 education and languages of, 242–243
ISO 45001:2018, 9, 83–89, 92 geographic regions and movements, 236–239
ISO/IEC 17024:201, 155–157 governance, 239–240
ISSA, see International Social Security health outcomes, 244–245
Association (ISSA) health risk factors for, 243–244
ITCILO, see International Training Center of the International Organization for Migration,
ILO (ITCILO) 240–241
populations, 236, 237
J potential underreporting, 246
MIHA, see Malaysian Industrial Hygiene
Japan, 188–189 Association (MIHA)
Japan Association for Working Environment Minimum Age Convention, 266
(JAWE), 160 Ministry of Health, 182
Japanese Ergonomics Society (JES), 165 Ministry of Labour, 174, 181–182
340 Index
Ministry of Social Security, 182 O

Modern slavery, see Slavery
Morbidity and mortality, 215, 243 Oanization for Economic Cooperation and
Morocco, construction workers in, 186 Development (OECD), 102, 171,
MSSs, see Management system standards 178, 239
(MSSs) Occupational exposure limits (OELs), 174, 224
Mutual assistance, 20 administrative and engineering controls, 227
communications and education, 228
N elimination and substitution, 226–227
in European Union, 224–225
NAFTA, see North Atlantic Free Trade in France and Netherlands, 225
Agreement (NAFTA) in Germany, 226
National Accreditation Recognition (NAR) personal protective equipment, 227–228
Committee, 38, 156–157, 159, 160 Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and
National Advisory Commission on Occupational Restriction of Chemicals, 225
Safety and Health, 180 regulations, 228
National Aeronautics and Space Administration Occupational Health for Developing Countries,
(NASA), 56 187
National Child Labor Committee, 255 Occupational Health Services Convention
National Commission for Certifying Agencies (1985), 23
(NCAA), 157 Occupational Health Training Association
National Consumers League, 255 (OHTA), 11
National culture, influence of, 52 Occupational Hygiene Training Association
National health surveillance network system, (OHTA), 40–42, 47, 138–139, 146, 158
118, 119 Occupational licensing, 12
National Highway Traffic Safety Administration Occupational Medicine Physician, 118, 189
(NHTSA), 69 Occupational Safety and Health Management
National Institute for Health and Medical Systems (OSHMSs), 192
Research (INSERM), 173 OECD, see Organization for Economic
National Institute for Research and Safety Cooperation and Development
(INRS), 173 (OECD)
National Institute of Occupational Safety and OELs, see Occupational exposure limits (OELs)
Health (NIOSH), 142 Official Mexican Norms (NOMs), 180
National Plan for the Eradication of Slave Labor, OH&S management system (OHSMS), 9–10,
291 79–80
National Policy on Safety, Health and benchmarking, 9–10, 103–104
Environment at Workplace, 184 breadth and similarities of, 80
National reporting systems, 125–126 conformity assessment, 91–92
National System of Health and Safety at Work, elements, 81
183 governmental regulations, 80
National Toxicology Program (NTP) Report on International Labor Organization, 90
Carcinogens (RoC), 220–221 International Standards Organization, 82–89
NCAA, see National Commission for Certifying levels of, 92
Agencies (NCAA) programs vs. systems, 81–82
Netherlands, occupational exposure limits standards
in, 225 ILO OHSMS:2001, 90
NIOSH, see National Institute of Occupational ISO 45001:2018, 83–89
Safety and Health (NIOSH) ISO’s Technical Management Board,
NOMs, see Official Mexican Norms (NOMs) 82–84
North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement traditional compliance-based, 80
(NAFTA), 181 OHTA, see Occupational Health Training
Norwegian Occupational Hygiene Society Association (OHTA); Occupational
(NYF), 161 Hygiene Training Association
NTP ROC, see National Toxicology Program (OHTA)
(NTP) Report on Carcinogens (RoC) ORC, see Organization Resources Counselors,
NYF, see Norwegian Occupational Hygiene Inc. (ORC)
Society (NYF) Organizational climate, 50–51
Index 341
Organizational policies/programs, international injury and illness, 121–123, 127, 128

workers, 318, 327–329 International Labor Organization, 124–125
Organizational safety culture, 50, 52–53, 58–59 national, 125–126
Organization for Economic Cooperation and self-employed, 123
Development (OECD), 102, 171, Report on Carcinogens (RoC), 220, 221
178, 239 Retail trade, child labor in, 263
Organization Resources Counselors, Inc. (ORC), Return on investment (ROI), 8
109–110 Risk-based language, 73–75
OSHMSs, see Occupational Safety and Health Risk conversations, 73–75
Management Systems (OSHMSs) Risk management (RM), 76
conversations, 73–75
P fatality criteria, 68–70
individual risk, 65–66
Palermo Protocol, 277–278 ISO 31000, 63–65
Paradigm shift, 70–71 paradigm shift, 70–71
Performance measurement, 98–100 reasonably practicable, 71–73
Personal protective equipment (PPE), 5, 10, 88, societal risk, 65, 66
187, 205, 227–228, 255 tolerability criterion (see Tolerability criteria)
Peru, 183 RM, see Risk management (RM)
Policies, for international workers, 327 RoC, see Report on Carcinogens (RoC)
Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), 283 ROI, see Return on investment (ROI)
Potential loss of life (PLL), 66 Royal/Dutch Shell Group, 103
Potential underreporting, migrant worker, 246
Primary care centers, 31 S
Profession(s), 12, 134, 135, 144–147
credentialing, 150–155 Safety culture/climate
definition of, 151 assessment of, 51–52
of occupational hygiene, 141 benchmarking survey, 107–108
training, 135–140 definition of, 50
PTSD, see Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in France (cases), 57–58
Public awareness, 12, 289 global differences in, 56–58
organizational safety culture, 50, 52–53,
R 58–59
uncertainty avoidance, 53–55
REACH, see Registration, Evaluation, Safety performance indicators (SPI), 102
Authorisation and Restriction of Safety training, 174, 243, 246
Chemicals (REACH) SAIOH, see South African Institute for
Recommendations and Conventions, 22–24 Occupational Hygiene (SAIOH)
Record-keeping systems, 7, 124, 221 Save the Children’s Resource Center, 268
Recycling processes, see also Electronic/ Scientific Committee on Occupational Exposure
electrical waste Limits (SCOEL), 224, 225
in Africa, 202 SDG, see Sustainable Development Goal (SDG)
in Australia, 202 Secretary of Health and Human Services, 220
in Eastern Asia, 201–202 Self-employed reporting system, 123
in Europe, 202 Self-Employed Women’s Association
in North America, 200–201 (SEWA), 306
sound management for, 209 “Sensitivity of Method,” 67
Registered occupational hygienist (ROH), Sex trafficking, 289
158, 159 Slavery
Registration, Evaluation, Authorisation and consequences of
Restriction of Chemicals (REACH), economic and social, 282–283
225 social and health consequences to,
Reliability and validity, performance 283–284
measurement, 98, 100 corporate social responsibility, 287–289
Reporting system definition of, 276–278
ethical issues, 123–124 educate, communicate and collaborate,
fatality, 120–121, 127, 128 291–293
342 Index
Slavery (cont.) T
factors
environmental destruction, 287 Technical Management Board (TMB), 83–84
government instability, weakness, “The Decent Work Agenda,” 26
corruption and lack of interest, Tolerability criteria
285–286 global comparison of, 65
overpopulation, 284–285 for individual risk, 66–68
poverty, 285 for planning operations, 68
war and social disruption, 286 Trafficking, see Human trafficking
legislation, 289–291 Training, see also specific types
numbers of, 280–282 certificates, 155
reported/identified, 287 credentials, 11–13
types of economically developing countries, 133,
contract, 279–280 146
debt-based slavery, 279 education and, 31
forced marriage, 280 European Network Education and, 43–44
human trafficking, 278–279 in Germany, 143
Slavery Convention (1926), 276 global occupational safety and health,
Small to midsized enterprises (SMEs), 6, 177 11–12
Smuggling, 278 International candidates, 136–137
Social Insurance Institution, 177 International Labor Organization, 134
Social responsibility and sustainability, roles in, International Occupational Hygiene
104–105 Association, 140
Social Security Organization, 173 professions, 135–140
Societal risk, 65, 66 safety, 174, 243, 246
SOECB, see Swedish Occupational and worker, 133, 135–136
Environmental Certification Board World Health Organization, 26, 30, 134, 140
(SOECB) Transferring technology, 5–6
SOFAIRP, see So far as is reasonably practicable Transportation hazard, 311
(SOFAIRP) Traveling workers, 310
So far as is reasonably practicable (SOFAIRP), business perspectives, 314
65, 71–73 contracted services, 322
SOFHYT, see French Occupational Hygiene female travelers, 325–326
Society (SOFHYT) information sources, 318–319
South African Institute for Occupational Hygiene international work hazards
(SAIOH), 161–162 infectious diseases, 312
South America natural disasters, 312–313
Brazil, 181–182 political instability, 311–312
demography of, 178 transportation hazard, 311
Mexico, 179–181 violence/kidnapping, 310–311
Peru, 183 legal perspectives, 313–314
Venezuela, 182–183 living abroad
work structure, 178–179 communicable diseases, 323
Spain, work structure and regulatory framework, communications and using taxis, 325
177 driving safety, 324–325
SPI, see Safety performance indicators (SPI) environmental conditions, 325
SSHT, see Swiss Society of Occupational food and drink, 323
Hygiene (SSHT) hotel safety, 323–324
Standards Administration of China, 191 organizational policies, 318
State-imposed forced labor, 280 pretravel checklist, 328–329
Supply chain management, 287–288 program evaluation and improvement, 322
Sustainable Development Goal (SDG), 305, 306 psychosocial adaptation and emergency
Swedish Occupational and Environmental preparedness, 326
Certification Board (SOECB), 161 risk assessment, 315–318
Swiss Society of Occupational Hygiene (SSHT), security measures, 320–321
162 travel insurance, 321–322
Index 343
U W
UK Corporate Manslaughter, 314 Walk Free Foundation, 288, 289
UK Modern Slavery Act, 289, 293 Walk Free Foundation (WFF), 284, 289
Uncertainty avoidance (UA), 53–55 Waste Electrical and Electronic Equipment
UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), (WEEE), 199–201, 203, 204, 205
240 WHWB, see Workplace Health Without Borders
Unintentional injuries, child labor, 260 (WHWB)
United Nations Convention against Transnational Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing
Organized Crime and the Protocols and Organizing (WIEGO), 306, 307
Thereto, 290 Worker health surveillance, 117–119
United Nations Convention on the Rights of a Worker longevity and morbidity, 116–117
Child, 256 “Workers’ Health: Global Plan of Action,” 31
United Nations Environmental Program (UNEP), Working Women’s Societies, 255
32, 33 Workplace Health Without Borders (WHWB),
United Nations Global Compact, 290 39–40, 47, 138, 139
United Nations Human Development Index, 3 Work-related fatalities, 6–8
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 276 WorkSafe approach, 101
University of Michigan (UM), 82, 103, 107 WorkSafe Australia, 97, 101, 110
University of Occupational and Environmental World Bank, 32–33, 265
Health, 189 World Economic Forum, 8–9
Unskilled workers, 203 World Health Organization (WHO), 38, 316
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics methods, 125 collaborating centers for occupational health, 30
U.S. Census Bureau, 255 documents, 146
U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 259 education and training, 26, 30, 134, 140
U.S. Department of Homeland Security Blue Executive Board, 27, 28
Campaign, 271 funding sources, 29
U.S. Food and Drug Administration, 67 goal of, 30
U.S. Occupational Health and Safety groups of, 27–28
Administration, 2 Health Assembly, 27–28
history of, 26–27
V International Agency for Research on Cancer,
31
Value of a statistical life (VSL), 69, 70 leadership priorities, 29–30
Value of preventing a statistical fatality (VPF), projects and landmarks, 26–27
69, 70 publications, 31
Venezuela, 182–183 World Migration Report (2018), 241
Volunteer occupational hygienists, 138 World Trade Organization (WTO), 4
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Global Occupational

© 2019 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

No claim to original U.S. Government works

Printed on acid-free paper

International Standard Book Number-13: 978-1-138-62672-0 (Hardback)

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Fuller, Thomas P., author.

Visit the Taylor & Francis Web site at

and the CRC Press Web site at

Chapter 1 Introduction to Global Occupational Safety and Health....................... 1

Chapter 2 Intergovernmental Occupational Safety and Health Organizations........19

Chapter 3 Nongovernmental International Occupational Safety and Health

Chapter 4 Cultural Issues in International Occupational Safety and Health........49

Chapter 5 Risk Assessment—Global Perspectives.............................................. 63

Chapter 6 Occupational Health and Safety Management Systems...................... 79

Chapter 7 Benchmarking in International Safety and Health............................. 95

Chapter 8 International Reporting of Occupational Injuries, Illnesses, and

Chapter 9 Introduction to Global Occupational Safety and Health

Chapter 10 Credentialing Occupational Hygiene................................................ 149

Chapter 11 Regional and National Occupational Safety and Health Profiles.........169

Chapter 12 Global Issues and Aspects of the Disposal and Recycling of

Chapter 13 Global Burden and Aspects of Occupational Cancer........................ 215

Chapter 14 Migrant Worker Occupational Safety and Health............................. 235

Chapter 15 Child Labor....................................................................................... 253

Chapter 16 Modern Slavery and Occupational Health........................................ 275

Chapter 17 Occupational Health and Informal Work.......................................... 299

Chapter 18 Travel Safety and Security for the Global Worker............................309

executive officer of the National Safety Council of Australia, Melbourne, Australia.

• Social, political, and economic activities commonly span across national,

Some economists consider a developed economy to be one in which the average

1.2 GROWTH AND GLOBALIZATION

1.3 OSH AND GLOBALIZATION

1.4 NUMBERS OF INJURIES AND ILLNESSES

Source: Created from Takala (2014) and Hämäläinen (2009).

1.5 ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COSTS

1.6 LACK OF AWARENESS OF OSH PROGRAM BENEFITS

FIGURE 1.1 Competitiveness and safety. (Source: ILO, 2003.)

1.7 MANAGEMENT AND BENCHMARKING

1.8 CULTURAL, ECONOMIC, AND EDUCATIONAL DIFFERENCES

1.9 EDUCATION, TRAINING, AND CREDENTIALING

1.9.2 Global OSH Training

1.9.3 Mainstreaming OSH Education

1.9.4 Licensing and Credentialing

1.10 INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND REGULATIONS

1.11 SPECIAL TYPES OF WORKERS—CHILDREN

2.2 INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION

2.2.3 Regulatory Format and Legal Powers/Sources

It is broadly believed that the tripartite system provides a means to pres-

2.2.4 Conventions and Recommendations Regarding

1. Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention,

1. Labour Inspection Convention, 1947 (No. 81)

culture. It establishes requirements to progressively develop and periodically review

P155—Protocol of 2002 to the Occupational Safety and Health Convention, 1981

Instrument with Interim Status

Complaints regarding a given country’s adherence to its ILO commitments can

• Guidelines on OSH management systems

• Safe construction and operation of tractors

2.2.7 The ILO Today and Future Directions

2.3 WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION

1950—Training and advice on the use of antibiotics

1.2 GROWTH AND GLOBALIZATION

1.3 OSH AND GLOBALIZATION

1.4 NUMBERS OF INJURIES AND ILLNESSES

1.5 ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COSTS

1.6 LACK OF AWARENESS OF OSH PROGRAM BENEFITS

1.7 MANAGEMENT AND BENCHMARKING

1.8 CULTURAL, ECONOMIC, AND EDUCATIONAL DIFFERENCES

1.9 EDUCATION, TRAINING, AND CREDENTIALING

1.9.2 Global OSH Training

1.9.3 Mainstreaming OSH Education

1.9.4 Licensing and Credentialing

1.10 INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND REGULATIONS

1.11 SPECIAL TYPES OF WORKERS—CHILDREN

2.2 INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION

2.2.3 Regulatory Format and Legal Powers/Sources

2.2.4 Conventions and Recommendations Regarding

2.2.7 The ILO Today and Future Directions

2.3 WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION

2.3.2 Administrative Format, Responsibilities, and Authorities

2.3.4 Programs Regarding OSH

2.3.6 International Agency for Research on Cancer

2.5 UNITED NATIONS ENVIRONMENTAL PROGRAM

2.7 INTERNATIONAL MARITIME ORGANIZATION

2.8 INTERNATIONAL PROGRAM ON CHEMICAL SAFETY

2.9 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

3.2 INTERNATIONAL OCCUPATIONAL HYGIENE ASSOCIATION

3.3 WORKPLACE HEALTH WITHOUT BORDERS

3.4 OCCUPATIONAL HYGIENE TRAINING ASSOCIATION

3.5 INSTITUTION OF OCCUPATIONAL SAFETY AND HEALTH

3.7 INTERNATIONAL NETWORK OF SAFETY AND

3.8 EUROPEAN NETWORK EDUCATION AND TRAINING

3.9 EUROPEAN NETWORK OF SAFETY AND HEALTH

3.11 INTERNATIONAL RADIATION PROTECTION ASSOCIATION

3.12 INSTITUTE OF ELECTRICAL AND ELECTRONICS ENGINEERS

3.13 INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS ORGANIZATION

5.2 GLOBAL UPTAKE OF ISO 31000—INTERNATIONAL

5.3 GLOBAL COMPARISON OF RISK TOLERABILITY CRITERIA

5.4 INDIVIDUAL RISK AND SOCIETAL RISK

5.5 TOLERABILITY CRITERION FOR INDIVIDUAL RISK

5.6 TOLERABILITY CRITERIA FOR PLANNING NEW OPERATIONS

5.7 INVESTMENT TO PREVENT A FATALITY

5.8 SHIFTING THE PARADIGM FROM ABSOLUTE

5.9 WHAT IS REASONABLY PRACTICABLE?

5.10 MOVING TOWARDS RISK-BASED LANGUAGE FOR

5.11 A CAUTIONARY CONCLUDING NOTE

6.1 APPROACHES TO OH&S MANAGEMENT

6.2 BASIC SYSTEMS CONCEPTS

6.2.1 Programs vs. Systems

6.3.1 ISO’s Drive to a Unified MSS Framework

6.3.2.3 Terms and Definitions

6.3.2.4 Context of the Organization

6.3.2.5 Leadership and Worker Participation

6.3.3 ILO OHSMS:2001—Guidelines on Occupational