God As Father in The Dead Sea Scrolls PDF
God As Father in The Dead Sea Scrolls PDF
God As Father in The Dead Sea Scrolls PDF
Edited by
Felix Albrecht and Reinhard Feldmeier
LEIDEN • BOSTON
2014
Introduction ..................................................................................................... 1
Reinhard Feldmeier
PART ONE
PAGAN RELIGIONS
PART TWO
HEBREW BIBLE AND ANCIENT JUDAISM
PART THREE
NEW TESTAMENT
PART FOUR
LATE ANTIQUITY
Lutz Doering
1. Introduction
Until the late 1980s, scholarly views on God’s fatherhood in ancient Jewish
texts were widely informed by Joachim Jeremias’s negative verdict that,
“there is as yet no evidence in the literature of ancient Palestinian Judaism
that ‘my Father’ is used as a personal address to God.”1 Since then, schol-
ars have increasingly taken issue with Jeremias on this matter, with the
most comprehensive monographs coming from his native Germany. The
books on God as father in the deuterocanonical and other early Jewish
texts by Angelika Strotmann, in the Hebrew Bible by Annette Böckler, and
in rabbinic literature by Elke Tönges, as well as Christiane Zimmermann’s
wider study of divine epitheta, Die Namen des Vaters, have signalled sev-
eral methodological problems in Jeremias’s approach.2 Amongst these,
one point also relevant for the evidence at Qumran is the problem3 that
Jeremias dismisses any enunciation of the type “you are my / our father”
as manifesting a “personal address to God” because it represents “a state-
ment, and not a vocative.”4 Such enunciations are attested up to seven
times in the Hebrew Bible and at least twice in Deuterocanonical texts5
as well as in some form at least once at Qumran.6 It appears reductionistic
7 Another point of criticism is that Jeremias, without giving further reasons, disregards
the testimony of Diaspora Judaism, for which he curtly admits, “God was addressed as
πάτερ . . ., which followed the example of the Greek world” (Jeremias [1967, 27; German:
31]). Cf. Strotmann (1991, 13): “Das hellenistische Judentum scheidet er [Jeremias] per se,
das heißt: ohne Begründung aus, so dass auch Weish 14,3 keine Rolle spielt.” Cf. Tönges
(2003, 17), who points to Hellenistic influence on Palestine between Alexander the Great
and the composition of the Talmud.—In addition, Jeremias’s ideas about the vocative are
problematic, as has been shown in the heated discussion about the Aramaic form ’abba,
famously—but probably erroneously—deemed a vocative by Jeremias. For a critical evalu-
ation of Jeremias’s theses on ’abba, cf. Zeller (1981); Fitzmyer (1993); Feneberg (1988);
Barr (1988); Schlosser (1987); D’Angelo (1992); Vermes (1993, 152–183); Schelbert (2011,
17–34).
8 However, Strotmann (1991, 331–359), provides a detailed analysis of 1QHa 17 (Suk.
9) and 4Q504 1–2 iii 1–7.
9 These are discussed below, section 5.—Cf. Schuller (1992, 75–79); Fitzmyer (1993,
53); Vázquez Allegue (2000, 62–69); Puech (2001, 303–305.309); C. Zimmermann (2007,
58); Fabry (2011, 9).
10 So Schuller (1992), who provides a discussion of 4Q372 1 16 but references other
texts only very briefly. Vázquez Allegue (2000), apart from discussing 4Q372 and 4Q460,
provides some context on the notion of God in Qumran as well as on the “fatherhood”
of God in ancient Judaism in general and in the New Testament, but does not discuss
the Qumran evidence of God as “father” comprehensively (some texts are briefly listed
ibid. 62 n. 35). Vázquez Allegue reflects older scholarly views by speaking of the “monks”
(“monjes”) of Qumran who had “retired to the desert” to “build a monastery in the desert”
(ibid. 53f.).
11 This is true for Fitzmyer (1993); Puech, (2001); and C. Zimmermann (2007).
12 Fabry (2011).
13 Newsom (1996, 247): “It does appear . . . that the two columns of frg. 6 are part of the
same discourse.” Cf. the references to אלוהin 6 ii 2, אלהיםin 6 ii 3, and אדניin 6 ii 7.
14 Newsom (1996, 247).
15 For the reading cf. Newsom (1996, 276).
(line 6), and ( אלהיline 7). The Apocryphon of Joshua is a piece of “rewrit-
ten scripture” that, similar to the Book of Jubilees, belongs to a group of
writings that probably predate the yaḥad but show some afffijinities with its
literature. However, as 4Q175 (4QTest) 21–30 arguably suggests, it was read
and considered authoritative within the yaḥad.16
In 4Q448 (4QApocryphal Psalm and Prayer), another text unlikely to
have been composed within the yaḥad,17 we might fijind the phrase “you
loved as a fat[her” (col. i, line 2; )אהבת ֯כ ֯א]ב
֯ shortly after the beginning
of the psalm that is marked with “Praise the Lord, a Psal[m, song of . . .].”
The editor of this part of the manuscript, Esther Eshel, writes that “[i]
f the reconstruction is correct, the text probably refers to God’s love for
Israel.”18 God’s love for Israel as his ‘son’ is Scripturally anchored: Hos 11:1
is a good example. However, Eshel’s reading is contested by others. Thus,
Émile Puech reads the fijirst two letters of the second word as bet and ḥet
and states that the word is “à completer sans doute” בח]סדך, yielding
“ אהבת בח]סדךtu aimes dans ta fa[veur . . .]”.19 The forms of some letters
are somewhat diffferent in col. i than in cols ii–iii, which may point to dif-
ferent scribes, although the editors state that “this cannot be determined
with certainty, even after careful examination of the diffferent letter forms.”20
At any rate, it is advisable to focus on col. i for comparative purposes. On
the best available photographs of the fragment, the fijirst of the two char-
acters in question appears to be more similar to other specimens of bet
16 Cf. Newsom (1996, 238f.): 4Q379 is not written in ‘Qumran scribal practice’ and may
not have been copied at Qumran, whereas 4Q378 shows the orthography typical of ‘Qum-
ran scribal practice’. I agree with the majority of scholars that 4Q175 21–30 quotes from
4Q379 22 ii 7–15, not vice versa; pace H. Eshel (1992); cf. my remarks in Doering (2005,
31f.).—This is not the place to engage in detailed discussion of whether it is preferable
to consider this group of texts “between sectarian and non-sectarian” or rather in a con-
tinuum with sectarian texts which held them to be authoritative. The former is argued by
Dimant (2005), the latter by García Martínez (2010, including responses and discussion).
I tend to side with Dimant that we need some diachronic Tiefenschärfe and therefore can-
not abandon grouping (and thereby distinguishing) clusters of texts but agree with García
Martínez that the Apocryphon of Joshua is excerpted along other authoritative (scriptural)
texts, thus is probably deemed authoritative by the author-scribe of 4Q175.
17 Cf. E. Eshel (1997, 415). But see Stegemann (1994, 187f.). According to Puech (1996a),
4Q448 ought to be dated to the second century BCE, during the time of the Hasmonaean
Jonathan.
18 E. Eshel (1997, 417) (on the respective share of each of the editors in the edition,
see ibid. 403 n. 1).
19 Puech (1996a, 250.256f.). Similarly García Martínez and Tigchelaar (2000,
928f.).
20 E. Eshel (1997, 405). In contrast, Stegemann (1994, 187), is convinced that cols ii–iii
were written by another hand.
than to kap in col. i.21 It also seems that Ada Yardeni, who prepared the
script charts, identifijied this letter as bet.22 There are no further specimens
of ḥet preserved in col. i. The bar of the second character indeed shows
some resemblance with the angled middle stroke of ’alep, but it does not
reach down quite as far and as angled as in other specimens of ’alep in this
column.23 The letter could well be a ḥet, although, in my view, certainty
is impossible here. What matters, however, is that this manuscript, in all
likelihood, does not speak of God as “father.”
In contrast, 4Q392 (4QWorks of God) is a somewhat more likely candi-
date for a statement comparing God to a father. This is a text for which
its editor, Daniel Falk, has cautiously argued sectarian provenance.24
The reading “[like a fa]ther” ( )]כא[בis not entirely certain and is largely
dependent on the correctness of the reading of the following word as
֯לבׁנ֯ ו.25 According to Falk’s reconstruction, some phrases relating to
God’s destructive and devouring activity (6–9 2–3a) are bracketed by
statements about his compassion (6–9 1, 3b–7). Within the latter, the
relevant restored passage26 runs as follows (6–9 4f.):
לאפ]רוחה אש[ר
֯ ( ]כא[ב לבׁנ֯ ו֯ ו֯ כצפור5) []ו[ב ֯א]רץ מדבר[ וצמאון] כלכלנו
֯
]אשר לא
֯ לקנה נפ]וצותינו קב[ץ
And in a l[and of desert] and parched ground[ he sustained us] (5) [like a
fat]her to his son, and like a bird to the you[ng o]f its nest, [he gath]ered
[our] dis[persed ones], which [ ]
In what may be taken as a chiastic statement, two comparisons of pater-
nal care are developed: God sustained his people in the wilderness like a
father his son; and he gathered the dispersed like a parent bird its young.
This second pairing of a parent and young corroborates the suggested
reading “like a father to his son.” The bird imagery seems to be continued
21 Cf. רביםin line 6 or בציוןin line 10, and cf. the long kap in משכנוin line 10. See PAM
43.545 (= B-284573) and now B-298276 (taken in January 2012) at http://www.deadseascrolls
.org.il/explore-the-archive/image/B-298276 (accessed 2 January 2013).
22 See Yardeni’s chart in E. Eshel (1997, 408). The middle bet under “Upper Columns”
appears to be a drawing of the character in i 2.
23 Ibid. Note especially the second and third ’alep from the right.
24 Cf. Falk (1999, 27), adduces the following: “stylistic, verbal, and thematic resem-
blance to the Hodayot, the requirement to examine human ways, a probable substitution
of אדוניfor the tetragrammaton . . ., and the term אורתם/ ( אורתוםfrg. 1 5) which appears
elsewhere only in sectarian texts (Hodayot, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifijice).”
25 Falk (1999, 38), states: “The ink traces at the end of the second word could fijit either
נוor ’alep.”
26 Falk (1999, 43), calls it a “conjectural reconstruction.”—I follow Falk’s translation
except for the rendition of ke- as “like” instead of “as.”
27 Cf. Falk (1999, 42): “Only the content suggests the plausibility that frg. 9 closely fol-
lows line 5, and the positioning is merely a guess.”
28 For the reading cf. Rey (2009, 186 n. 17). The editors (John Strugnell and Daniel
Harrington) consider this fragment not to be part of 4QInstruction: Strugnell et al.
(1999, 314).
29 T. Elgvin, in Strugnell et al. (1999, 524).
30 T. Elgvin allows that the second letter of the fijirst word could be bet, yielding “and
through / in a father’s mercy” (ibid.).
31 Cf. Strotmann (1991, 367–369), referring in particular to Tob 13:4 as highlighting
both pedagogy and mercy (cf. v. 5 [similarly in both G I and G II] μαστιγώσει . . . ἐλεήσει),
while in texts like Jub 1:24; 19:29; GLAE 32:2; 35:2; 37:4; Apocryphon of Ezechiel Frg. 2 (see
1 Clem 8:3; Clem. Alex., Paed. 1.10.91.2), punishment remains in the background and God’s
mercy is highlighted. As texts in which pedagogical guidance has preventive efffect, she
discusses 1QHa 17 (Suk. 9):29–36; 4Q504 1–2 iii 1–7 (see below); Wisd 11:10; 16:10, 21, 26; Sir
22:27–23:6.
32 4Q416 2 iii 16 reads: “ כי כאב לאיש כן אבׂיהׂו וכאדנים לגבר כן אמוAnd like <a father>
to a human, so is his father, and like the Lord to a man, so is his mother.” The parallel
text 4Q418 9a–c 17 reads “ כאלlike God,” so that the reading “like <a father>” is most likely
to be seen as a scribal error. There is no evidence for absolute (“ אבthe) Father” as divine
name—which would be required here—in the period under discussion. Cf. the detailed
argumentation in Rey (2009, 185f.), in response to Wold (2005, 149–160).
3. Statements of Adoption
33 See the chapter by J.T.A.G.M. van Ruiten.—English translations from Jubilees, as well
as the underlying Ge‘ez text, follow VanderKam (1989).
34 For the authoritative status of Jubilees “at Qumran” cf. the likely reference in CD
16:3–4 to the Book of Jubilees; pace Dimant (2006, 230–249). Cf. also the suggestion by
Shemesh (2009). For authority-conferring strategies in “biblical” and “non-biblical” texts
cf. Brooke (2005); for those in Jubilees in particular, cf. Najman (1999).
35 “I shall be a father to him, and he will be a son to me; when he commits iniquity I
shall reprove him with a rod of human beings and with blows of human beings.”
book within the yaḥad.36 This has been contested from diffferent method-
ological avenues.37 Another reference to Israel’s sonship—and, implicitly,
God’s fatherhood with respect to Israel—occurs in the context of Jubilees’
account of the election of Israel. According to Jub. 2:19, God’s resolution
to separate Israel amongst the nations dates to creation Sabbath and is
connected with Israel’s obligation to keep Sabbath with God and the two
highest classes of angels.38 By way of this exclusive election at the end of
creation week, Israel technically becomes God’s “fijirst-born son” amongst
the nations, a notion apparently developed from Exod 4:22f.39 As com-
pared with this rather circumstantial reference in Moses’ speech to Pha-
raoh demanding the release of the people, the position of the statement
appears more prominent and programmatic in Jubilees:
(Jub 2:20) I have chosen the descendants (ba-zar’a, lit.: “the seed”) of Jacob
among all of those whom I have seen. I have recorded them (Ge‘ez: sg.) as
my fijirst-born son and have sanctifijied them (Ge‘ez: sg.) for myself through-
out the ages of eternity. I will tell them about the sabbath days so that they
may keep sabbath from all work on them.
This idea of God’s “fijirst-born son” is taken up again in Jacob’s blessing
by Abraham. Again it is clear that “Jacob” is transparent for the people
of Israel. Despite the anchoring of Israel’s election in creation, the actual
election has to unfold successively in the narrative of Jubilees. Thus, Abra-
ham tells Rebecca that God “will choose him (sc. Jacob) as his own people”
(Jub 19:18). Similarly, Abraham issues the following wish, pointing at the
instantiation in Jacob and his descendants of Israel’s primordial election:
(Jub 19:29) May the Lord God become your father and you his fijirst-born son
and people for all time. Go in peace, my son.
36 Cf. Berner (2006, 239–254), revising the earlier thesis of G. Davenport. Berner attri-
butes the references concerning the eschatological temple (1:27f., parts of 1:29) to a later
layer and also considers 1:5–26 an insertion, albeit an earlier one. According to Berner,
both were added by the early yaḥad. The reference to “all the elect ones of Israel” (1:29) is
taken to reflect terminology similar to that of the yaḥad (e.g. 4Q174 1–2 i 19; ibid. 251f.) and
to shift the perspective from all Israel to a group within Israel (ibid. 253).
37 For the view that Jubilees is a largely uniform composition, cf. VanderKam (2008,
410–416). In contrast, Kugel (2012) holds an interpolator responsible for some 29 pas-
sages (ibid. 11.284–289), about whom he thinks he “may . . . be a Qumran predecessor” (ibid.
294). None of the passages, which according to Kugel reflect “the special language of the
Heavenly Tablets” (ibid. 227, a claim adopted from his pupil Liora Ravid), concerns the
sonship of Israel.
38 Cf. Doering (1997, 186f.).
39 Cf. Kugel (1998, 125f.). And see the discussion by van Ruiten in this volume.
The setting up of Israel as children in view of the nations and God’s call-
ing of Israel “my fijirst-born son” are also reflected in a further composition,
Dibre Ha-Me’orot. In 4Q504 (4QDibHama) 1–2 iii 2–7 we read:
]( רק בשמכה4) נחשב]ו[ לפני֯ כה
֯ ( כו֯ ל ֯הגוים] כא[י֯ ׂן נגדכ ׂ֯ה] כ[תהו֯ וֹ ו֯ אׂפס3) הן
(6) לﬠיני כול הגוים כיא קרתה֯ ( ̇שמתנו לכה5) ולכבודכה ברתנו ו֯ בנים ֯ הז[כרנׂו
֯
( ֯בנו7) ]לי[שראל בני בכורי ותיסרנו כיסר איש את
Behold (3) all the nations are[ like noth]ing in front of you,[ like] chaos and
nil are [they] reckoned before you. (4) Only your name have we[ invo]ked,
and to your glory you have created us. And as sons / children (5) you have
set us up for you in the sight all the nations. For you called (6) [I]srael “my
fijirst-born son,” and you have chastised us as a man chastises (7) his son.
Dibre Ha-Me’orot is a text providing prayers for the seven days of the
week. The present passage is a prayer that according to the studies of
Esther Chazon and Daniel Falk is assigned to Thursday. The text derives
from circles preceding the yaḥad, but the fact that copies of it were made
ca. 150 BCE (4Q504) and then again ca. 50 CE (4Q506) suggests that the
yaḥad had some continuing interest in this text.40 Line 1 of the fragment,
taken to show ]◦ ֯ ֯אביby Maurice Baillet, is probably to be read ֯אבו֯ ת]ינו
“[our] fathers” (so Émile Puech)41 and should therefore play no role in the
discussion about God as father. As in Jubilees, Israel’s “sonship” represents
her unique position as compared with the nations. The text carefully dis-
tinguishes between the “creation” (√ )בראof Israel to God’s “glory” and
her being “set up” (√ )שיםas his children in front of the nations. The lat-
ter is constituted by God’s “calling” (√ )קראof Israel “my fijirst-born son,”
which is clearly a speech act of adoption. The term “my fijirstborn son” (בני
)בכוריharks again back to Exod 4:22. Unlike Jubilees, however, the notion
of Israel as God’s “fijirst-born son” is coupled with the motif of divine cas-
tigation similar to that applied by a father to his son according to Deut
8:5.42 God’s chastising pedagogy aims at preventing Israel’s more severe
40 Cf. Chazon (1992, 17); and the judicious remarks about potential use of the text in
the yaḥad by Falk (1997, 62.88f.).
41 Puech (2001, 304). Contrast Strotmann (1991, 331f.), who however points to uncer-
tainties in Baillet’s reading and interpretation. On the image PAM 43.612 (= B-285391),
now available at http://www.deadseascrolls.org.il/explore-the-archive/image/B-285391
(accessed 11 January 2013), it looks as if a letter with a vertical stroke would indeed follow.
However, there are also traces of a horizontal stroke underneath the letter following bet,
for which Baillet had commented: “La base du beth est prolongée sous la lettre suivante,
qui est yod ou waw” (Baillet [1982, 142]).
42 Note the similar phraseology in Deut 8:5: ת־בּנׂוְ “ ַכּ ֲא ֶשׁר יְ יַ ֵסּר ִאישׁ ֶאas a man chastises
his son.” Cf. also in the address to an individual 2 Sam 7:14b and (in Greek) Wisd 11:10.
47 Puech (2001, 305), who now fijinds a positive, messianic interpretation “de préfér-
ence.” See the following note.
48 Puech (1996b).
49 Steudel (1996).
50 Cf. J. Zimmermann (1998, 134–138.161f.).
51 Cf. John J. Collins in A.Y. Collins and J.J. Collins (2008, 65–73). Collins here sug-
gests that “son of God” is an interpretation of “son of Man” in Dan 7, a term otherwise
conspicuously absent from 4Q246 despite its clear connections with Dan 7. For another
explanation of this absence (familiarity with a version of Dan 7 lacking verses 9f., 13f.) cf.
Stökl Ben Ezra (2010, 537).
52 So A.Y. Collins and J.J. Collins (2008, 72 n. 110).
53 Cf. Evans (1998); Philonenko (2001, 63–67); Xeravits (2003, 89–94); J. Zimmer-
mann (1998, 211–220 [nuanced]); Attridge and Strugnell (1994, 358), thinks that the
reference is probably “to more than one fijigure, perhaps a patriarch and an eschatological
counterpart.”
54 Kugel (1998, passim).
55 As summarised by Xeravits (2003, 93f.).
56 The translation and interpretation of בררתה לוas “you purifijied him” by Attridge
and Strugnell (1994, 357), is almost certainly wrong.
4. Statements of Identification
57 So Kugel (1998, 128), concluding from this that the “son” should be taken as “Israel.”
58 4Q542 1 i 4f.: “And now, my sons, be careful with the inheritance which has been
transmitted to you | and which your fathers have given you” (trans. García Martínez
and Tigchelaar [2000]).
59 It is often difffijicult to distinguish between these two concepts. I shall speak of “iden-
tifijication” when “father” is a predicative noun, thus, the weight of a statement is on iden-
tifying “God” with a “father” (perhaps also along other divine epitheta). In contrast, I shall
speak of “recognition” when “father” is the logical subject, thus, God is recognised as the
(true) “father.”
60 Cf. Baillet (1982, 81–105), suggesting a marriage ritual (for the palaeographical dat-
ing of the manuscript and the “caractère essénien de l’ouvrage,” cf. ibid. 81); Baumgarten
(1983); Satlow (1998).
61 Justly noted by Puech (2001, 304). The reconstruction follows Baillet (1982, 91).
62 Puech (2001, 304), notes: “Ce serait l’une des premières attestations esséniennes,
mais le contexte manque pour en dire plus, en dehors du fait qu’il peut s’agir d’une prière,
comparer précisément Tb 13:4 . . .” But the correspondence with this passage is even more
substantial.
63 The letter is very well visible on the photograph PAM 43.634 (= B-285413), now avail-
able at http://www.deadseascrolls.org.il/explore-the-archive/image/B-285413 (accessed
7 January 2013).
64 Cf. Fitzmyer (2003, 43) (“may well be an apocalyptic psalm . . .”). Some scholars have
used the eschatological signature of the text to argue that it was added later to the Book
of Tobit, but Fitzmyer (ibid. 43f.) refutes these claims and argues for the unity of the book.
Strotmann (1991, 29f.), discusses and accepts theories of literary growth within Tob 13:
vv. 1–6b (Rahlfs: vv. 2–7) were augmented by vv. 6c–8 (8–10a) and then vv. 9–18 (10b–18).
65 According to Fitzmyer (1995), 4Q196 dates from ca. 50 BCE (ibid. 7), while 4Q200 is
dated to between ca. 30 BCE and 20 CE (ibid. 63).
66 Cf. Baillet (1982, 81): “Les rapprochements avec le livre de Tobie sautent donc aux
yeux. (. . .) Il pourra être fructueux de serer ces rapprochements, don’t le plus frappant
jusqu’ici est l’allusion au première couple humain (Tob 86–7, cf. f. 1 3).” But contrast Satlow
(1998, 59): “The parallels to the book of Tobit are too vague to be useful (. . .).”
The signifijicance of Tob 13:4 and its co-text for the notion of God as
“father” has recently been brought into appropriate relief by Angelika
Strotmann, who has argued at length that this text reinterprets the father-
hood of God in terms of an exclusive, personal relationship between God
and Israel, shaping it by the dual aspects of “pedagogy” and God’s “unfail-
ing faithfulness” and opening God’s fatherhood beyond the focus on the
Davidic dynasty (2 Sam 7:14) to all Israelites (cf. Deut 30:1–10 and 32:1–
43).67 However, Strotmann was still unaware of the precise readings of
the Hebrew and Aramaic fragments from Qumran on this passage.68 In
contrast to both G I and G II, these Hebrew and Aramaic fragments deploy
sufffijixes of the second person plural (partially reconstructed): “your Lord,”
“your God” and thus very likely also “your father.” It is thus probably spe-
cifijically the Israelites in exile who are assured of God as their “father.” The
Greek recensions would have later broadened the view to encompass all
of the people.69
It is unclear whether we ought to assume, similarly, a second-person
plural sufffijix in 4Q502 or rather a fijirst-person plural one, as reconstructed
by Baillet; the text may elsewhere take a fijirst-person plural perspective of
the speaker.70 In sum, read in light of the Tobit passage, our fragment iden-
tifijies God as “our (or perhaps: your) father” in the context of his praises
“before71 all living beings,” that is, among the nations. Whether the other
notions typically associated with the Tobit passage, that is, God’s castigat-
ing and merciful pedagogy and his faithfulness,72 play any role cannot be
decided due to the fragmentary state of the text. If the sufffijix were indeed
in the fijirst person plural, further intertexts might have been Isa 63:16 and
64:7, where God’s mercy and faithfulness dominate over his pedagogy.73
Despite many open questions, this brief reference in 4Q502 suggests
important connections between (probably) yaḥadic “Qumran” texts and
other Second Temple literature on the issue of God’s fatherhood.
74 Text and translation (the latter with slight adjustments) according to Stegemann
and Schuller (2009, 227.233).
75 The translation in Stegemann and Schuller (2009, 233), has “as.”
76 Cf. Stegemann and Schuller (2009, 228). Cf. Puech (2001, 305 with n. 14), who
connects this classifijication to an autobiographical interpretation of the psalm: accord-
ing to Puech, the Teacher may have been the son of Onias III (i.e. Simon III), who was a
child when his father was murdered in 171/70 BCE and consequently grew up fatherless.
This seems to me hardly a promising avenue for the interpretation of the text, which also
speaks of the speaker’s mother having abandoned him. In my view, these are rather generic
statements about the limits of human parents.
“father”77 and “mother” (or her relevant body parts) are mentioned with
reference to the very fijirst stages of the psalmist’s life thus sustained. In
addition, line 31 mentions the “nurse” or “foster-mother” ()אומנתי, very
likely a fijigure distinct from the natural mother, through which, according
to the reconstruction of Stegemann and Schuller, the speaker experienced
God’s “kindness.”78 Yet, as becomes clear in lines 34b–35a, the speaker’s
natural father and mother have failed: “For | my father did not acknowl-
edge me, and my mother abandoned me to you.” This forms a contrast
with God’s knowledge and care from birth, a contrast similar to Ps 27:10
(cf. also Isa 63:16).
Lines 35b–36 then present something like a coda to this section and to
the entire psalm.79 It is a tristichos featuring three parental fijigures: “father”
()אב, “parturient / mother with young child” ()מרחמת, and “foster-father”
()אומן: “for you are a father to all the children of your truth and you rejoice
| over them like a parturient who loves her nursing child, and like a foster-
father you sustain all your creatures in (your) bosom.” The wording of
the tristichos appears carefully balanced and contains two asymmetries:
(1) While “parturient” and “foster-father” are used in the comparative
mode, “father” appears in an identifying statement. (2) The fijirst two stichoi
both concern “all the children of truth,” whereas the third relates to “all
your creatures.” Thus, the fijirst two stichoi belong closer together than the
third. The section clearly implies a restriction of God’s fatherhood in the
full sense to this particular group, as which the members of the yaḥad
will have seen themselves.80 Only over them, God also rejoices “like” a
young mother over her nursing child. Thus, God here takes on maternal
traces, perhaps with echoes of passages like Isa 49:14f.,81 though the poet
shies away from an outright identifijication of God as “mother.” Regarding
all his (other) “creatures,”82 God appears as the sustainer and nourisher,
77 I prefer the temporal rendering in Stegemann and Schuller (2009) over Puech’s
“plus qu’un père” (Puech [2001, 306]) because of the parallel with the implicitly temporal
statements that follow.
78 Discussion in Stegemann and Schuller (2009, 231). Puech restores and translates
“de [ma] sécuri[té] Tu as [pris soin]” (Puech [2001, 306]).
79 Thus Strotmann (1991, 344f.).
80 Cf. Strotmann (1991, 346–357); Puech (2001, 306): “Dieu est avant tout un Père pour
tous ses fijils fijidèles.”
81 Cf. Strotmann (1991, 348f.).
82 For a diffferent view, cf. Feldmeier and Spieckermann (2011, 64), who limit the
remit of “all your creatures” to the members of the community as well: “ ‘Alle deine
Geschöpfe’, die hier Gottes Vaterschaft erfahren, sind allein ‘alle Söhne deiner Wahrheit’.”
But this does not take account of the syntactical independence of the third stichos and
of the specifijic term used (“foster-father”). It seems also difffijicult to narrow God’s work of
creation to the members of the community only. In contrast, the distinction between “all
the children of your truth” and “all your creatures” is afffijirmed by Strotmann (1991, 355);
Puech (2001, 306).
83 Cf. 1QHa 15:24f. (Suk. 7:21f.) (in parallel with “father” and [perhaps] “mother” [see for
the possible reconstruction Stegemann and Schuller (2009, 207)]); CD 11:11 (taking up
the phraseology of Num 11:12b); cf. Doering (1999, 188f.). Cf. also Ruth 4:16 (here fem.),
which Strotmann (1991, 353), thinks may also have influenced the wording here.
84 Cf. esp. line 34 תכלכלניwith line 36 תכלכל.
85 Fabry (2011, 9).
86 Cf. Shemesh (1997).
87 Cf. Alexander (1997, 321): the text represented by 4Q510–511 is “probably a sectar-
ian composition.” Alexander points generally to the “siege mentality of sectarianism” pal-
pable in the text, and more specifijically to “some of the distinctive language of the Qumran
group,” such as “sons of light” (4Q510 1 7), “men of the covenant” (4Q511 63–64 ii 5), and
“the designation of the spiritual leader of the sect as ‘Maskil.’ ”
our father,” similar to Isa 63:16. This composition deploys both third-person
and second-person references to God, so either would be possible here. A
further option would be a direct invocation “O our father,” which would
be the oldest of its kind with a fijirst-person plural sufffijix88 and would con-
nect this fragment—despite the number of the sufffijix—with the following
group of references, which are direct invocations in prayer. It is perhaps
signifijicant that the following line shows the phrase ( ל[ו̊ א תכיר4Q511 127 2;
3rd pers. fem. or 2nd pers. sg.?), for which one might compare וְ יִ ְשׂ ָר ֵאל לׂא
“ יַ ִכּ ָירנוּand Israel does not acknowledge us,” which in Isaiah 63:16 imme-
diately precedes the statement “you are our father.”
88 But cf., in Greek, 1 Chr 29:10 LXX: εὐλογητὸς εἶ κύριε ὁ θεὸς Ισραηλ ὁ πατὴρ ἡμῶν ἀπὸ
τοῦ αἰῶνος καὶ ἕως τοῦ αἰῶνος “Blessed are you, Lord God of Israel, our father from age unto
even age” (so NETS; whereas MT is usually taken to say, “God of our ancestor Israel” [so
NRSV]).
89 Schuller and Bernstein (2001, 171 [fijirst quotation], 172 [second quotation]).
90 Popović (2010, 90). Cf. Bernstein (2003).
91 The psalm continues at least until line 31. Text and translation follow Schuller and
Bernstein (2001, 167–169).
the deity that he is “a God great, holy, mighty, and majestic, awesome and
marvellous” (] ;אל גדול קדוש גבור ואדיר נורא ונפלאline 29). In the nar-
rative passage, God is referred to as “Most High” ( ;עליוןline 4), “my God”
( ;אלהיline 8), “God” ( ;אלline 9) and “mighty God” ( ;אל גבורline 16). The
form אלהיin line 8 occurs in the phrase “ ואת הר אלהיand the mountain
of my God” within a statement that looks like a combination of Ps 79:1
and Mic 3:12; it is possible that the sufffijix here does not have strictly per-
sonal force and that the expression replaces the tetragrammaton here.94
In short, the address “my father and my God,” the immediate connection
with non-abandonment and salvation notwithstanding, is set in a wider
context of divine epithets that emphasise God’s might and greatness. The
two aspects are not mutually exclusive but complement one another.
The manuscript is palaeographically dated to ca. 50 BCE. It has been
written with a “conservative” orthography, that is, retaining defective
spelling and short forms of pronouns.95 In turn, the composition does not
show any “sectarian” features and may thus be taken as belonging to “the
category of non-Qumranic, noncanonical psalms from the Persian-Helle-
nistic period which have come to light in various manuscripts from the
Qumran caves.”96 This places it in some temporal proximity to Ben Sira,
where two passages are relevant. The fijirst one is Sir 51:1 (Hebrew Ms. B):
אלהי אבי אספרה שמך מﬠוז חיי97 א]ו[דיך:אהללך אלהי ישﬠי
I shall praise you, my God, my salvation (or: God of my salvation). I shall
give thanks to you, my God, my father (or: God of my father). I shall spread
your name, stronghold of my life.
instance of the invocation of God as “my father,” here: “YHWH, my God and my father.”
This would be relevant for comparison with Sir 51:1 (see below). However, the syntax,
particularly concerning the small word ending in fijinal kap or nun might be problem-
atic, and whether the baseline could come from lamed (which tends to hang higher in
the line and not to protrude into fijinal kap, see ̊אהללךon the same line) is doubtful. The
photograph (= B-283960) is now available at http://www.deadseascrolls.org.il/explore-the-
archive/image/B-283960 (accessed 11 January 2013).
94 So Stegemann (1978, 208); Schuller and Bernstein (2001, 173f.). Cf. 1Q22 (=1QDM)
2:1, 6.
95 Cf. Schuller and Bernstein (2001, 165–167).
96 Schuller (1992, 70).
97 The edition of the Historical Dictionary of the Hebrew Language reads א]ו[דיך, plac-
ing a stroke over dalet to indicate a damaged letter (The Book of Ben Sira: Text, Concor-
dance and an Analysis of the Vocabulary, Jerusalem, 1973).
98 So e.g. Jeremias (1967, 28 n. 69; German: 32 n. 69), assuming intertextual references
to Ps 18:46 (“God of my salvation”) and Ex 15:2 (“God of my father”); also Strotmann (1991,
85) (because of the parallelism with the construct )מעוז חיי.
99 So e.g. Puech (2001, 293f.), for whom the occurrence of freestanding “ אביmy father”
in Sir 51:10 is decisive; see below.
100 The superiority of the Greek (and Syriac) reading over the Hebrew one, claimed by
some scholars, is contested by Strotmann (1991, 84).
101 And cf. also the possible reading of 4Q372 1 26 mentioned above, n. 93.
102 Cf. Strotmann (1991, 87f.); Philonenko (2001, 61f.).
103 Cf. Strotmann (1991, 83). Cf. also Sir 23:1, 4 κύριε πάτερ καὶ δέσποτα ζωῆς μου and
κύριε πάτερ καὶ θεὲ ζωῆς μου, respectively. However, some scholars have proposed a Hebrew
original of “ אל אביGod of my father” here, as preserved in a late prosodic paraphrase of
the passage (Ms. Adler 3053); cf. Jeremias (1967, 28f.; German: 32). Contrast the proposals
for retroversion into Hebrew for these verses in Puech (2001, 292f.).
between this text and the Apocryphon of Joshua (4Q378–379) and also
4Q372, evident in the alternation of narrative and “substantial amounts
of psalmodic material.”104 Due to the absence of “sectarian” terminology,
the use of waw-consecutive imperfect and at least one instance of the
employment of the tetragrammaton, Larson considers “a non-sectarian or
pre-sectarian origin” of the composition likely.105 4Q460 9 i 2–6, followed
by a vacat and apparently a change in address in the subsequent section
of the text, represents the conclusion of what appears to be a prayer:106
[כהׁ ׁולפניכה אפחד כיא כפח ׁ̊ד ̊א ̊לו̊ ̊הים זממ]ת[ ̊י
̊ (2)
[ׂל] [ׂלמהומה בישראל ולשﬠרוריה באפרים (3)
ה[ארׁצ אשמות למרום ﬠליון כיא לדור ̊ מלאה (4)
כ[י̊ א לוא אתה ﬠזבתה לﬠבדכה (5)
vacat [ אבי ואדוני (6)
(2) ]you and before you I will tremble for according to the terror of God
[I] have planned (3) ]for confusion in Israel and for something horrible in
Ephraim (4) . . . the] land [was full] of guilt to the highest height because
for a generation (5) . . . f]or you have not abandoned your servant (6) ] my
father and my Lord. vacat
The identity of the speaker is unclear. In light of other fragments of this
manuscript it might be one of the patriarchs, for example, Judah (cf. 7 5).
This name, however, could also be taken to refer to the kingdom of Judah,
“in which case the prayers and addresses would be uttered by some king(s)
or perhaps even a prophet.”107 The charge against Israel and Ephraim in
lines 3f. might support the second alternative. The present prayer ends on
a note of thanksgiving for experienced preservation. The psalmist styles
himself “your servant” and ends his prayer (with unclear syntax due to a
lacuna) on the invocation “my father and my Lord.” The semantic fijield
evoked in the context deals yet once more with non-abandonment (לוא אתה
;עזבתהline 5) in the midst of confusion and horror, here amongst Israel
and Ephraim ( ;לׁמהומה בישראל ולשﬠרוריה באפריםline 3).
A brief remark should be reserved for the phrase אבי ואדוני. As the edi-
tor states, it is not clear whether the second term should be understood
as ’adônî or as ’adônây.108 At any rate, the coordinating conjunction we-
ought to be noted which suggests to me that the sufffijix with the second
term, as with the fijirst one, should be taken as a “real” personal sufffijix: “my
Lord.” The phrase “my father and my lord” is also used in the address of
natural fathers, as attested in Aramaic by 1QapGen 2:24, where Methuse-
lah addresses his father Enoch: יא אבי ויא מרי. This would point to the
application of a conventional address to God and thus not suggest that
אדוניis a reverential replacement of YHWH here (’adônây). This is con-
sonant with the overall evidence in Qumran texts: while אדוניis attested
as a replacement for the tetragrammaton, “free” use of אדוניis found
particularly in prayer addressed to God, so that it can be concluded that
“zumindest einzelne Autoren das יin אדניnoch zu dieser Zeit als Sufffijix
aufffassen konnten.”109
6. Summary
Overall, the use of “father” for God is sparsely attested in the texts from
Qumran. As in other texts from the Second Temple period, “father” in
the texts reviewed here is often used in the context of other, much more
prominent divine epithets such as עליון, (אלהי)ם, אלוה, אל, אדני, or יהוה,
sometimes forming series.110 Text-pragmatically, the Qumran evidence
variously echoes the use of “father” for God in the Hebrew Bible and other
Second Temple texts in statements of comparison, adoption, and identi-
fijication. The two examples of the direct invocation “my father” provide
valuable insights into what might have been a more widespread form of
addressing God. They continue enunciations like those in Ps 89:27 and
Sir 51:10 and provide a Palestinian, Hebrew counterpart to the invocation
“father” in Greek Jewish texts.111
Many of the specimens reviewed here come from texts that were not
composed within the yaḥad. While some of these texts may have little
demonstrable connection with the yaḥad, apart from the fact that they
were deposited in Qumran Cave 4, others, like the Joshua Apocryphon or
109 Rösel (2000, 206–221, quotation: 220). However, the line between “real” and “for-
mulaic” יcan be very fijine: see the possible use of אלוהיin lieu of the tetragrammaton,
above, n. 94.
110 For the texts discussed here, see 4Q372 1 4: ;עליון8, 25: ( אלהיfor line 8 see above, at
n. 94); 9: ;אל16: ;אל גבור26: ;יהוה אלהי29: ;אל גדול קדוש גבור ואדיר נורא ונפלא4Q378 6 ii
2: ;אלוה3: ;אלהים7: ;אדני4Q379 18 4: ;אדנ]ינ[ו5: ;אלוה6: ;עליון7: ;אלהי4Q460 9 i 2: ;אלהים
8 (cf. 10): ;אלהיכה10: יהוה.
111 3 Macc 6:3; Wisd 14:3; Apocryphon of Ezekiel Frg. 2 (1 Clem 8:3; Clem. Alex., Paed.
1.10.91.2). Note that here absolute πάτερ is used (and see above, n. 7). Cf. C. Zimmermann
(2007, 58).
Dibre Ha-me’orot, were well received by the yaḥad and share some aspects
of its outlook. This would caution against too sharp a distinction between
“sectarian” and “non-sectarian” use of “father.” It is true that in the yaḥadic
texts there is a tendency to limit God’s fatherhood to the pious ones, prob-
ably the yaḥad proper (see 1QHa 17:35f.; cf. perhaps 4Q392 6–9). But also
a non- (or pre-) yaḥadic text such as that represented by 4Q460 uses the
father-son relation probably with respect to a negative event in Israel and
Ephraim, thus limiting it to a group smaller than Israel. Even Hebrew and
Aramaic Tobit as attested for Tob 13:4 among the Qumran fragments has
the exiles rather than all of Israel in view when it speaks of God’s father-
hood. Diffferences in emphasis can be perceived, but they represent ends
of a spectrum rather than hard and fast alternatives.
With these observations, we have begun to address the identity of the
“children” for whom God is a “father.” Since the paternal relationship is
reciprocal, it is crucial to establish with respect to whom God is predi-
cated as “father.”112 In addition to groups smaller than Israel that have
already been mentioned (e.g. the exiles, the yaḥad), three further types of
“children” of God emerge in the Dead Sea Scrolls. First, as the statements
of adoption show, there is an application of the scripturally grounded
idea of divine adoption (cf. 2 Sam 7:14) to an individual eschatological,
messianic fijigure (4Q174 1–2 i 11 and probably further texts: 4Q246 1 ii 1;
4Q369 1 ii 5–10). Second, there is the extension of the notion of adoption
to the entire people of Israel (Jub. 1:24f., 28; 4Q382 104 1–4, looking to
the future) as well as the recording of Israel as God’s “fijirst-born son” (cf.
already Exod 4:22f.; then Jub. 2:20, tied with creation Sabbath; 19:29, reali-
sation in Jacob and his descendants), partly used in contrasting Israel and
the nations (4Q504 1–2 iii 2–7). This contrast is also present in texts that
do not feature adoption (e.g. 4Q372 1 15–19; 4Q502 39 2f. [?]). The act of
adoption is carefully distinguished from the “creation” of Israel and is typi-
cally expressed by verbs such as “ שיםset up” (4Q369 1 ii 6; 4Q504 1–2 iii 5).
In 4Q246 the protagonist “will be called” (“ )יתאמרson of God” (which
might be taken as divine passive), but human beings, too, will “name” him
(“ )יקרונהson of the Most High (or: most high son).” Third, in contrast to
the father-son relationship with either Israel or a messianic fijigure, the two
direct invocations in prayer are formulated from the perspective of an
112 This has been emphasised for the interpretation of the father metaphor in the
Hebrew Bible and the New Testament: Böckler (2002, 394); C. Zimmermann (2007, 51
[with further literature]).
individual speaker: “My father and my God” and “My father and my Lord,”
respectively. They attest to the use of such invocations both in petitionary
prayer (4Q372 1 16) and—apparently—in thanksgiving (4Q460 9 i 6).
The semantic fijields in which associations of God with a “father” occur
are equally important. First, a number of texts emphasise sustenance and
support provided by God (1QHa 17 [Suk. 9]:29–36; 4Q369 1 ii 8; 4Q392 6–9
4f. [restored]). Second, several texts highlight mercy, kindness or forgive-
ness (cf. 4Q423 7 3 “like a father’s mercy”; 1QHa 17 [Suk. 9]:29–36; 4Q372
1 19). A third important semantic fijield is rescue from enemies and non-
abandonment (cf. 4Q382 104 4; 4Q372 1 16; 4Q460 9 i 5f.). Fourthly, the
themes of pedagogy, rebuke and castigation play a role in a few texts
(4Q504 1–2 iii 5–7; 1QHa 17 [Suk. 9]:33; cf. the explanation of “your good
judgments” and the passing on of “righteous rules” in 4Q369 1 ii 5, 10). Fur-
ther, there are individual semantic fijields peculiar to some texts by which
an aspect of the notion of “father” is expressed: trust (4Q379 18 3f.), God’s
rule over Israel (4Q382 104 3) and the keeping of the commandments (esp.
Jub 1:24f.; 2:20) as well as the covenant (cf. 4Q382 104 1). The emphasis
varies across the texts, and 1QHa 17 seems to diffferentiate between God’s
parenthood over his faithful, in which forgiveness and pedagogy domi-
nate, and his foster-father relationship with all creatures, where general
sustenance is at stake.
In sum, God’s “fatherhood” is not a major theme in the texts from Qum-
ran. It needs to be related to other, quantitatively more prevalent modes
of speaking about God. At the same time, it does have its distinct place
in this context. In addition, the evidence for God as “father” at Qumran is
qualitatively important in a number of respects. In its semantic and prag-
matic features, therefore, it enriches and nuances the profijile provided by
other relevant texts within Second Temple Judaism.113
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