1

WOMEN IN BUDDHISM

Women comprise two of the fourfold assembly (catuparisā) of disciples of the

Buddha. These two, viz. the bhikkhuṇīs, the nuns, and the upāsikās, the female lay followers,
are described appreciatively almost in identical terms as their male counterparts, the bhikkhus
and the upāsakas, by the Buddha in a Digha Nikāya (III.l25 f) discourse seems to have been
delivered close to his demise. In it the Buddha describes his senior (therī) nuns in the
following terms; “And senior sisters now are there, Cunda disciples of mine, wise and well
trained, ready and learned, who have won the peace of the Arahant, who are able to propagate
the good norm, who, when others start opposed doctrines, easy to confute by the truth, will be
able in confuting it to teach the Norm and its saving grace. 1 There are also, says the Buddha,
nuns of middle age (majjhimā) and newly ordained ones ( navakā ) similarly qualified. Of the
female lay devotees there are two grades, viz “White ladfemale lay disciples living the pure
life” (brahmacāriniyo) and white-clad female lay disciples, enjoyers of sense pleasures”
(kāmabhoginiyo). In the Mahāparinibbāna Sutta (ibid. II. l05f), Māra is said to have drawn
the attention of the Buddha, who was advanced in years, of a statement he is supposed to
have made on an earlier occasion about the time of his passing away. He is said to have stated
that his passing away will take place only when his fourfold assembly of disciples have
reached a certain high standard of development. They have now reached that standard and,
hence, says Māra, the time for his passing away has come. Here, by the words attributed to
the Buddha, both the bhikkhuni and the upāsikās are described in identical terms as the
monks and the male lay followers.” The brethren and sisters of the Order and the lay disciples
of either sex have become true hearers (sāvakā), wise and well trained, ready and learned,
carrying the doctrinal books in their memory, masters of the lesser corollaries that follow
from the larger doctrines, correct in life, walking according to the precepts - and they, having
thus themselves learned the doctrines shall be. able to tell others of it, preach it, make it
known, establish it open it, minutely explain it and make it clear – until they, when others
start vain doctrines, easy to be refuted by the truth, shall be able in refuting it, to spread the
wonder – working truth abroad.”2 This assessment of his female disciples attributed to the
Buddha in the closing period of his career shows, if not anything else, the esteem with which
they were held by the early custodians of the Buddhist scriptures, who undoubtedly were, by
and large, Buddhist monks.

1
Dialogues of the Buddha, III. 118 (given in abridged form)
2
ibid.II.1 12
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In confirmation of this assessment of the place given to female disciples in the early
Buddhist tradition one can also cite the Mahāvacchagotta Sutta of the. Majjhima Nikāya (1 .
490f.) which refers to the numerical strength of the spiritually advanced female disciples of
the Buddha during his life time. Here, queried by Vacchagotta, the wandering ascetic, the
Buddha vouch that the number of his disciple nuns, who have “by the destruction of cankers;
having here and now realized by their own super-knowledge the freedom of mind and the
freedom through intuitive wisdom that are cankerless, entering on them and abiding in them”3
may exceed even a five hundred. What is important here is the number given for monks with
similar attainments is the same. Speaking of his white-clad female lay followers, who have
destroyed the five lower fetters, are followers of the pure life (brahmacariya), liable to
spontaneous birth after death and attain nibbāna in that world and, therefore, not liable to
return from that world, the Buddha says the number could again exceed five hundred. Similar
numbers are given of lay followers of both sexes, who, as enjoyers of sense pleasures are of a
lower status spiritually, but are “doers of instructions, who accept exhortation, who have
crossed over doubt and perplexity, fare in the teacher’s instruction, won to conviction and are
not relying on others”. While the former is a reference to non-returners (anāgāmins) this
could be a reference to stream-winners (sotāpannas). All these instances show the esteem
with which female disciples were held in the early Buddhist tradition as recorded in canonical
Pali literature. But with all this evidence from the early Buddhist tradition for an almost equal
status given spiritually to female disciples with their male counter sparts, various scholars
have, quoting other instances, either misread or misinterpreted or disregarding the context
and the socio-religious atmosphere in which these instances are located; try to throw doubts
on the important place given to women in Buddhism.

Origin of the Woman

The Buddhist myth of origin in the Aggañña Sutta (D. III. 84 ff) traces back the origin
of gender differences among human beings to the primordial human society of the present
world-cycle. As the new earth started to form on the surface of the ocean at the beginning of
the world-cycle, beings passing away in the Ābhassara world were reborn spontaneously on
the newly emerging earth, which was still not completely out of water. As such the first set of
beings, not yet given a specific designation, moved about in the atmosphere. They were
asexual, had mind-made bodies, were self-luminous and were nourished simply by joy (pīti)

3
Middle Length Sayings,II 169.
3

alone like the Ābhassara Devas. As the earth started to dry up, they descended on to it and
took their first material nourishment, the essence of the earth (rasa-paṭhavi) which caused the
disappearance of their luminosity and the solidification of their bodies. With the gradual
appearance of vegetation, their eating habits also changed from the fine to coarser and coarser
materials. First mushroom and then badälatā creepers and, finally wild rice became their
food. Taking coarser and coarser food of their bodies also became coarser and differences in
complexion appeared among them. It was when they had adopted wild uncooked rice as their
staple diet that gender differences first started to appear in these asexual beings with the
development of distinctive female and male features in them. Thus both man and woman
originated from the same stock of primordial beings. Adopting the same description of the
appearance of the four castes given in the discourse (ibid 93), we could say justifiably that
Buddhists believed the woman to have originated “from among those very beings and no
others, like unto themselves and not unlike” as the male ofthe species. It is quite clear that
Buddhists, as in the case ofthe four castes (ibid 97) regarded females qualitied as the males
for spiritual development and final emancipation. Therefore, if any differences between these
two sectors of humanity were pointed out they are not to be regarded as inherent, or due to a
punishment imposed by the fiat of a creator god, but caused mainly through various external
factors.

Significantly the Buddhist myth also gives importance to the origin of sexual contact
between the hum male and female. As the gender differences emerged, the male and the
female developed an urge to contemplate each other closely, giving rise to passion and a
burning sensation in their bodies, finally giving way to their lusts. Here the urge to
contemplate each other is mutual. It is not the woman seducing the man. It is also the
spontaneous (opapāta) birth system giving way to the viviparous birth (jalābuja). It is the
Buddhist mythical presentation of what is accepted as the process devised by nature for the
continuity and preservation of the human species. In fact, not only the physical features,
including the external appearance, peculiar to the two genders and various mannerisms, and
what may be temed the wiles peculiar to the male and the female, could be devices of nature
to attract a male to the female and vice versa. The Buddha says that he sees no other form
(rūpa), sound (sadda), scent (gandha), savour (rasa) or touh (poṭṭhabba) by which a man’s
heart is so enslaved as it is by those of a woman. Then he adds that it is the same with regard
to a man’s form etc. to a woman. It is mutual (A. l. lf.). Contact between a man and a woman
finally leads to the generation of a new life. It is the natural order of things. But the Buddha
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calls the path he has discovered a swim against the current of a stream’ (paṭisotagāmi) which
leads to the end of the process of rebirth. Probably this is why some of his contemporary
religious teachers called him ‘a destroyer of life’ (bhunāhu) (M. I. 502). At first the Buddha
himself was reluctant to make known his dhamma to others because he was aware of the
human nature which would make it difficult for the common man of either sex to
comprehend it and follow it.

Māra, the Evil One, who personifies, in Buddhism, the process ofsa saṃsāra and all
the obstructions of the way to the ending of saṃsāra, is also called ‘the lord of the sphere of
sensual pleasures’ (Kāmāvacarissara). After all his attempts at preventing the ascetic Gotama
from realising his goal failed, Māra is represented as admonishing the Buddha that, if he has
recognized a safe path to the deathless, he should follow it alone without trying to instruct
others. But the Buddha rejects Māra’s advice. He would instruct any one who wishes to know
the way beyond to the land of the deathless ( S. l . l 23). Women are sometimes represented
as a snare of Māra (mārapāsa) as they can very easily lead the heedless monks away from
their religious goals (A.III.68). The discourses in the Bhikkhunī Saṃyutta (ibid. l28ff.), on the
other hand, show how Mara attempts unsuccessfully to disturb the mental peace achieved by
a number of bhikkhunīs.

Probably what is represented here symbolically as acts of Māra are references to

actual problems Buddhist nuns had to face from pleasure – seeking males. In fact the nun
Uppalavaṇṇā is asked by Māra whether she tears not sedusers (dhuttakā). “No, not even a
hundred thousand sedusers can frighten me” retorts the nun (Thig.231). The verses of Therī
Subhā illustrate how nuns were harassed by young sedusers (Thig. 367 ff.). Thus women are a
danger to the pure life of monks, men are a danger to that of nuns. The Buddha had to
prohibit nuns from living in forests as they were liable to be raped by unscrupulous men
(Vin.II.278).

Place of Women in Society and her Duties

Prof Dheerasekera4 has drawn attention to the grossly unfair criticism of Buddhism by certain
modem scholars who have misrepresented the Buddha as having devoted very little attention
to the duties and ideals of lay women or that he showed indifference to or contempt of
women. For instance, speaking of Buddhism and Jainism, Altekar says, “Both these were
4
Dheerasekera,Jotiya, Buddhist Monastic Discipline, M.D (printers) Ltd,Colombo 1982, p.138.
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ascetic religions, and they have not devoted much attention, and they have not devoted much
attention to the duties and ideals of lay women. The founders and leaders of both these
movements showed indifference to, or contempt of women, which is almost universal among
the advocates of the ascetic ideal”.

Obviously this scholar has either paid scant attention to the discourses where the
duties of women have been highlighted or misunderstood, those where weaknesses of women
and dangers to the life of monks that could come from too close an association with women,
are shown. It is a misnomer to say the Buddha held women in contempt for he has quite
clearly accepted their spiritual capabilities and the height they can reach in society.
Repudiating the contempt in which the non- ascetic brahamins held women, the Buddha once
told king Pasenadi Kosala, who was agitated by the news of the birth of a daughter to one of
his queens –

“A woman child, O lord of men, may prove

Even a better offspring than a male.

For she may grow up wise and virtuous,

Her husband’s mother rev’rencing, true wife.

The boy that she may bear may do great deeds

And rule great realms, yea,such a son

Of noble wife becomes his country’s guide5

Here the Buddhist ideals of woman as a mother and wife are succinctly introduced. A
woman holds a dignified place in the household and therefore in society, where she has to
play a very important role. As a faithful wife she attends to the comforts of his husband and
begets children and, a loving mother, raises and guides her children in their formative years.
A mother’s love for her single child is always held up by the Buddha in illustrating the ideal
of loving kindness (mettā) that one should cultivate for all beings. Mother, together with
father, is compared to Brahma, the creator God of Brahmanism. They are the first teachers
(pubbācariyā) of a child, worthy of their children’s gifts (āhuneyyā) and, they have
5
Kindred Sayings, I, p.11.
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compassion for their progeny (A.II.70). Charity, kind words, beneficial acts and equality in
treatment are the four acts of sympathy (sagahavatthūni) which, like a lynchpin of a car,
bind-together the parents with their children. Lacking in them a mother would not be
respected merely for her motherhood and similarly a father for his fatherhood (ibid.32)

Mutual duties of parents and children and wife and husband are given in the
Sigālovāda Sutta (s.v). A husband and wife who abstain from killing, stealing, indulgence in
wrongful sense pleasures, lying and taking intoxicants which causes sloth, are virtuous, of a
lovely nature (kalyāṇadhammā). live the home life with a heart freed from stinginess and
does not abuse recluses and brahmins, are compared to a god (deva) living with a goddess
(devi). (A.II 57 ff.). In another instance the Buddha has given seven types of wives, three
with negative qualities and four with positive qualities, viz slayerlike, robberlike,
mistresslike, motherlike, sisterlike, companionlike and handmaidlike. The first three of these
display negative qualities while the last four have positive qualities (ibid.IV.91 ff.). In view
of the statements of some scholars like Altekar it is worth making a special note of the fact
that the Buddha expected a husband to treat his wife by ‘honoring’ (sammānanāya), by
‘respect’ (avimānanāya) and, by ‘handing over authority’ (issariya-vossaggena (D.III.190) to
her.

Ethical qualities the Buddha expected his lay disciples to cultivate and the moral
precepts he expected them to keep are common to both males and females. For instance the
observation of the five precepts (pañca sīla), regarded as the regular moral discipline of the
laity or the observation of the eight moral precepts, especially meant for the sabbath day, are
common to both sexes. But there are instances where some of these ethical qualities are
specially mentioned as applicable to the moral life of a woman.

For instance a woman endowed with the five positive qualities of abstention from
killing, stealing etc. is said to dwell at home with confidence (visāradā S.IV.250). A long
discourse to Visākhā on the observation of the sabbath (uposatha) day is for both males and
females (A.1.205 ff.). In the Samyutta Nikāya (iv.238 ff.) a whole section, called the
Mātugāma samyutta, is devoted to the elucidation of positive and negative qualities of
women as well as instructions specifically applicable to women. Following virtues are
pointed out as leading to a happy birth in heaven after death and, therefore, fruitful in this life
as well to a woman who possess them, viz confidence (saddhā), shame and fear (hiri,
ottappa), not given to anger (akkodha, anupanāha), not jealous (anussuka) not niggardly
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(amacchera), chaste (anaticāri), learned (bahussuta), zealous (āraddhaviriya), mentally alert

(upațthitasati) and wise (paññavā) (ibid.244ff.). The same section deals with the negative
aspects of these. leading to negative resuits (ibid.240 ff.). A virtuous lay woman growing in
confidence, moral discipline, wisdom, charity, and learning accomplishes the essential of
one’s life in this very existence (ibid.250).

Coupled with these positive ethical virtues, a woman, especially a married woman,
endowed with four qualities is said to be victorious in this world, viz. efficient in the
management of her domestic work (susaṃvihita-kammanto), treats her domestic servants
with concern (saṅgahitaparijjano), strives to please her husband (bhattu manāpaṃ carati)
and, takes good care of his earnings (sambhataṃanurakhati). Of these the textual explanation
of the first one is quite interesting; “whatever her husband’s home industries, whether in wool
or cotton, therein she is skilled and efficient, gifted with an inquiring turn of mind into all
such undertakings she is efficient to manage all her household work”. The Sigalovāda Sutta
has added a fifth to the four factors given here which is obviously drawn from this
explanation.,viz skilled and efficient (dakkhāanaksā) in the discharge of all her work (sabba-
kiccesu). Thus a woman, victorious in this world, becomes victorious in the world beyond
with four other virtues, viz confidence (saddhā), virtue (sīla), kindness (vadaññū) and
liberality or absence of stinginess (vitamaccharā) (A.iv 269 ff.). Thus a housewife’s duties as
seen in early Pāli texts make her a lovable and capable social being, wise and learned usefully
engaged in the management of her husbapd’s economic activities and above all the keeper of
her husband’s purse. Quite a heavy responsibility.

Some of the views on women expressed in Buddhist discourses are undoubtedly based
on current social conventions or, biological realities while still others are based on Buddhist
religious views. The status of a wife in a family is said to be decided by five factors, viz. her
beauty (rūpa), riches (bhoga), kin (ñāti), children (putta) and morals (sīla). Possessed of these
five factors, called the five powers of a woman, it is asserted, she lives with confidence in the
household and is able to get the better of her husband. But a husband can on the contrary take
the better of his wife by one single factor viz. authority (issariya). It is this authority,
significantly, which a good husband

is expected by the Buddha to hand over to his wife, may be at certain specific instances only.
Among these five powers of a woman, it is said, the most important place is given to the
power of morals, for a woman lacking in morals can be overthrown and ousted from the
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family even when the other four are present. Buddhism would naturally agree with this
superiority given to morals for it is stressed that only it can assure a woman heavenly
happiness after death (S.iv.246 ff.)

It is also said that a woman is not attractive to a man if she lacks beauty, riches and
morals, is lazy and begets no children (ibid.238). Undoubtedly these were some of the things
that men and their family expected from a woman. 

By a group of five factors given in a discourse are also presented certain biologically
caused problems for women and some of their social implications. They are called five woes
which naturally come to a woman as apart from a male. A woman has to leave her relatives
and go to live in the family of her husband at a tender age, she is subject to menses, (utunī);
pregnancy (gabbhinī); has to bring forth (vijāyati) and, lastly, a woman has to wait upon a
man (pāricariyaṃ upeti, ibid.239). In the Buddhist opinion stinginess, jealousy, and
attachment to sensuality are three evil qualities that pave the way to an unhappy rebirth for a
woman (ibid.240). Merit (puñña) acquired in previous lives is regarded in Buddhism as a
great blessing (mahā maṅgala) for happiness in the present life. Thus it is said that only past
merit can ensure five things for a woman, viz. birth in a proper family, to be married into a
proper family, to dwell at home without rival co-wives, to beget children, and to have
mastery over one’s husband. It would be hard for a woman lacking in past merit to come by
these in the present life (ibid.249). 

Upāsikas of Special Reference 

The Anguttara Nikāya (IV.347f.) also provides a list of twenty names, starting with
the name Bojjhā, of female lay disciples, according to the commentary (AA:IV.160), to
whom the Buddha has explained the observance of the eight precepts on the uposatha days.
Earlier in the same Nikāya (ibid.255 ff., 259 ff) are two discourses given, one to Visākhā and
the other to Bojjhā, on the same topic. Included in the list of twenty-two are two royal
princess, queen Mallikā of Kosala, queen Sāmāvati and Visākā the chief benefactress of the
Buddha. In the list are also the names of a few declared to be foremost among the Buddha’s
female lay disciples in certain specific fields (A.1.26). Of these female lay disciples the most
prominent name is obviously that of Visākhā (s.v.), who had converted her father-in-law, the
treasurer Migāra, to Buddhism and won the epithet Migāramātā or ‘Mother of Migāra’. She
was the builder of the monastery named Pubbārāma near Sāvatthi. One other name worthy of
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special mention is that of Khujjuttarā declared to be pre-eminent among female lay disciples
with a wide knowledge (bahussutānam). According to the Itivuttaka Commentary (Ita.I.29ff.)
the canonical text named Itivuttaka originated from a collection of sermons which Khujjuttarā
had learned from the Buddha and in turn delivered to Sāmāvatī, one of the three queens of
king Udena of Kosambi and other women of her royal residence. The words “Vuttaṃ h’etaṃ
bhagavatā vuttaṃ arahatāti me sutaṃ” at the beginning of each discourse in the collection
are attributed to her. The collection was picked up by the monks from the nuns and Ven.
Ananda retained these same introductory words as he got them from the monks. What is
significant is that this is the only canonical text attributed to a female and that also to a lay
woman. It is noteworthy that the commentator has not tried to erase or change the traditions
regarding the services of women come down from the past. 

Admission of Women into the Sangha 

One of the arguments raised by modern scholarship to prove that women were given only a
secondary position in Buddhism is the recorded reluctance of the Buddha to admit them into
the Sangha. Eliot6 says that “permission was wrung from him against his judgement” Dutt, 7
quoting the E,R.E., says that “Buddha was never tired of describing the defects and vices of
women and warning the monks to guard against them”. While it is correct to say that the
Buddha admitted women into the Sagha with reluctance, yet it is clear from the Vinaya
Cullavagga (Vin.II.253 ff.) ard instances shown above that the Buddha categorically granted
their capability to realize the spiritual goals envisaged by his teachings. To a query of
Ananda, who reasoned out with the Buddha the desirability of granting ordination to his
foster mother, Mahāpajāpati Gotamī, whether women are capable of realizing the four stages
of the path to emancipation, the Buddha answered in the affirmative (ibid.). Thus in one place
the Buddha states, 

And be it woman, be it man for whom 

Such chariot doth wait, by that same car 

Into Nibbāna’s presence shall they come 

6
Eliot, Charles, Hinduism and Buddhism, Sri Satguru Publications, Delhi,India, 1988,vol.1 247f.
7
Dheerasekera, ibid. 137 Gunasena and Co
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And from all carnonical records, it is proven beyond doubt that the admission of
women into the Sangha was an immediate success for, as shown above, canonical records
show that, whether it be in following the Dhamma, in their moral conduct, knowledge of the
dhamma,and spiritual development, women were able to stand successfully shoulder to
shoulder with men.

If, in the Buddha’s opinion, women have this capability then what was the reason for
the Buddha’s reluctance to ordain women as bhikkhunis? Probably social and organizational
reasons weighted the Buddha’s opinion in this direction. The position given to women in the
Brahmanic tradition was a very low one. Altekar, speaking on this matter, says; “the
prohibition of upanayana amounted to spiritual disenfranchisement of women and produced
a disastrous effect upon their general position in society. It reduced them to the status of
Śudras. What, however, did infinite harm to women was the theory that they were ineligible
to them (vedic sacrifices)) because they were of the status of the Śudras. Hence - forward
they were bracketed with Śudras and other backword classes in society. This we find to be
the case even in the Bhagavadgītā”. The Manusmṛti reduces women to domestic
subservience. The road to heaven is barred to her. Matrimony and obedience to husband are
the only means whereby women can hope to reach heaven. Thus Manu says, 8 “Women have
no sacrifice of their own to perform nor religious rites or observations to follow. Obedience
to husband alone would exalt the woman in heaven”

Denial of the upanayana also must have closed for women the door of access to Vedic
lore and any ethical and spiritual education derived from them. This would have denied any
educational opportunities to women except perhaps in the highest stratas in society. Perhaps
an indication of this is found in the Vinaya rule for nuns which stipulates that an ordained
woman has to observe six precepts of training (sikkhāpada) for two years before being
promoted a bhikkhuņi with higher ordination (Vin.II.255 f). Significantly these six precepts
are the five precepts meant for the laity plus abstention from untimely meals (vikāla-bhojanā)
as the sixth. However the third, abstention from wrongful indulgence in sense pleasures, is
changed to abstention from impure life (abrahmacariya) or the observance of complete
celibacy (brahmacariya) (ibid.IV.319). This period of probation made compulsory for only
the females admitted to the Saṅgha may be an indication of their low ethico-religious training
in home life. The commentary states that women are unsteadfast (lolo) without this training

8
ibid
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but not so when trained thus (VinA.IV.940). Probably this was enforced before the
introduction of the observance of the ten precepts common to both the male and female
novices (sāmaņera) but not removed even after the initiation of the novitiate.

In Indian belief in general women were held to be intellectually inferior to men and,
therefore, had no capacity to reach higher spiritual attainments realized by sages. This is
proven by an opinion attributed to Māra, personification of all negative ideas, who tries in
vain to dissuade a Buddhist nun from pursuing her spiritual endeavors. 

“No woman, with her two-finger wisdom, could ever hope to reach those heights
which are attained only by sages” (S. 1.129) 

However the Buddhist nun Somā, who is addressed thus by Māra, brushed away his
ideas saying that her womanhood holds no bar to attain her spiritual goal. 

“When one’s mind is well concentrated and wisdom never fails when all phenomena
are seen through, does that fact of being a woman make any difference?” (ibid). The distrust
in the capacity of women to reach spiritual perfection is seen when the Buddha called upon
Mahāpajāpati Gotamī to perform a miracle to confound the foolish men who are in doubt
regarding the spiritual potentialities of women (Ap.II.535) 

Jainism had already established an order of nuns. But the adoption of complete nudity
by Mahāvīra seems to have caused conflicting views regarding the capability of women to
attain mokşa Digambaras hold that no woman can reach mokşa without undergoing rebirth as
a man.

Śvetambaras, on the other hand, hold that women can become Siddhas. But only a
very few women had the sufficient strength of mind or body to study the faith or endure the
hard life of an ascetic. Not more than twenty women in the olden days used to attain
perfection. On the other hand hundred and eight males used to do so. Jains seem to think
males are more religious than females, says Stevenson.9 Mahāvira is also credited with the
addition of the fifth vow of chastity to the earlier cauyāma saṃvara of parśva. Commenting
on this Jacobi says, “the argumentation in the text presupposes a decay of morals of the
monastic order to have occurred between Parśva and Mahāvīra....”10. Such social phenomena
9
Stevenson, Sinclair, The Heart of Jainism, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1970, p.169.
10
Dheerasekera, ibid.141
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would have definitely influenced the Buddha’s views on the admission of women into the
Saṅgha. An important instance of promiscuity in the behaviour of male and female
mendicants in the Buddha’s day is brought to our notice by Prof. Dheerasekara 11 “from the
Culladhammasamādāna Sutta (M.1.305). That the Buddha was conscious of these things
among followers of other religions is shown when the Buddha points out that he cannot allow
a request made by the bhikkhunī Pajāpati Gotamī to remove the first garudhamma and allow
monks and nuns to pay courtsies to each other according to seniority alone. The reason given
for this refusal according to the Cullavagga (Vin.II.258) is that since not even other
religionists (titthiyas) who propound imperfect doctrines sanction such homage of men
towards women, the Tathāgata cannot definitely do so. If this Cullavagga view is correct it
shows that the Buddha’s views on women were influnced by views current in his
contemporary society.

The Buddha was deeply concerned about the esteem in which the general public held
his monastic organization. As such he took notice of any reasonable criticism levelled against
the members of the Saṅgha by the public and took steps to prevent the repition of such
activities of his disciples which attracted public criticism. Thus one of the reasons for laying
down rules of discipline is always stated to be “for the conversion (pasdāya) of the
unconverted and the increase of those converted”. Success of his mission depended on the
popularity of his community of disciples. Therefore the Buddha had to consider deeply before
taking any steps that could make his community of disciples, already established, unpopular
among the people. Although the Buddha granted the capability of women to reach spiritual
success it would not have been acceptable to a majority in his contemporary society.
Therefore he had to first prove for himself and the society at large that women were ready to
take this plunge and come out unscathed. Further more, he had to assure that his male
members of the Order, already established, would have no objections to this new addition to
their Order. It is pointed out by some scholars that some of the negative statements on the
ordination of women found in canonical texts such as the criticism levelled against Ananda at
the First Council for supporting the ordination of women, may be the emergence to the
surface of such objections that were lying dormant during the life time of the Buddha. It is
natural that the Buddha had to prevent the emergence of a female Order of an equal status
with that of the males who could rival the more senior Order of monks already won

11
ibid.141f.
13

acceptance in society. Some of these problems may have caused the delay in giving
ordination to women by the Buddha.

Ordination of Mahāpajāpati Gotamī and the Sākyan Women 

Once, when the Buddha was on a visit to Kapilavatthu, the capital of his home
country, his foster mother Mahāpajāpati Gotamī came to him and requested him to grant
ordination to women in his religion. But the Buddha straight away rejected her request saying
“Gotamī do not wish for ordination for women in the religion of the Tathāgata.” The same
request was rejected by the Buddha twice more and quite dejected Gotamī left the monastery
in tears. The Buddha also left Kapilavatthu soon after and went to Vesāli where he stayed at
the Mahāvana. Mahāpajāpati Gotamī was not easily put off by the Buddha’s refusal.
Undaunted, she got her hair cut off, donned yellow robes and, with a large number of like
minded Sakyan women, walked all the way to Vesāli to make her request once more.
Covered with dust and with swollen feet the Sakyan women arrived at the Mahāvana fully
exhausted from travelling. But with no courage to face the Buddha once more, they stood
weeping outside the monastery gate. Ven. Ananda who saw their sad plight agreed to take up
their case to the Buddha, but was, once again, turned down by him. Ven Ananda then decided
to change his approach to the Master. Can women, ordained in your religion, realize the four
stages of the Path to emancipation, he queried the Buddha. This was answered in the
affirmative by him. If so, reasoned out Ānanda, since Mahāpajāpati Gotamī, his foster
mother, who was of great service in bringing him up after the passing away of his own
mother, deserves to receive ordination which, through her, should be extended to all women.
The Buddha this time, admitting the justification of Ānanda’s reasoning, agreed to grant
ordination to women, but on condition that Mahāpajāpati Gotami should agree to honour
eight stringent rules (aṭṭha garudhammo) through life. “ If Ānanda, Mahāpajāpati Gotamī
accepts the eight stringent rules, (s.v.bhikkhuņī) let that itself be her higher ordination
(sā’v’assāhotuupasampadā)” said the Buddha. When ven. Ānanda brought the happy news to
Gotamī, overwhelmed (ap dao, lan at) with joy she accepted the heavy conditions imposed,
with both hands with the following words “Even, honoured Ānanda, as a woman or a man
when young, of tender years, and fond of ornaments, having washed (himself and his) head,
having obtained a garland of lotus flower or a garland of jasmine flowers, or a garland some
sweet-scented creeper, having taken it with both hands, should place it on top of his head –
even so do I, honored Ānanda, accept these eight important rules never to be transgressed
14

during my life.”12 When Ānanda reported this back to the Buddha he is said to have
commented that with the ordination of women this religion will be weakened and its life cut
by half. From the comments attributed to the Buddha, it appears, he expected women to seek
ordination in very large numbers, much more than men, which would in his opinion, weaken
the Buddhist monastic organization like a household with more women than men-could
become prey to robbers etc (Vin.II 256). It is possible that, in view of the great hardships
women in ancient India had to undergo due to various social problems, the Buddha or the
redactors of the Vinaya Pițaka expected large numbers of women to seek ordination in the
Order of nuns. Although such social problems, as indicated by the Therigāthās and some of
the Vinaya rules for nuns, prompted women to seek ordination as bhikkhunīs, it is possible
that their numbers were not so acute a problem that hampered the well being of the religion.
Guster Roth13 also thinks that the purpose of imposing the eight stringent rules was the
restricting of the number of women seeking ordination. A Nepalese female recluse
questioned by him, on the other hand, said that the purpose was to select the best among the
applicants.

Thus we see that the Buddha was very cautious in opening the doors of his Order to
women. He was presented with two important supportive factors to throw open the gates of
the Saṅgha by his foster mother and his chief attendant, Ven. Ananda. Mahāpajāpatī
Gotamī’s steadfast determination to achieve her purpose of obtaining ordination as a nun
proved the capacity of women, also later to be supported by the as Somā and Subhā
Jivakambavanikā, to withstand any odds that could arise in their way of achieving their goals
and maintaining their mental equilibrium. The support given by ven Ānanda in opening the
doors of the Saṅgha to women was also an important factor from the side of the Order of
monks. But still the Buddha had to take words of such nuns steps to cut short any opposition
from the monks, who may still be under the influence of conservative brahmanic tradition, to
give equal status to monks and nuns. This the Buddha did by the imposition of the eight
stringent rules which placed the nuns virtually under the guidance and supervision of the
Order of monks. By the first of these eight rules a nun, however senior she may be, has to pay
respects in every manner to a monk ordained even on the very day. By another rule a nun is
forbidden to admonish a monk but a monk is not forbidden to admonish a nun. Higher
ordination, invitation (pavāraṇa) at the conclusion of rains retreat and, undergoing mānatta

12
Book of the Discipline, 5, p.355
13
Ed.Roth, Gustav, Bhikşuni Vinaya, Patna, 1970 p.ooxi
15

for grave offences, have to be done with the approval of both orders. Even with all these
restrictions disapproval of certain sections of monks for the ordination of women came to the
surface after the demise of the Buddha. At the First Council Ven. Ānada was accused of
supporting the ordination of women. (Vin.II.289). However Mahāpajāpat Gotamī accepted
the conditions without hesitation showing that her objective was purely spiritual but not
social prestige or competition with the males. Later, however, she is reported to have
requested the Buddha, through Ven. Ānanda, to remove the first of the eight rules and allow
monks and nuns to show respect to each other according to seniority without any
discrimination between the genders (Vin.II.257f.). The Buddha rejected her request pointing
out that not even in the religions of non- Buddhists such homage of men towards women is
sanctioned.The Mahiśāsaka Vinaya records that Mahāpajāpati made this request before her
ordination. 

Prof. Dheerasekara14, commenting on this request by her after accepting the eight
rules at the outset, says that she must have done it under pressure from her own group.
Dissentient views15 regarding the granting of ordination to women that may have surfaced
after the demise of the Buddha were indicated above. In addition, as shown above, is the
view, attributed to the Buddha, that or dination of women would cut short by half the life
span of the religion (sāsana). Such views found in the Pāli texts also find support in the
Vinaya texts of the other schools as well. The Mahiśāsaka Vinaya records that Ānanda
apologized to the Buddha for having requested him to admit women into the Order. The
Buddha absolves him saying that he was, at the time, under the influence of Māra. The
Dharmagupta Vinaya also records a view attributed to the Buddha that his religion would
have lasted five hundred years longer had women not entered the Order. Another statement
attributed to the Buddha by the Mahīśāsaka Vinaya says that had women not been admitted
to the Order, male and female lay devotees would have honoured the bhikkhus in diverse
ways after his demise. Now this would not happen as there are nuns in the Order. The reason
for this loss of prestige of bhikkhus due to the presence of bhikkhuņis is not clear. One reason
could be the low opinion of women in contemporary society influencing even the views of
the Buddhists laity. Another possible reason is that, in case the nuns becoming more popular
among the laity, they would claim a larger share of the honour due to the Saṅgha than the
monks.

14
ibid.p.145
15
ibid.p.146
16

It is also evident from the canonical sources, both the Vinaya and the Sutta sections,
that after the establishment of the bhikkhuni Order certain unpleasant situations arose among
the members of the two Orders which may have caused displeasure regarding the nuns in the
minds of the more conservative and peace-loving members of the Order of bhikkhus. One
such situation arose resulting from a very close association of the monk named
Moliyaphagguna with a group of nuns (M.1.122 ff.). Their friendship was such that if any
one criticized these nuns in the presence of the monk, he got very and displeased and even
made legal questions. The same happened if some one spoke in dispraise of this monk in the
presence of the nuns. The Buddha had to summon the monk Phagguna to his presence and
admonish him on how he should train himself to angry act without perverting one’s mind in
such a situation, or even a worse one, and refrain from using evil speech, but use only kind
and compassionate words. The two nuns Thullanandā and Thullatissā were persons who often
came into conflict with even senior monks. The former once spoke ill of the great elders like
Sāriputta and Mahāmoggallana in the presence of a lay follower to boost her own favorites
like Devadatta and his followers. But as she changed her attitude as soon as the great elders
appeared in their presence, the lay follower, quite displeased, threw her out of his house and
discontinued the regular meals given to her (Vin IV.66). The narne of the same nun occurs in
another episode when she criticized Mahākassapa for finding fault with Ananda for certain
activities deemed unbecoming by him (S.II.219f). The nun Thullatissā also once criticized
Mahākassapa for preaching to some nuns in the presence of Ananda whom she cailed ‘the
Sage of Videha’ (Vedehamuni). She compared this to a needle- seller trying to sell his wares
in the presence of the needle -maker. But Ven Ananda begged Mahākassapa to pardon her,
for women, he said, are foolish (ibid.215 f.) Both these nuns had later left the Order. The nun
Mettiyā was expelled from the Order for falsely accusing the Arahant Dabba Mallaputta of
having seduced her. She actually did this at the instigation of a group of monks who had a
grouse against this Arahant (ibid.II.78 f.)

Two notorious groups of six each – hence called Chabbaggiyā – one of monks and the
other of nuns, were well known trouble makers in the Sangha who took any opportunity to
break rules of discipline laid down by the Buddha. There are also instances when they
attempted pranks on a group of the opposite sex to arouse their interest towards themselves.
This group of six monks is said to have once sprinkled muddy water on the nuns (Vin.II.262)
and on another occasion exposed their bodies to the nuns (ibid). Interestingly the group of six
nuns is also accused of attempting the same prank on the monks. Sometimes the Saṅgha
17

became the target of public criticism due to the activities of the two Orders. In one instance,
when an entire Order of nuns in a monastery went for exhortation to a monastery of monks,
people criticized them saying, “They are their wives, mistresses, now they will take their
pleasure together” (ibid 262 f.). Such situations arose due to the younger Order of nuns being
placed close to the already established Order of monks. The Buddha had to take steps by
imposing new disciplinary rules to prevent the good name of his disciples being tarnished in
this manner.

Bhikkhuni Order, its Progress 

Opening of the Saṅgha to women was an immediate success. Many women from all
walks of life, renounced home life seeking emancipation from bonds of saṃsāra. As also
noted above and the records of the theris in the Therigāthā, many were the renunciants who
accomplished their set intentions joining the Buddha’s community of disciples. But what is
noteworthy is that they often refer not only to the achievement of their spiritual goals but also
to. the gaining of more mundane goals of freedom from domestic or social drudgery. It is
obvious that many women joined the Order of Buddhist nuns to find solace from social
problems. Thus the nun Kisāgotamī states about the lot of wornen (Thig.216-217) 

“Woeful is woman’s lot! hath he declared Tamer and Driver of the hearts of men: 

Woeful when sharing home with hostile wives, Woeful when giving birth in bitter pain, 

Some seeking death, or e’er they suffer twice

Piercing the throat: the delicate poison take

Woe, too, when mother-murdering embryo

Comes not to birth, and both alike find death”.16 

Perhaps this factor can be clearly seen expressed in the words of Mrs. Rhys Davids as
follows”.17 “In other cases it is the vis a tergo of goading circumstances that impels the
woman to break out of the groove. Escape, deliverance, freedom from suffering mental,
moral, domestic, social – from some situation that has become intolerable – is hymned in the
16
Psalms of the Early Buddhist, 1-Psalms of the Sisters, PTS p.108f.
17
17. ibid.p.xxiv
18

verses and explained in the commentary. The bereaved mother, the childless widow are
emancipated from grief and contumely; the Magdalen from remorse, the wife of rājā or rich
man from the society and emptiness of an idle life of luxury, the poor man’s wife from care
and drudgery, the young girl from humiliation of being handed over to the suitor who bids
highest, the thoughtful woman from the ban imposed upon her intellectual development by
convention and tradition” 

Some Concessions to Women 

The normal age of receiving higher ordination for both monks and nuns is twenty
years. But in the case of nuns this rule is compulsorily applicable only to the unmarried
(kumāribhūta), for it is a Pācittiya offence to give higher ordination to an unmarried person
less than twenty years of age (Vin IV.327). Such a person should have been trained in the
sixrules of training for two years from the age of eighteen to twenty before becoming
qualified to receivė higher ordination. But the Pācittiya rule LXVI makes it an offence to give
higher ordination to a married (gihigata) – explained as gone to live together with a man’
(purisantaragatā ibid.322) – female of less that twelve years. However a female who is twelve
years of age can be given higher ordination if she is trained in the six rules for two years (ibid
323). Strange as this concession given to women seems to be, the Theravāda Vinaya tradition
is confirmed by the Vinaya texts of other traditions such as the Mahāsaṅghikas 18,
Mahīśāsakas”19, Sarvstivādins”20, Dharmaguptakas”21, and Mūla- Sarvāstivādins”.22
Unfortunately neither the Pāli Suttavibhaṅga nor the Samantapāsādikā commentary add
anything to enlighten the reader on the reasons for allowing such a concession to married
females. Miss Horner’s23 view that the twelve years here refers to the length of the married
life does not seem to be acceptable as the Vinaya Commentary states, “having given the
agreement as to training (sikkhāsammuti) to a female of ten years, it is fit to give higher
ordination when she has completed twalve years of age” (VinA.IV,941). This seems to
indicate that the twelve years refers to the actual age of the person. It is also inconceivable

18
Tr.Kabilsingh, Catsumaran.The Bhikkhuni Pātimokka of the Six Schools, Thammasat University Press,
Bangkok, Thailand, 1991,p.68.
19
ibid.108
20
ibid. 151
21
ibid.195
22
ibid.235
23
The Book of the Discipline, III, p.L
19

that a girl married at ten has to wait until she is twenty two to be ordained or receive higher
ordination when a maid can do it at eighteen and twenty respectively. Any way one can only
speculate as to the reasons for this concession given to married women by the Buddha.

A possible cause for this concession was the quite popular child marriage custom
prevalent in ancient India. The vinaya rules for bhikkhunīs as well as their Pāli commentarial
comments refer to marriage of young girls of ten years of age or even of a younger age.
Males of such matrimonial alliances could be of similar age or older. At times the male could
be an older person with a number of co-wives. The plight of such a girl of a very tender age
would be very precarious. The husband would not have much interest in her until she attains
puberty and a child bearing position. Until then she would be probably under the whip hand
of her mother-in-law and possibly also of senior co-wives. As referred to above leaving one’s
home at a very tender age and taking up residence in one’s husband’s home was considered
by Buddhists as one of the woes in a woman’s life. She would receive some recognition in
the family only once she becomes a mother. The position of a childless woman or a bereaved
mother would have been unbearable. The plight of a widow or, worse still, of a childless
widow would have been intolerable. Under such circumstances many young girls, legally
married, would have sought refuge in Buddhist nunneries to escape the drudgery of home life
under their in-laws. Such a hard life they had to lead in their husband’s home must have been
considered enough training and qualification to keep the vinaya rules of discipline considered
in themselves to be a hard task. The Buddha’s compassion for these young girls also may be
considered one of the reasons for allowing them to receive upasampadā at such an early age.
This compassionate consideration is also seen in the prohibition of giving upasapadāto
pregnant women (Vin.IV.317) or mothers giving suck (ibid.318). The story of Kumāra
Kassapa, whose mother was a nun at the time of his birth (DPPN, s.v., Kumāra Kassapa)
also shows the Buddha’s compassionate treatment of women under difficult circumstances. 

C.Witanachchi