Concept of Hindu Nation

THE CONCEPT OF
HINDU NATION
ABHAS CHATIERJEE
VOICE OF INDIA
© CHATIERJEE
First Published 1995
ISBN 81-85990-33-6
Published by Voice of India, 2/18, Ansari Road, New Delhi-110 002 and
printed at Crescent D.K. Fine Art Press, C 2/9 Community Centre,
Ashok Vihar Phase II, Delhi - 110 052
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, in whole

or in part, in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical,
including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher,
Contents
I. Some Prevalent Misconceptions 1

2. What is A Nation? 3
3. Hindus and their Homeland 5
4. The Perception of Swami Vivekananda 6
5. An Alternate Perception: 'The Bhiiratfya Nation' 10
6. Truth versus Falsehood 14
," . I
7, Composite Culture: A 'Myth 15
8, Composite Culture: the 17
9. The False Perception ,gains
" ,
20
10, The Geographic Concept of 'Hindu' 24
II. The Concept of a Minority 25
12. Muslims and Christians: Minorities or Nationals? 27
13. Hindus: A Nation but Not Yet Free 30
14. Constitutional Discrimination 33
15. Anti-Hindu Policies and Laws 35
16. The Courts in India 40
17. The Media 40
18. . A without A State 41
19. A Clear National Vision Needed 44
20. The National Goal 46
Appendix
Sri Aurobindo's Vision of Indian Nationalism 49
The Concept of Hindu Nation*
Over the last few years, the terms 'Hindutva' and 'Hindu
Rashtra' have been very much in the air. Specially so be-
tween 1988 - when the Ramajanmabhumi liberation move-
ment started gathering momentum and 1993, when the
Bharatiya Janata Party suffered serious electoral reverses in
the mid-term elections in V.P. and other north Indian States.
During these years, Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra appeared
to figure prominently all around - in our news columns
and editorials, in the lectures of our political leaders, in the
manifestoes and statements of political parties. Be it in
support or in virulent opposition, everyone was seriously
expressing views on Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra, which
terms persistently dominated all discussions during these
years.
J
Some Prevalent Misconceptions

But, in spite of all this discussion, it has neyer been
made clear as to what the term 'Hindu Rashtra' really means.
Notwithstanding all the speeches, editorials and articles,
some basic confusion continues to prevail regarding the
meaning of Hindu Rashtra or the Hindu Nation.
We come across futuristic statements like 'we shall make
a Hindu Nation (Rashtra)', or 'no one can prevent the for-
mation of the Hindu Nation', or 'a Hindu Nation can never be
created', and so on. Such statements obviously imply that no
Hindu Nation has been in existence so far. But if that be so,
how does one talk at the same time about the national honour
Revised and expanded version of a lecture delivered on 31 July 1994 at

Mahajati Sadan, Calcutta, under"the auspices of Purvanchal Kalyan Ashram
and Friends of Tribal Society. "
The Concept of Hindu Nation
(asmita) of the Hindus?

In some public meetings addressed by a prominent po-
litical personage of our country, a gentleman who is re-
garded by most people as a champion of Hindu Rashtra, an
enthusiastic audience raised the slogan, 'He alone will rule
over this country who stands by the Hindu cause.' The leader
lost no time in prohibiting this slogan and told the audience,
"'Please say that he alone will rule over the country who
abides by the nation's cause.' This obviously implied that
the terms 'Hindu' and 'the nation' are not identical. But if
so, then how does the same speaks of the Hindu
Rashtra?
Any number of leaders considered to be supporters of
the Hindu Rashtra keep repeating that there is nothing ba-
sically wrong with the Indian Constitution as framed at
present; nothing wrong, they say, with the concept ofSecu-
larism either; only some aberrations have arisen in the sys-
tem on account of appeasement of the minorities, so we
are opposed, they say, to this policy of appeasement. Well,
if that be so, will the Hindu Rashtra come into being merely
by doing away with these policies of appeasement?
To me all this confusion appears to be quite unwar-
ranted. As far as I have been able to understand, the con-
cept of Hindu Nation or Hindu Rashtra is extremely simple.
It can really be spelt out in mere five words, and these five
words are: WE HINDUS ARE A NATION. Please mark my
words again: "We Hindus are a nation ." In 1946, when the
Muslim Lea"g ue's demand for partition of India and creation
of a separate state of Pakistan was being seriously debated,
someone asked M .A. Jinnah, "You keep talking of Paki-
stan. Could you explain what is your concept of this Paki-
stan? What do you really mean by it?" Jinnah replied, "Of
course. In just five words ." Then he uttered those fa-
mous words : "We Muslims are a nation." And he went on to
elaborate his thesis of cultural difference, incompatibility, and
2
What is A Nation?
impossibility of co-existence with Hindus, and so on. I do

have some strong reservation on the point whether Moham-
medans of undivided India indeed constituted a separate
nation. But I have not an iota of doubt that the counterpart of
that idea, namely', that we Hindus are a nation, is hundred
per cent true. We Hindus are not just a religious community
like the Mohammedans and the Christians but a nation unto
ourselves. The term 'Hindu' is the name of our nationality.
"We Hindus "are a - this is a basic, simple and
undisputable truth. Unfortunately, even this simple truth we
are"unable to appreciate, and that failure lies at the root of
"all our misconceptions and miseries .
What is A Nation?
Our misconception has arisen from the fact that we have
not tried to comprehend the definition of a nation. We
normally take a nation to stand for a country, a landmass,
a specific portion of the globe. But a nation never means a
land as such. A nation indicates a group or community of
people which has been traditionally living in a particular
land, which has its own distinctive culture, and which has
an identity separate from other peoples of the world by
virtue of the distinctiveness of its culture. The cultural dis-
tinctiveness of a nation may be based on its race, or reli-
gion, or language, or a combination of some or all of these
factors, but all-in-all there has to be a distinct culture which
will mark the nation out from peoples belonging to other
lands. Third, there may be internal differences in several
respects among the people belonging to this culture, but in
spite of these differences there is an overall sense of har-
mony born out of the fundamental elements of their culture,
and a sense of pride which inspires in them a desire to main-
tain their separate identity from the rest of the world. Finally,
as a result of these factors, this group of people has its own
outlook towards the history of its traditional homeland; it
3
its own heroes and villains, its own view of glory and shame,
success and failure, victory and defeat.
A community of people which possesses the above fea-
tures is a NATION, and the country in which it has been
traditionally living, and where it has developed its distinct
culture, is called the MOTHERLAND of that nation, its
TRADITIONAL HOMELAND. But the country or the land
by itself can never be the nation. In other words, a nation
is not a territorial unit but an emotional unit with a territo-
rial base. As Sri Aurobindo had said, "A nation is indeed
the outward expression of a community of sentiments
whether it be the sentiment of a common blood, or the sen-
timent of a common religion, or the sentiment of a common
interest, or any or all of these sentiments combined."
Once we start looking at things from viewpoint; we
immediately see not only that we Hindus are a nation unto
ourselves, but also that we are the oldest surviving nation
on earth. The distinctiveness of the Hindu culture gives us
a markedly separate identity quite apart from the rest of the
world. And the distin,ctive culture of our nation is the
Sanatana Dharma. This Sanatana Dharma has any number
of branches and offshoots. Within its fold, we have the
Vaidika and the Tantrika, the Buddhist and the Jain; we
have the Shaiva and the Vaishnava, the Shakta and the Sikh,
the Arya Samaj and the Kabirpanth; we have in its fold the
worshippers of Ayappa in Kerala, of Sarna in Chotonagpur
.and of Doni-polIo in Arunachal Pradesh. There are, in fact, an
immense number of forms and variations of the vast vision of
Sanatana Dharma, but through all these forms and variations
flows an underlying current of shared spirituality which makes
us all Hindus and gives us an intrinsic sense of harmony.
There are many points of difference within the Hindu
fold, caused by caste, language and regional tradition. But the
fundamental sense of Hindu identity, unity, and harmony cuts
through all differences and prevails over the community on
4
Hindus and their Homeland
account of the common spiritual current of the Sanatana

Dharma. Thus it is the Sanatana Dharma which is the dis-
tinguishing feature of the Hindu nation .
Hindus and their Homeland

The traditional homeland of Hindus is the Bharatavarsha.
It is a quite distinct geographical entity . There are few
nations in the world the natural boundaries of whose home-
land are as clearly drawn as of ours. Mother Nature has
herself created and bequeathed to us, as it were, the sepa-
rate land of Bharatavarsha enclosed by the Himalayas and
the Hindukush, the Indian Ocean, the Arab Sea and the Bay
of Bengal. It appears as if Nature, or the Supreme Being if
you like, has specially created this country as the mother-
land of a particular nation. And the Hindus have been inti-
mately associated with this land, lived on it, developed their
culture and civilization on it, and regarded it as sacred soil,
for at least 6000 years if not many more.
Of course, when I say Bharatavarsha in the sense of the
Motherland of the Hindus, it must be kept in mind that I do
not refer to the boundaries of the truncated India that we
have today, but to those of our traditional homeland which
extends continuously from Gandhar to Karnrup and from
Kashmir to Kanyakumari.
This basically is the concept of Hindu nationhood, or
what we call Hindutva or Hindu Rashtra.
The one bitter truth that we have to acknowledge in this
context is that we remained subjugated for about a thou-
sand years when foreign invaders ruled over our country.
By use of barbaric persecution or economic inducements,
they compelled certain segments of our nation to abandon
their ancestral culture and adopt the culture of those for-
eign invaders . More tragically, after a few generations
passed, these hapless people forgot that the culture they
had adopted was a foreign culture, a culture that belonged
5
to another nation and had been forced on them. They started

regarding the alien culture as their own, developed an affinity
with it, and identified themselves with it. Foreign domination
thus led to the twin misfortune of our losing control over some
parts of our traditional homeland, and some segments of our
nation getting fractured away from the rest of us.
But subjugation does not by itself destroy the nation-
hood of a nation. Nor does the nature of the nation, the
basic characteristic and disposition of the nation, get changed
by the fact of enslavement. Nations do get destroyed. There
are situations in which a nation gets obliterated, its national
distinctiveness gets wiped out. But subjugation of a nation ,
by itself does not imply its destruction or change of its char-
acter. The two are not synonymous. A 'nation may live through
and well survive long spells of slavery.
We Hindus are a nation just as the Germans are a na-
tion, the Armenians are a nation, the Kurds are a nation, the
Jews are a nation. Look at the German nation. Their tradi-
tional homeland was divided into two. But this did not abate
their nationhood. Within a mere fifty years, they achieved
re-unification of their homeland and the nation was restored
to its original complexion. As for the Jewish nation, they
had in fact completely lost hold of their motherland. For
nearly 2000 years, they remained separated from their tra-
ditional homeland. But even that did not cause extinction of
the nationhood of the Jews. The Jews remained a nation
and despite so much of persecution and tyranny, they re-
established their own state in their traditional homeland after
I
2000 ,years. The Hindus too have remained a nation, no

matter who managed to rule over our homeland during the
last millenium. The quintessence of the nation has remained
intact. Its substance and entity have remained intact.
The Perception of Swami Vivekananda

That 'we Hindus are a nation' is by no means a new
idea. This idea has been with us for a long time, in fact
6
throughout our history. I am not tracing it back very far,

and will confine myself to modern times. If you read Swami
Dayananda Saraswati, you will come across the notion that we
Hindus are a nation. In the writings of Bankimchandra and Sri
Aurobindo too, you will find a clear and confident assertion
that we Hindus are a nation, and not just a religious commu-
nity. The basic perception of Vir Savarkar was also the same
which he forcefully presented in his famous book, Hindutva.
However, the person who made the most powerful pronounce-
ment of this idea was Swami Vivekananda. Throughout his
brief but momentous life, Swamiji proclaimed -loudly, clearly
and consistently - the fact that we Hindus are a nation.
I would like to remind you of the brief 5-minute first
address of Swamiji delivered at the inaugural session of the
Parliament of Religions at Chicago. In that address Swamiji
told his American audience, "I thank you in the name of the
millions and millions of Hindu people of all classes and sects."
Thereafter he spoke three sentences which were most signifi-
cant. First, he said, "I am proud to belong to a religion which
has taught the world both tolerance and universal acceptance."
Next, he said, "I am proud to belong to a nation which has
sheltered the persecuted and the refugees of all religions and
all nations of the earth." He cited an example, namely, that
when the sacred temple of the Jews had been demolished by
the Romans, we Hindus gave shelter to the Jewish refugees
and took care of them. In the third sentence, Swamiji said, "I
. am proud to belong to the religion which has sheltered and is
still fostering the remnants of the grand Zoroastrian nation."
Thus, in three consecutive sentences Swamiji proclaimed
his pride of belonging first "to a religion", then "to a nation",
and again "to a religion."l
1. Sri Aurobindo spoke in identical terms in 1909 when he received the mes-
sage in the communion of Yoga during his stay in the Alipore Jail: '1t is this
religion that I am raising before the world, it is this that I have perfected and
developed through the Rishis, saints and Avatars, and now it is arising forth to
do my among the nations. I am raising up this nation to send forth my word"
7
There is absolutely no doubt that Swamiji used the words

'religion' and 'nation' as synonymous. For him there was
no difference between the two, It is also abundantly clear
as to which. 'religion' or 'nation' he was talking about, and
what his perception of nationhood was .
In the writings and speeches of Swami Vivekananda,
we come across hundreds of references to the reawakening
of the Hindu nation, the resurgence of the Hindu nation,
and the rejuvenation of the Hindu nation. Indeed, regenera-
tion of the Hindu nation was the central theme of his thought.
One finds his writings full of expressions such as 'the na-
tional vision of the Hindus', 'the national traditions of the
Hindus' . He keeps referring to the national glory and des-
tiny of the Hindus, their national ethos and history, their
national consciousness and goal. He speaks of the national
literature of the Hindus, their national characteristics, their
national backbone and efficiency. He talks of the Hindu
national edifice and raison d'etre of the Hindu nation, the
national task for the Hindus and the ship of the Hindu na-
tion . In fact, all his writings, speeches, and interviews are
literally strewn with expressions like these.
Swamiji is also emphatically clear that the essential
feature of Hindu nationhood is the Hindu religion, the
Sanatana Dharma.
At one place, he says that in spite of the slavery a
thousand years and tyranny of centuries, the Hindu nation
is still alive because it did not forsake the basic element of
its national life, namely, the Dharma. By Dharma here he
means the Sanatana Dharma only. Elsewhere he says that
Sanatana Dharma itself is our national life. In yet another
place he asserts that the Hindu nation still survives because
no one could destroy its soul, viz. Sanatana Dharma. He
asserts that Sanatana Dharma is our distinctive feature. It is
only we Hindus who, in the history of world, never
invaded the. land of any other nation. On one occasion he says
8
that the quintessence of the Hindu national life is spirituality,

that we Hindus have to keep this national ideal of ours
above everything else, and that if we give up spirituality we
would be destroyed as a nation. 2
'Ekam sad vipriih bahudhii vadanti' is a message, said
Swamiji, that has entered the blood-stream of Hindu
nation. He pointed out that foreign aggressions destroyed
thousands of our temples but they all came up again be-
cause this is our national life-current. Swamiji contrasted
the Hindus with other nations by saying that the national
goal of the French was political liberty, of the British mer-
cantile genius, and of the Hindus spirituality. On one occa-
sion, Swamiji went to the extent of claiming that of all the
nations of the world, Hindus are the most handsome, and he
added "I am not saying this because I belong to that nation,
but because this is the truth."
It is thus evident that Swami Vivekananda had a clear
vision and had made a forthright proclamation, at the turn
of the century, of the basic theme (mulamantra) that we
Hindus are a nation, and that the distinctive feature of our
nationhood is Sanatana Dharma.
That we Hindus are a nation unto ourselves and not just
a religious community - this cardinal truth formed the basic
plank of our first national movement in this century, viz.
the Swadeshi Movement. When Bengal was partitioned in
1905, the entire Hindu society rose up with a national in-
spiration. No one had the slightest doubt at that time that
we Hindus are a nation. That is why in this very city of
2. For Sri Aurobindo too India was identical with the Sanatana Dharma.
In his famous Uttarpara Speech in 1909, he said, "When therefore it is said that
India shall rise, it is the Saniitan Dharma that shall rise. When it is said that
India shall be great, it is the Saniitan Dharma that shall be great. When it is said
that India shall expand and extend itself, it is the Saniitan Dharma that shall
expand and extend itself over the world. It is for the Dharma and by the
Dharma that India exists .. . I say that it is the Saniitan Dharma which for us is
nationalism."
9
The Concept of Nation
Calcutta, gatherings of 50,000 people took a collective oath

before Goddess Kali in the holy Kalighat temple that we
shall throw the British out of our homeland. Numbers touch-
ing 50,000 marched through the streets after taking a dip in
the holy Ganges, anointing their foreheads with tilak, and
holding copies the Bhagvad Gita in their hands. No one
saw any difference those days between Dharma
and Indian nationalism.. There was a .clarity of thought,
namely, that Sanatana Dharma is the distinguishing feature
of the Indian nation.
An Alternate Perception: 'The Nation'

However, an alternate perception of the nation was in-
troduced in the country shortly afterwards. As the Moham-
medans, egged on by their British patron, kept raising thejr
demands - and backed them by the standard Islamic weapon
of violence - the soft Hindu leaders sought the softer
option . Instead of facing Islamic
tried to accommodate its practitioners. And theu anxiety,
they sought to redefine our nationhood . They started deny
that we Hindus have been a nation since ancient times,
p'roc1aimed instead that India was still a 'nation in the
making', that the Indian nation will rise out of coalescence
of Hindus and Muslims. This was nothing short of self-
deception. And this new approach gave rise to an alternate
concept of the Indian 'nation by 1920. Knowingly or
knowingly, it was Mahatma Gandhi who became the archi-
tect of new concept, although he had great faith in
Sanatana Dharma. Of the major mistakes that he committed
during his leadership, the most serious was his attempt t.o
take Mohammedans along in our national movement. ThiS
attempt at an impossibility - it failed ultimately as it was
doomed to do - led him to lay the foundation of a new
concept of the nation in India. Inspired by Gandhiji or
other motives, some leaders also started promotmg
10
An Alternate Perception: 'The Nation '
this concept. Finally, as Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru came to domi-

nate the political scene more and more, he promoted this false-
hood and made this alternate concept strike its roots wider and
deeper.
The alternate concept is simply this: all those who hap-
pens to reside on the soil of India together form a nation.
According to this concept, every resident of the country -
whether one follows the culture of this country or has
adopted some alien culture, whether one is loyal to this
country or not, whatever be one's attitude towards the heri-
tage of this country, no matter if one even regards the cul-
ture of this country as abominable and a path of the Devil
- all such persons are still be agglomerated to form one
nation.
This new concept of the nation was also given a new
name - Bhliratfya . The new concept thus bade good-bye to
the cardinal principles of nationhood, viz. emotional unity,
and all that it implies. It turned the nation into a geographical
entity, although the truth is that a nation is never a mere
geographical entity and that a nation remains a nation even
if it loses inhabitance of its traditional homeland .
So, according to the alternate perception, Hindus are
not a nation but a mere religious community, just as the
Mohammedans are a community, the Christians are a com-
munity , and so on. And all these communities put together
are supposed to constitute the nation. Thus, in
the Gandhi-Nehru era the meaning of the words 'India' and
'Indian' was changed, and we Hindus were reduced from
the status of a nation to that of a religious community only,
a mere part of 'the nation'.
It is evident that both of these alternative perceptions
cannot be valid at the same time. It is for you to judge
which perception is right and which is wrong.
But this was not the end of the matter. This new concept
of a geographical or composite nation - which Jawaharlal
11
Nehru used all his power and prestige to propagate since

1947 so as to implant it in the Hindu psyche had some
significant implications . These implications formed the
corner-stone of all policies of the Nehru era and proved
disastrous for Hindus.
The first implication was that Hindus being the largest
community, it was potentially dangerous for the other com-
munities . Secondly, since this community posed a potential
threat to the other communities, the more it could be weak-
ened the better it would be for the health of the nation .
Third, the good of the other communities was also the
tional good because their participation constituted the cru-
cial element of our nationhood.
Therefore, the theory went, "Make the Hindu commu-
nity as weak as you can, by creating internal divisions in it,
by denigrating its culture, by inflicting insults on it, and by
whatever other means you can afford." I am sure I do not have
to enumerate before this audience the various efforts that have
been made during the last 50 years to weaken us Hindus in
pursuance of this theory. With a little reflection, you will be
able to recall them all.
Fourth, in keeping with the new concept, a new idea
called sarva-dharma-samabhiiva was propagated. It sug-
gested that since our ' nation' was constituted by an assem-
blage of several religious communities, we should regard
the ideology or religion of every community as India's
national heritage and hold them all in equal respect. That is,
we should yield the same place to the Koran and the Bible in
our thinking as we do for the Bhagvad Gita. We should have
the same reverence for Mohammed and Jesus as we have for
Sri Rama, Sri Krishna and Bhagvan Buddha. We ac-
cept Mohammed and Jesus also as part of our national pan-
theon and conduct ourselves accordingly. The idea of regard-
ing cultures also as our own thus gained currency through
the convenient slogan of sarva-dharma-samabhiiva.
12
An Alternate Perception: 'The Nation'
Fifth, since the distinctiveness of the largest community

was Sanatana Dharma, it was necessary - we were made
to believe - for the good of other communities to run down
the Sanatana Dharma as well. As far as possible, therefore,
condemn the whole of Hindu culture Hinduism is nothing
more than a bunch of superstitions and castes and idolatries,
the whole of Sanatana Dharma rests on myths, this is not a
progressive religion, and so on. A cult of denigrating the
Sanatana Dharma was promoted, directly or indirectly, by these
and many other similar calumnies.
Finally, we were taught to look at the history of
Bharatavarsha from a new angle of vision . We were asked to
regard India's history as one of synthesis. We were asked to
overlook the barbaric tyranny that was perpetrated on us in
order to force Islam down our throat. The horrible persecution,
the plunder, the vandalism, and the massacres should all be
forgotten . .Or we should assume these to have been the per-
sonal aberrations of a few rulers. In order to project the
history of India as a history of synthesis, an imaginary course
of events was constructed, viz . that from olden days for-
eigners kept on coming to India and settling down by and
by, that they kept getting mingled with one another and a
new 'nation' was thus formed, a new culture was thus cre-
ated . So, we don't really have a national culture of our
own, but only a composite culture.
In this alternate concept of nationhood, according to
which Hindus are no more than a religious community and
all inhabitants of India together constitute one nation, the
most important element, therefore, was opposition to Hin-
dus . In fact, antagonism to Hindus emerged as the single
most distinctive feature of this perception, because promo-
tion of what was perceived under it as the ' national inter-
est' pre-supposed supplanting of Hindu interests. Since the
most important role in spreading this concept was played
by the thoughts and actions of Jawaharlal Nehru, you could
J
13
name this theory or ideology as Nehruism. In course of time

this very ideology came to be lauded, acclaimed, promoted,
and propagated under the name 'Secularism' till it came to
be treated beyond reproach, beyond debate and discussion .
How deep was Nehru's faith in and commitment to this
ideology would be evident from several of his statements.
In 1949, addressing a meeting in Farrukhabad, Nehru had
said"that to talk of the Hindu culture would injure India's
interests . While delivering a lecture at the Lucknow Uni-
versity in 1951 , he said, "The ideology of Hindu Dharma is
completely out of tune with the present times and if it took
root in India, it would smash the country to pieces ." In a
letter to Kailash Nath Katju in 1953, he wrote, "In practice,
the individual (Hindu) is more intolerant and more narrow-
minded than almost any person in any other country." In
fact, as early as 1947 itself, Nehru had proudly proclaimed
in a public meeting, "As long as I am at the helm of affairs,
India will not bec'ome a Hindu State." You of course know
that speaking about himself Nehru had once stated that by
education he was an Englishman, by views an internation-
alist, by culture a Muslim, and a Hindu only by accident of
birth. With all this evidence, there is little scope for doubt
that Nehru had a deep contempt for Hindu religion, for Hindu
culture, for Hindu society, and for the average Hindu.
Truth versus Falsehood

Thus we have before us two alternate perceptions of our
nation - one of Swami Vivekananda and other of Jawaharlal
Nehru. One says that Hindu Dharma is the quintessence of
your national life, hold fast to it if you want your country
to survive, or else you would be wiped out in three geuera-
tions . The other, coming a mere 50 years later, tells us that
if the Hindu Dharma thrives, the country will be smashed
to pieces. One says that Hindu culture is the life-current of
our nation, the other says it would injure the nation even to
talk of Hindu culture. Swamiji went around telling the whole
14
Composite Culture: A Myth
world that if any people has a proven record of tolerance it

is the Hindus, Nehru thinks the Hindus to be the most
intolerant in the world. Swamiji is emphatic that India can
once again attain the pinnacle of glory in the comity of
nations through the power of Hindu Dharma and Hindu
culture, whereas Nehru believes that Hindu Dharma and
culture are totally out of place in the present age. One was
supremely proud of being a Hindu, the other so ashamed of
it as to reject it as an accident of birth.
Obviously, both these perceptions cannot be right. It is
for us to judge as to which of the two is telling the truth
and which the lie.
It is a tragedy that, since 1947, the alternate perception
of Indian nationalism - the Nehruvian perception - has
got embedded in the public mind . You may yourself judge
if there is even an iota of truth in this perception. Mahatma
Gandhi, as I have said, was the founding father of this
perception in the real sense, but even the life-long tireless
efforts of such a saintly figure could not translate the per-
ception into reality . After 30 years of ceaseless endeavour,
the Mahatma failed miserably in all he had worked for and
Pakistan was created. This single event proved conclusively
that the perception of a ' composite' Indian nation was no
more than a figment of his imagination. I have no doubt
whatsoever that the concept of a 'composite' Indian nation
that has been propagated in our midst during the Gandhi-
Nehru era, the concept which has provided the guideline for
running polity 'o f this country for the last 50 years, is an
nation. It is a concept based on wishful thinking,
built on a fiction . No such nation ever existed in the past,
none exists at present, and none is likely to exist in future.
Composite Culture: A Myth

The allied concept of a 'composite culture' is
equally imaginary. The fact is that the national culture of
India is the Hindu culture. The remnants of some other
15
cultures left behind on our soil by foreign invaders and

also exist side by side. Aggressor cultures have left
similar remnants in many other countries of the world . This
does not mean a demise of the national culture or creation
of some 'composite' culture. On the contrary, the aggressor
culture is always regarded as an enemy culture or a parasite
culture. It remains the constant endeavour of every nation
to discard that culture as far as possible and not allow its
national culture to be polluted by it. In the days of the
Ottoman Empire, the Turks foisted their culture for four
long centuries on Bulgaria and forcibly converted many Bul-
garians to Islam. But the Bulgarians do not regard their
culture as 'composite'. Rather, after gaining independence,
their national State totally repudiated the Islamic culture,
even to the extent of forbidding people from using Islamic
names. Muslims held Spain under their sway for 500 years
and imposed Islamic culture on it. But when the Spaniards
threw them out under the Reconquesta campaign, they took
care to obliterate even the last vestiges of the Moorish (or
Islamic) culture from their land. They did not consider their
own culture to have become 'composite'; rather they pro-
hibited the practice of Islam on their soil.
The purpose of promoting the concept of composite
culture in India is simple it is that we should accept
Islamic (and to some extent Christian) culture also to be
our own culture, a part of our own heritage. The reality,
however, is just the reverse. Even after a thousand years of
co-existence, Hindu and Islamic cultures have not only re-
mained parallel cultures but have also come in conflict on
every conceivable point. In matters physical or spiritual, of
principle or of practice, on every point sublime or trivial,
the two cultures have remained as unblended as oil and
water. Islamic culture was brought to this country by bar-
baric invaders and tried relentlessly for a thousand years to
extirpate the national Hindu culture. For us, therefore, it is
16
\ , ,
Composite Culture: the Islamic Perception
nothing short of an enemy culture, a parasite culture.

It is also a bitter truth that there are fundamental differ-
ences between the two cultures; their premises and ethos
are so antithetical to each other that they can never become
composite in any foreseeable future .
After the tremendous growth of science and technology,
there could scarcely be a country in the world which has
not undergone some cultural interaction with other coun-
tries and where one would not find fragments of certain
alien cultures. But this does not destroy the character and
substance of the national culture. Some Muslims in India
have taken to Hindu music, or Muslim rulers have left some
buildings, or innate religious liberalism has inspired some
Hindus to pay obeisance to the tombs of Muslim fakirs at
some places all this can hardly make our national culture
composite. Yet this is the fare on which we have fed our
'Secularism' .

There is hardly any novelty in this viewpoint either.
Please look at the views of all the Muslim theologians of
India from the 18th century onwards. Shah Waliullah in the
18th century, Shariatullah, Syed Ahmad Barelvi, Abdul Aziz,
Titu Mir etc. in the 19th century, and Mohammad Iqbal,
Maulana Maudoodi and others in the 20th all of them
have said what I am saying today. None of these worthies
ever accepted that Muslims and Hindus of India together
make one nation or that our culture is a composite one. All
of them emphasized that in India Muslims have a separate
nationality (qaum, and a separate culture. And
frankly, if you ask me, had I been a Muslim, I too would
have never accepted that my nationality and culture are the
same as yours. Because the Koran itself firmly rejects such an
idea. As per the Koran, the Muslims by themselves constitute
a separate nation, the Ummah. A person within the fold of
17
kufr can never be a part of the Ummah. Kiifirs, the practi-

tioners of kufr, are also of two categories in the eyes of
Islam - the Zimmfs and the Mushriks. Jews and Christians
who are Kitiibfs (i.e. people with a revealed book) are re-
garded as Zimmfs. They can live in an Islamic state pro-
vided they pay the poll-tax (jizyah) and renounce all public
life. Twenty degrading conditions are imposed on them in
exchange for the favour of the right to live. These condi-
tions reduce them to third or fourth grade citizens. But at
least the right to life is granted to the Zimmfs. But for the
Mushriks which means idol-worshippers, the only choice is
between Islam and death.
As the Koran, we Hindus come under this category
of Mushriks, whom that 'holy' book does not even grant the
right to live. The Koran does not permit its adherents to
live peacefully as equal citizens with the Kiifirs in any coun-
try. For the Mushriks, the Koran gives only two options
either they convert to Islam, or their men be slain and their
women, children and properties be taken over as rightful
plunder. According to the Koran this land of ours is a
Jiihiliyyah, a land of darkness. It will remain a Jiihiliyyah till
the rule of Islam is fully established here. Muslims believe
the Koran to be words of Allah himself, and as adherents to
the Koran they have no freedom to believe that in the present
stage of history, when India is still predominantly Hindu,
they are a part of the Indian nation.
The Hadis gives even clearer instructions, namely, that
if Muslims are compelled to live in a Jiihiliyyah, their fore-
most duty is to wage war and slaughter the Kiifirs so as to
conquer the land and establish Islam there. If such conquest
is not possible at present, Muslims should bide time and
continue to build their strength. In case that too appears
impossible to achieve, then Muslims should leave that coun-
try and migrate elsewhere. This migration is called the
Hijrah. So, the Hadis tells the Muslims, "Perform the Hijrah
18
if necessary, but never concede becoming part of a Mushrik

nation." If any Muslim really considers himself to be a part
of this nation on the basis of equality with you and me, he
would be doing so only by an implicit repudiation of the
Koran and the Hadis, by violating a basic tenet of Islam, by
straying away from the cardinal principles laid down for a
true Mohammedan.
Therefore, the concept of a composite nation combining
Hindus and Muslims is false to its very core. But the affairs
of our State have been conducted since 1947 on the
basis of this false perception of nationality. To sustain this
fundamental untruth, the system here has to take recourse
to other untruths on every conceivable issue. Bangladeshi
Muslims are infiltrating into Assam, Bengal, Bihar and other
parts of India in millions, but you cannot say that the infil-
trators are Muslim. In Kashmir, Muslims have waged what
is avowedly a Jihiid and tyrannised the entire Hindu popu-
lation out of the Valley, but you have to say that the strife
in Kashmir is not communal, it is a battle for Kiishmfriyat!
Muslims carried out devastating bomb explosions in Bombay
and Calcutta, but you have to say that this was the handi-
work of Pakistanis or underworld dons. Muslims start com-
munal riots ever so often. You have to say that there was
a clash "between two groups of people" and avoid mention-
ing as to who started the carnage. Muslims burn temples.
You have to say that the "place of worship of a particular
community was damaged". Muslims are breeding faster than
others. But you have to ignore this easily recognizable fact.
It seems to me that all our national weaknesses and
problems today spring from this basic mischief. The artifi-
cial vision of nationality on which our system is function-
ing is quite different from our real nationality. The grave
consequence of the basic dichotomy has been a complete
evaporation of national inspiration in the country. A Hindu
of post-1947 India has great difficulty in feeling himself to
19
be a part of the imaginary nation for which the whole system

is being operated. He is unable to identify himself emotion-
ally with that imaginary, artificial, 'composite' national
entity which the Indian State has been representing. An enor-
mous gulf has thus been created between the Nation and the
State, between the national society and the ruling class. It
is this gulf which is causing disintegration of the national
society, disappearance of collective consciousness and sen-
sitivity, degeneration of social conscience. It is because of
this hiatus that selfishness, corruption and moral degrada-
tion have proliferated fast. The national society has been
alienated from the State and the national will to face prob-
lems has all but vanished .
The False Perception gains Currency

Tragically, it is this Nehruvian vision which today
dominates the minds of the ruling elite of this country. It is
the concept of a geographical nation that pervades the minds
of our intelligentsia, our politicians, editors of our newspa-
pers. The vicious propaganda carried on for 50 years has
created such a situation that our intelligentsia today sin-
cerely believes that Hindus are only a religious community,
and therefore, whoever talks of Hindus talks only about a
community, and is therefore 'communal'. What is evidently
national to us appears communal to them. They have drunk
so deep of the poison of Nehruvian thought that the alter-
nate perception of nationality has been deeply ingrained in
their minds, and quite possibly they consider people like
me honestly to be 'communal'.
The situation is so bad that even Swami Vivekananda's
thoughts are today interpreted from the viewpoint of
Nehruism. A distorted vision of Swamiji's message is being
presented in order to create the impression that Swamiji' s
ideas about the nation were the same as those of Nehru who
came later. The sayings of Swamiji are presented in a manner
20
that one would think Swamiji to have said the same thing
that Nehru did later. In fact, the views of Nehru are being
projected in the name of Swamiji.
In reality, however, Hindu religion, Hindu nation, Hindu
race and India, all these four terms are synonymous and inter-
changeable in all writings of Swami Vivekananda, from be-
ginning to end. At many places, Swamiji used the words
'Hindu' and 'India' in identical sense in the same sentence.
To illustrate this point, may I read out to you a very famous
paragraph of Swamiji's article, 'Modern India'? In it, Swarniji
had written:
Oh India! Forget not that the ideal of thy womanhood is
Sita, Savitri, Damayanti; forget not that the God thou
worshippest is the great ascetic of ascetics, the all-re-
nouncing Umanath Shankara; forget not that thy mar-
riage, thy wealth, thy life are not for sense-pleasure, are
not for thy individual personal happiness; forget not that
thou art born as a sacrifice to the Mother's altar; forget
not that thy social order is but the reflex of the infinite
Mahamaya; forget not that the lower classes, the igno-
rant, the poor, the illiterate, the cobbler, the sweeper,
are thy flesh and blood, thy brothers. Thou brave one,
be bold, take courage, be pround that thou art an Indian
and proudly proclaim, "I am an Indian,
every Indian is my brother. Say, the ignorant Indian, the
poor and destitute Indian, the Brahmin Indian, the Pa-
riah Indian is my brother." Thou, too, clad with a rag
round thy loins proudly proclaim at the top of thy voice:
"The Indian is my brother, the Indian is my life. India's
gods and goddesses are my God. India's society is the
cradle of my infancy, the pleasure-garden of my youth,
the sacred heaven, the Varanasi of myoId age." Say
brother: "The soil of India is my highest heaven, the
good of India is my good," and repeat and pray day and
night, "0 Gaurinath, 0 Jagdambe, bestow manliness unto
21
me! 0 thou Mother of Strength, . take away my weak-

ness, take away my unmanliness, and make me a Man!"
In this message, Swamiji used the word "India
(Bhiirata)" five times and "Indian eight
times. But please mark whom he was addressing by these
words. "The ideal of thy womanhood," he said, "is Sita,
Savitri, Damayanti", but which is that India, who are those
Indian women who regard Sita, Savitri and Damayanti to be
their ideal? They are not the Indians of Nehruvian fantasy,
but Hindu women only. When Swamiji said that "the God
thou worshippest is ... Umanath Shankara", he was talking
to Hindus only. When he said that "thou art born as a sac-
rifice to the Mother's altar", could he be addressing a
Muslim or a Christian to whom the very idea of offering a
sacrifice to the Mother is utterly repugnant? He said that
the lower classes, the ignorant, the poor, the cobbler and
the sweeper are your brothers. He did not say the .Hindu
and the Muslim, but the cobbler and the sweeper; he was
clearly speaking of the two weakest and most helpless seg-
ments of the Hindu society only. In saying "Brahmin Indian
and Pariah Indian" again, he was obviously addressing the
Hindu society at the two ends of which stand the Brahmin
and the Pariah. Which is the nation that would accept that
Gods and Goddesses of India are my God? India's society,
he said, "is my sacred heaven, the Varanasi of myoid age",
but who are the people to whom Varanasi is the holiest
abode? Who are the people that consider the "soil of India
my highest heaven", and not a Jiihiliyyah or Dar-ul-harb?
Who are the Indians that address their prayers to Gaurinath
and Jagdambe?
This message of Swarniji is addressed, word by word, to
Hindus and to none else. But he uses the words "India
(Bhiirata)" and "Indian because for him the
three words - Hindu, India, Indian - are synonymous.
You would, however, notice that these days huge hoardings
22
are put up in which it is written: "Proudly proclaim, 'I am

an Indian and every Indian is my brother' - Swami
Vivekananda." This tearing of words from their context is
clearly an attempt to spread the false notion among the
general public that Swamiji had also used the word
"Bhiirataviist" with the same connotation that Nehru later
put in the word and the one that is being pro-
moted by the State media since 1947 - viz. a mere geo-
graphic Indian. I have written several letters to the
Ramakrishna Mission asking why they are distorting
Swamiji's message so as to put Nehru's words into Swamiji's
mouth. But there is no satisfactory reply. The nation-per-
ception of Nehru is publicized today in the name of
Swamiji, although Swamiji's vision of the nation was totally
different.
The situation is so bad that even people like us who talk
about the Hindu nation appear to have internalized, at least
partially, the Secularist perception. We speak of the Hindu
nation in meetings such as the present one today, but, when
we go out, we do not call ourselves Hindu. Whenever we
have to indicate our nationality, we declare ourselves as
or Indian. Many of you here are often staying in
hotels. In the guest registers of the hotels, you have to fill
up your name, address and nationality. If my impression is
right, all of you here, my friends, must be writing 'Indian'
in the column of your nationality, not Hindu. Please tell
me, is there anyone amongst you here who declares his
nationality to be Hindu? The prevalent meaning of the word
'Bhiiratfya' or 'Indian' today is the same as Nehru's though
that is only a fictitious nationality. When we declare our-
selves as Bhiiratfya or Indian, we would be naturally inter-
preted to have called ourselves so in the Secularist sense.
Recently, I had to open a fresh bank account. So, in the
appropriate form, I wrote 'Hindu' in the column meant for
nationality. The bank manager objected that one has to
23
mention one's nationality in that column, not religion. I

told him that my nationality was Hindu. He said that as per
the circulars of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), he could
not accept my form. I replied, "That's too bad. I don't know
what the RBI circular says. But I am a Hindu and can pro-
claim my nationality to be Hindu and nothing else. I can't
possibly change my nationality in deference to the RBI
circular. If you can't open my account because of this, please
don't bother; I won't open the account. But I consider my
nationality to be Hindu and cannot compromise on that
point." Anyway, the manager was kind enough to open my
account after all.
If we really have the faith that we Hindus are a nation ,
then we should forthwith drop our adherence to the
Nehruvian myth of a composite nation and start acting ev-
erywhere in accordance with our own perception. You have
to write your nationality in the disembarkation cards of
airflights, but probably there too you have been declaring
yourself not to be 'Hindus' but 'Indians'. If nothing else,
could we start immediately proclaiming our nationality
as Hindu in, say, hotels, international flights, application
forms for students, various forms to apply for jobs, finan-
cial investments and so on?
The Geographic Concept of 'Hindu'

Some people would like to define every inhabitant of
Hindusthan as a Hindu. This idea which was initiated by
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan in 1884, is wrong and misleading. It
is an attempt to characterize Hindus as a geographical ex-
pression instead of as a cultural-national entity. This idea
makes the name 'Hindu' bear the same meaning as
of the Nehruvians. As per this definition, even
persons like Abdullah Bukhari, Syed Shahabuddin and
Ibrahim Memon would qualify to be called Hindus. Such a
notion would not only be ridiculous but also insulting to
24
The Concept of a Minority
Hindutva. The distinctive feature of Hindutva, as we noted

earlier, is the Sanatana Dharma. Only a follower of this
great and glorious spiritual tradition, in any of its myriad
forms, is a Hindu, and no one else. Quite possibly, it was
some aliens of yore who first called our country Hind, and
us Hindus. But even at that time, this name carried with it
the connotation of the culture of Sanatana Dharma. Later
on, when we adopted this name for ourselves, we held this
name to represent our cultural-national identity; we felt
proud of our being Hindus. For centuries on end, we fought
many battles to protect and preserve our Hindutva, made
enormous sacrifices and suffered unspeakable oppression to
save our identity as Hindus. Therefore, we must avoid fall-
ing into the trap of robbing the word 'Hindu' of its cultural
underpinnings and giving it a purely geographical meaning.
The Concept of a Minority

A question would naturally arise in your mind in this con-
text, namely, that if we Hindus are a nation unto ourselves,
what would be the status of Muslims and Christians living
in this country? Are they not a part of this nation? Some
people even raise the question: Are we going to throw them
out of the country? The simple answer to this question is
that there is difference between being a part of a nation and
the citizen of a state. A person may not be a part of a nation
although he may be a citizen of its state, and it is such a
person who is truly characterized as a minority . Indeed, this
is the correct concept of a minority. India is the homeland
of the Hindu nation; so, the residents of this land who have
alienated themselves from her national attribute - Sanatana
Dharma - are no more part of this nation, but minorities.
They may be granted citizenship of our State and all rights
of a citizen, but they would remain minorities, rather than
being 'nationals' of our land.
All over the world, inhabitants of a country are in fact
25
Concept of Hindu Nation
classified in these two categories - nationals and minori-

ties. It is only in India that a wrong notion has been intro-
duced of having two classes, a majority and a minority,
within the rank of nationals . As a matter of fact, when a
fragment of one nation happens to be ·living, for reasons
historical or geographical, in the traditional homeland of
another nation, or when its own homeland is annexed by
another nation, this segment of population becomes a mi-
nority in that country. A few examples will make the idea
clear. In China, the Tibetans whose language, religion and
race are different from the Chinese - Han - people are
regarded as a minority . In Bangladesh, Hindus who are dis-
tinguished only by a different religion are considered a
minority . In Canada, it is the French-speaking people of
Quebec who are treated as a minority . Bulgaria regards as
her minority the Muslim Turks whose religion and race and
language are different from those of the Bulgars. In USA,
it is the Blacks who are regarded as a minority because of
their different race.
Evidently, the yardstick of identifying a minority is
religion in one place, language in another, race in yet an-
other, and a combination of two or more factors in still
another. Why should this be so? This is because the distinc-
tiveness which accounts for a segmental population's fail-
ure to become a part of the nation of the country, the dis-
tinctiveness which fixes their basic national loyalty to some
other land, the distinctiveness which prevents them to share
the national sentiments of the nation - that distinctive fac-
tor becomes the basis of marking out the segment as a
minority in that country.
It is also not essential that all members of a nation should
always live in their own homeland. Indian followers of
Sanatana Dharma are parts of the Hindu nation . Many of
them have gone to the U.S.A., obtained the Green Card,
and become citizens of that State, but they still continue to
26
Muslims and Christians: Minorities or Nationals ?
remain members of the Hindu nation, and will remain so

till they lose their attachment to Sanatana Dharma and the
soil of Bharatavarsha. Many Tibetans have been living in
India but they continue to remain nationals of the Tibetan
nation. Jews may have settled down in India or in Argen-
tina, but they continue to be parts of the Jewish nation .
Muslims and Christians: Minorities or Nationals?

With that background in mind, it is necessary to re-
member an important fact about the Muslims and the Chris-
tians of India, namely, that they are our own people . Till
only a few generations ago they were parts of our nation .
But the persecutions and allurements of the alien rulers com-
pelled them to accept an alien culture and they themselves
developed, in course of time, a sense of alienation from
their own ancestral culture. The only wall that stands be-
tween them and us is this alien culture. Demolish this wall
of Islam or Christianity and there would be nothing to sepa-
rate the Indian Muslims and Indian Christians from the rest
of us.
The relation between our minorities and the alien cul-
tures they have adopted is that of a patient with his disease.
We do not consider an ailing family member to be our
enemy; rather we try to terminate his disease so that he may
be cured and live a happy, harmonious life with other mem-
bers of the family as before. Probably a still more apt com-
parison of the relationship would be with that between the
drug and the drug-addict. A drug-addict develops such in-
tense attachment to his favourite drug that 'it becomes the
thing closest to his heart; he cannot even imagine his life
without it. But we know how deadly a poison the drug is
for him . It becomes our definite objective, our sacred duty ,
to de-addict our kin from the fatal influence of the drug.
We ought not, therefore, have any animosity towards
the Muslims and the Christians of India. Our enmity, our
27
fight, has to be against those baneful ideologies - Islam

and Christianity - which have created, in the minds of
some of our own people, a hostility against their original
culture, which have alienated them from the culture of their
own ancestors, and created in them a loyalty for some alien
lands . Our objective has be to rescue these strayed mem-
bers of our nation from their addiction to alien ideologies,
and restore them to the national mainstream. We have to
, finish Islam from this country, not Muslims .
It is not necessary, however, that every Indian Muslim
or Indian Christian would be outside the pale of the Hindu
nation . The nationality of each one of them would depend
on his or her personal attitude. Mere acceptance of a for-
eign mode of worsbip cannot exclude a person from the
Hindu nation, because Sanatana Dharma permits complete
freedom as regards mode of worship . The mere fact that
someone to venerate a formless God in-
stead of an image (siikiira) , or likes to offer prayers facing
the west, or regards Fridays or Sundays as special days for
obeisance, or fasts for a month during the day, or regards
Jesus Christ as his favourite deity (fshtadeva), would not
put a person outside the fold of our nation. This much lati-
tude Sanatana Dharma certainly gives us . Even an atheist is
regarded in our ethos as a Hindu, so why cannot a worship-
per of Allah or Jesus remain a Hindu?
The crux of the problem lies in believing or not believ-
ing the theologies of these religions. A Muslim who actu-
ally believe in the theology of Islam can never be a member
of the Hindu nation. Those who believe, in accordance with
that theology, that Sanatana Dharma is obnoxious, that our
ancestors were misguided people, that our rishis and munis
were followers of the Devil, that all our ancestors have
their places reserved in hell, that on the day of qiyamat (the
last judgment) we too can only expect to be consigned to
the fires of hell and' never see the doors of heaven; those
who believe that all our Gods and Goddesses and Avataras
28
Muslims and Christians: Mino rities or Nationals?
are false abominations , that we are committing cardinal sin

by worshipping them, that the alien ideology adopted by
them is the only right path and true religion, that India is
a Jiihiliyyah waiting to be redeemed, that Allah himself has
decreed it to be an act of great virtue (kiir-i-sabiib) to slaugh-
ter, plunder and torture the Hindus - such people can by
no means be a part of the Hindu nation .
The basic notes of Christian theology are not very dif-
ferent from that of Islam, but liberalism now
sweeps across the Christian societies of the world so that,
by and large, it has ceased to be important for the Chris-
tians now to really believe in their theology. We can, there-
fore, find a large number of persons among Christians of
India - and we may also find a few Muslims of that class
- who may be following the modes of worship of alien
religions, but who have retained a reverence for Sanatana
Dharma, a sentiment for the culture of their ancestors, a
cognition in their minds of the nationality of Hindus, and
an emotional bond with its distinctive feature. Such persons
continue to be parts of the Hindu nation in spite of adopting
Christianity or Islam But persons who really believe in Is-
lamic or Christian theology can only be a minority on the
soil of our motherland, not nationals of it. It is, therefore,
indisputable that most of the Muslims of present-day India
are minorities, not nationals of our country . .
As I said earlier, the accepted norm of classifying people
in all countries and international institutions of the world is
to see them as the nation and its minorities. That is why
minorities are also referred to as sub-nationalities or sub-
national minorities. Everywhere you would find only these
two c'ategories - the nation, and those who are unable to
harmonise with it in spite of living on its soil, viz. the
minorities . But in India the false and artificial nation-per-
ception has created an altogether new concept, namely, that
though every resident is a part of the nation, but some are
minorities as well. That there should be 'a majority' and 'a
29
minority' within the fold of the nation - this division is

totally wrong.
Israel is the land 'of the Jewish nation. It has a seven per
cent Arab population who are Muslims. In. India, Muslims
are 11 % of the population, not very much more than in
Israel. In Israel too, these Arabs have been granted full
rights of a citizen, full freedom also to follow their reli-
gion. But they are regarded as a minority, n.ot as part of the
Jewish nation. It is not considered necessary to consult these
Arabs on how the affairs of the Jewish nation would be
conducted. We too need some clarity of thought as to what
would be the political role of the people who are not within
the pale of the Hindu nation. Their status can be that of
minorities only, not of nationals. We would need to form a
realistic assessment of their viewpoint, we would have to
recognize their attitudes and aspirations on the basis of
realism.
Hindus: A Nation but Not Yet Free

The significant point that merits most attention today is
that though we Hindus are a nation, we are not yet an in-
dependent nation. We are still a subjugated nation. You
would appreciate if you reflect a little seriously that on 15
August 1947, the Hindu nation did not actually gain free-
dom. Rather they underwent only a change of the master, a
change of rulers. In 1757, after the Battle of Plassey, the
British became our rulers instead of Muslims. Did that mean
we had gained freedom then? Similarly, in 1947 though the
British had to quit, the Hindu nation could not get the rul-
ing power in its own hands because the new rulers who
have came to power neither believe that Hindus are a nation
nor consider themselves as part of the Hindu nation.
The plain but harsh truth is that in August 1947, the
Muslim 'nation' of undivided India gained freedom, but not
so the Hindus . The Muslims got recognition as a separate
30
Hindus: A Nation but Not Yet Free
nation and a separate territory was carved out as their na-

tional homeland. They established own state in that
territory, and that state is still conducting its affairs by hold-
ing the cultural aspirations, honour and interests of the
Muslims of Bharatavarsha as its responsibility. But Hindus
neither gained recognition as a nation, nor their own State,
nor control over their national homeland.
You may ask: how are we not independent when India
is being ruled by her own people? But the mere rule by
persons belonging to the country does not make a nation
independent. Idi Amin belonged to Uganda, but were the
Ugandans free in his regime? In theUSSR under Stalin and
Rumania under Ceausescu, those countries were under the
reign of rulers hailing from their own countries, but were
these nations free?
You may point out that these rulers were all dictators
whereas in India we have democracy, we have the right
here to change our government through elections. But so
.long as the electoral contest is limited to elements that deny
the nationhood of the nation they are seeking to rule, elec-
tions are no indication of the nation's freedom. There used
to be elections in the Soviet Union too, but the contest was
limited to more than one candidate from within the Com-
munist Party. Similarly, in India, Nehruism, or - what is
the same thing - Secularism, has been made so sacred that
no one rejecting that ideology successfully fight elec-
tions at present. As earlier, the essence of this
Secularism is anti-Hinduism, and if any candidate today
openly declares that he considers Hindus to be a nation,
that he wishes to save the Hindus and fight for their inter-
ests, that he aims at ,freedom of the Hindus and seeks their
support, his right to be elected stands forfeited. Even if he
succeeds in the polls, the courts will declare his election
null and void on the ground of 'communal publicity'. There
are already examples of this in constituencies like Ville
31
The Concept of Nation
Parle in Bombay. Therefore, in present-day India, our rights

are limited to choosing our representatives from among
candidates who subscribe to the ideology of Nehruism or
Secularism or anti-Hinduism. And this is the ideology that
guides all Secularist, Socialist, Communist and Islamist po-
litical parties in India, albeit with shades of variation here
and there.
But as the cardinal principle of Secularism - or
Nehruism - is anti-Hinduism and denial of Hindu nation-
hood, and as adherents to that ideology have willingly es-
tranged themselves from the Hindu nation, it is clearly fool-
ish for Hindus to regard such persons as Hindus and con-
sider themselves to be independent and self-ruling after
handing over state power into their hands.
An individual loses his identity when he adopts an an-
tipodal ideology. Take any example. Shri Prayag Ram, the
grandfather of the celebrated Mr. M.J. Akbar, was a Hindu,
but he bestowed his faith on Islam; so he ceased to be a
Hindu. Rev. Krishna Mohan Banerjee was a Hindu, but he
adopted the creed of Christianity and ceased to be a Hindu.
Lenin and Stalin had been both born in Christian families and
were duly baptised, but once they became believers in Marx-
ism, they could no longer be considered to be Christians.
Similarly, a person who starts believing in Nehruvian Secu-
larism - or Marxism for that matter - which is founded
on antagonism to Hindu nationhood, cannot be logically
considered to remain a Hindu, or a part of our nation.
Nehruism is to the Hindu society what Marxism was to the
Christians in Europe.
We mistakenly think the Secularists - or Nehruvians
_ also to be Hindus. Probably this confusion is caused by
the fact that the Secularists have also adopted a few tradi-
tions, rituals and oblatory practices of the Hindu nation e.g.
offering garlands on and portraits, paying emotion-
ally reverent tributes, lighting lamps, occasionally having
darshana of a saint or visiting a shrine, and so on . By these
32
Constitutional Discrimination
clever gimmicks they manage to befool us. Otherwise, people

who have been ruling this country since 1947 are totally
anti-Hindu and antagonists of Hindu nationhood, although
they have adopted a few superficial Hindu customs. It is
wrong to consider them Hindus or to regard their regime as
self-rule by the Hindu.
Constitu tional Discrimination

In case you do not find this theoretical analysis clear or
convincing, you may well look at the practical aspect. The
first hallmark of an independent nation is that it would have
its own state, and would be recognized by other countries
as a nation. Its state has, to run its affairs in accordance
with the aspirations, ethos, ideals and culture of the nation ,
represents the nation before the outside world, promotes the
image of the nation and welfare of its members, and spreads
the glory of its national culture. Such a state would create
consciousness of national honour, national pride and na-
tional heritage in the young and old generations; it would
be a state which would never permit the rights and status of
its nationals to be inferior to those of any minorities, aliens
and non-nationals. But none of these characteristics hold
good for the Hindus in India after 1947.
Forget about other countries, the Indian State itself has
not yet recognized Hindus as a nation. And the state
power in India has itself never taken any such initiative, the
question of other countries recognising Hindus· as a nation
does not arise at all.
Second, the Indian Constitution has in effect given less
rights to the Hindus than to the minorities in several mat-
ters . Under Article 30 of the Constitution, minorities have
got the most precious right of running educational institu-
tions in accordance with their own cultures and values, but
Hindus have been denied this right. This discrimination means
that the Indian State is more liberal in helping propagation of
alien cultures than the promotion of Hindu culture. You
33
cannot find such a perverse provision in the constitution of

any independent nation of the world .
The right of 'propagation' of one's religion that has
been bestowed by Article 25 of the Constitution on follow-
ers of different religions also means, for all practical pur-
poses, that the adherents of alien and anti-Hindu religions
will be at liberty to convert any follower of Hinduism -
even if he be a minor - to their own creed.
In Article 51 A, Hindu culture has not been accepted as
India's national culture. Instead, it has been clearly stated
that India's culture is a hotch-potch 'composite' culture.
This means that we have to regard Islamic culture also as
our own culture and to view with reverence even such en-
emies of the nation as Aurangzeb and Tipu Sultan.
In whichever state of India a non-Hindu community is
numerically predominant, there the state government has
been granted special rights under the Indian Constitution.
You are all aware, 1'm sure, about the Article 370 appli-
cable to the State of Jammu & Kashmir. Similar special
provisions have been made applicable to Nagaland under
Article 371A and Mizoram under article 371G which pro-
vide that laws made by India's Parliament would not be
applicable to these states unless their own state legislatures
endorse them. That is, a state would have greater autonomy
where the legislatures have preponderance of the minorities
and where the government is in the hands of minorities .
No such autonomy is available to states where Hindus pre-
dominate.
Leave other things alone, even the Preamble of the In-
dian Constitution does not contain any Hindu idea. It enu-
merates no principles based on Hindu ethos and ideals. The
Preamble talks of justice, equality, fraternity, and liberty as
its goals. They may be good ideas in themselves, but what
is the inspiration behind them.? All of them are Western
notions borrowed directly from the French Revolution . The
34
Anti-Hindu Policies and Laws
national ideas of India, that is, of the Hindu nation, are

. -
as Swami Vivekananda repeatedly reminded us - dharma
and spirituality, renunciation and service, tolerance and
harmony: satyam vada, dharmam chara (speak the truth,
abide by dharma) - is the basal theme of our nation. But
the present Indian Constitution has not incorporated a single
idea out of these.

Let us proceed from the Constitution to the laws of the
land policies of the State. In almost all states of India,
public undertakings styled as Minorities Finance Corpora-
tion have been formed. The Central Government is also
proposing now to set up a similar undertaking by providing
Rs . 500 crores as its initial These Corporations
provide loans to people below a certain level of income and
help them set up their own enterprises. But there is a con-
dition. A person would be entitled to get the loan only if he
is not a Hindu! You may be a learned yet destitute Hindu,
a starving Hindu today struggling to earn a penny, but you
cannot be financed. Get converted tomorrow to Islam or
Christianity, and you will get the loan!4
Article 32 of the Constitution has made a provision for
protection of fundamental rights of all citizens through the
judiciary. But the Central Government, and in their territo-
ries several State Governments, have passed a Minorities
Commission Act to make a special arrangement for the
protection of rights of those who are not Hindus . The Com-
missions that have been formed in pursuance of these laws
grant representation to followers of alien creeds, but not to a
Hindu, that' is, to a follower of Sanatana Dharma who wishes
to call himself a Hindu. It appears that the Hindus neither need
solution of their social problems, nor the protection of their
3. The proposal has since been put into effect.

4. Hindus are entitled only to pay taxes for fattening the 'minority' communities.
35
collective community rights.

You are aware of a Muslim group in Kerala called the
Moplahs. The only contribution of these people in the Free-
dom Movement was that, during the Khilafat agitation of
1921, they carried out a brutal massacre of Hindus in
Malabar. They plundered thousands of Hindu homes and
burnt Hindu villages, they raped Hindu women and destroyed
Hindu temples. But you know what? Such of those Moplahs
as are still alive are honoured by the Government of India'
as 'freedom fighters' and given monthly pension on that
basis! The Moplahs are not known to have fought the Brit-
ish on any other occasion.
Is there a single independent nation in the world which
does not have the right to sing its national song in its own
Parliament? But in India, Vande Mataram which we have
recognized as our national song, was not allowed to be sung
in the Parliament because some Muslim members objected
to it!
Every free nation or state, no matter how small or weak
it may be, protects - or at least attempts to protect - its
own international borders against entry of aliens. But in
India, the Central Government as well as the State Govern-
ments of Assam, West Bengal, Bihar, Delhi etc. have been
willingly permitting millions of Bangladeshi Muslims to in-
filtrate into our country. In fact, they are conniving with
these infiltrators, giving them indirect encouragement and
protection, showing a keenness to give them full benefits of
citizenship by issuing ration cards to them, entering their
names in voters' list, and so on .
The 1.S.1., the intelligence agency of Pakistan, has vir-
tually covered the whole of India with an elaborate network
of its own. Here are the intelligence activities of an enemy
country penetrating our territory deeply, our own intelligence
departments have reported this with concern from every
affected state, but the Indian State sits practically idle to let
36
this threat to our security thrive. The reason? The reason is

that the network concerned consists of Muslims. When our
Intelligence Bureau sent an officer from Bombay to Patna
earlier this year to arrest a maulvi who was an active agent of
the 1.S.1., the Chief Minister of Bihar, Laloo Prasad
himself intervened to thwart the arrest. The situation in V.P.
and West Bengal is no different. 5
Over the last few years, there have been several inci-
dents in Punjab and Jammu, in which some passengers were
segregated and dragged out of buses to be lined up on the
roadside and shot to death . You should remember that in
each one of these incidents, victims of the butchery,
persons killed like dogs, were Hindus and Hindus alone,
and they were so killed because they were Hindus. And still
you think we are free?
The entire Hindu population of the Valley of Kashmir,
a province of our own country, has been languishing for the
last five years in makeshift tents. In the face of inhuman
cruelty and terror inflicted by Muslims, these people had to
leave their hearths and homes, their property and liveli-
hood. They had to flee the homeland of their ancestors and
take shelter in refugee camps. After they left, the Muslims
looted and burnt their houses . During these five years, there
have been three Prime Ministers in the country, but not one
of them had a day's time or the decency to even visit any
of these camps. Because the sufferers are Hindus .
The Government of India has not even stated categorically
till this day that it is committed to safe return of these
5. The subsequent events at the Nadwa College at Lucknow in November
1994 prove that the Government of India actually encourages I.S.I. activists in
India. When Abu Bakr, a hard-core agent of the I.S.I. was nabbed in a raid on
the College hostel which he had been using as his hideout for the last eight years
to carry out terrorist and subversive activities allover India, the Government
intervened swiftly and let him escape, apologized to the Rector of the College
for the arrest, promised to him not to make such arrests in his institution in
future, set up a high-level enquiry, and took to task the officials of the Indian
Intelligence Bureau and U.P. State Police who had conducted the raid.
37
.people to their own homes and properties.

About one lakh Hindus - Sahajdharis and Sikhs _
who had fled Pakistan during the post-Partition carnage in
1947 and taken shelter in the State of Jammu & Kashmir
have not been granted state citizenship till this day.
have no right to vote in the elections to the state legislature
and the panchayats, no right to get loans etc. from govern-
ment institutions, no right to get their children in
the medical and engineering colleges of the State. Why?
Because they are Hindus. The condition of 50,000 Chakma
- Buddhist - refugees who had to flee East Pakistan to
settle in Arunachal Pradesh, is exactly the same.
In the capital city of our country, there are still roads
commemorating persons like Aurangzeb, Lodi,
Firoz Tughlaq etc. There is no conceivable tyranny that
these barbarians did not practise on our national society
and culture; there is no effort they spared to destroy us.
They have been the worst enemies of our nation. Even their
names should evoke revulsion in us. But the State in India
has been glorifying them.
Muslims exploded a powerful bomb in the Madras of-
fice of the R.S.S. The explosion destroyed the building and
left seven persons dead, but Rajesh Pilot, the Minister of
State in the Home Ministry, Government of India, stated
that the occurrence was not serious enough to warrant a
C.B.I. investigation. Why? Because thc R.S.S. is a Hindu
organisation.
For people who openly indulge in anti-Hindu activities,
incite the minorities to take to anti-national mischief, 'and
boldly proclaim themselves to be representatives of a ma-
rauding culture, arrest warrants from Indian courts are not
applicable. Warrants for the arrest of Abdullah Bukhari
Iman of Jama Masjid at Delhi, have been issued long
by courts in Kerala, U.P., and Bihar, but the armed police
of India have not the· courage to take him into custody.
38
In contrast, any Hindu holy man, let him be Shankaracharya

Swaroopanandaji or anyone else, can be arrested at any time
on the slightest pretext.
Hundreds of holy of the Hindus, be they in Ayodhya,
Mathura and Kashi, or in Ujjain, Dwaraka, Devagiri, Patan,
Ajmer, Kangra, Thanesar or anywhere else, are being trampled
down till this day under monuments of victory erected by
alien invaders. We have not been able to liberate them. Even
our right to liberate them has not been conceded by the Indian
State. On the contrary, the Indian Parliament has now passed
a law that attempts to liberate them would be construed as
serious criminal offence.
Sanskrit, the sacred language of the Hindus, is being
slowly but systematically edged out. State Governments in
the country are now working to even throw it out of the
school curriculum. By contrast, Urdu which is primarily the
language of Muslims, which is written in a foreign script,
which is the official language of Pakistan, and which had
played a prominent role in fanning Muslim separatism lead-
ing to the Partition, is being blatantly encouraged. Today it
is made the official language of some states, tomorrow it is
recognized as a medium of examination, the day after it
becomes a language of Doordarshan, and so on.
If anybody wants to run in India today a school that
imparts education in Islamic or Christian theology, the Cen-
tral and State Governments will be giving it grants, maybe
they would even meet the entire expenses of the school on
many fronts. But start a school where you want to educate
your children about Hindu Dharma and culture, teaching
them the Bhagvad Gita or invocations to Goddess Saraswati,
the burden of funding your school will have to be shoul-
dered by the Kalyan Ashram, or the Friends of Tribal So-
ciety, or other voluntary organizations like them. Why?
Because the Government of this country will not bear costs
of such a school.
39
The Courts in India

Have a look at our courts, the Government of India bans
the Vishva Hindu Parishad and the Jamaat-i-Islami. A court
decides that the ban on the former is justified but that on
the latter is utterly illegal! Ferocious Muslim terrorists from
India and abroad arm themselves with deadly weapons and
ensconce in the Hazratbal mosque. Our courts warn our
soldiers, "Beware! don't shoot at them, send them biryani
and chicken to eat, send thetn water, send them medicines."
Secularism which is a synonym for anti-Hinduism has not
been defined in the Constitution, but the highest court of
the land passes a judgment that as such-and-such party does
not support Secularism, therefore it has no right to function
through State Governments. The Chief Election Commissioner
issues an order for intensive revision of electoral rolls in Assam
so that the rolls may be purged of names of Bangladeshi in-
filtrators, but the courts rule that it would be illegal to do SO. 6
The Media
Look at our national media of communication, the
Doordarshan - DD. It presents as a national hero no less
a villain than Tipu Sultan who demolished 8,000 Hindu
temples, slaughtered Hindus in large numbers, forcibly con-
verted thousands of them by circumcision and feeding of
beef. The DD shows for months a serial styled 'The Sword
of Tipu Sultan' even when that sword bears on it a carved
message expressing the man's eagerness to extinguish Hin-
duism and eradicate the Hindu populace. That sword is still
preserved in the Mysore Museum for anyone to see. Amir
Khusro, a man who abused Hindus and Bhagvan Shiva in
such filthy language that I cannot even repeat it before an
audience which includes women, is projected by the DD as
6. Recently there have been some more judgments which display the same
disposition, notably the Supreme Court judgments on Ayodhya Reference and
the photo-identity cards.
40
A Nation without A State
a Sufi saint, a great national hero. In the 'Firdaus' programme

of the DD, the terrorist Muslims of Kashmir are depicted as
liberal, tolerant, and gentle people while the Hindus, the
victims of their atrocities, are painted as mean and mischie-
vous rogues .
In the major newspapers and periodicals of India, the
situation today is: write whatever trash you like castigating
Hindu Dharma, Hindu culture and Hindu society, let it even
be utterly baseless and outright abusive, your piece will be
published like a shot. But write a piece on Mohammed or
Islam, let it be a factual, logical, truthful article written in
decent language and based on impeccable sources, you would
not be able to find space for it in any newspaper or periodi-
cal. It is as if a policy of strict Islamic censorship is oper-
ating in the country.

There is no State today, certainly not in India, to pro-
tect Hindu interests in the international arena, to raise voice
for the Hindus. If Jews are unjustly treated in any part of
the world, the State of Israel, representative of an indepen-
dent Jewish nation, immediately raises its voice. Recently,
when some Jews were killed in a bomb explosion in Argen-
tina, the Government of Israel took less than an hour to
announce that it will not spare the murderers . But what is
the situation of Hindus? In December 1992, no less than
600 Hindu temples were destroyed in Bangladesh, thou-
sands of Hindu homes were burnt down, hundreds of Hindu
women were paraded naked on the streets of Bhola town, a
number of Hindus were killed, Hindu shops were looted,
Hindu deities were desecrated, Hindu girls were dishonoured .
But the Government of India remained silent. In Pakistan,
300 temples were destroyed. In Lahore a Minister of Pakistan
personally supervised the pulling down of a temple with the
help of bulldozers, and several Hindus were murdered . But
41
the Government of India remained silent. No matter how

much tyranny, how much injustice is heaped on Hindus
anywhere in the world, the State of India is not bothered -
this is the of Secularism of the Indian State.
Some years ago, Sunil Wadhera, a Hindu, died in an
accident in Saudi Arabia. In case of death like this, every
Muslim gets a compensation of 6 to 7 lakh dinars in that
country. But Wadhera's family was given only 17,000 dinars
in compensation even when the insurance company had paid
the normal amount. It was said that as Wad hera was a Kajir,
the value of his life was no more than a paltry sum. This is
the Islamic law of that country. It is there. What is signifi-
cant, however, is that even against such an inhuman, outra-
geous affront, there was no State which could raise its voice
on behalf of the Hindu. Sikhs are still not granted visas to
enter Saudi Arabia, because they are considered the worst
Kajirs.
Some of you have been to U.K. There you have seen
the ISKCON temple at Watford which happens to be the
biggest Hindu temple in that country and a place of assem-
blage for thousands of Hindus on festive occasions. The
British Government is hell-bent on closing down that temple.
It has issued orders to that effect. The temple will get closed
any day. But there is no State, no Government in the world
that raise voice against this, or protest, or take the matter
up with the British Government.
The baggage of every Hindu who lands today at the
airports of Dubai, Abu Dhabi, Riyadh, Teheran etc . is
searched. If it yields even a small portrait of a Hindu God
or Goddess, even a tiny image of some Hindu deity, a copy
of the Bhagvad Gita or Satyartha Prakash, or if the passen-
ger is found wearing a garland of rudraksha or a locket of
Shri Ram, or Shiva, or Mahavirji, the objects are torn out
of his neck or pulled out of his bag, broken, and consigned
to the trash bin. There is no State today to protest against
42
this national humiliation.

You may also cast a glance at the contempt with which
other countries treat us . They all take us for granted. When
the Foreign Minister of Israel visited India in 1991-92 and
met Shri L.K. Advani, the PLO chief Yasser Arafat felt
bold enough to protest against the meeting. The PLO am-
bassador in our country, while addressing a public meeting
at Hyderabad, went to the extent of issuing a warning to the
Government of India not to become too friendly to Israel.
When the mosque built on the Ramajanma-bhumi site at
Ayodhya was demolished in December 1992, the Govern-
ment of Iran virtually issued a dictat to the Government of
India that it get the mosque rebuilt at the same site. Last
year, the University of Delhi invited Mr. Ismail Ahmad,
Chief Justice of Namibia, to confer on him an honorary
Doctorate of Law. Mr. Ahmad was not content just to re-
ceive the degree, he used his speech to castigate Hindus in
strong language for demolition of the structure the
Ramajanmabhumi. The Vice-President of India, the Vice-
Chancellor of the University, and several other worthies sat
there and listened to him in stony silence.
How many examples of this sort should I give? Please
think for yourself: are these the emblems of a free nation?
Could such things happen to any independent nation? Hin-
dus are· not yet a free nation. We are still orphans, helpless,
subjugated. We still don't have our own State that would work
in our interest.
We have seen that the present Constitution of India is
not based on Hindu ideals and ethos. Its provisions have
been framed disregarding Hindu values and Hindu cultural
and social traditions. It is always the preamble of a nation's
constitution which proclaims what is its national identity,
what are its national ideals and' goals, what is its national
culture, for the weal of which society has it been framed.
The present Constitution of India appears to be screaming
43
at the top of its voice to announce that the India it talks of

represents neither the Hindu nation, nor the Hindu religion,
nor the Hindu culture, nor the Hindu society. In it there is
no place for dharma, no place for spirituality, renuncia-
tion, or service, or truth, or harmony, or tolerance. By no
stretch of imagination can you consider it a constitution for
the Hindus, or of the Hindu nation. A constitution that ig-
nores Hindu ideals, which gives the .nation less right than to
its minorities, which does not recognize Hindus as a nation,
cannot be our constitution. In my opinion, those who re-
gard the present Constitution of India as their own - no
matter how big leaders they may be - have not yet com-
prehended the concept of the Hindu nation. .
Quite clearly, the fundamental mistake that dogs Hmdu
perception today is that we are assuming Nehruvians or
Secularists to be Hindus because of mere accident of their
birth, and having entrusted the state power in our homeland
to their hands, we are imagining that we are in a state of
self-rule, that we have our country's polity in our own bands.
We are assuming their state to be ours, their Constitution to
be our constitution. The truth is, as I said earlier, tbe Secu-
larist and its Constitution represent only a mythical,
an artificial nation styled "Bharatfya" which is different
from the Hindu nation and is founded on anti-Hinduism.
A Clear National Vision Needed

The sole task before us Hindus now is that we rescue
ourselves from the suicidal stranglehold of the alternate
nation-perception of Gandhi and Nehru, and awaken na-
tional consciousness in ourselves. We have to develop a
clear national vision . Such a vision would show us that
(i) We Hindus are a nation, not a religious community.
There must be a fi.rm conviction in our minds that our
national identity is Hindu. We would declare the name
of our nationality to be Hindu, and no other name
would be acceptable to us.
44
A Clear National Vision Needed
(ii) The distinctive feature of our nation is Sanatana

Dharma. In its myriad forms such as Shakta, Shaiva,
Sikh, Buddhist etc., it is this Dharma which gives us
our national identity. We shall not accept any other
ideology as the heritage of our country. We cannot
regard any alien creed as our own religion.
(iii) Undivided India is our motherland. Even though parts
of it have seceded today, we do not accept this divi-
sion. Our goal is to re-unite the whole of our ancestral
homeland into our motherland, no matter how long it
takes.
(iv) Hindu culture is our national 'culture, Hindu society is
our national society, Hindu art is our national art,
Hindu literature is our national literature. Hindu history
is our national history; there is no Muslim Period or
British Period in this history; it is a history of continu-
ous Hindu struggle against Muslim invaders and British
colonialists. The struggle is still continuing.
(v) People subscribing the theologies of alien religions
are minorities in our country, not a part of our nation.
We consider these alien ideologies to be enemies of
our nation. The goal is to bring our back
into our nation after destroying the deadly intoxica-
tion of these ideologies.
(vi) Sanskrit is our national mother-tongue, with its sister
\ languages and many offsprings.
(vii) We are still a subjugated, enslaved nation. Nehruvian
Secularists are not our own people. Their regime is
not our regime. We have to liberate our motherland
from their stranglehold and earn our freedom.
So far there has been an utter lack of such national
consciousness or clarity of national vision amongst Hindus.
The main reason for this is the failure of our intellectual
awakening. We all must cultivate a babit of reading. In
order to know the truth, to understand national issues, to be
able to read right messages in events - we have much to
45
read. It is extremely important that we study the alien reli-

gions, specially the Koran and Hadis and the Bible. It is
also necessary for us to study Indian history in depth as
well as literature of Sanatana Dharma.
Great work is being done in this direction by some schol-
ars in Delhi such as Ram Swarup, Sitaram Goel , Arun
Shourie and others. Very high quality books are being pub-
lished by these scholars under the auspices of VOICE OF
INDIA. Reading these books is bound to help in arousing
our national consciousness. It is my earnest request that all
of you must start reading so that your national vision be-
comes clear. I assure you that as you start reading this well
researched and thoroughly documented literature you would
feel as if someone is removing blinkers from your eyes.
The Hindu National Goal

In the end, I can place the substance of my address to
you by saying that there is only one task before us Hindus
now: TO SECURE OUR FREEDOM. Those who say that
we have to establish a Hindu nation, use wrong words; the
correct words would be - THE HINDU NATION HAS TO
GAIN ITS INDEPENDENCE. We have ' to start a new
struggle for independence, the Hindu nation has to break
the shackles of slavery and earn real freedom. This is our
first national goal.
After securing freedom, we have to set our own
national state - A HINDU NATION-STATE. We have to
discard the present Indian Constitution and give ourselves
a new constitution of our own : then we have to change
almost all laws and policies and replace them by enacting new
ones in keeping with our national ideals and interests.
The whole world now accepts the notion of nation-states.
Every nation has the right to establish, in its traditional
homeland, its own state which would represent the aspira-
tions of that nation. Even tiny little nations have now got
46
The Hindu National Goal
their own states . But an irony of fate it is that we

Hindus who are one-sixth of the world's population, who
are the oldest and one of the largest nations of the world,
have not .been able to set up our own nation-state so far.
The present Indian State is an anti-nation, anti-Hindu state
but, tragically, we are mistaking that very state to be our .
own.
Therefore, the second national goal of the Hindus is
that after securing freedom, we shall set up in India a Hindu
State, which will be our nation-state. It will be a state which
would be founded on Hindu ideals; which will conduct its
affairs in accordance with Hindu values; which would work
for the all-round resurgence of the Hindus; which will pro-
tect Hindu interests not only in India but in the whole world;
which will represent Hindu culture abroad; which will pro-
mote and propagate Hindu ethos in the world; which will
create in our younger generations a sense of pride and self-
respect in their Hindu nationality; which will not encourage
feelings of division, animosity, high-and-Iow and we-and-
they within the Hindu fold on the basis of caste; which will
work for greater cohesion, harmony and collective senti-
ment within the Hindu society; which will not only accord
the highest place to Sanatana Dharma but also protect its
values, project its glory in the world, and make it its source
of inspiration; which will endeavour to help art and
.,literature to progress; will make no slavish effort to
imagine marauding cultures as own heritage; and which
will consider it its highest duty to protect Hindu honour.
Such a state we have to establish in our motherland.
Swami Vivekananda had tirelessly reminded us that the glory
of Sanatana Dharma gives us the inspiration and the self-
confidence that we Hindus are not inferior to any nation
anywhere in the world in any sense. This is what we have
to prove now through our efforts, through our own nation-
state - the glorious Hindu State that we are out to set up.
47
This, my friends, is to my mind the true and right con-

cept of the Hindu nation; this, my friend, is duty
in the days to come.
Vande Mataram.
48
APPENDIX
Sri Aurobindo's Vision of

Indian Nationalism 1
On the Hindu Nation
1904 (?)
.For what is a nation? What is our mother-country? It is
not a piece of earth, nor a figure of speech, nor a fiction
the mind . It is a mighty Shakti, composed of the Shaktis of
all the millions of units that make up the nation, just as
Bhawani Mahisha Mardini sprang into being from the Shakti
of all the millions of gods assembled in one mass of force
and welded into unity. The Shakti we call India, Bhawani
Bharati, is the living unity of the Shaktis of three hundred
million people,2 but she is inactive, imprisoned in the magic
circle of Tamas, the self-indulgent inertia and ignorance of
her sons....
June 19, 1907

Apart from the natural attachment which every man has
to his country, its literature, it traditions, its customs and
usages, patriotism has an additional stimulus in the acknowl-
edged excellence of a national civilisation. If Britons love
England with all her why should we fail to love
India whose faults were whittled down an irreducible
minimum till foreign conquests threw the whole society out
of gear? But instead of being dominated by the natural
ambition of carrying the banner of such a civilisation all
over the world, we are unable to maintain its integrity in its
1. Excerpts that follow have been taken from India's Rebirth, Mysore, 1993.
2. When Sri Aurobindo wrote this, the population of India, which included
present-day Pakistan and Bangladesh, was three hundred million.
own native home . This is betraying a trust. This is unwor-

thiness of the worst type. We have not been able to add
anything to this precious bequest; on the contrary we have
J
been keeping ourselves and generations yet unborn from a full
enjoyment of their lawful heritage....
According to Sidgwick,3 physical expansion proceeds
from a desire for spiritual expansion and history also supports
the assertion. But why should not India then be the first
power in the world? Who else has the undisputed right to
extend spiritual sway over the world? This was Swami
Vivekananda's plan of campaign. India can once more be
made conscious of her greatness by an overmastering sense
of the greatness of her spirituality. This sense of greatness
is the main feeder of all patriotism. This only can put an
end to all self-depreciation and generate a burning desire to
recover the lost ground.
October 7, 1907
This great and ancient nation was once the fountain of
human light, the apex of human civilisation, the examplar
of courage and humanity, the perfection of Govern-
ment and settled society, the mother of all religions, the
teacher of all wisdom and philosophy. It suffered much
at the hands of inferior civilisations and more savage
peoples; it has gone down the shadow of night and
tasted often of the bitterness of death. Its pride has been
trampled into the dust .and its glory has departed. Hunger
and misery and despair have become the masters of this fair
soil, these noble these ancient rivers, these cities whose
life story goes back into prehistoric night. But do you think
that therefore God has utterly abandoned us and given us
3. A writer who, defending British imperialism, spoke of "the justifible pride

which the cultivated members of a civilised feel in the beneficent
exercise of dominion and in the performance by their nation of the noble task
of spreading the highest kind of civilisation [sic!]."
50
Sri Aurobindo's Vision of Indian Nationalism
up for ever to be a mere convenience for the West, the

helots of its commerce, and the feeders of its luxury and
pride? ..
May 30,1909
(From the famous Uttarpara Speech)
When I approached God at that time [after Sri
Aurobindo's return from England], I hardly had a living
faith in Him. The agnostic was in me, the atheist was in me,
the sceptic was in me and I was not absolutely sure that
there was a God at all . I did not feel his presence. Yet
something drew me to the of the Vedas, the truth of
the Gita, the truth of the Hindu religion. 4 I felt there must
be a mighty truth somewhere in this Yoga, a mighty truth
in this religion based on the Vedanta. So when I turned to
the Yoga and resolved to practise it and find out if my idea
was right, I did it in this spirit and with this prayer to
" If Thou art, then Thou knowest my heart. Thou knowest
that I do not ask for Mukti, I do not ask for anything which
others ask for. I ask only for strength to uplift this nation,
I ask only to be allowed to live and work for this people
whom I love and to whom I pray that I may devote my
life." I strove long for the realisation of Yoga and at last to
some extent I had it, but in what I most desired I was not
satisfied . Then in the seclusion of the of the solitary
cell I asked for it again, I said, "Give me Thy Adesh. I do
not know what work to do or how to do it. Give me a
message ." In the communion of Yoga two messages came.
The first message said, " I have given you a work and it is
to help to uplift this nation . Before long the time will come
when you will have to go out of jail; for it is my will
4. It is important to note that Sri Aurobindo, in the Indian context, uses the
word "religion" not in a narrow dogmatic sense, but always in the broader
Hindu view of dharma .
5. Sri Aurobindo was in Alipore Jail, Calcutta, as an accused in a conspiracy case.
51
that this time either you should be convicted or that you

should pass the time, as others have to do, in suffering for
their country. I have called you to work, and that is the
Adesh for which you have asked. I give you the Adesh to
go forth and do my work." The second message came and
it said, "Something has been shown to you in this year of
seclusion, something about which you had your doubts and
it is the truth of the Hindu religion. It is religion that
I am raising up before the world, it is this that I have per-
fected and developed through the Rishis, saints and Ava-
tars, and now it is going forth to do my work among the
nations. am raising up this nation to send forth my word.: ..
When therefore it is said that India shall rise, it is the
Sanatan Dharma that shall rise. When it is said that India
shall be great, it is the Sanatan Dharma that shall
When it is said that India shall expand and extend herself,
it is the Sanatan Dharma that shall expand and extend itself
over the world. It is for the Dharma and by the Dharma that
India exists...."
But what is the Hindu religion? What is this religion
which we call Sanatan, eternal? It is the Hindu religion
only because the Hindu nation has kept it, because in this
Peninsula it grew up in the seclusion of the sea and the
Himalayas, in this sacred and ancient land it was
given as a charge to the Aryan race 6 to preserve through the
ages. But it is not circumscribed by the confines of a single
country, it does not belong peculiarly and for ever to a
bounded part of the world. That which we call the Hindu
is really the eternal religion, because it is the uni-
versal religion which embraces all others. If a religion is
6. Sri Aurobindo never subscribed to the theory of an Aryan invasion of

India; in fact, he refuted the theory most forcefully. When he uses the expres-
sion "Aryan race", he means the Hindu nation. He never subscribed to the absurd
division between Aryans and Dravidians: "I regard the so-called Aryans and
Dravidians as one homogeneous race," he wrote later in The Secret of the Veda.
52
not universal, it cannot be eternal. A narrow religion, a

sectarian religion, an exclusive religion can live only for a
limited time and a limited purpose. This is the one religion
that can triumph over materialism by including and antici-
pating the discoveries of science and the speculations of
philosophy. It is the one religion which impresses on man-
kind the closeness of God to us and embraces in its com-
pass all the possible means by which man can approach
God. It is the one religion which insists every moment on
the truth which all religions acknowledge that He is in all
men and all things and that in Him we move and have our
being. It is the one religion which enables us not only to
understand and believe this truth but to realise it with every
part of our being. It is the one religion which shows the
world what the world is, that it is the Lila of Vasudeva. It
is the one religion which shows us how we can best play
our part in that Lila, its subtlest laws and its noblest rules.
It is the one religion which does not separate life in any
smallest detail from religion, which knows what immorality
is and has utterly removed from us the reality of death ....
I said [last year] that this movement is not a political
movement and that nationalism is not politics but a reli;'
gion, a creed, a faith. I say it again today, but I put it in
another way. I say no longer that nationalism is a creed, a
religion, a faith; I say that it is the Sanatan Dharma which
for us is nationalism .... The Sanatan Dharma, that is nation-
alism. This is the message that I have to speak to you.
November 6, 1909
The Mahomedans base their separateness and their re-
fusal to regard themselves as Indians first and Mahomedans
afterwards on the existence great Mahomedan nations to
which they feel themselves more akin, in spite of our com-
mon birth and blood, than to us. Hindus have no such re-
source. For good or evil, they are bound to the soil and to
53
the SQil alone. They ca,n not deny ,their Mother, neither can
, they mutilate her. Our ideal therefore is an Indian Nation-
alism, largely Hindu in its spirit and traditions, because the
Hindu made the land and the people and persists, by the great-
ness of his past, his civilisation and his culture and his
invincible virility, in holding it, but wide enough also to in-
clude the Moslem and his culture and traditions and absorb
them into itself.
August, 1918
when we look at the past of India, what strikes us ... is
her stupendous vitality, her inexhaustible power of life and
joy of life, her almost unimaginably prolific creativeness.
For three thousand years at least, - it is indeed much longer,
- she has been creating abundantly and incessantly, lav-
ishly, with an inexhaustible many-sidedness, republics and
kingdoms and empires, philosophies and cosmogonies and
sciences and creeds and arts and poems and all kinds of
monuments, palaces and temples and public works, commu-
nities and societies and religious orders, laws and codes
and rituals, physical sciences, psychic sciences, systems of
Yoga, systems of politics and administration, arts spiritual,
arts worldly, trades, industries, fine crafts, - the list is
endless and in each item there is almost a plethora of activ-
ity. She creates and is not satisfied and creates and is not
tired; she will not have an end of it, seems hardly to need
a space for rest, a time for inertia and lying fallow . She
expands too outside her borders; her ships cross the ocean
and the fine superfluity of her wealth brims over to Judea
and Egypt and Rome; her colonies spread her arts and epics
and creeds in the Archipelago; her traces are found in the
sands of Mesopotamia; her religions conquer China and
Japan and spread westward as far as Palestine and Alexan-
dria, and the figures of the Upanishads and the sayings of the
Buddhists are re-echoed on the lips of Christ. Everywhere,
54
Sri Aurobindo 's Vision of Indian Nationalism
as 'on her soil, so in her works there is teeming of a super-

abundant energy of life ....
Indeed without this opulent vitality and opulent intellectu-
ality India could never have done so much as she did with her
spiritual tendencies . It is a great error to suppose that spiritu-
ality flourishes best in an impoverished soil with the life half-
killed and the intellect discouraged and intimidated. The spiri-
tuality that so flourishes is something morbid, hectic and ex-
posed to perilous reactions. It is when the race has lived most ,
richly and thought most profoundly that spirituality finds its
heights and its depths and its constant and many-sided fruition.
May, 1919
[Hinduism] is in the first place a non-dogmatic inclu-
sive religion and would have taken even Islam and Chris-
tianity into itself, if they had tolerated the process .
August, 1919
The religious culture which now goes by the name of
Hinduism ... gave itself no name, because it set itself no
sectarian limits; it claimed no universal adhesion, asserted
no sole infallible dogma, set up no single narrow path or
gate of salvation; it was less a creed or cult than a continu-
ou sly enlarging tradition of the Godward endeavor. of the
human spirit. An immense many-sided and many-staged
provision for a spiritual self-building and self-finding, it
had some right to speak of itself by the only name it knew,
'the eternal religion, santitana dharma...
October 19, 1935

If it is meant by the that form of religion is
something permanent a,nd unchangeable, then it cannot be
accepted. But if religion here means one's way of communion
7. Statement of Mahatama Gandhi in response to Dr. Ambedkar' s call for

mass conversion of the depressed classes to some religion other than Hinduism.
55
with the Divine, then it is true that that is something be-

longing to the inner being and cannot be changed like a
house or a cloak for the sake of some personal, social or
worldly convenience. If a change is to be made, it can only
be for an inner spiritual reason , because of some develop-
ment from within. No one can be bound to any form of
religion or any particular creed or system, but if he changes
the one he has accepted for another, for external reasons,
that means he has inwardly no religion at all and both his
old and his new religion are only an empty formula. At
bottom that is I suppose what the statement drives at. Pref-
erence for a different approach to the Truth or the desire of
inner spiritual self-expression are not the motives of the
recommendation of change to which objection is made by
the Mahatma here; the object proposed [by Dr. Ambedkar]
is an enhancement of social status and consideration which
is no more a spiritual motive than conversion for the sake
of money or marriage. If a man has no religion in himself,
he can change his credal profession for any motive; if he
has, he cannot; he can only change it in response to.an inner
spiritual need. If a man has a bhakti for the Divine in the form
of Krishna, he can't very well say, "I will swap Krishna for
Christ so that I may become socially respectable."
September 19, 1936

Religion is always imperfect because it is a mixture of
man's spirituality with his endeavours that come in in try-
ing to sublimate ignorantly his lower nature. Hindu religion
appears to me as a cathedral-temple, half in ruins, noble in
the mass, often fantastic in detail but always fantastic with
a significance - crumbling or badly outworn in places, but
a cathedral-temple in which service is still done to the
Unseen and its real presence can be felt by those who enter
with the right spirit. The outer social structure which it
built for its approach is another matter.
56
On the Muslim Problem

September 13,. 1906
The idea that the election of a Mahomedan President
will conciliate the anti-Congress Mahomedans is a futility
which has been repeatedly exposed by experience.
June 19, 1909

We do not fear Mahomedan opposition; so long as it is
the honest Swadeshi article and not manufactured in Shillong
or Simla, 8 we welcome it as a sign of life and aspiration.
We do not shun, we desire the awakening of Islam in India
even if its first crude efforts are misdirected against our-
selves; for all strength, all energy, all action is grist to the
. mill of the nation-builder. In that faith we are ready, when
the time comes for us to meet in the political field, to ex-
change with the Mussulman, just as he chooses, the firm
clasp of the brother or the resolute grip of the wrestler. ...
Of one thing we may be certain, that Hindu-Mahomedan
unity cannot be effected by political adjustments or Con-
gress flatteries . It must be sought deeper down, in the heart
in the mind, for where the causes of disunion are, there
the remedies must be sought. We shall do well in trying to
solve the problem to remember that misunderstanding is the
most fruitful cause of our differences, that love compels
love and that strength conciliates the strong. We must strive
to remove the causes of misunderstanding by a better mutual
knowledge and sympathy; we must extend the unfaltering love
of the patriot to our Mussulman brother, remembering always
that in him too Narayana dwells and to him too our Mother
has given a permanent place in her bosom; but we must
cease to approach him falsely or flatter out of a selfish
weakness and cowardice. We believe this to be the only
practical way of dealing with the difficulty. As a political
8. Seats of the British colonial government in India.
57
question the Hindu-Mahomedan problem does not interest

us at all, as a national problem it is of supreme importance.
September 4, 1909
Every action for instance which may be objectionable to a
number of Mahomedans is now liable to be forbidden because
it is likely to lead to a breach of the peace, and one is dimly
beginning to ' wonder whether the day may not come when
worship in Hindu temples may be forbidden on that valid ground.
November 20, 1909

.. .Formerly , there were only two classes in India, the
superior European and the inferior Indian; now there will
be three, the superior European, the superior Mahomedan
and the inferior Hindu .. ..
April 18, 1923

I am sorry they are making a fetish of this Hindu-Muslim
unity.9 It is no use ignoring facts; some day the Hindus may
have to fight the Muslims and they must prepare for it. Hindu-
Muslim unity should not mean the subjection of the Hindus . .
Every time the mildness of the Hindu has given way. The best
solution would be to allow the Hindus to organize themselves
and the Hindu-Muslim unity would take care 'o f itself, it would
automatically solve the problem. Otherwise, we are lulled into
a false sense of satisfaction that we have solved a difficult
problem, wh'en in fact we have only it.
July 23, 1923 ,

, You can live amicably with a religion whose principle is
toleration. how is it possible to live peacefully ,with a
religion whose principle is "I will not tolerate you"? How
are you going to have unity with these people? Certainly,
9. Sri Aurobindo's comments on the largscale Hindu-Muslim riots that fol-

lowed the short-lived Khilafat agitation of 1920-22,
58
Hindu-Muslim unity cannot be arrived at on the basis that the

Muslims will go on converting Hindus while the Hindus shall
not convert any Mahomedan. You can't build unity on such
basis. Perhaps the onLy way of making the Mohammedans
harmLess is to make them Lose their reLigion. 10
September 12, 1923

The Mahomedan or Islamic culture hardly gave any-
thing to the world which may be said to be of fundamental
importance and typically its own; Islamic culture was mainly
borrowed from Their mathematics and astronomy
and other subjects were derived from India and Greece. It is
true they gave some of these things a new turn, but they have
not created much. Their philosophy and their religion are very
simple and what they call Sufism is largely the result of gnostics
who lived in Persia and it is the logical outcome of that school
of thought largely touched by Vedanta.
I have, however, mentioned [in The Foundations of lndia'n
CuLture] that Islamic culture contributed the Indo-Saracenic
architecture to Indian culture. I do not think it has done any-
thing more in India of cultural value. It gave some new forms to
art and poetry. Its political institutions were always semi-barbaric.
18, 1926
Look at Indian politicians: all ideas, ideas - they are
with ideas. Take the Hindu-Muslim problem: I don't know
our politicians accepted Gandhi's Khilafat agitation. 11
0, The two italicised lines at the end of this passage have been restored with
reference to the full statement as found in Evening Talks with Sri Aurobindo by
A.B , Purani, Second Series, Pondicherry, 1974, p, 48.
11. From the outset Mahatma Gandhi made it clear that the Khilafat question
was in his view more and urgent than that of Swaraj. He wrote: "To
the Musalmans, Swaraj means, as it must, India' s ability to deal effectively
with the Khi1afat question. .. It is impossible not to sympathise with this atti-
tude ." I would gladly ask for postponement of Swaraj activity if thereby we
could advance the interest of the Khilafat."
"
59
With the mentality of the ordinary Mahomedan it was bound

to produce the reaction it has produced: you fed the force,
it gathered power and began make demands which the
Hindu mentality had ' to rise up and reject. That does
require Supermind .to find out, it requires common sense.
Then, the Mahomedan reality and the Hindu reality began
to break heads at Calcutta. 12 The leaders are busy trying 'to
square the realities with their mental ideas instead of facing
them straight.. ..
June 29, 1926

If it is India's destiny to assimilate all the conflicting
elements, is it possible to assimilate the Mahomedan ele-
ment also? .
Why not? India has assimilated elements from the
Greeks, the Persians and other nations. But she assimilates
only when her central truth is recognized by the other party,
and even while assimilating she does it in such a way that
the elements absorbed are no longer recognizable as foreign
but become part of herself. For 'instance, we took from the
Greek architect.ure, from the Persian painting, etc .
The assimilation of the. Mahomedan culture also was done
in the mind to a great extent and it would have perhaps gone
further. But in order that the process may be complete it is
necessary that a change in the Mahomedan mentality should
come. The conflict is in the outer life and unless the Mahomedans
learn tolerance I do not think the assimilation is possible.
The Hindu is ready to tolerate. He is open to new ideas
and his culture got a wonderful capacity for assimilation,
but. always provided that India's central truth is recognized.
August 1, 1926
The attempt to placate the Mahomedans was a false diplo-
macy. Instead of trying to achieve Hindu-Muslim unity
12. A reference to serious riots in Calcutta the previous month.
60
directly, if the Hindus had devoted themselves to national

work, the Mahomedans would have gradually come of them-
selves.... This attempt to patch up a unity has given too
much importance to the Muslims and it has been the root of
all these troubles.
Undated (1934)
As for the Hindu-Muslim affair, I saw no reason why
the greatness of India's past or her spirituality should be
thrown into the waste paper basket in order to conciliate
the Moslems who would not at all be conciliated by such
policy. What has created the Hindu-Moslem split was not
Swadeshi, but the acceptance of the communal principle by
the Congress (here Tilak made his great blunder), and the
further attempt by the Khilafat movement to conciliate them
and bring them in on wrong lines. The recognition of that
communal principle at Lucknow l3 made them permanently
a separate political entity in India which ought never to
have happened; the Khilafat affair made that separate po-
litical entity an organised separate political power.
.December 30, 1939
(A disciple:) There are some people who object to
" Vande Mataram" as a national song. And some
Congressmen support the removal of some parts of
the song.
In that case the Hindus should give up their culture.
The argument that the song speaks of Hindu gods,
like Durga, and that is to the Muslims.
But it is not a religious song: it is a national song and
the Durga spoken of is India as the Mother. Why should not
13. The reference is to the Lucknow Pact between the Indian National Con-
gress and the Muslim League, signed in 1916. It conceded the Muslim demand
for separate electorates and weightages in Legislative Councils. Lokamanya Tilak
had signed it on behalf of the Congress.
61
The Concept ofHindu Nation
the Muslims accept it? It is an image used in poetry. In the

conception of nationality, the Hindu view would
naturally be there. If it cannot find a place there, the Hin-
dus may as well be asked to give up their culture. The
Hindus don't object to "Allah-ho-Akbar" .. ..
Why should not the Hindu worship his god? Otperwise,
the Hindus must either accept Mohammedanism or the Eu-
ropean culture or become atheists ...
I told C.R. Das [in 1932] that this Hindu-Muslim question
must be solved before the Britishers go, otherwise there was
a danger of civil war. He also agreed and wanted to solve it...
Instead of doing what was necessary the Congress is
trying to flirt with Jinnah, and Jinnah simply thinks that he
has to obstinately stick to his terms to get them. The more
they try, the more Jinnah becomes intransigent.
May 28,1940
Have you read what Gandhi has said in answer to a cor-
respondent? He says that if eight crores of Muslims demand a
I
separate State, what else are the twenty-five crores of Hindus
to do but surrender? Otherwise there will be
(A disciple:) I hope that is not the of conciliation
he is thinking of
Not thinking of it, you say? He has actually said that
and almost yielded. If you yield to the opposite party' be-
forehand, naturally .they will stick strongly to their claims.
It that the minority will rule and the majority must
submit. The minority is allowed its say, " We shall be the
ruler and you our servants . Our harf [word] will be law;
you will to obey." This shows a peculiar mind. I think
this kind of people are a little cracked.
June 21, 1940

In the Hindus had all the monopoly. Now if the
Muslim demands are acceded to, the Hindus will be wiped out.
62
October 7, 1940
(A disciple:) It is because of the British divide-and-
rule policy that we can't unite.
Nonsense! Was there u.nity in India before the British
rule?
But now since our national consciousness is more de-
veloped there is more chance of unity if the British
don't bolster up Jinnah and his Muslim claims.
Does Jinnah want unity? .. What he wants is indepen-
dence for Muslims and if possible rule over India. That is
the old spirit. .. But why is it expected that Muslims will be
so accommodating? Everywhere minorities are claiming their
rights. Of course, there may be some Muslims who are
different, more nationalistic in outlook: even has his
own terms, only he sees Indian unity first and will settle
those terms afterwards.
October 19, 1946

(From a letter to a disciple who expressed anguish at
the widespread horrors perpetrated on Hindus by Mus-
lims in Bengal, notably in Noakhali and Tippera dis-
tricts, now in Bangladesh; this organized violence -
which the British government did nothing to stop -
was part of Jinnah 's plan of "Direct Action" which was
intended to demonstrate the impossibility for Hindus
and Muslims to live together, and therefore the inevi-
tability of Pakistan.)
As regards Bengal, things are certainly very bad; the
conditionS of the Hindus there are terrible and they may
even get worse in spite of the Interim mariage de convenance
at Delhi. 14 ••• What is happening did not come to me as a
14. A reference to the Interim Government worked out between the British
and the Congress, which the Muslim League had just agreed to join.
63
The COllcept of Hindu Nation
surprise. I foresaw it when I was in Bengal and warned

people that it was probable and almost inevitable and that
they should be prepared for it. At that time no one attached
any value to what I said although some afterwards remem-
bered and admitted, when the trouble first began, that I
have been right; only C.R. Das had apprehensions and he
even told me when he came to Pondicherry that he would
not like the British to go out until this dangerous problem
had been settled. But I have not been discouraged by what
is happening, because I know and have experien'c ed hun-
dreds of times that beyond the blackest darkness there lies
for one who is a divine instrument the light of God's vic-
tory. I have never had a strong and persistent will for any-
thing to happen in the world - I am not speaking of per-
sonal things - which did not eventually happen even after
delay, defeat or even disaster. There was a time when Hitler
was victorious everywhere and it seemed certain that a black
yoke of the Asura would be imposed on the whole wQrld;
but where is Hitler now and where is his rule? Berlin and I
Nuremberg have marked the end of that dreadful chapter in
human history. Other blacknesses threaten to overshadow or
even engulf mankind, but they to'o .will end as that nightmare
has ended.
August 15, 1947

India is free but she has not achieved unity, only a fis-
sured and broken freedom... The old communal division
into Hindu and Muslim seems to have hardened into the figure
of a permanent political division of the country. It is to be
hoped that the Congress and the nation will not accept the
settled fact as for settled or as anything more than a
temporary expedient. For if it lasts, India may be seriously
weakened, even crippled: civil strife may remain always
possible, possible even a new invasion and foreign con-
quest. The partition of the country must go, - it is to be
64
hoped by a slackening of tension, by a progressive under-

standing of the need of peace and concord, by the constant
necessity of common and concerted action, even of an instru-
ment of union for that purpose. In this way unity may come
about under whatever form - the exact form may have a
pragmatic but not a fundamental importance. But whatever
means, the division must and will go. For without it the den-
sity of India might be seriously impaired and even frustrated.
But that must not be.
1947 (?)
The idea of two nationalities in India is only a newly-
fangled notion invented ' by Jinnah for his purposes and
contrary to the facts. than 90% of the Indian
Mussalmans are descendants of converted Hindus and be-
long as much to the Indian nation as the Hindus themselves.
This process of conversion has continued all along; Jinnah is
himself a descendant of a Hindu, converted in recent
times, named Jinahbhai and many of the most famous Moham-
medan leaders have a similar origin.
On India's Future
July 13, 1911
Be very careful to follow my instructions in avoiding
the old kind politics. Spirituallty is India's only politics,
the fulfilment of the Sanatan Dharma its only Swaraj. I
have no doubt we shall to go through our Parliamen-
tary period in order to get rid of the notion of Western
15. Newly created Pakistan invaded Kashmir two months later. The Indian
army was able to repulse the attack and was about to drive Pakistani forces out
of Kashmir when Nehru called a halt to the fighting and brought the "dispute"
before the United Nations - with the result that Kashmir is still today divided
and its Pakistan-occupied part a continual source of terrorism flowing into
India, as part of the preparation for what Pakistani leaders have called "the need
for a second partition of India."
65
democracy by seeing in how helpless it is to make

nations blessed. India is passing really through ·the first
stages of a sort of national Yoga. It was mastered in the
inception by the inrush of.divine force which came in 1905
and aroused it from its state of complete tamasic ajiiiinam
[ignorance]. But, as happens also with individuals, all that
was evil, all the wrong samskiiras [imprints] and wrong
emotions and mental and moral habits rose with it and
misused the divine force . Hence all that orgy .of political
oratory, democratic fervour, meetings, processions, passive
resistance, all ending in bombs, revolvers and Coercion
laws.... God has struck it all down, - Moderatism, the
bastard child of English Liberalism; Nationalism, the mixed
of Europe and Asia; Terrorism, the abortive off-
spring of Bakunin and Mazzini. ... It is only when this fool-
ishness is done with that truth will have a chance, the sattwic
mind in India emerge and a really strong spiritual move-
ment begin as a prelude to India's regeneration . No doubt,
there will be plenty of trouble and error still to face, but we
shall have a chance of putting our feet on the right path. In
all I believe God to be guiding us, giving the necessary
experiences, preparing the necessary conditions.
December, 1918
A political Europeanisation would be followed by a .social
turn of the same kind and bring a cultural and spiritual
death in its train .. . Either India will be rationalised and
industrialised out of all recognition and she will be no longer
India or else she will be the leader in a new world-phase,
aid by her example and cultural infiltration the new tenden-
cies of the West and spiritualise the human race. That is the
one radical and poignant question at issue . Will the spiri-
tual motive which India represents prevail on Europe and
create there new forms congenial to the West, or will Eu-
ropean rationalism and commercialism an for ever
66
to the Indian type of culture?
April, 1920
I believe that the main of India's weakness is not
subjection, nor poverty, nor a lack of spirituality or
but a diminution of thought-power, the spread of ignorance
in the motherland of Knowledge. Everywhere I see an in-
ability or unwillingness to think - incapacity of thought or
"thought phobia". Whatever may have been in the mediae-
val period, now this attitude is the sign of a great decline .
The mediaeval period was a night, a time of victory for the
man of ignorance; the modern world is a time of victory for
the man of knowledge. It is the one who can fathom and
learn the truth of the world by thinking more, searching
more, labouring more, who will gain more Shakti. Look at
Europe, and you will see two things: a wide limitless sea of
thought and the play of a huge and rapid , yet disciplined
force. The whole Shakti of Europe lies there. It is by virtue
of this Shakti that she has been able to swallow the world ,
like our Tapaswins of old, might held even the gods
of the universe in awe, suspense and subjection... .
August 8, 1926
The Greeks had more light than the.Christians who con-
verted them; at that time there was gnosticism in Greece,
and they were developing agnosticism and so forth.
Christians brought darkness rather than light.
That has always been the case with aggressive religions
- they tend to overrun the earth. Hinduism on the other
hand is passive therein lies its danger...
September 16, 1935

(A disciple:) It is rather depressing to hear about the
atrocities committed by some Mahomedans on Hindu
families in Bengal. With the coming of Independence
67
I hope such things will stop... In your scheme of things

do you definiteLy see a free India? ...
That is all settled. It is a question of working out only. The '
question is what is India going to do with her Independence?
The above kind of affair? Bolshevism? Goonda-raj? Things look
ominous.
December, 1948
India, shut into a separate existence by the Himalayas
and the ocean, has always been the home of a peculiar people
with characteristics of its own recognisably distinct from
all others, with its own distinct civilisation, way of life,
way 'of the spirit, a separate culture, arts, building of soci-
ety. It has absorbed all that has entered into it, put upon all
the Indian stamp, welded the most diverse elements into its
fundamental unity. But it has also been throughout a con-
geries of diverse peoples, lands, kingdoms and, in earlier
times, republics also, diverse races, sub-nations with a
marked character of their own, developing different brands
or forms of civilisation and culture, many schools art
and architecture which yet succeeded in fitting into the
general Indian type of civilisation and culture. India's his-
tory throughout has been marked by a tendency, a constant
effort to unite all this diversity of elements 'into a single
political whole under a central imperial rule so that India
might be politically as well as culturally one. Even after a
rift had been created by the irruption of the Mohammedan
peoples with their very different religion and social struc-
ture, there continued a constant effort of political unifica-
tion and there was a tendency towards a mingling of cul-
tures and their mutual influence on each other; even some
heroic attempts were made to discover or create a common
religion out of these two apparently irreconcilable faiths
and here too there were mutual influences., ..
In this hour; in the second of its liberation the
68
nation has to awaken to many more very considerable prob-

to vast possibilities opening before her but also to
dangers and difficulties that may, if not wisely dealt with,
become formidable.... There are deeper issues for India
herself, since by following certain tempting directions she
may conceivably become a nation like many others evolving
an opulent industry and commerce, a powerful organisation of
social and political life, an immense military strength, prac-
tising power-politics with a high degree of success, guard-
ing and extending zealously her gains and her interests,
dominating even a large part of the world, but in this appar-
ently magnificent progression forfeiting its Swadharma,
losing its soul. Then ancient India and her spirit might dis-
appear altogether and we would have only one more nation
like others and that would be a real gain neither to the
world nor to us. There is a question whether she may pros-
per more harmlessly in the outward life yet lose altogether
her richly massed and firmly held spiritual experience and
knowledge. It would be a tragic irony of fate if India were
to throwaway her spiritual heritage at the very moment
when in the rest of the world there is more and more a
turning towards her for spiritual help and a saving Light.
This must not and will surely .not happen; but it cannot be
said that the danger is not · there. There are indeed other
numerous and difficult problems that face this country or
will very soon face it. No doubt we will win through, but
we must not disguise from ourselves the fact that after these
l,ong years of subjection and its cramping and impairing
effects a great inner as well ,as outer liberation and change,
a vast inner and outer progress is needed if we are to fulfil
India's true destiny.
69

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THE CONCEPT OF

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, in whole

I. Some Prevalent Misconceptions 1

Some Prevalent Misconceptions

Revised and expanded version of a lecture delivered on 31 July 1994 at

(asmita) of the Hindus?

impossibility of co-existence with Hindus, and so on. I do

account of the common spiritual current of the Sanatana

Hindus and their Homeland

to another nation and had been forced on them. They started

2000 ,years. The Hindus too have remained a nation, no

The Perception of Swami Vivekananda

throughout our history. I am not tracing it back very far,

There is absolutely no doubt that Swamiji used the words

that the quintessence of the Hindu national life is spirituality,

Calcutta, gatherings of 50,000 people took a collective oath

An Alternate Perception: 'The Nation'

this concept. Finally, as Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru came to domi-

Nehru used all his power and prestige to propagate since

Fifth, since the distinctiveness of the largest community

name this theory or ideology as Nehruism. In course of time

Truth versus Falsehood

world that if any people has a proven record of tolerance it

Composite Culture: A Myth

cultures left behind on our soil by foreign invaders and

nothing short of an enemy culture, a parasite culture.

Composite Culture: the Islamic Perception

kufr can never be a part of the Ummah. Kiifirs, the practi-

if necessary, but never concede becoming part of a Mushrik

be a part of the imaginary nation for which the whole system

The False Perception gains Currency

me! 0 thou Mother of Strength, . take away my weak-

are put up in which it is written: "Proudly proclaim, 'I am

mention one's nationality in that column, not religion. I

The Geographic Concept of 'Hindu'

Hindutva. The distinctive feature of Hindutva, as we noted

The Concept of a Minority

classified in these two categories - nationals and minori-

remain members of the Hindu nation, and will remain so

Muslims and Christians: Minorities or Nationals?

fight, has to be against those baneful ideologies - Islam

are false abominations , that we are committing cardinal sin

minority' within the fold of the nation - this division is

Hindus: A Nation but Not Yet Free

nation and a separate territory was carved out as their na-

Parle in Bombay. Therefore, in present-day India, our rights

clever gimmicks they manage to befool us. Otherwise, people

Constitu tional Discrimination

cannot find such a perverse provision in the constitution of

national ideas of India, that is, of the Hindu nation, are

Anti-Hindu Policies and Laws

3. The proposal has since been put into effect.

collective community rights.

this threat to our security thrive. The reason? The reason is

.people to their own homes and properties.

In contrast, any Hindu holy man, let him be Shankaracharya

The Courts in India

a Sufi saint, a great national hero. In the 'Firdaus' programme

A Nation without A State

the Government of India remained silent. No matter how