IBP vs. Zamora (G.R. No. 141284) PDF

8/10/2019 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED VOLUME 338
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 81

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora
*
G.R. No. 141284. August 15, 2000.
INTEGRATED BAR OF THE PHILIPPINES, petitioner,

vs. HON. RONALDO B. ZAMORA, GEN. PANFILO M.
LACSON, GEN. EDGAR B. AGLIPAY, and GEN.
ANGELO REYES, respondents.
Judicial Review; Requisites.—When questions of

constitutional significance are raised, the Court can exercise its
power of judicial review only if the following requisites are
complied with, namely: (1) the existence of an actual and
appropriate case; (2) a personal and substantial interest of the
party raising the constitutional question; (3) the exercise of
judicial review is pleaded at the earliest opportunity; and (4) the
constitutional question is the lis mota of the case.
Same; Same; Parties; “Locus Standi”; Words and Phrases;
“Legal Standing” or “Locus Standi,” “Interest,” Explained.—“Legal
standing” or locus standi has been defined as a personal and
substantial interest in the case such that the party has sustained
or will sustain direct injury as a result of the governmental act
that is being challenged. The term “interest” means a material
interest, an interest in issue affected by the decree, as
distinguished from mere interest in the question involved, or a
mere incidental interest. The gist of the question of standing is
whether a party alleges “such personal stake in the outcome of
the controversy as to assure that concrete adverseness which
sharpens the presentation of issues upon which the court depends
for illumination of difficult constitutional questions.”
Same; Same; Same; Integrated Bar of the Philippines; The
mere invocation by the Integrated Bar of the Philippines of its duty
to preserve the rule of law and nothing more, while undoubtedly
true, is not sufficient to clothe it with standing in this case—this is
too general an interest which is shared by other groups and the
whole citizenry.—The IBP primarily anchors its standing on its
alleged responsibility to uphold the rule of law and the
Constitution. Apart from this declaration, however, the IBP
asserts no other basis in support of its locus standi. The mere
www.central.com.ph/sfsreader/session/0000016c794d5b3c8e59b436003600fb002c009e/t/?o=False 1/66
invocation by the IBP of its duty to preserve the rule of law and
nothing more, while undoubtedly true, is not sufficient to clothe it
with standing in this case. This is too general an interest which is
shared by other groups and the whole citizenry. Based on the
standards above-stated; the IBP has failed to present a specific
and substantial interest in the resolution of the case.
_____________
* EN BANC.
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82 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED
Its fundamental purpose which, under Section 2, Rule 139-A of

the Rules of Court, is to elevate the standards of the law
profession and to improve the administration of justice is alien to,
and cannot be affected by the deployment of the Marines.
Same; Same; Same; Same; The interest of the National
President of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines who signed the
petition, is his alone, absent a formal board resolution authorizing
him to file the present action.—It should also be noted that the
interest of the National President of the IBP who signed the
petition, is his alone, absent a formal board resolution authorizing
him to file the present action. To be sure, members of the BAR,
those in the judiciary included, have varying opinions on the
issue. Moreover, the IBP, assuming that it has duly authorized
the National President to file the petition, has not shown any
specific injury which it has suffered or may suffer by virtue of the
questioned governmental act. Indeed, none of its members, whom
the IBP purportedly represents, has sustained any form of injury
as a result of the operation of the joint visibility patrols. Neither
is it alleged that any of its members has been arrested or that
their civil liberties have been violated by the deployment of the
Marines. What the IBP projects as injurious is the supposed
“militarization” of law enforcement which might threaten
Philippine democratic institutions and may cause more harm
than good in the long run. Not only is the presumed “injury” not
personal in character, it is likewise too vague, highly speculative
and uncertain to satisfy the requirement of standing.
Same; Same; Same; Same; The Supreme Court, however, does
not categorically rule that the Integrated Bar of the Philippines
has absolutely no standing to raise constitutional issues how or in

the future, but the Integrated Bar of the Philippines must, by way
of allegations and proof, satisfy the Court that it has sufficient
stake to obtain judicial resolution of the controversy.—Since
petitioner has not successfully established a direct and personal
injury as a consequence of the questioned act, it does not possess
the personality to assail the validity of the deployment of the
Marines. This Court, however, does not categorically rule that the
IBP has absolutely no standing to raise constitutional issues now
or in the future. The IBP must, by way of allegations and proof,
satisfy this Court that it has sufficient stake to obtain judicial
resolution of the controversy.
Same; Same; Same; Same; The Supreme Court has the
discretion to take cognizance of a suit which does not satisfy the
requirement of legal standing when paramount interest is
involved; In this case, a reading of the petition shows that the
Integrated Bar of the Philippines has advanced
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constitutional issues which deserve the attention of the Supreme

Court in view of their seriousness, novelty and weight as
precedents.—Having stated the foregoing, it must be emphasized
that this Court has the discretion to take cognizance of a suit
which does not satisfy the requirement of legal standing when
paramount interest is involved. In not a few cases, the Court has
adopted a liberal attitude on the locus standi of a petitioner where
the petitioner is able to craft an issue of transcendental
significance to the people. Thus, when the issues raised are of
paramount importance to the public, the Court may brush aside
technicalities of procedure. In this case, a reading of the petition
shows that the IBP has advanced constitutional issues which
deserve the attention of this Court in view of their seriousness,
novelty and weight as precedents. Moreover, because peace and
order are under constant threat and lawless violence occurs in
increasing tempo, undoubtedly aggravated by the Mindanao
insurgency problem, the legal controversy raised in the petition
almost certainly will not go away. It will stare us in the face
again. It, therefore, behooves the Court to relax the rules on
standing and to resolve the issue now, rather than later.
Same; Presidency; Commander-in-Chief Clause; “Calling Out”
Power; While the Supreme Court gives considerable weight to the
parties’ formulation of the issues, the resolution of the controversy

may warrant a creative approach that goes beyond the narrow
confines of the issues raised; Even as the parties are in agreement
that the power exercised by the President is the power to call out
the armed forces, the Court is of the view that the power involved
may be no more than the maintenance of peace and order and
promotion of the general welfare.—As framed by the parties, the
underlying issues are the scope of presidential powers and limits,
and the extent of judicial review. But, while this Court gives
considerable weight to the parties’ formulation of the issues, the
resolution of the controversy may warrant a creative approach
that goes beyond the narrow confines of the issues raised. Thus,
while the parties are in agreement that the power exercised by
the President is the power to call out the armed forces, the Court
is of the view that the power involved may be no more than the
maintenance of peace and order and promotion of the general
welfare. For one, the realities on the ground do not show that
there exist a state of warfare, widespread civil unrest or anarchy.
Secondly, the full brunt of the military is not brought upon the
citizenry, a point discussed in the latter part of this decision.
Same; Same; Political Questions; Separation of Powers; As a
general proposition, a controversy is justiciable if it refers to a
matter which is appropriate for court review; One class of cases
wherein the Court hesitates
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to rule on are “political questions”; The political question being a

function of the separation of powers, the courts will not normally
interfere with the workings of another co-equal branch unless the
case shows a clear need for the courts to step in to uphold the law
and the Constitution.—As a general proposition, a controversy is
justiciable if it refers to a matter which is appropriate for court
review. It pertains to issues which are inherently susceptible of
being decided on grounds recognized by law. Nevertheless, the
Court does not automatically assume jurisdiction over actual
constitutional cases brought before it even in instances that are
ripe for resolution. One class of cases wherein the Court hesitates
to rule on are “political questions.” The reason is that political
questions are concerned with issues dependent upon the wisdom,
not the legality, of a particular act or measure being assailed.
Moreover, the political question being a function of the separation
of powers, the courts will not normally interfere with the
workings of another co-equal branch unless the case shows a clear

need for the courts to step in to uphold the law and the
Constitution.
Same; Same; Same; Same; When the grant of power is
qualified, conditional or subject to limitations, the issue of whether
the prescribed qualifications or conditions have been met or the
limitations respected, is justiciable—the problem being one of
legality or validity, not its wisdom.—The 1987 Constitution
expands the concept of judicial review by providing that “(T)he
Judicial power shall be vested in one Supreme Court and in such
lower courts as may be established by law. Judicial power
includes the duty of the courts of justice to settle actual
controversies involving rights which are legally demandable and
enforceable, and to determine whether or not there has been a
grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of
jurisdiction on the part of any branch or instrumentality of the
Government.” Under this definition, the Court cannot agree with
the Solicitor General that the issue involved is a political question
beyond the jurisdiction of this Court to review. When the grant of
power is qualified, conditional or subject to limitations, the issue
of whether the prescribed qualifications or conditions have been
met or the limitations respected, is justiciable—the problem being
one of legality or validity, not its wisdom. Moreover, the
jurisdiction to delimit constitutional boundaries has been given to
this Court. When political questions are involved, the
Constitution limits the determination as to whether or not there
has been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess
of jurisdiction on the part of the official whose action is being
questioned.
Same; Same; Same; Words and Phrases; By grave abuse of
discretion is meant simply capricious or whimsical exercise of
judgment that is patent and gross as to amount to an evasion of
positive duty or a virtual refusal to
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perform a duty enjoined by law, or to act at all in contemplation of

law, as where the power is exercised in an arbitrary and despotic
manner by reason of passion or hostility; A showing that plenary
power is granted either department of government, may not be an
obstacle to judicial inquiry, for the improvident exercise or abuse
thereof may give rise to justiciable controversy.—By grave abuse of
discretion is meant simply capricious or whimsical exercise of

judgment that is patent and gross as to amount to an evasion of
positive duty or a virtual refusal to perform a duty enjoined by
law, or to act at all in contemplation of law, as where the power is
exercised in an arbitrary and despotic manner by reason of
passion or hostility. Under this definition, a court is without
power to directly decide matters over which full discretionary
authority has been delegated. But while this Court has no power
to substitute its judgment for that of Congress or of the President,
it may look into the question of whether such exercise has been
made in grave abuse of discretion. A showing that plenary power
is granted either department of government, may not be an
obstacle to judicial inquiry, for the improvident exercise or abuse
thereof may give rise to justiciable controversy.
Same; Same; Commander-in-Chief Clause; “Calling Out”
Power; In view of the constitutional intent to give the President full
discretionary power to determine the necessity of calling out the
armed forces, it is incumbent upon the petitioner to show that the
President’s decision is totally bereft of factual basis; In the
performance of the Supreme Court’s duty of “purposeful hesitation”
before declaring an act of another branch as unconstitutional, only
where such grave abuse of discretion is clearly shown shall the
Court interfere with the President’s judgment—to doubt is to
sustain.—When the President calls the armed forces to prevent or
suppress lawless violence, invasion or rebellion, he necessarily
exercises a discretionary power solely vested in his wisdom. This
is clear from the intent of the framers and from the text of the
Constitution itself. The Court, thus, cannot be called upon to
overrule the President’s wisdom or substitute its own. However,
this does not prevent an examination of whether such power was
exercised within permissible constitutional limits or whether it
was exercised in a manner constituting grave abuse of discretion.
In view of the constitutional intent to give the President full
discretionary power to determine the necessity of calling out the
armed forces, it is incumbent upon the petitioner to show that the
President’s decision is totally bereft of factual basis. The present
petition fails to discharge such heavy burden as there is no
evidence to support the assertion that there exist no justification
for calling out the armed forces. There is, likewise, no evidence to
support the proposition that grave abuse was committed because
the power to call was exercised in such a manner as to violate the
constitu-
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tional provision on civilian supremacy over the military. In the

performance of this Court’s duty of “purposeful hesitation” before
declaring an act of another branch as unconstitutional, only
where such grave abuse of discretion is clearly shown shall the
Court interfere with the President’s judgment. To doubt is to
sustain.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Statutory Construction; Unlike in
the power to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus or
the power to proclaim martial law in relation to which the
Constitution has empowered Congress to revoke such suspension or
proclamation and the Supreme Court to review the sufficiency of
the factual basis thereof there is no such equivalent provision
dealing with the revocation or review of the President’s action to
call out the armed forces, a distinction which places the calling out
power in a different category from the power to declare martial law
and the power to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus.—Under the foregoing provisions, Congress may revoke
such proclamation or suspension and the Court may review the
sufficiency of the factual basis thereof. However, there is no such
equivalent provision dealing with the revocation or review of the
President’s action to call out the armed forces. The distinction
places the calling out power in a different category from the power
to declare martial law and the power to suspend the privilege of
the writ of habeas corpus, otherwise, the framers of the
Constitution would have simply lumped together the three powers
and provided for their revocation and review without any
qualification. Expressio unius est exclusio alterius. Where the
terms are expressly limited to certain matters, it may not, by
interpretation or construction, be extended to other matters. That
the intent of the Constitution is exactly what its letter says, i.e.,
that the power to call is fully discretionary to the President, is
extant in the deliberation of the Constitutional Commission.
Same; Same; Same; Same; The reason for the difference in the
treatment of the power to suspend the privilege of the writ of
habeas corpus, the power to declare martial law and the power to
call out the armed forces highlights the intent to grant the
President the widest leeway and broadest discretion in using the
power to call out because it is considered as the lesser and more
benign power compared to the two other powers.---The reason for
the difference in the treatment of the aforementioned powers
highlights the intent to grant the President the widest leeway and
broadest discretion in using the power to call out because it is
considered as the lesser and more benign power compared to the
power to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and
the power to impose martial law, both of which involve the
curtailment and suppression of certain basic civil rights and

individual freedoms, and thus necessitating safeguards by
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Congress and review by this Court. Moreover, under Section 18,

Article VII of the Constitution, in the exercise of the power to
suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus or to impose
martial law, two conditions must concur: (1) there must be an
actual invasion or rebellion and, (2) public safety must require it.
These conditions are not required in the case of the power to call
out the armed forces. The only criterion is that “whenever it
becomes necessary,” the President may call the armed forces “to
prevent or suppress lawless violence, invasion or rebellion.” The
implication is that the President is given full discretion and wide
latitude in the exercise of the power to call as compared to the two
other powers.
Same; Same; Same; Same; If the petitioner fails, by way of
proof to support the assertion that the President acted without
factual basis, then the Supreme Court cannot undertake an
independent investigation beyond the pleadings.—If the petitioner
fails, by way of proof, to support the assertion that the President
acted without factual basis, then this Court cannot undertake an
independent investigation beyond the pleadings. The factual
necessity of calling out the armed forces is not easily quantifiable
and cannot be objectively established since matters considered for
satisfying the same is a combination of several factors which are
not always accessible to the courts. Besides the absence of textual
standards that the court may use to judge necessity, information
necessary to arrive at such judgment might also prove
unmanageable for the courts. Certain pertinent information
might be difficult to verify, or wholly unavailable to the courts. In
many instances, the evidence upon which the President might
decide that there is a need to call out the armed forces may be of a
nature not constituting technical proof.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Judicial Notice; The Court takes
judicial notice of the recent bombings perpetrated by lawless
elements in shopping malls, public utilities, and other public
places.—The President has already determined the necessity and
factual basis for calling the armed forces. In his Memorandum, he
categorically asserted that, “[V]iolent crimes like bank/store
robberies, holdups, kidnappings and carnappings continue to
occur in Metro Manila . . .” We do not doubt the veracity of the

President’s assessment of the situation, especially in the light of
present developments. The Court takes judicial notice of the
recent bombings perpetrated by lawless elements in the shopping
malls, public utilities, and other public places. These are among
the areas of deployment described in the LOI 2000. Considering
all these facts, we hold that the President has sufficient factual
basis to call for military aid in law enforcement and in the
exercise of this constitutional power.
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Same; Same; Same; Same; Civilian Supremacy Clause; The

deployment of the Marines in the metropolis for civilian law
enforcement does not constitute a breach of the civilian supremacy
clause.—The deployment of the Marines does not constitute a
breach of the civilian supremacy clause. The calling of the
Marines in this case constitutes permissible use of military assets
for civilian law enforcement. The participation of the Marines in
the conduct of joint visibility patrols is appropriately
circumscribed. The limited participation of the Marines is evident
in the provisions of the LOI itself, which sufficiently provides the
metes and bounds of the Marines’ authority. It is noteworthy that
the local police forces are the ones in charge of the visibility
patrols at all times, the real authority belonging to the PNP. In
fact, the Metro Manila Police Chief is the overall leader of the
PNP-Philippine Marines joint visibility patrols. Under the LOI,
the police forces are tasked to brief or orient the soldiers on police
patrol procedures. It is their responsibility to direct and manage
the deployment of the Marines. It is, likewise, their duty to
provide the necessary equipment to the Marines and render
logistical support to these soldiers. In view of the foregoing, it
cannot be properly argued that military authority is supreme over
civilian authority. Moreover, the deployment of the Marines to
assist the PNP does not unmake the civilian character of the
police force. Neither does it amount to an “insidious incursion” of
the military in the task of law enforcement in violation of Section
5(4), Article XVI of the Constitution.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Philippine National Police
(PNP); Where none of the Marines was incorporated or enlisted as
members of the Philippine National Police, there can be no
appointment to a civilian position to speak of—the deployment of
the Marines in the joint visibility patrols does not destroy the
civilian character of the Philippine National Police.—In this
regard, it is not correct to say that General Angelo Reyes, Chief of

Staff of the AFP, by his alleged involvement in civilian law
enforcement, has been virtually appointed to a civilian post in
derogation of the aforecited provision. The real authority in these
operations, as stated in the LOI, is lodged with the head of a
civilian institution, the PNP, and not with the military. Such
being the case, it does not matter whether the APP Chief actually
participates in the Task Force Tulungan since he does not
exercise any authority or control over the same. Since none of the
Marines was incorporated or enlisted as members of the PNP,
there can be no appointment to a civilian position to speak of.
Hence, the deployment of the Marines in the joint visibility
patrols does not destroy the civilian character of the PNP.
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Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Words and Phrases;

“Regulatory Power” “Proscriptive Power,” and “Compulsory
Power,” Distinguished.—A power regulatory in nature is one
which controls or directs. It is proscriptive if it prohibits or
condemns and compulsory if it exerts some coercive force. See US
v. Yunis, 681 F.Supp 891 (D.D.C., 1988). See also FOURTH
AMENDMENT AND POSSE COMITATUS ACT RESTRICTIONS
ON MILITARY INVOLVEMENT IN CIVIL LAW
ENFORCEMENT, 54 George Washington Law Review, pp. 404-
433 (1986), which discusses the four divergent standards for
assessing acceptable involvement of military personnel in civil
law enforcement. See likewise HONORED IN THE BREECH:
PRESIDENTIAL AUTHORITY TO EXECUTE THE LAWS WITH
MILITARY FORCE, 83 Yale Law Journal, pp. 130-152, 1973.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Even if the Court were to
apply the rigid standards to determine whether there is
permissible use of the military in civilian law enforcement, the
conclusion is inevitable that no violation of the civilian supremacy
clause in the Constitution is committed.—Even if the Court were
to apply the above rigid standards to the present case to
determine whether there is permissible use of the military in
civilian law enforcement, the conclusion is inevitable that no
violation of the civilian supremacy clause in the Constitution is
committed. On this point, the Court agrees with the observation
of the Solicitor General: 3. The designation of tasks in Annex A
does not constitute the exercise of regulatory, proscriptive, or
compulsory military power. First, the soldiers do not control or
direct the operation. This is evident from Nos. 6, 8(k) and 9(a) of
Annex A. These soldiers, second, also have no power to prohibit or

condemn. In No. 9(d) of Annex A, all arrested persons are brought
to the nearest police stations for proper disposition. And last,
these soldiers apply no coercive force. The materials or equipment
issued to them, as shown in No. 8(c) of Annex A, are all low
impact and defensive in character. The conclusion is that there
being no exercise of regulatory, proscriptive or compulsory
military power, the deployment of a handful of Philippine Marines
constitutes no impermissible use of military power for civilian law
enforcement.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Unless the petitioner can show that
in the deployment of the Marines, the President has violated the
fundamental law, exceeded his authority or jeopardized the civil
liberties of the people, the Supreme Court is not inclined to
overrule the President’s determination of the factual basis for the
calling of the Marines to prevent or suppress lawless violence.—It
appears that the present petition is anchored on fear that once
the armed forces are deployed, the military will gain ascendancy,
and thus place in peril our cherished liberties. Such
apprehensions,
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however, are unfounded. The power to call the armed forces is just
that—calling out the armed forces. Unless, petitioner IBP can
show, which it has not, that in the deployment of the Marines, the
President has violated the fundamental law, exceeded his
authority or jeopardized the civil liberties of the people, this Court
is not inclined to overrule the President’s determination of the
factual basis for the calling of the Marines to prevent or suppress
lawless violence.
Freedom; Civil Liberties; Freedom and democracy will be in
full bloom only when people feel secure in their homes and in the
streets, not when the shadows of violence and anarchy constantly
lurk in their midst.—Since the institution of the joint visibility
patrol in January, 2000, not a single citizen has complained that
his political or civil rights have been violated as a result of the
deployment of the Marines. It was precisely to safeguard peace,
tranquility and the civil liberties of the people that the joint
visibility patrol was conceived. Freedom and democracy will be in
full bloom only when people feel secure in their homes and in the
streets, not when the shadows of violence and anarchy constantly

lurk in their midst.
PUNO, J., Separate Opinion:
Judicial Review; Political Questions; Commander-in-Chief

Clause; “Calling Out” Power; If the government attempt in the
instant case to foist the political question doctrine to shield an
executive act done in the exercise of the commander-in-chief powers
from judicial scrutiny succeeded, it would have diminished the
power of judicial review and weakened the checking authority of
the Supreme Court over the Chief Executive when he exercises such
powers.—If the case at bar is significant, it is because of the
government attempt to foist the political question doctrine to
shield an executive act done in the exercise of the commander-in-
chief powers from judicial scrutiny. If the attempt succeeded, it
would have diminished the power of judicial review and weakened
the checking authority of this Court over the Chief Executive when
he exercises his commander-in-chief powers. The attempt should
remind us of the tragedy that befell the country when this Court
sought refuge in the political question doctrine and forfeited its
most important role as protector of the civil and political rights of
our people. The ongoing conflict in Mindanao may worsen and can
force the Chief Executive to resort to the use of his greater
commander-in-chief powers, hence, this Court should be extra
cautious in assaying similar attempts. A laid back posture may
not sit well with our people considering that the 1987 Constitution
strengthened the checking powers of this Court and expanded its
jurisdiction precisely to stop any act constituting “x x x
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grave abuse of discretion x x x on the part of any branch or

instrumentality of the Government.”
Same; Same; Same; Same; Constitutional Law; Two lessons
were not lost to the members of the Constitutional Commission
that drafted the 1987 Constitution—the first was the need to grant
the Supreme Court the express power to review the exercise of the
powers as Commander-in-chief by the President and deny it of any
discretion to decline its exercise, and the second was the need to
compel the Court to be proactive by expanding its jurisdiction and,
thus, reject its laid back stance against acts constituting grave
abuse of discretion on the part of any branch or instrumentality of
government.—Two lessons were not lost, to the members of the

Constitutional Commission that drafted the 1987 Constitution.
The first was the need to grant this Court the express power to
review the exercise of the powers as commander-in-chief by the
President and deny it of any discretion to decline its exercise. The
second was the need to compel the Court to be pro-active by
expanding its jurisdiction and, thus, reject its laid back stance
against acts constituting grave abuse of discretion on the part of
any branch or instrumentality of government. Then Chief Justice
Roberto Concepcion, a member of the Constitutional Commission,
worked for the insertion of the second paragraph of Section 1,
Article VIII in the draft Constitution.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Statutory Construction; The
proceedings of the Constitutional Convention are less conclusive on
the proper construction of the fundamental law than are legislative
proceedings of the proper construction of a statute—the
conventional wisdom is that the Constitution does not derive its
force from the convention which framed it, but from the people who
ratified it, the intent to be arrived at is that of the people.—It must
be borne in mind, however, that while a member’s opinion
expressed on the floor of the Constitutional Convention is
valuable, it is not necessarily expressive of the people’s intent.
The proceedings of the Convention are less conclusive on the
proper construction of the fundamental law than are legislative
proceedings of the proper construction of a statute, for in the
latter case it is the intent of the legislature the courts seek, while
in the former, courts seek to arrive at the intent of the people
through the discussions and deliberations of their
representatives. The conventional wisdom is that the Constitution
does not derive its force from the convention which framed it, but
from the people who ratified it, the intent to be arrived at is that
of the people.
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Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Given the light of our
constitutional history, the express grant of power to the Supreme
Court to review the sufficiency of the factual bases used by the
President in the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus and the declaration of martial law merely means that the
Court cannot decline the exercise of its power because of the
political question doctrine as it did in the past—It is true that the
third paragraph of Section 18, Article VII of the 1987 Constitution
expressly gives the Court the power to review the sufficiency of
the factual bases used by the President in the suspension of the

privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and the declaration of
martial law. It does not follow, however, that just because the
same provision did not grant to this Court the power to review the
exercise of the calling out power by the President, ergo, this Court
cannot pass upon the validity of its exercise. Given the light of our
constitutional history, this express grant of power merely means
that the Court cannot decline the exercise of its power because of
the political question doctrine as it did in the past. In fine, the
express grant simply stresses the mandatory duty of this Court to
check the exercise of the commander-in-chief powers of the
President. It eliminated the discretion of the Court not to wield its
power of review thru the use of the political question doctrine.
Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Even as it may be
conceded that the calling out power may be a “lesser power”
compared to the power to suspend the privilege of the writ of
habeas corpus and the power to declare martial law, its exercise
cannot be left to the absolute discretion of the Chief Executive as
Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, as its impact on the
rights of our people protected by the Constitution cannot be
downgraded.—It may be conceded that the calling out power may
be a “lesser power” compared to the power to suspend the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and the power to declare
martial law. Even then, its exercise cannot be left to the absolute
discretion of the Chief Executive as Commander-in-Chief of the
armed forces, as its impact on the rights of our people protected
by the Constitution cannot be downgraded. We cannot hold that
acts of the commander-in-chief cannot be reviewed on the ground
that they have lesser impact on the civil and political rights of our
people. The exercise of the calling out power may be “benign” in
the case at bar but may not be so in future cases.
Same; Same; When private justiciable rights are involved in a
suit, the Court must not refuse to assume jurisdiction even though
questions of extreme political importance are necessarily involved.
—We should not water down the ruling that deciding whether a
matter has been committed by the Constitution to another branch
of government, or whether the
93
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 93
action of that branch exceeds whatever authority has been

committed, is a delicate exercise in constitutional interpretation,
and is a responsibility of the Court as ultimate interpreter of the

fundamental law. When private justiciable rights are involved in
a suit, the Court must not refuse to assume jurisdiction even
though questions of extreme political importance are necessarily
involved. Every officer under a constitutional government must
act according to law and subject to the controlling power of the
people, acting through the courts, as well as through the executive
and legislative. One department is just as representative of the
other, and the judiciary is the department which is charged with
the special duty of determining the limitations which the law
places upon all official action. This historic role of the Court is the
foundation stone of a government of laws and not of men.
VITUG, J., Separate Opinion:
Presidency; Commander-in-Chief Clause; Calling-Out Power;

The act of the President in simply calling on the Armed Forces of
the Philippines, an executive prerogative, to assist the Philippine
National Police in “joint visibility patrols” in the Metropolis does
not constitute grave abuse of discretion that would warrant an
exercise by the Supreme Court of its extraordinary power as so
envisioned by the fundamental law.—The term grave abuse of
discretion is long understood in our jurisprudence as being, and
confined to, a capricious and whimsical or despotic exercise of
judgment amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction. Minus the
not-so-unusual exaggerations often invoked by litigants in the
duel of views, the act of the President in simply calling on the
Armed Forces of the Philippines, an executive prerogative, to assist
the Philippine National Police in “joint visibility patrols” in the
metropolis does not, I believe, constitute grave abuse of discretion
that would now warrant an exercise by the Supreme Court of its
extraordinary power as so envisioned by the fundamental law.
MENDOZA, J., Concurring and Dissenting Opinion:
Judicial Review; Judgment on the substantive constitutional

issues raised must await an actual case involving real parties with
“injuries” to show as a result of the operation of the challenged
executive action.—I concur in the opinion of the Court insofar as it
holds petitioner to be without standing to question the validity of
LOI 02/2000 which mandates the Philippine Marines to conduct
“joint visibility” patrols with the police in Metro Manila. But I
dissent insofar as the opinion dismisses the petition in this case
on other grounds. I submit that judgment on the substantive
constitutional issues raised by petitioner must await an actual
case in-
94
volving real parties with “injuries” to show as a result of the

operation of the challenged executive action. While as an
organization for the advancement of the rule of law petitioner has
an interest in upholding the Constitution, its interest is
indistinguishable from the interest of the rest of the citizenry and
falls short of that which is necessary to give petitioner standing.
Same; Parties; Locus Standi; “Injury in Fact” Test; The
“injury in fact” test requires more than injury to a cognizable
interest—As I have indicated elsewhere, a citizens’ suit
challenging the constitutionality of governmental action requires
that (1) the petitioner must have suffered an “injury in fact” of an
actual or imminent nature; (2) there must be a causal connection
between the injury and the conduct complained of; and (3) the
injury is likely to be redressed by a favorable action by this Court.
The “injury in fact” test requires more than injury to a cognizable
interest. It requires that the party seeking review be himself
among those injured.
Same; The lack of a real, earnest and vital controversy can
only impoverish the judicial process.—We are likely to err in
dismissing the suit brought in this case on the ground that the
calling out of the military does not violate the Constitution, just
as we are likely to do so if we grant the petition and invalidate the
executive issuance in question. For indeed, the lack of a real,
earnest and vital controversy can only impoverish the judicial
process. That is why, as Justice Laurel emphasized in the Angara
case, “this power of judicial review is limited to actual cases and
controversies to be exercised after full opportunity of argument by
the parties, and limited further to the constitutional question
raised or the very lis mota presented.”
SPECIAL CIVIL ACTION in the Supreme Court.

Certiorari and Prohibition.
The facts are stated in the opinion of the Court.

The Solicitor General for respondents.
KAPUNAN, J.:
At bar is a special civil action for certiorari and prohibition

with prayer for issuance of a temporary restraining order
seeking to nullify on constitutional grounds the order of
President Joseph Ejercito Estrada commanding the
deployment of the Philippine
95
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 95

Marines (the “Marines”) to join the Philippine National

Police (the “PNP”) in visibility patrols around the
metropolis.
In view of the alarming increase in violent crimes in
Metro Manila, like robberies, kidnappings and
carnappings, the President, in a verbal directive, ordered
the PNP and the Marines to conduct joint visibility patrols
for the purpose of crime prevention and suppression. The
Secretary of National Defense, the Chief of Staff of the
Armed Forces of the Philippines (the “AFP”), the Chief of
the PNP and the Secretary of the Interior and Local
Government were tasked to execute and implement the
said order. In compliance with the presidential mandate,
the PNP Chief, through Police Chief Superintendent Edgar
1
B. Aglipay, formulated Letter of Instruction 02/2000 (the
“LOI”) which detailed the manner by which the joint
visibility patrols,
2
called Task Force Tulungan, would be
conducted. Task Force Tulungan was placed under the
leadership of the Police Chief of Metro Manila.
Subsequently, the President confirmed his previous
directive on the deployment of the Marines in a
Memorandum, dated 24 January 2000, addressed 3
to the
Chief of Staff of the AFP and the PNP Chief. In the
Memorandum, the President expressed his desire to
improve the peace and order situation in Metro Manila
through a more effective crime4 prevention program
including increased police patrols. The President further
stated that to heighten police visibility in the
5
metropolis,
augmentation from the AFP is necessary. Invoking his
powers as Commander-in-Chief under Section 18,
_____________
1 Rollo, pp. 17-21.

2 As of 19 May 2000, the Marines have been recalled from their areas of
deployment to join the military operations in Mindanao, and replaced by
Air Force personnel who took over their functions in the joint visibility
patrols. The Air Force personnel, just like the Marines, were ordered to
assist the PNP, also by virtue of LOI 2/2000. Since both the Marines and
Air Force belong to the Armed Forces, the controversy has not been
rendered moot and academic by the replacement of the former by the
latter. The validity of the deployment of the armed forces in the joint
visibility patrols thus remain an issue.
3 Rollo, pp. 75-76.
4 Id., at 75.
5 Id.
96

Article VII of the Constitution, the President directed the

AFP Chief of Staff and PNP Chief to coordinate with each
other for the proper deployment and utilization of the
Marines to assist the PNP in 6preventing or suppressing
criminal or lawless violence. Finally, the President
declared that the services of the Marines in the anti-crime
campaign are merely temporary in nature and for a
reasonable period only,
7
until such time when the situation
shall have improved.
The LOI explains the concept of the PNP-Philippine
Marines joint visibility patrols as follows:
xxx
2. PURPOSE:
The Joint Implementing Police Visibility Patrols between the
PNP NCRPO and the Philippine Marines partnership in the
conduct of visibility patrols in Metro Manila for the suppression of
crime prevention and other serious threats to national security.
3. SITUATION:
Criminal incidents in Metro Manila have been perpetrated not
only by ordinary criminals but also by organized syndicates whose
members include active and former police/military personnel—
whose training, skill, discipline and firepower prove well-above
the present capability of the local police alone to handle. The
deployment of a joint PNP NCRPO-Philippine Marines in the
conduct of police visibility patrol in urban areas will reduce the
incidence of crimes specially those perpetrated by active or former
police/military personnel.
4. MISSION:
The PNP NCRPO will organize a provisional Task Force to
conduct joint NCRPO-PM visibility patrols to keep Metro Manila
streets crime-free, through a sustained street patrolling to
minimize or eradicate all forms of high-profile crimes especially
those perpetrated by organized crime syndicates whose members
include those that are well-trained, disciplined and well-armed
active or former PNP/Military personnel.
______________
6 Id.
7 Rollo, p. 75.
97
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 97

5. CONCEPT IN JOINT VISIBILITY PATROL OPERATIONS:
a. The visibility patrols shall be conducted jointly by the

NCRPO [National Capital Regional Police Office] and the
Philippine Marines to curb criminality in Metro Manila
and to preserve the internal security of the state against
insurgents and other serious threat to national security,
although the primary responsibility over Internal Security
Operations still rests upon the AFP.
b. The principle of integration of efforts shall be applied to
eradicate all forms of high-profile crimes perpetrated by
organized crime syndicates operating in Metro Manila.
This concept requires the military and police to work
cohesively and unify efforts to ensure a focused, effective
and holistic approach in addressing crime prevention.
Along this line, the role of the military and police aside
from neutralizing crime syndicates is to bring a
wholesome atmosphere wherein delivery of basic services
to the people and development is achieved. Hand-in-hand
with this joint NCRPO-Philippine Marines visibility
patrols, local Police Units are responsible for the
maintenance of peace and order in their locality.
c. To ensure the effective implementation of this project, a
provisional Task Force “TULUNGAN” shall be organized
to provide the mechanism, structure, and procedures for
the integrated planning, coordinating, monitoring and
assessing the security situation.
8
x x x.
The selected areas of deployment under the LOI are:

Monumento Circle, North Edsa (SM City), Araneta
Shopping Center, Greenhills, SM Megamall, Makati
Commercial Center,9
LRT/MRT Stations and the NAIA and
Domestic Airport.
On 17 January 2000, the Integrated Bar of the
Philippines (the “IBP”) filed the instant petition to annul
LOI 02/2000 and to declare the deployment of the
Philippine Marines, null and void and unconstitutional,
arguing that:
THE DEPLOYMENT OF THE PHILIPPINE MARINES IN

METRO MANILA IS VIOLATIVE OF THE CONSTITUTION, IN
THAT:
_____________
8 Id., at 17-18.
9 Id.
98

A) NO EMERGENCY SITUATION OBTAINS IN

METRO MANILA AS WOULD JUSTIFY, EVEN
ONLY REMOTELY, THE DEPLOYMENT OF
SOLDIERS FOR LAW ENFORCEMENT WORK;
HENCE, SAID DEPLOYMENT IS IN
DEROGATION OF ARTICLE II, SECTION 3 OF
THE CONSTITUTION;
B) SAID DEPLOYMENT CONSTITUTES AN
INSIDIOUS INCURSION BY THE MILITARY IN
A CIVILIAN FUNCTION OF GOVERNMENT
(LAW ENFORCEMENT) IN DEROGATION OF
ARTICLE XVI, SECTION 5 (4), OF THE
CONSTITUTION;
C) SAID DEPLOYMENT CREATES A DANGEROUS
TENDENCY TO RELY ON THE MILITARY TO
PERFORM THE CIVILIAN FUNCTIONS OF THE
GOVERNMENT.
II
IN MILITARIZING LAW ENFORCEMENT IN METRO

MANILA, THE ADMINISTRATION IS UNWITTINGLY
MAKING THE MILITARY MORE POWERFUL THAN WHAT IT
10
SHOULD REALLY BE UNDER THE CONSTITUTION.
Asserting itself as the official organization of Filipino

lawyers tasked with the bounden duty to uphold the rule of
law and the Constitution, the IBP questions the validity of
the deployment and utilization of the Marines to assist the
PNP in law enforcement.
Without granting
11
due course to the petition, the Court in
a Resolution, dated 25 January 2000, required the
Solicitor General to file his Comment on the petition. On 8

February 2000, the Solicitor General submitted his
Comment.
The Solicitor General vigorously defends the
constitutionality of the act of the President in deploying the
Marines, contending, among others, that petitioner has no
legal standing; that the question of deployment of the
Marines is not proper for judicial scrutiny since the same
involves a political question; that the organization and
conduct of police visibility patrols, which feature the team-
up of one police officer and one Philippine Marine soldier,
does not violate the civilian supremacy clause in the
Constitution.
_______________
10 Rollo, p. 7.
11 Id., at 24.
99
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 99

The issues raised in the present petition are: (1) Whether

or not petitioner has legal standing; (2) Whether or not the
President’s factual determination of the necessity of calling
the armed forces is subject to judicial review; and, (3)
Whether or not the calling of the armed forces to assist the
PNP in joint visibility patrols violates the constitutional
provisions on civilian supremacy, over the military and the
civilian character of the PNP.
The petition has no merit.
First, petitioner failed to sufficiently show that it is in
possession of the requisites of standing to raise the issues
in the petition. Second, the President did not commit grave
abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of
jurisdiction nor did he commit a violation of the civilian
supremacy clause of the Constitution.
The power of judicial review is set forth in Section 1,
Article VIII of the Constitution, to wit:
Section 1. The judicial power shall be vested in one Supreme

Court and in such lower courts as may be established by law.
Judicial power includes the duty of the courts of justice to
settle actual controversies involving rights which are legally
demandable and enforceable, and to determine whether or not
there has been grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or
excess of jurisdiction on the part of any branch or instrumentality

of the Government.
When questions of constitutional significance are raised,

the Court can exercise its power of judicial review only if
the following requisites are complied with, namely: (1) the
existence of an actual and appropriate case; (2) a personal
and substantial interest of the party raising the
constitutional question; (3) the exercise of judicial review is
pleaded at the earliest opportunity; and 12 (4) the
constitutional question is the lis mota of the case.
The IBP has not sufficiently complied with the requisites
of standing in this case.
_______________
12 Philippine Constitution Association v. Enriquez, 235 SCRA 506

(1994) citing Luz Farms v. Secretary of the Department of Agrarian
Reform, 192 SCRA 51 (1990); Dumlao v. Commission on Elections, 95
SCRA 392 (1980); and, People v. Vera, 65 Phil. 56 (1937).
100

“Legal standing” or locus standi has been defined as a

personal and substantial interest in the case such that the
party has sustained or will sustain direct injury as a13result
of the governmental act that is being challenged. The
term “interest” means a material interest, an interest in
issue affected by the decree, as distinguished from mere
interest 14in the question involved, or a mere incidental
interest. The gist of the question of standing is whether a
party alleges “such personal stake in the outcome of the
controversy as to assure that concrete adverseness which
sharpens the presentation of issues upon which the court
depends for 15
illumination of difficult constitutional
questions.”
In the case at bar, the IBP primarily anchors its
standing on its alleged responsibility to uphold the rule of
law and the Constitution. Apart from this declaration,
however, the IBP asserts no other basis in support of its
locus standi. The mere invocation by the IBP of its duty to
preserve the rule of law and nothing more, while
undoubtedly true, is not sufficient to clothe it with standing
in this case. This is too general an interest which is shared
by other groups and the whole citizenry. Based on the
standards above-stated, the IBP has failed to present a

specific and substantial interest in the resolution of the
case. Its fundamental purpose which, under Section 2, Rule
139-A of the Rules of Court, is to elevate the standards of
the law profession and to improve the administration of
justice is alien to, and cannot be affected by the deployment
of the Marines. It should also be noted that the interest of
the National President of the IBP who signed the petition,
is his alone, absent a formal board resolution authorizing
him to file the present action. To be sure, members of the
BAR, those in the judiciary included, have varying opinions
on the issue. Moreover, the IBP, assuming that it has duly
authorized the National President to file the petition, has
not shown any specific injury which it
_______________
13 Joya v. Presidential Commission on Good Government, 225 SCRA

568, 576 (1993).
14 Ibid., citing House International Building Tenants Association, Inc. v.
Intermediate Appellate Court, 151 SCRA 703 (1987).
15 Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 82 S. Ct. 691, 7L. Ed. 2d 663, 678 (1962).
101
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 101

has suffered or may suffer by virtue of the questioned

governmental act. Indeed, none of its members, whom the
IBP purportedly represents, has sustained any form of
injury as a result of the operation of the joint visibility
patrols. Neither is it alleged that any of its members has
been arrested or that their civil liberties have been violated
by the deployment of the Marines. What the IBP projects
as injurious is the supposed “militarization” of law
enforcement which might threaten Philippine democratic
institutions and may cause more harm than good in the
long run. Not only is the presumed “injury” not personal in
character, it is likewise too vague, highly speculative and
uncertain to satisfy the requirement of standing. Since
petitioner has not successfully established a direct and
personal injury as a consequence of the questioned act, it
does not possess the personality to assail the validity of the
deployment of the Marines. This Court, however, does not
categorically rule that the IBP has absolutely no standing
to raise constitutional issues now or in the future. The IBP
must, by way of allegations and proof, satisfy this Court
that it has sufficient stake to obtain judicial resolution of

the controversy.
Having stated the foregoing, it must be emphasized that
this Court has the discretion to take cognizance of a suit
which does not satisfy the requirement 16
of legal standing
when paramount interest is involved. In not a few cases,
the Court has adopted a liberal attitude on the locus standi
of a petitioner where the petitioner is able to 17craft an issue
of transcendental significance to the people. Thus, when
the issues raised are of paramount importance to the
public, the 18
Court may brush aside technicalities of
procedure. In
_______________
16 Joya v. Presidential Commission on Good Government, supra note 13,

at 579 citing Dumlao v. Commission on Elections, 95 SCRA 392 (1980).
17 Tatad v. Secretary of the Department of Energy, 281 SCRA 330, 349
(1997) citing Garcia v. Executive Secretary, 211 SCRA 219 (1992); Osmeña
v. COMELEC, 199 SCRA 750 (1991); Basco v. Pagcor, 197 SCRA 52
(1991); and, Araneta v. Dinglasan, 84 Phil. 368 (1949).
18 Santiago v. COMELEC, 270 SCRA 106 (1997); Joya v. Presidential
Commission on Good Government, 225 SCRA 568 (1993); Daza v. Singson,
180 SCRA 496 (1989). As formulated by Mr. Justice (now Chief Justice)
Hilario G. Davide, Jr. in Kilosbayan, Inc. vs. Guingona, Jr., [232 SCRA
110 (1994)] “(a) party’s standing before this Court is a procedural techni-
102

this case, a reading of the petition shows that the IBP has
advanced constitutional issues which deserve the attention
of this Court in view of their seriousness, novelty and
weight as precedents. Moreover, because peace and order
are under constant threat and lawless violence occurs in
increasing tempo, undoubtedly aggravated by the
Mindanao insurgency problem, the legal controversy raised
in the petition almost certainly will not go away. It will
stare us in the face again. It, therefore, behooves the Court
to relax the rules on standing and to resolve the issue now,
rather than later.
The President did not commit grave abuse of

discretion in calling out the Marines.
In the case at bar, the bone of contention concerns the

factual determination of the President of the necessity of
calling the armed forces, particularly the Marines, to aid
the PNP in visibility patrols. In this regard, the IBP admits
that the deployment of the military personnel falls under
the Commander-in-Chief powers of the President as stated
in Section 18, Article VII of the Constitution, specifically,
the power to call out the armed forces to prevent or
suppress lawless violence, invasion or rebellion. What the
IBP questions, however, is the basis for the calling of the
Marines under the aforestated provision. According to the
IBP, no emergency exists that would justify the need for
the calling of the military to assist the police force. It
contends that no lawless violence, invasion or rebellion
exist to warrant the calling of the Marines. Thus,
______________
cality which it may, in the exercise of its discretion, set aside in view of
the importance of the issues raised,” favorably citing our ruling in the
Emergency Powers Cases [L-2044 (Araneta v. Dinglasan); L-2756 (Araneta
v. Angeles); L-3054 (Rodriquez v. Tesorero de Filipinas); and L3056
(Barredo v. COMELEC, 84 Phil. 368 (1940)] where this Court brushed
aside this technicality because “the transcendental importance to the
public of these cases demands that they be settled promptly and
definitely, brushing aside, if we must, technical rules of procedure.” An
inflexible rule on locus standi would result in what Mr. Justice Florentino
P. Feliciano aptly described as a “doctrinal ball and chain x x x clamped on
our own limbs.” [Kilosbayan, Inc. v. Morato, 250 SCRA 130 (1995)].
103
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 103

the IBP prays that this Court “review the sufficiency

19
of the
factual basis for said troop [Marine] deployment.”
The Solicitor General, on the other hand, contends that
the issue pertaining to the necessity of calling the armed
forces is not proper for judicial scrutiny since it involves a
political question and the resolution of factual issues which
are beyond the review powers of this Court.
As framed by the parties, the underlying issues are the
scope of presidential powers and limits, and the extent of
judicial review. But, while this Court gives considerable
weight to the parties’ formulation of the issues, the
resolution of the controversy may warrant a creative
approach that goes beyond the narrow confines of the
issues raised. Thus, while the parties are in agreement

that the power exercised by the President is the power to
call out the armed forces, the Court is of the view that the
power involved may be no more than the maintenance 20
of
peace and order and promotion of the general welfare. For
one, the realities on the ground do not show that there
exist a state of warfare, widespread civil unrest or anarchy.
Secondly, the full brunt of the military is not brought upon
the citizenry, a point discussed in the latter part of this
decision. In the words of the late Justice Irene Cortes in
Marcos v. Manglapus:
More particularly, this case calls for the exercise of the

President’s powers as protector of the peace. [Rossiter, The
American Presidency]. The power of the President to keep the
peace is not limited merely to exercising the commander-in-chief
powers in times of emergency or to leading the
_______________
19 Rollo, p. 12.
20 Article II, Sections 4 and 5 of the Constitution provide:
Sec. 4. The prime duty of the Government is to serve and protect the people. The
Government may call upon the people to defend the State and, in the fulfillment thereof, all
citizens may be required, under conditions provided by law, to render personal, military or
civil service.
Sec. 5. The maintenance of peace and order, the protection of life, liberty, and property,
and the promotion of the general welfare are essential for the enjoyment by all the people of
the blessings of democracy.
104

State against external and internal threats to its existence. The

President is not only clothed with extraordinary powers in times
of emergency, but is also tasked with attending to the day-to-day
problems of maintaining peace and order and ensuring domestic
tranquility in times when no foreign foe appears on the horizon.
Wide discretion, within the bounds of law, in fulfilling
presidential duties in times of peace is not in any way diminished
by the relative want of an emergency specified in the commander-
in-chief provision. For in making the President commander-in-
chief the enumeration of powers that follow cannot be said to
exclude the President’s exercising as Commander-in-Chief powers
short of the calling of the armed forces, or suspending the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus or declaring martial law, in

order to keep the peace, and maintain public order and security.
21
xxx
Nonetheless, even if it is conceded that the power involved

is the President’s power to call out the armed forces to
prevent or suppress lawless violence, invasion or rebellion,
the resolution of the controversy will reach a similar result.
We now address the Solicitor General’s argument that
the issue involved is not susceptible to review by the
judiciary because it involves a political question, and thus,
not justiciable.
As a general proposition, a controversy is justiciable 22
if it
refers to a matter which is appropriate for court review. It
pertains to issues which are inherently susceptible of being
decided on grounds recognized by law. Nevertheless, the
Court does not automatically assume jurisdiction over
actual constitutional cases brought before it even in
instances that are ripe for resolution. One class of cases
wherein the Court hesitates to rule on are “political
questions.” The reason is that political questions are
concerned with issues dependent upon the wisdom, not the
legality, of a particular act or measure being assailed.
Moreover, the political question being a function of the
separation of powers, the courts will not normally interfere
with the workings of another co-equal branch unless the
_______________
21 177 SCRA 668, 694 (1989).

22 WEST’S LEGAL THESAURUS/DICTIONARY (Special Deluxe
Edition) p. 440 (1986).
105
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 105

case shows a clear need for the courts to step in to uphold

the law and the Constitution.
23
As Tañada v. Cuenco puts it, political questions refer
“to those questions which, under the Constitution, are to be
decided by the people in their sovereign capacity, or in
regard to which full discretionary authority has been
delegated to the legislative or executive branch of
government.” Thus, if an issue is clearly identified by the
text of the Constitution as matters for discretionary action
by a particular branch of government or to the people
themselves then it is held to be a political question. In the24

classic formulation of Justice Brennan in Baker v. Carr
“[p]rominent on the surface of any case held to involve a
political question is found a textually demonstrable
constitutional commitment of the issue to a coordinate
political department; or a lack of judicially discoverable and
manageable standards for resolving it; or the impossibility
of deciding without an initial policy determination of a kind
clearly for nonjudicial discretion; or the impossibility of a
court’s undertaking independent resolution without
expressing lack of the respect due coordinate branches of
government; or an unusual need for unquestioning
adherence to a political decision already made; or the
potentiality of embarassment from multifarious
pronouncements by various departments on the one
question.”
The 1987 Constitution expands the concept of judicial
review by providing that “(T)he Judicial power shall be
vested in one Supreme Court and in such lower courts as
may be established by law. Judicial power includes the
duty of the courts of justice to settle actual controversies
involving rights which are legally demandable and
enforceable, and to determine whether or not there has
been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or
excess of jurisdiction on the part of 25any branch or
instrumentality of the Government.” Under this
definition, the Court cannot agree with the Solicitor
General that the issue involved is a political question
beyond the jurisdiction of this Court to review. When the
grant of power is qualified, conditional or subject to
limitations, the issue of
_______________
23 103 Phil. 1051 (1957).

24 369 U.S. 186, 82 S ct. 691, 7 L. Ed. 2d 663, 678 (1962).
25 Article VIII, Sec. 1 of the 1987 CONSTITUTION.
106

whether the prescribed qualifications or conditions have

been met or the limitations respected, is justiciable—the 26
problem being one of legality or validity, not its wisdom.
Moreover, the jurisdiction to delimit27 constitutional
boundaries has been given to this Court. When political
questions are involved, the Constitution limits the

determination as to whether or not there has been a grave
abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of
jurisdiction28on the part of the official whose action is being
questioned.
By grave abuse of discretion is meant simply capricious
or whimsical exercise of judgment that is patent and gross
as to amount to an evasion of positive duty or a virtual
refusal to perform a duty enjoined by law, or to act at all in
contemplation of law, as where the power is exercised in an
arbitrary29 and despotic manner by reason of passion or
hostility. Under this definition, a court is without power
to directly decide matters over which full discretionary
authority has been delegated. But while this Court has no
power to substitute its judgment for that of Congress or of
the President, it may look into the question of whether 30
such exercise has been made in grave abuse of discretion.
A showing that plenary power is granted either department
of government, may not be an obstacle to judicial inquiry,
for the improvident exercise
31
or abuse thereof may give rise
to justiciable controversy.
When the President calls the armed forces to prevent or
suppress lawless violence, invasion or rebellion, he
necessarily exercises a discretionary power solely vested in
his wisdom. This is clear from the intent of the framers and
from the text of the Constitution itself. The Court, thus,
cannot be called upon to overrule
_______________
26 Santiago v. Guingona, Jr., 298 SCRA 756 (1998).

27 Bengzon, Jr. v. Senate Blue Ribbon Committee, 203 SCRA 767 (1991).
28 Marcos v. Manglapus, supra note 21, see also Daza v. Singson, 180
SCRA 496 (1988); Coseteng v. Mitra, 187 SCRA 377 (1990).
29 Sinon v. Civil Service Commission, 215 SCRA 410 (1992); See also
Producers Bank v. NLRC, 165 SCRA 284 (1988); Litton Mills v. Galleon
Trader, Inc., 163 SCRA 494 (1988).
30 Ledesma v. Court of Appeals, 278 SCRA 659 (1997).
31 Bondoc v. Pineda, 201 SCRA 792 (1991).
107
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 107

the President’s wisdom or substitute its own. However, this

does not prevent an examination of whether such power
was exercised within permissible constitutional limits or
whether it was exercised in a manner constituting grave

abuse of discretion. In view of the constitutional intent to
give the President full discretionary power to determine
the necessity of calling out the armed forces, it is
incumbent upon the petitioner to show that the President’s
decision is totally bereft of factual basis. The present
petition fails to discharge such heavy burden as there is no
evidence to support the assertion that there exist no
justification for calling out the armed forces. There is,
likewise, no evidence to support the proposition that grave
abuse was committed because the power to call was
exercised in such a manner as to violate the constitutional
provision on civilian supremacy over the military. In the 32
performance of this Court’s duty of “purposeful hesitation”
before declaring an act of another branch as
unconstitutional, only where such grave abuse of discretion
is clearly shown shall the Court interfere with the
President’s judgment. To doubt is to sustain.
There is a clear textual commitment under the
Constitution to bestow on the President full discretionary
power to call out the armed forces and to determine the
necessity for the exercise of such power. Section 18, Article
VII of the Constitution, which embodies the powers of the
President as Commander-in-Chief, provides in part:
The President shall be the Commander-in-Chief of all armed

forces of the Philippines and whenever it becomes necessary, he
may call out such armed forces to prevent or suppress lawless
violence, invasion or rebellion. In case of invasion or rebellion,
when the public safety requires it, he may, for a period not
exceeding sixty days, suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus, or place the Philippines or any part thereof under martial
Law.
xxx
The full discretionary power of the President to determine

the factual basis for the exercise of the calling out power is
also implied
_______________
32 Drilon v. Lim, 235 SCRA 135 (1994).
108

and further reinforced in the rest of Section 18, Article VII

which reads, thus:
xxx
Within forty-eight hours from the proclamation of martial law
or the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, the
President shall submit a report in person or in writing to the
Congress. The Congress, voting jointly, by a vote of at least a
majority of all its Members in regular or special session, may
revoke such proclamation or suspension, which revocation shall
not be set aside by the President. Upon the initiative of the
President, the Congress may, in the same manner, extend such
proclamation or suspension for a period to be determined by the
Congress, if the invasion or rebellion shall persist and public
safety requires it.
The Congress, if not in session, shall within twenty-four hours
following such proclamation or suspension, convene in accordance
with its rules without need of a call.
The Supreme Court may review, in an appropriate proceeding
filed by any citizen, the sufficiency of the factual basis of the
proclamation of martial law or the suspension of the privilege of
the writ or the extension thereof, and must promulgate its
decision thereon within thirty days from its filing.
A state of martial law does not suspend the operation of the
Constitution, nor supplant the functioning of the civil courts or
legislative assemblies, nor authorize the conferment of
jurisdiction on military courts and agencies over civilians where
civil courts are able to function, nor automatically suspend the
privilege of the writ.
The suspension of the privilege of the writ shall apply only to
persons judicially charged for rebellion or offenses inherent in or
directly connected with invasion.
During the suspension of the privilege of the writ, any person
thus arrested or detained shall be judicially charged within three
days, otherwise he shall be released.
Under the foregoing provisions, Congress may revoke such

proclamation or suspension and the Court may review the
sufficiency of the factual basis thereof. However, there is no
such equivalent provision dealing with the revocation or
review of the President’s action to call out the armed forces.
The distinction places the calling out power in a different
category from the power to declare martial law and the
power to suspend the privilege of
109
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 109

the writ of habeas corpus, otherwise, the framers of the

Constitution would have simply lumped together the three
powers and provided for their revocation and review
without any qualification. Expressio unius est exclusio
alterius. Where the terms are expressly limited to certain
matters, it may not, by interpretation
33
or construction, be
extended to other matters. That the intent of the
Constitution is exactly what its letter says, i.e., that the
power to call is fully discretionary to the President, is
extant in the deliberation of the Constitutional
Commission, to wit:
FR. BERNAS. It will not make any difference. I may add

that there is a graduated power of the President as
Commander-in-Chief. First, he can call out such Armed
Forces as may be necessary to suppress lawless violence;
then he can suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus, then he can impose martial law. This is a
graduated sequence.
When he judges that it is necessary to impose martial
law or suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus,
his judgment is subject to review. We are making it subject
to review by the Supreme Court and subject to concurrence
by the National Assembly. But when he exercises this
lesser power of calling on the Armed Forces, when he says
it is necessary, it is my opinion that his judgment cannot be
reviewed by anybody.
xxx
FR. BERNAS. Let me just add that when we only have
imminent danger, the matter can be handled by the first
sentence: “The President . . . may call out such armed
forces to prevent or suppress lawless violence, invasion
or rebellion.” So we feel that that is sufficient for
handling imminent danger.
MR. DE LOS REYES. So actually, if a President feels that
there is imminent danger, the matter can be handled by
the First Sentence: “The President . . . . may call out
such Armed Forces to prevent or suppress lawless
violence, invasion or rebellion.” So we feel that that is
sufficient for handling imminent danger, of invasion or
rebellion, instead of imposing martial law or suspending
the writ of habeas corpus, he must necessarily have to
call the Armed Forces of the Philippines as their
Commander-in-Chief. Is that the idea?
_______________
33 Sarmiento v. Mison, 156 SCRA 549 (1987).

110

MR. REGALADO. That does not require any concurrence 34

by the legislature nor is it subject to judicial review.
The reason for the difference in the treatment of the

aforementioned powers highlights the intent to grant the
President the widest leeway and broadest discretion in
using the power to call out because it is considered as the
lesser and more benign power compared to the power to
suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and the
power to impose martial law, both of which involve the
curtailment and suppression of certain basic civil rights
and individual freedoms, and thus necessitating safeguards
by Congress and review by this Court.
Moreover, under Section 18, Article VII of the
Constitution, in the exercise of the power to suspend the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus or to impose martial
law, two conditions must concur: (1) there must be an
actual invasion or rebellion and, (2) public safety must
require it. These conditions are not required in the case of
the power to call out the armed forces. The only criterion is
that “whenever it becomes necessary,” the President may
call the armed forces “to prevent or suppress lawless
violence, invasion or rebellion.” The implication is that the
President is given full discretion and wide latitude in the
exercise of the power to call as compared to the two other
powers.
If the petitioner fails, by way of proof, to support the
assertion that the President acted without factual basis,
then this Court cannot undertake an independent
investigation beyond the pleadings. The factual necessity of
calling out the armed forces is not easily quantifiable and
cannot be objectively established since matters considered
for satisfying the same is a combination of several factors
which are not always accessible to the courts. Besides the
absence of textual standards that the court may use to
judge necessity, information necessary to arrive at such
judgment might also prove unmanageable for the courts.
Certain pertinent information might be difficult to verify,
or wholly unavailable to the courts. In many instances, the
evidence upon which the Presi-
_______________
34 II RECORD OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COMMISSION:
PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES, pp. 409, 412 (1986).
111
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 111

dent might decide that there is a need to call out the armed
forces may be of a nature not constituting technical proof.
On the other hand, the President as Commander-in-
Chief has a vast intelligence network to gather
information, some of which may be classified as highly
confidential or affecting the security of the state. In the
exercise of the power to call, on-the-spot decisions may be
imperatively necessary in emergency situations to avert
great loss of human lives and mass destruction of property.
Indeed, the decision to call out the military to prevent or
suppress lawless violence must be done swiftly and
decisively if it were to have any effect at all. Such a
scenario is not farfetched when we consider the present
situation in Mindanao, where the insurgency problem could
spill over the other parts of the country. The determination
of the necessity for the calling out power if subjected to
unfettered judicial scrutiny could be a veritable
prescription for disaster, as such power may be unduly
straitjacketed by an injunction or a temporary restraining
order every time it is exercised.
Thus, it is the unclouded intent of the Constitution to
vest upon the President, as Commander-in-Chief of the
Armed Forces, full discretion to call forth the military when
in his judgment it is necessary to do so in order to prevent
or suppress lawless violence, invasion or rebellion. Unless
the petitioner can show that the exercise of such discretion
was gravely abused, the President’s exercise of judgment
deserves to be accorded respect from this Court.
The President has already determined the necessity and
factual basis for calling the armed forces. In his
Memorandum, he categorically asserted that, “[V]iolent
crimes like bank/store robberies, holdups, kidnappings35
and
carnappings continue to occur in Metro Manila . . .” We do
not doubt the veracity of the President’s assessment of the
situation, especially in the light of present developments.
The Court takes judicial notice of the recent bombings
perpetrated by lawless elements in the shopping malls,
public utilities, and other public places. These are among
the areas of deployment described in the LOI 2000.
Considering all these facts, we hold that the President has

sufficient factual basis to call for mili-
_______________
35 Rollo, p. 75.
112

tary aid in law enforcement and in the exercise of this

constitutional power.
The deployment of the Marines does not violate the

civilian supremacy clause nor does it infringe the
civilian character of the police force.
Prescinding from its argument that no emergency situation

exists to justify the calling of the Marines, the IBP asserts
that by the deployment of the Marines, the civilian task of
law enforcement
36
is “militarized” in violation of Section 3,
Article II of the Constitution.
We disagree. The deployment of the Marines does not
constitute a breach of the civilian supremacy clause. The
calling of the Marines in this case constitutes permissible
use of military assets for civilian law enforcement. The
participation of the Marines in the conduct of joint
visibility patrols is appropriately circumscribed. The
limited participation of the Marines is evident in the
provisions of the LOI itself, which sufficiently provides the
metes and bounds of the Marines’ authority. It is
noteworthy that the local police forces are the ones in
charge of the visibility patrols at all times, the real
authority belonging to the PNP. In fact, the Metro Manila
Police Chief is the overall leader37
of the PNP-Philippine
Marines joint visibility patrols. Under the LOI, the police
forces are tasked 38to brief or orient the soldiers on police
patrol procedures. It is their responsibility to direct and
manage the deploy-
_______________
36 Section 3, provides:
Civilian authority, is at all times, supreme over the military. The Armed Forces of
the Philippines is the protector of the people and the State. Its goal is to secure the
sovereignty of the State and the integrity of the national territory.
37 No. 9 of the LOI provides: COORDINATING INSTRUCTIONS:
a. RD, NCRPO is designated as Task Force Commander

“TULUNGAN.”
38 No. 6 of the LOI states: DEPLOYMENT/EMPLOYMENT OF JOINT

NCRPO-PHILIPPINE MARINES:
b. Before their deployment/employment, receiving units shall

properly brief/orient the troops on police patrol/visibility
procedures.
113
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 113

39
ment of the Marines. It is, likewise, their duty to provide
the necessary equipment to the Marines 40
and render
logistical support to these soldiers. In view of the
foregoing, it cannot be properly argued that military
authority is supreme over civilian authority. Moreover, the
deployment of the Marines to assist the PNP does not
unmake the civilian character of the police force. Neither
does it amount to an “insidious incursion” of the military in
the task of
_______________
39 No. 8 of the LOI provides: TASKS:

k. POLICE DISTRICTS/STATIONS
-Provide direction and manage the deployment of all

Philippine Marines personnel deployed in your AOR for
police visibility operations.
-Conduct briefing/orientation to Philippine Marines’
personnel on the do’s and don’ts of police visibility patrols.
-Provide transportation to Philippine Marines from
districts headquarters to different stations and PCPs.
-Perform other tasks as directed.
40 No. 8 of the LOI states: TASKS:

c. RLD/R4
-Coordinate with the Directorate for Logistics for the

issuance of the following equipments (sic) to be utilize (sic)
by the Philippine Marines personnel: 500 pieces Probaton,
500 whistle (sic), 500 pieces brazzard blazoned.
-Coordinate with the Directorate for Logistics for the
issuance of the following for use of PNP personnel involved
in the visibility patrol operations:
1,000 sets of PNP GOA Uniform

500 each raincoats
500 each Probaton
500 each Whistle
500 each handcuffs
500 each Combat Boots
500 each low cut shoes
-Provide transportation to the Philippine Marines

personnel in coordination with LSS, NHQ PNP.
-Provide additional gas allocation to Philippine Marines’
members of the Inspection Teams.
-Perform other tasks as directed.
114

law enforcement 41in violation of Section 5(4), Article XVI of

the Constitution.
In this regard, it is not correct to say that General
Angelo Reyes, Chief of Staff of the AFP, by his alleged
involvement in civilian law enforcement, has been virtually
appointed to a civilian post in derogation of the aforecited
provision. The real authority in these operations, as stated
in the LOI, is lodged with the head of a civilian institution,
the PNP, and not with the military. Such being the case, it
does not matter whether the AFP Chief actually
participates in the Task Force Tulungan since he does not
exercise any authority or control over the same. Since none
of the Marines was incorporated or enlisted as members of
the PNP, there can be no appointment to a civilian position
to speak of. Hence, the deployment of the Marines in the
joint visibility patrols does not destroy the civilian
character of the PNP.
Considering the above circumstances, the Marines
render nothing more than assistance required in
conducting the patrols. As such, there can be no “insidious
incursion” of the military in civilian affairs nor can there be
a violation of the civilian supremacy clause in the
Constitution.
It is worth mentioning that military assistance to
civilian authorities in various forms persists in Philippine
jurisdiction. The Philippine experience reveals that it is not
averse to requesting the assistance of the military in the
implementation and execution of certain traditionally
“civil” functions. As correctly pointed out by the Solicitor

General, some of the multifarious activities wherein
military aid has been rendered, exemplifying the activities
that bring both the civilian and the military together in a
relationship of cooperation, are:
42
1. Elections;
_______________
41 Sec. 5(4), Article XVI, provides:
No member of the Armed Forces in the active service shall, at any time, be
appointed in the government including government-owned and controlled
corporations or any of their subsidiaries.
42 CONSTITUTION, Article IX-C, Section 2; Comelec Resolution No.

3071 (1999), which is entitled “In Re Guidelines for the Designation of
115
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 115

2. Administration
43
of the Philippine National Red
Cross;
3. Relief and44 rescue operations during calamities and
disasters;
45
4. Amateur sports promotion and development;
46
5. Development of the culture and the arts;
47
6. Conservation of natural resources;
_______________
Registration Centers and the Accountable Officers for the Polaroid

Instant Cameras for Purposes of the Registration of Voters on 8-9 May
1999 in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao”; Comelec
Resolution No. 3059 (1999), which is entitled, “In the Matter of Deputizing
the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Three (3) AFP Components,
Namely: Philippine Army, Philippine Navy and Philippine Air Force, for
the Purpose of Ensuring Free, Orderly, Honest and Peaceful Precinct
Mapping, Registration of Voters and the Holding of the September 13,
1999 Elections in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM)”;
Republic Act No. 7166 (1991), Section 33, which is entitled “An Act
Providing for Synchronized National and Local Elections and for Electoral
Reforms, Authorizing Appropriations therefor, and for other Purposes”;
Administrative Code of 1987, Book V, Title I, Subtitle C, Chapter 1,
Sections 2 (4) and 3; Batas Pambansa Blg. 881, Article VI, Sections 52 (b)
and 57 (3) (1985), which is also known as “Omnibus Election Code.”
43 Republic Act No. 95 (1947), Section 5, which is entitled “An Act to
Incorporate the Philippine National Red Cross Section”; Republic Act No.
855 (1953), Section 1, which is entitled “An Act to Amend Section V of
Republic Act Numbered Ninety-Five, entitled “An Act to Incorporate the
Philippine National Red Cross.”
44 Republic Act No 7077 (1991), Article III, Section 7, which is entitled
“An Act Providing for the Development, Administration, Organization,
Training, Maintenance and Utilization of the Citizen Armed Forces of the
Armed Forces of the Philippines and for other Purposes.”
45 Republic Act No. 6847 (1990), Section 7, which is entitled “An Act
Creating and Establishing The Philippine Sports Commission, Defining
its Powers, Functions and Responsibilities, Appropriating Funds therefor,
and for other Purposes.”
Establishing a National Museum System, Providing for its Permanent
Home and for other Purposes.”
Providing for the Development, Management and Conservation of the
Fisheries and Aquatic Resources, Integrating All Laws Pertinent Thereto,
and for other Purposes”; Memorandum Circular No. 150 (1996), which is
entitled “Amending Memorandum Circular No. 128, dated July 20, 1995
116

48
7. Implementation of the agrarian reform program;
49
8. Enforcement of customs laws;
9. Composite50 civilian-military law enforcement
activities;
_______________
by Reorganizing the Presidential Task Force on Tubbataha Reef

National Marine Park”; Executive Order No. 544 (1979), Letter I, which is
entitled “Creating a Presidential Committee for the Conservation of the
Tamaraw, Defining its Powers and for other Purposes.”
48 Executive Order No. 129-A (1987) Section 5 (m), which is entitled
“Modifying Executive Order No. 129 Reorganizing and Strengthening the
Department of Agrarian Reform and for other Purposes.”
to Revise and Codify the Tariff and Customs Laws of the Philippines”;
Executive Order No. 45 (1998), which is entitled “Creating a Presidential
Anti-Smuggling Task Force to Investigate and Prosecute Crimes Involving
Large-Scale Smuggling and other Frauds upon Customs and Providing

Measures to Expedite Seizure Proceedings.”
50 These cases involved joint military and civilian law enforcement
operations: People v. Escalante, G.R No. 106633, December 1, 1994; People
v. Bernardo, G.R. No. 97393, March 17, 1993; People v. De la Cruz, G.R.
No. 83260, April 18, 1990; Guanzon v. de Villa, 181 SCRA 623, 631 (1990).
(This case recognizes the complementary roles of the PNP and the
military in conducting anti-crime campaigns, provided that the people’s
rights are not violated in these words: “If the military and the police must
conduct concerted campaigns to flush out and catch criminal elements,
such drives must be consistent with the constitutional and statutory
rights of all people affected by such actions,” The creation of the Task
Force also finds support in Valmonte v. de Villa, 185 SCRA 665 (1990).
Executive Order No. 62 (1999), which is entitled “Creating the Philippine
Center on Transnational Crime to Formulate and Implement a Concerted
Program of Action of All Law Enforcement, Intelligence and other
Agencies for the Prevention and Control of Transnational Crime”;
Executive Order No. 8 (1998), which is entitled “Creating a Presidential
Anti-Organized Crime Commission and a Presidential Anti-Organized
Crime Task Force, to Investigate and Prosecute Criminal Elements in the
Country”; Executive Order No. 280 (1995), which is entitled “Creating a
Presidential Task Force or Intelligence and Counter-intelligence to
Identify, Arrest and Cause the Investigation and Prosecution of Military
and other Law Enforcement Personnel on their Former Members and
Their Cohorts Involved in Criminal Activities.”
117
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 117

51
10. Conduct of licensure examinations;
11. Conduct of nationwide52
tests for elementary and
high school students;
53
12. Anti-drug enforcement activities;
54
13. Sanitary inspections;
55
14. Conduct of census work;
56
15. Administration of the Civil Aeronautics Board;
_______________
51 Memorandum Circular No. 141 (1996), which is entitled “Enjoining

Government Agencies Concerned to Extend Optimum Support and
Assistance to the Professional Regulation Commission in its Conduct of
Licensure Examinations.”
52 Memorandum Circular No. 32 (1999), which is entitled “Directing the
Government Agencies Concerned to Extend Maximum Support and
Assistance to the National Educational Testing and Research Center

(NETRC) of the Department of Education, Culture and Sports (DECS) in
the Conduct of Tests of National Coverage.”
53 Executive Order No. 61 (1999), which is entitled “Creating the
National Drug Law Enforcement and Prevention Coordinating Center to
Orchestrate Efforts of National Government Agencies, Local Government
Units, and Non-Government Organizations for a More Effective Anti-Drug
Campaign.”
54 Republic Act No. 4089 (1964), which is entitled “An Act Making the
City Health Officer of Bacolod City the Local Civil Registrar, Amending
for the Purpose Section Forty-Three of the Charter of said City”; Republic
Act No. 537 (1950), which is entitled “An Act to Revise the Charter of
Quezon City”; Commonwealth Act No. 592 (1940), which is entitled “An
Act to Create the City of Dansalan”; Commonwealth Act No. 509 (1939),
which is entitled “An Act to Create Quezon City”; Commonwealth Act No.
326 (1938), which is entitled “An Act Creating the City of Bacolod”;
Commonwealth Act No. 39 (1936), which is entitled “An Act Creating the
City of Zamboanga”; Commonwealth Act No. 51 (1936), which is entitled
“An Act Creating the City of Davao.”
55 Republic Act No. 36 (1946), which is entitled “Census Act of Nineteen
Hundred and Forty-Six.”
56 Republic Act No. 776 (1952), Section 5, which is entitled “An Act to
Reorganize the Civil Aeronautics Board and the Civil Aeronautics
Administration, To Provide for the Regulation of Civil Aeronautics in the
Philippines and Authorizing the Appropriation of Funds Therefor.”
118

16. Assistance
57
in installation of weather forecasting
devices;
17. Peace and order58 policy formulation in local
government units.
This unquestionably constitutes a gloss on executive power

resulting from a systematic, unbroken, executive practice,
long pursued to the59
knowledge of Congress and, yet, never
before questioned. What we have here is mutual support
and cooperation between the military and civilian
authorities, not derogation of civilian supremacy.
In the United States, where a long tradition of suspicion
and hostility towards the60
use of military force for domestic
purposes has persisted, and whose Constitution, unlike
ours, does not expressly provide for the power to call, the
use of military personnel by civilian law enforcement
officers is allowed under circumstances similar to those
surrounding the present deployment of61 the Philippine

Marines. Under the Posse Comitatus Act of the US, the
use of the military in civilian law enforcement is generally
prohibited, except in certain allowable circumstances. A
provision of the Act states:
§ 1385. Use of Army and Air Force as posse comitatus

Whoever, except in cases and under circumstances expressly
authorized by the Constitution or Act of Congress, willfully uses
any part of the Army or the Air Force as posse comitatus or
otherwise to execute the
_______________
57 Republic Act No. 6613 (1972), Section 4, which is entitled “An Act Declaring a
Policy of the State to Adopt Modern Scientific Methods to Moderate Typhoons and
Prevent Destruction by Floods, Rains and Droughts, Creating a Council on
Typhoons and Prevent Destruction by Flood, Rains and Droughts, Creating a
Council on Typhoon Moderation and Flood Control Research and Development,
Providing for its Powers and Functions and Appropriating Funds Therefor.”
58 Local Government Code of 1991, Book I, Title Seven, Section 116.
59 This theory on gloss of executive power was advanced by Justice Frankfurter
in his concurring opinion in Youngstown Sheet and Tube v. Sawyer, 343 US 579,
610-611 (1952).
60 Bissonette v. Haig, 766 F. 2d 1384, 1389 (1985).
61 18 U.S.C.A §1385 (1878).
119
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 119

laws shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more
62
than two years, or both.
To determine whether there is a violation of the Posse

Comitatus
63
Act in the use of military personnel, the US
courts apply the following standards, to wit:
Were Army or Air Force personnel used by the civilian law

enforcement officers at Wounded Knee in such a manner that the
military personnel subjected the citizens to the exercise of
64
military power which was regulatory, proscriptive, or compulsory
in nature, either presently or prospectively?
xxx
When this concept is transplanted into the present legal
context, we take it to mean that military involvement, even when
not expressly authorized by the Constitution or a statute, does not
violate the Posse Comitatus Act unless it actually regulates,
forbids or compels some conduct on the part of those claiming

relief. A mere threat of some future injury would be insufficient.
(emphasis supplied)
Even if the Court were to apply the above rigid standards

to the present case to determine whether there is
permissible use of the military in civilian law enforcement,
the conclusion is inevitable that no violation of the civilian
supremacy clause in the Constitution is committed. On this
point, the Court agrees with the observation of the Solicitor
General:
_______________
62 Ibid.
63 Bissonette v. Haig, supra note 60, at 1390.
64 A power regulatory in nature is one which controls or directs. It is
proscriptive if it prohibits or condemns and compulsory if it exerts some
coercive force. See US v. Yunis, 681 F.Supp 891 (D.D.C., 1988). See also
FOURTH AMENDMENT AND POSSE COMITATUS ACT
RESTRICTIONS ON MILITARY INVOLVEMENT IN CIVIL LAW
ENFORCEMENT, 54 George Washington Law Review, pp. 404-433
(1986), which discusses the four divergent standards for assessing
acceptable involvement of military personnel in civil law enforcement. See
likewise HONORED IN THE BREECH: PRESIDENTIAL AUTHORITY
TO EXECUTE THE LAWS WITH MILITARY FORCE, 83 Yale Law
Journal, pp. 130-152, 1973.
120

65
3. The designation of tasks in Annex A does not constitute the
exercise of regulatory, proscriptive, or compulsory military power.
First, the soldiers do not control or direct the operation. This is
66 67 68
evident from Nos. 6, 8(k) and 9(a) of Annex A. These soldiers,
69
second, also have no power to prohibit or condemn. In No. 9(d) of
Annex A, all arrested persons are brought to the nearest police
stations for proper disposition. And last, these soldiers apply no
coercive force. The materials or equipment issued to them, as
70
shown in No. 8(c) of Annex A, are all low impact and defensive
in character. The conclusion is that there being no exercise of
regulatory, proscriptive or compulsory military power, the
deployment of a handful of Philippine Marines constitutes no
impermissible use of military power for civilian law
71
enforcement.
It appears that the present petition is anchored on fear

that once the armed forces are deployed, the military will
gain ascendancy, and thus place in peril our cherished
liberties. Such apprehensions, however, are unfounded.
The power to call the armed forces is just that—calling out
the armed forces. Unless, petitioner IBP can show, which it
has not, that in the deployment of the Marines, the
President has violated the fundamental law, exceeded his
authority or jeopardized the civil liberties of the people,
this Court is not inclined to overrule the President’s
determination of the factual basis for the calling of the
Marines to prevent or suppress lawless violence.
_______________
65 L.O.I. 02/2000, “TULUNGAN,” Rollo, pp. 17-22.

66 No. 6 of the LOI states: DEPLOYMENT/EMPLOYMENT OF JOINT
NCRPO-PHILIPPINE MARINES:
a. The PNP NCPRO thru Police Districts will continue to deploy

uniformed PNP personnel dedicated for police visibility patrols in
tandem with the Philippine Marines.
b. Before their deployment/employment, receiving units shall
properly brief/orient the troops on police patrol/visibility
procedures.
67 Supra note 34.

68 Supra note 32.
69 No. 9 of the LOI states:
d. In case of apprehensions, arrested person/s shall be brought to the

nearest police stations/PCPs.
70 Supra note 35.

71 Rollo, p. 70.
121
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 121

One last point. Since the institution of the joint visibility

patrol in January, 2000, not a single citizen has complained
that his political or civil rights have been violated as a
result of the deployment of the Marines. It was precisely to
safeguard peace, tranquility and the civil liberties of the
people that the joint visibility patrol was conceived.
Freedom and democracy will be in full bloom only when
people feel secure in their homes and in the streets, not
when the shadows of violence and anarchy constantly lurk

in their midst.
WHEREFORE, premises considered, the petition is
hereby DISMISSED.
SO ORDERED.
Davide, Jr. (C.J.), Melo, Purisima, Pardo, Buena,

Gonzaga-Reyes, Ynares-Santiago and De Leon, Jr., JJ.,
concur.
Bellosillo, J., On official leave.
Puno, J., Please see separate opinion.
Vitug, J., Please see separate opinion.
Mendoza, J., See concurring and dissenting opinion.
Panganiban, J., In the result.
Quisumbing, J., I join in the opinion of J. Mendoza.
SEPARATE OPINION
PUNO, J.:
If the case at bar is significant, it is because of the

government attempt to foist the political question doctrine
to shield an executive act done in the exercise of the
commander-in-chief powers from judicial scrutiny. If the
attempt succeeded, it would have diminished the power of
judicial review and weakened the checking authority of this
Court over the Chief Executive when he exercises his
Commander-in-chief powers. The attempt should remind us
of the tragedy that befell the country when this Court sought
refuge in the political question doctrine and forfeited its
most important role as protector of the civil and political
rights of our people. The ongoing conflict in Mindanao may
worsen and can force the Chief Executive to resort to the use
of his greater commander-in-chief pow-
122

ers, hence, this Court should be extra cautious in assaying

similar attempts. A laid back posture may not sit well with
our people considering that the 1987 Constitution
strengthened the checking powers of this Court and
expanded its jurisdiction precisely to stop any act
constituting “x x x grave abuse of discretion x x x on the

1
part
of any branch or instrumentality of the Government.”
The importance of the issue at bar induces this humble
separate opinion. We can best perceive the different
intersecting dimensions of the political question doctrine by
viewing them from the broader canvass of history. Political
questions are defined as “those questions which under the
Constitution, are to be decided by the people in their
sovereign capacity, or in regard to which full discretionary
authority has been delegated
2
to the legislative or executive
branch of government.” They have two aspects: (1) those
matters that are to be exercised by the people in their
primary political capacity and (2) matters which have been
specifically delegated to some other department or
particular office
3
of the government, with discretionary
power to act. The exercise of the discretionary power of the
legislative or executive branch of government was often the
area where the Court
4
had to wrestle with the political
question doctrine.
A brief review of some of our case law will thus give us a
sharper perspective of the political question doctrine. This
question confronted the 5Court as early as 1905 in the case
of Barcelon v. Baker. The Governor-General of the
Philippine Islands, pursuant to a resolution of the
Philippine Commission, suspended the privilege of the writ
of habeas corpus in Cavite and Batangas based on a finding
of open insurrection in said provinces. Felix Barcelon, who
was detained by constabulary officers in Batangas, filed a
petition for the issuance of a writ of habeas corpus alleging
that there was no
_____________
1 Sec. 1, Article VIII, 1987 Constitution.

2 Tañada v. Cuenco, 103 Phil. 1051, 1067 [1957], citing 16 C.J.S. 413.
3 Tañada v. Cuenco, supra, 1067, quoting In re McConaughy, 119 NW
408 [1909].
4 Bernas, The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines A
Commentary, p. 859 [1996].
5 5 Phil. 87 [1905].
123
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 123

open insurrection in Batangas. The issue to resolve was

whether or not the judicial department may investigate the
facts upon which the legislative (the Philippine

Commission) and executive (the Governor-General)
branches of government acted in suspending the privilege
of the writ.
The Court ruled that under our form of government, one
department has no authority to inquire into the acts of
another, which acts are 6performed within the discretion of
the other department. Surveying American law and
jurisprudence, it held that whenever a statute gives
discretionary power to any person, to be exercised by him
upon his own opinion of certain facts, the statute
constitutes
7
him the sole judge of the existence of those
facts. Since the Philippine Bill of 1902 empowered the
Philippine Commission and the Governor-General to
suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, this
power is exclusively within the discretion of the legislative
and executive branches of government.8 The exercise of this
discretion is conclusive upon the courts.
The Court further held that once a determination is
made by the executive and legislative departments that the
conditions justifying the assailed acts exist, it will presume
that the conditions continue until 9
the same authority
decide that they no longer exist. It adopted the rationale
that the executive branch, thru its civil and military
branches, are better situated to obtain information about
peace and order from every corner of the nation, in contrast
with the 10judicial department, with its very limited
machinery. The seed of the political question doctrine was
thus planted in Philippine soil.
The doctrine barring judicial review because of the
political question doctrine was next applied to the internal
affairs of the legislature. The Court refused to interfere in
the legislative exercise of disciplinary power over its own
members. In the 1924 case of Ale-
_______________
6 Id., at 97.
7 Id., at 104.
8 See Cruz, Philippine Political Law, p. 87 [1998].
9 Id. at 113-114.
10 Id. at 106-107.
124

11
11
jandrino v. Quezon, Alejandrino, who was appointed
Senator by the Governor-General, was declared by Senate
Resolution as guilty of disorderly conduct for assaulting
another Senator in the course of a debate, and was
suspended from office for one year. Senator Alejandrino
filed a petition for mandamus and injunction to compel the
Senate to reinstate him. The Court held that under the
Jones Law, the power of the Senate to punish its members
for disorderly behavior does not authorize it to suspend an
appointive member from the exercise of his office. While
the Court found that the suspension was illegal, it refused
to issue the writ of mandamus on the ground that “the
Supreme Court does not possess the power of coercion to
make the Philippine Senate take any particular action.
[T]he Philippine Legislature or any branch thereof cannot
be directly controlled in the exercise
12
of their legislative
powers by any judicial process.”
The issue revisited the Court 13
twenty-two (22) years
later. In 1946, in Vera v. Avelino, three senators-elect who
had been prevented from taking their oaths of office by a
Senate resolution repaired to this Court to compel their
colleagues to allow them to occupy their seats contending
that only the Electoral Tribunal had jurisdiction over
contests relating to their election returns and
qualifications. Again, the Court refused to intervene citing
Alejandrino and affirmed the inherent right of the
legislature to determine who shall be admitted to its
membership. 14
In the 1947 case of Mabanag v. Lopez-Vito, three
Senators and eight representatives who were proclaimed
elected by Comelec were not allowed by Congress to take
part in the voting for the passage of the Parity amendment
to the Constitution. If their votes had been counted, the
affirmative votes in favor of the proposed amendment
would have been short of the necessary three-fourths vote
in either House of Congress to pass the amendment. The
amendment was eventually submitted to the people for
ratification. The Court declined to intervene and held that
a proposal to amend
_______________
11 46 Phil. 83 [1924].
12 Id. at 97.
13 77 Phil. 192 [1946].
14 78 Phil. 1 [1947].
125
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 125

the Constitution is a highly political function15performed by

Congress in its sovereign legislative capacity.16
In the 1955 case of Arnault v. Balagtas, petitioner, a
private citizen, assailed the legality of his detention
ordered by the Senate for his refusal to answer questions
put to him by members of one of its investigating
committees. This Court refused to order his release holding
that the process by which a contumacious witness is dealt
with by the legislature is a necessary concomitant of the
legislative process and the legislature’s exercise of its
discretionary authority is not subject to judicial
interference. 17
In the 1960 case of Osmeña v. Pendatun, the Court
followed the traditional line. Congressman Sergio Osmeña,
Jr. was suspended by the House of Representatives for
serious disorderly behavior for making a privilege speech
imputing “malicious charges” against the President of the
Philippines. Osmeña, Jr. invoked the power of review of
this Court but the Court once more did not interfere with
Congress’ power to discipline its members.
The contours of the political question doctrine have
always been tricky. To be sure, the Court did not always
stay its hand whenever the 18
doctrine is invoked. In the 1949
case of Avelino v. Cuenco, Senate President Jose Avelino,
who was deposed and replaced, questioned his successor’s
title claiming that the latter had been elected without a
quorum. The petition was initially dismissed on the ground
that the selection of Senate President was an internal 19
matter and not subject to judicial review. On
reconsideration, however, the Court ruled that it could
assume jurisdiction over the controversy in light of
subsequent events justifying 20intervention among which
was the existence of a quorum. Though the petition
_______________
15 Id. at 4-5. The court also adopted the enrolled bill theory which, like
findings under the political question doctrine, “imports absolute verity on
the courts”—at 12.
16 97 Phil. 358 [1955].
17 109 Phil. 863 [1960].
18 83 Phil. 17 [1949].
19 Id. at 21-22.
20 Id. at 68-69.
126

was ultimately dismissed, the Court declared respondent

Cuenco as the legally elected Senate President.21
In the 1957 case of Tañada v. Cuenco, the court
assumed jurisdiction over a dispute involving the formation
and composition of the Senate Electoral Tribunal. It
rejected the Solicitor General’s claim that the dispute
involved a political question. Instead, it declared that the
Senate is not clothed with “full discretionary authority” in
the choice of members of the Senate Electoral Tribunal and
the exercise of its power thereon is subject to22constitutional
limitations which are mandatory in nature. It held that
under the Constitution, the membership of the Senate
Electoral Tribunal was designed to insure the exercise of
judicial impartiality in the disposition of 23election contests
affecting members of the lawmaking body. The Court then
nullified the election to the Senate Electoral Tribunal made
by Senators belonging to the party having the largest
number of votes of two of their party members but
purporting to act on behalf of the party having the second
highest number of votes. 24
In the 1962 case of Cunanan v. Tan, Jr., the Court
passed judgment on whether Congress had formed the
Commission on Appointments in accordance with the
Constitution and found that it did not. It declared that the
Commission on Appointments is a creature of the
Constitution and its power does not come from Congress
but from the Constitution. 25
The 1967 case of Gonzales 26v. Comelec and the 1971
case of Tolentino v. Comelec abandoned Mabanag v.
Lopez-Vito. The question of whether or not Congress, acting
as a constituent assembly in proposing amendments to the
Constitution violates the Constitution was held to be a
justiciable and not a political issue. In Gonzales, the Court
ruled:
_______________
21 103 Phil. 1051 [1957].

22 Id. at 1068.
23 Id. at 1083.
24 5 SCRA 1 [1962].
25 21 SCRA 774 [1967].
26 41 SCRA 702 [1971].
127
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 127

“It is true that in Mabanag v. Lopez-Vito, this Court

characterizing the issue submitted thereto as a political one,
declined to pass upon the question whether or not a given number
of votes cast in Congress in favor of a proposed amendment to the
Constitution—which was being submitted to the people for
ratification—satisfied the three-fourths vote requirement of the
fundamental law. The force of this precedent has been weakened,
however, by Suanes v. Chief Accountant of the Senate, Avelino v.
Cuenco, Tañada v. Cuenco, and Macias v. Commission on
Elections. In the first, we held that the officers and employees of
the Senate Electoral Tribunal are under its supervision and
control, not of that of the Senate President, as claimed by the
latter; in the second, this Court proceeded to determine the
number of Senators necessary for a quorum in the Senate; in the
third, we nullified the election, by Senators belonging to the party
having the largest number of votes in said chamber, purporting to
act on behalf of the party having the second largest number of
votes therein, of two (2) Senators belonging to the first party, as
members, for the second party, of the Senate Electoral Tribunal;
and in the fourth, we declared unconstitutional an act of Congress
purporting to apportion the representative districts for the House
of Representatives, upon the ground that the apportionment had
not been made as may be possible according to the number of
inhabitants of each province. Thus, we rejected the theory,
advanced in these four cases, that the issues therein raised were
political questions the determination of which is beyond judicial
27
review.”
The Court explained that the power to amend the

Constitution or to propose amendments thereto is not
included in the general grant of legislative powers to
Congress. As a constituent assembly, the members of
Congress derive their authority from the fundamental law
and they do not have the final say on whether28
their acts
are within or beyond constitutional limits. This ruling
was reiterated in Tolentino which held that acts of a
constitutional convention called for the purpose of
proposing amendments to the Constitution are at29par with
acts of Congress acting as a constituent assembly.
_______________
27 Id. at 785-786.
28 Id. at 787.
29 41 SCRA at 713.
128

In sum, this Court brushed aside the political question

doctrine and assumed jurisdiction whenever it found
constitutionally-imposed limits30 on the exercise of powers
conferred upon the Legislature.
The Court hewed to the same line as regards the exercise
of Executive power. Thus, the respect accorded executive
discretion was 31
observed in Severino v. Governor-General, where it was
held that the Governor-General, as head of the executive
department, could not be compelled by mandamus to call a
special election in the town of Silay for the purpose of
electing a municipal president. Mandamus and injunction
could not lie to enforce or restrain a duty which is
discretionary. It was held that when the Legislature
conferred upon the Governor-General powers and duties, it
did so for the reason that he was in a better position to
know the needs of the country than any other member of
the executive department, and with full confidence that 32
he
will perform such duties as his best
33
judgment dictates.
Similarly, in Abueva v. Wood, the Court held that the
Governor-General could not be compelled by mandamus to
produce certain vouchers showing the various expenditures
of the Independence Commission. Under the principle of
separation of powers, it ruled that it was not intended by
the Constitution that one branch of government could
encroach upon the field of duty of the other. Each
department has an exclusive field within which it 34can
perform its part within certain discretionary limits. It
observed that “the executive and legislative departments of
government are frequently called upon to deal with what
are known as political questions, with which the judicial
department of government has no intervention. In all such
questions, the courts uniformly refused to intervene for the
purpose of directing or controlling the actions of
_______________
30 Bernas, The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines A

31 16 Phil. 366 [1910].
32 Id. at 401.
33 45 Phil. 612 [1924].
34 Id. at 630.
129
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 129

the other department; such questions being many times

reserved
35
to those departments in the organic law of the
state.” 36
In Forbes v. Tiaco, the Court also refused to take
cognizance of a case enjoining the Chief Executive from
deporting an obnoxious alien whose continued presence in
the Philippines was found by him to be injurious to the
public interest. It noted that sudden and unexpected
conditions may arise, growing out of the presence of
untrustworthy aliens, which demand immediate action.
The President’s inherent power to deport undesirable
aliens is universally denominated as political, and this
power continues to exist for the preservation
37
of the peace
and domestic tranquility of the38nation.
In Manalang v. Quitoriano, the Court also declined to
interfere in the exercise of the President’s appointing
power. It held that the appointing power is the exclusive
prerogative of the President, upon which no limitations
may be imposed by Congress, except those resulting from
the need of securing concurrence of the Commission on
Appointments and from the exercise of the limited
legislative power to prescribe qualifications to a given
appointive office.
We now come to the exercise by the President of his
powers as Commander-in-Chief vis-à-vis the political
question doctrine. In the 1940’s, this Court has held that as
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, the President
has the power to determine whether war, in the legal
sense, still continues or has terminated. It ruled that it is
within the province of the political department and not of
the judicial department
39
of government to determine when
war is at end.
In 1952, the Court decided40
the landmark case of
Montenegro v. Castaneda. President Quirino suspended
the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus for persons
detained or to be detained for crimes
_______________
35 Id. at 637-638.
36 16 Phil. 534 [1910].
37 Id. at 568-569, 576.
38 94 Phil. 903 [1954].
39 Untal v. Chief of Staff, AFP, 84 Phil. 586 [1949]; Raquiza v.
Bradford, 75 Phil. 50 [1945].
40 91 Phil. 882 [1952].
130

of sedition, insurrection or rebellion. The Court, citing

Barcelon, declared that the authority to decide whether the
exigency has arisen requiring the suspension of the
privilege belongs to the President
41
and his decision is final
and conclusive on the courts.
Barcelon was the ruling 42
case law until the 1971 case of
Lansang v. Garcia came. Lansang reversed the previous
cases and held that the suspension of the privilege of the
writ of habeas corpus was not a political question.
According to the Court, the weight of Barcelon was diluted
by two factors: (1) it relied heavily on Martin v. Mott, which
involved the U.S. President’s power to call out the militia
which is a much broader power than suspension of the
privilege of the writ; and (2) the privilege was suspended by
the American Governor-General whose act, as
representative of the sovereign affecting the freedom of its
subjects, could not be equated with that of the President of
the Philippines dealing with the freedom of the sovereign
Filipino people.
The Court declared that the power to suspend the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus is neither absolute nor
unqualified because the Constitution sets limits on the
exercise of executive discretion on the matter. These limits
are: (1) that the privilege must not be suspended except
only in cases of invasion, insurrection or rebellion or
imminent danger thereof; and (2) when the public safety
requires it, in any of which events the same may be
suspended wherever during such period the necessity for
the suspension shall exist. The extent of the power which
may be inquired
43
into by courts is defined by these
limitations.
On the vital issue of how the Court may inquire into the
President’s exercise of power, it ruled that the function of
the Court is not to supplant but merely to check the
Executive; to ascertain whether the President has gone
beyond the constitutional limits of his jurisdiction, not to

exercise the power vested in him or to determine the
wisdom of his act. Judicial inquiry is confined to the
______________
41 Id. at 887.
42 42 SCRA 448 [1971].
43 Id. at 474.
131
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 131

44
question of whether the President did not act arbitrarily.
Using this yardstick, the Court found that the President
did not.
The emergency period of the 1970’s flooded the Court
with cases which raised the political question defense. The
issue divided the 45 Court down the middle. Javellana v.
Executive Secretary showed that while a majority of the
Court held that the issue of whether or not the 1973
Constitution had been ratified in accordance with the 1935
Constitution was justiciable, a majority also ruled that the
decisive issue of whether the 1973 Constitution had come
into force and effect, with or without 46
constitutional
ratification, was a political question.
The validity of the declaration of martial law by then
President Marcos was 47
next litigated before the Court. In
Aquino, Jr. v. Enrile, it upheld the President’s declaration
of martial law. On whether the validity of the imposition of
martial law was a political or justiciable question, the
Court was almost evenly divided. One-half embraced the
political question position and the other half subscribed to
the justiciable position in Lansang. Those adhering to the
political question
48
doctrine used different methods of
approach to it.
In 1983, the Lansang ruling 49
was weakened by the Court
in Garcia-Padilla v. Enrile. The petitioners therein were
arrested and detained by the Philippine Constabulary by
virtue of a Presidential Commitment Order (PCO).
Petitioners sought the issuance of a writ of habeas corpus.
The Court found that the PCO had the function of
validating a person’s detention for any of the offenses
covered in Proclamation No. 2045 which continued in force
the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.
It held that the issuance of the PCO by the President was
50
50
not subject to judicial inquiry. It went further by
declaring that there was a need to re-examine Lan-
_______________
44 Id. at 480-481.
45 50 SCRA 30 [1973].
46 Id. at 138, 140-141.
47 59 SCRA 183 [1973].
48 Ibid.
49 121 SCRA 472 [1983].
50 Id. at 490-491.
132

sang with a view to reverting to Barcelon and Montenegro.

It observed that in times of war or national emergency, the
President must be given absolute control for the very life of
the nation and government is in great peril. The President,
it intoned,51
is answerable only to his conscience, the people,
and God.
But barely six (6) days after Garcia-Padilla,
52
the Court
promulgated Morales, Jr. v. Enrile reiterating Lansang. It
held that by the power of judicial review, the Court must
inquire into every phase and aspect of a person’s detention
from the moment he was taken into custody up to the
moment the court passes upon the merits of the petition.
Only after such a scrutiny can the court satisfy itself that
53
the due process clause of the Constitution has been met.
It is now history that the improper reliance by the Court
on the political question doctrine eroded the people’s faith in
its capacity to check abuses committed by the then Executive
in the exercise of his commander-in-chief powers,
particularly violations against human rights. The refusal of
courts to be pro-active in the exercise of its checking power
drove the people to the streets to resort to extralegal
remedies. They gave birth to EDSA.
Two lessons were not lost to the members of the
Constitutional Commission that drafted the 1987
Constitution. The first was the need to grant this Court the
express power to review the exercise of the powers as
commander-in-chief by the President and deny it of any
discretion to decline its exercise. The second was the need to
compel the Court to be pro-active by expanding its
jurisdiction and, thus, reject its laid back stance against
acts constituting grave abuse of discretion on the part of

any branch or instrumentality of government. Then Chief
Justice Roberto Concepcion, a member of the
Constitutional Commission, worked for the insertion of the
_____________
51 Id. at 500-501.
52 121 SCRA 538 [1983].
53 Id. at 563.
133
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 133

second paragraph
54
of Section 1, Article VIII in the draft
Constitution, which reads:
“Sec. 1. x x x.
Judicial power includes the duty of the courts of justice to
settle actual controversies involving rights which are legally
demandable and enforceable, and to determine whether or not
there has been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or
excess of jurisdiction on the part of any branch or instrumentality
of the Government.”
The language of the provision clearly gives the Court the

power to strike down acts amounting to grave abuse of
discretion of both the legislative and executive branches of
government.
We should interpret Section 18, Article VII of the 1987
Constitution in light of our constitutional history. The
provision states:
“Sec. 18. The President shall be the Commander-in-Chief of all

armed forces of the Philippines and whenever it becomes
necessary, he may call out such armed forces to prevent or
suppress lawless violence, invasion or rebellion. In case of
invasion or rebellion, when the public safety requires it, he may,
for a period not exceeding sixty days, suspend the privilege of the
writ of habeas corpus or place the Philippines or any part thereof
under martial law. Within forty-eight hours from the
the writ of habeas corpus, the President shall submit a report in
person or in writing to Congress. The Congress, voting jointly, by
a vote of at least a majority of all its Members in regular or
special session, may revoke such proclamation or suspension,
which revocation shall not be set aside by the President. Upon the
initiative of the President, the Congress may, in the same

manner, extend such proclamation or suspension for a period to
be determined by Congress, if the invasion or rebellion shall
persist and public safety requires it.
The Congress, if not in session, shall, within twenty-four hours
following such proclamation or suspension, convene in accordance
with its rules without need of a call.
_______________
54 See Concepcion’s sponsorship speech, I Record 434-435; see also

Bernas, the Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines A
134

The Supreme Court may review, in an appropriate proceeding filed

by any citizen, the sufficiency of the factual basis of the
the writ or the extension thereof, and must promulgate its decision
thereon within thirty days from its filing.
xxx
It is clear from the foregoing that the President, as Commander-
in-chief of the armed forces of the Philippines, may call out the
armed forces subject to two conditions: (1) whenever it becomes
necessary; and (2) to prevent or suppress lawless violence, invasion
or rebellion. Undeniably, these conditions lay down the sine qua
requirement for the exercise of the power and the objective sought
to be attained by the exercise of the power. They define the
constitutional parameters of the calling out power. Whether or not
there is compliance with these parameters is a justiciable issue
and is not a political question.
I am not unaware that in the deliberations of the

Constitutional Commission, Commissioner Bernas opined
that the President’s exercise of the “calling out power,”
unlike the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus and the declaration of martial law, is not a
justiciable issue but a political question and therefore not
subject to judicial review.
It must be borne in mind, however, that while a
member’s opinion expressed on the floor of the
Constitutional Convention is valuable,
55
it is not necessarily
expressive of the people’s intent. The proceedings of the
Convention are less conclusive on the proper construction
of the fundamental law than are legislative proceedings of

the proper construction of a statute, for in the latter case it
is the intent of the legislature the courts seek, while in the
former, courts seek to arrive at the intent of the people
through the discussions
56
and deliberations of their
representatives. The conventional wisdom is that the
Constitution does not derive its force from the
_______________
55 J.M. Tuason & Co., Inc. v. Land Tenure Administration, 31 SCRA

413, 423-426 [1970].
56 Vera v. Avelino, 77 Phil. 192, 215 [1946]; see also Agpalo, Statutory
Construction, 4th ed., p. 454 [1998].
135
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 135

convention which framed it, but from the people who 57

ratified it, the intent to be arrived at is that of the people.
It is true that the third paragraph of Section 18, Article
VII of the 1987 Constitution expressly gives the Court the
power to review the sufficiency of the factual bases used by
the President in the suspension of the privilege of the writ
of habeas corpus and the declaration of martial law. It does
not follow, however, that just because the same provision
did not grant to this Court the power to review the exercise
of the calling out power by the President, ergo, this Court
cannot pass upon the validity of its exercise.
Given the light of our constitutional history, this express
grant of power merely means that the Court cannot decline
the exercise of its power because of the political question
doctrine as it did in the past. In fine, the express grant
simply stresses the mandatory duty of this Court to check
the exercise of the commander-in-chief powers of the
President. It eliminated the discretion of the Court not to
wield its power of review thru the use of the political
question doctrine.
It may be conceded that the calling out power may be a
“lesser power” compared to the power to suspend the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and the power to
declare martial law. Even then, its exercise cannot be left
to the absolute discretion of the Chief Executive as
Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, as its impact on
the rights of our people protected by the Constitution
cannot be downgraded. We cannot hold that acts of the
commander-in-chief cannot be reviewed on the ground that

they have lesser impact on the civil and political rights of
our people. The exercise of the calling out power may be
“benign” in the case at bar but may not be so in future
cases.
The counsel of Mr. Chief Justice Enrique M. Fernando,
in his Dissenting and Concurring Opinion in Lansang that
it would be dangerous and misleading to push the political
question doctrine too far, is apropos. It will not be
complementary to the Court if it handcuffs itself to
helplessness when a grievously injured citizen
_______________
57 Black, Handbook on the Construction and Interpretation of the

Laws, 2d ed., p. 39 [1911].
136

seeks relief from a palpably unwarranted use of

presidential or military power, especially when the
question at issue falls in the 58
penumbra between the
“political” and the “justiciable.” We should not water down
the ruling that deciding whether a matter has been
committed by the Constitution to another branch of
government, or whether the action of that branch exceeds
whatever authority has been committed, is a delicate
exercise in constitutional interpretation, and is a
responsibility of the59
Court as ultimate interpreter of the
fundamental law. When private justiciable rights are
involved in a suit, the Court must not refuse to assume
jurisdiction even though questions60 of extreme political
importance are necessarily involved. Every officer under a
constitutional government must act according to law and
subject to the controlling power of the people, acting
through the courts, as well as through the executive and
legislative. One department is just as representative of the
other, and the judiciary is the department which is charged
with the special duty of determining the 61
limitations which
the law places upon all official action. This historic role of
the Court is the62 foundation stone of a government of laws
and not of men.
I join the Decision in its result.
SEPARATE OPINION
VITUG, J.:
In the equation of judicial power, neither of two extremes—

one totalistic and the other bounded—is acceptable nor
ideal. The 1987 Constitution has introduced its definition
of the term “judicial power” to be that which—
_______________
58 42 SCRA at 506-507, see also Rossiter, The Supreme Court and the
Commander-in-chief, pp. 16-17 [1951].
59 Baker v. Carr, 7 L Ed 2d at 682.
60 Willoughby on the Constitution of the United States, vol. 3, 2d ed., p.
1336 [1929].
61 Tañada v. Macapagal, 103 Phil. At 1067, quoting In re McConaughy,
119 NW 408 [1909].
62 Id.
137
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 137

“x x x includes the duty of the courts of justice to settle actual

controversies involving rights which are legally demandable and
enforceable, and to determine whether or not there has been grave
abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on
1
the part of any branch or instrumentality of the Government.”
It is not meant that the Supreme Court must be deemed

vested with the awesome power of overseeing the entire
bureaucracy, let alone of institutionalizing judicial
absolutism, under its mandate. But while this Court does
not wield unlimited authority to strike down an act of its
two co-equal branches of government, it must not wither
under technical guise on its constitutionally ordained task
to intervene, and to nullify if need be, any such act as and
when it is attended by grave abuse of discretion amounting
to lack or excess of jurisdiction. The proscription then
against an interposition by the Court into purely political
questions, heretofore known, no longer holds within that
context. 2
Justice Feria, in the case of Avelino vs. Cuenco, has
aptly elucidated in his concurring opinion:
“x x x [I] concur with the majority that this Court has jurisdiction
over cases like the present x x x so as to establish in this country
the judicial supremacy, with the Supreme Court as the final
arbiter, to see that no branch or agency of the government
transcends the Constitution, not only in justiciable but political
3
questions as well.”
It is here when the Court must have to depart from the

broad principle of separation of powers that disallows an
intrusion by it in respect to the purely political decisions of
its independent and coordinate agencies of government.
The term grave abuse of discretion is long understood in
our jurisprudence as being, and confined to, a capricious
and whimsical or despotic exercise of judgment amounting
to lack or excess of jurisdiction. Minus the not-so-unusual
exaggerations often invoked
______________
1 Section 1, Article VIII of the Constitution.

2 83 Phil. 17 (1949).
3 Sen. Miriam Defensor Santiago, et al. vs. Sen. Teofisto Guingona, Jr.,
et al., 298 SCRA 756 (1998).
138

by litigants in the duel of views, the act of the President in

simply calling on the Armed Forces of the Philippines, an
executive prerogative, to assist the Philippine National
Police in “joint visibility patrols” in the metropolis does not,
I believe, constitute grave abuse of discretion that would
now warrant an exercise by the Supreme Court of its
extraordinary power as so envisioned by the fundamental
law.
Accordingly, I vote for the dismissal of the petition.
MENDOZA, J., CONCURRING AND DISSENTING:
I concur in the opinion of the Court insofar as it holds

petitioner to be without standing to question the validity of
LOI 02/2000 which mandates the Philippine Marines to
conduct “joint visibility” patrols with the police in Metro
Manila. But I dissent insofar as the opinion dismisses the
petition in this case on other grounds. I submit that
judgment on the substantive constitutional issues raised by
petitioner must await an actual case involving real parties
with “injuries” to show as a result of the operation of the

challenged executive action. While as an organization for
the advancement of the rule of law petitioner has an
interest in upholding the Constitution, its interest is
indistinguishable from the interest of the rest of the
citizenry and falls short of that which is necessary to give
petitioner standing.
As I have indicated elsewhere, a citizens’ suit
challenging the constitutionality of governmental action
requires that (1) the petitioner must have suffered an
“injury in fact” of an actual or imminent nature; (2) there
must be a causal connection between the injury and the
conduct complained of; and (3) the injury is1 likely to be
redressed by a favorable action by this Court. The “injury
in fact” test requires more than injury to a cognizable
interest. It requires that the2
party seeking review be
himself among those injured.
_____________
1 Tatad v. Garcia, 243 SCRA 436, 473 (1995) (concurring). Accord,

Telecommunication and Broadcast Attorneys of the Philippines v. COME-
LEC, 289 SCRA 343 (1998).
2 Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 119 L. Ed. 2d 351 (1992).
139
VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 139

My insistence on compliance with the standing

requirement is grounded in the conviction that only a party
injured by the operation of the governmental action
challenged is in the best position to aid the Court in
determining the precise nature of the problem presented.
Many a time we have adverted to the power of judicial
review as an awesome power not to be exercised save in the
most exigent situation. For, indeed, sound judgment on
momentous constitutional questions is not likely to be
reached unless it is the result of a clash of adversary
arguments which only parties with direct and specific
interest in the outcome of the controversy can make. This is
true not only when we strike down a law or official action
but also when we uphold it.
In this case, because of the absence of parties with real
and substantial interest to protect, we do not have evidence
on the effect of military presence in malls and commercial
centers, i.e., whether such presence is coercive or benign.
We do not know whether the presence of so many marines

and policemen scares shoppers, tourists, and peaceful
civilians, or whether it is reassuring to them. To be sure,
the deployment of troops to such places is not like parading
them at the Luneta on Independence Day. Neither is it,
however, like calling them out because of actual fighting or
the outbreak of violence.
We need to have evidence on these questions because,
under the Constitution, the President’s power to call out
the armed forces in order to suppress lawless violence,
invasion or rebellion is subject to the limitation that the
exercise
3
of this power is required in the interest of public
safety.
Indeed, whether it is the calling out of the armed forces
alone in order to suppress lawless violence, invasion or
rebellion or also the suspension of the privilege of the writ
of habeas corpus or the proclamation of martial law (in case
of invasion or rebellion), the exercise of the President’s
powers as4 commander-in-chief, requires proof—not mere
assertion. As has been pointed out, “Standing is
_____________
3 See CONST., ART. VIII, §18.

4 See Lansang v. Garcia, 42 SCRA 448 (1971).
140

not ‘an ingenious academic exercise in the conceivable’5 . . .

but requires . . . a factual showing of perceptible harm.”
Because of the absence of such record evidence, we are
left to guess or even speculate on these questions. Thus, at
one point, the majority opinion says that what is involved
here is not even the calling out of the armed forces but only
the use of marines for law enforcement, (p. 13) At another
point, however, the majority opinion somersaults and says
that because of bombings perpetrated by lawless elements,
the deployment of troops in shopping centers and public
utilities is justified, (p. 24)
We are likely to err in dismissing the suit brought in
this case on the ground that the calling out of the military
does not violate the Constitution, just as we are likely to do
so if we grant the petition and invalidate the executive
issuance in question. For indeed, the lack of a real, earnest
and vital controversy can only impoverish the judicial
process. That is why, as Justice Laurel emphasized in the

Angara case, “this power of judicial review is limited to
actual cases and controversies to be exercised after full
opportunity of argument by the parties, and limited further
to the constitutional
6
question raised or the very lis mota
presented.”
We are told, however, that the issues raised in this case
are of “paramount interest” to the nation. It is precisely
because the issues raised are of paramount importance
that we should all the more forego ruling on the
constitutional issues raised by petitioner and limit the
dismissal of this petition on the ground of lack of standing
of petitioner. A Fabian policy of leaving well enough alone
is a counsel of prudence.
For these reasons and with due appreciation of the
scholarly attention lavished by the majority opinion on the
constitutional questions raised, I am constrained to limit
my concurrence to the dismissal of this suit on the ground
of lack of standing of petitioner and the consequent lack of
an actual case or controversy.
Petition dismissed.
_______________
5 Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, supra.

6 Angara v. Electoral Commission, 63 Phil. 139, 158 (1936).
141
VOL. 338, AUGUST 16, 2000 141

Report on the Judicial Audit Conducted in the RTC, Brs.
87 and 98, Quezon City
Notes.—A categorical recognition by the Executive

Branch that the IRRI enjoys immunities accorded to
international organizations is a determination which is
considered a political question conclusive upon the Courts.
(Callado vs. International Rice Research Institute, 244
SCRA 210 [1995])
The primary purpose of the Constitutional Commission
members in expanding the concept of judicial power is to
eliminate the defense of political question which in the past
deprived the Supreme Court of the jurisdiction to strike
down abuses of power by government. (Arroyo vs. House of
Representatives Electoral Tribunal, 246 SCRA 384 [1995])
While Art. III, §1 has broadened the scope of judicial
inquiry into areas normally left to the political
departments to decide, such as those relating to national
security, it has not altogether done away with political

questions such as those which arise in the field of foreign
relations. (Arroyo vs. De Venecia, 277 SCRA 268 [1997])
The all-embracing and plenary power and duty of the
Court “to determine whether or not there has been a grave
abuse of discretion amounting to lack of or excess of
jurisdiction on the part of any branch or instrumentality of
the Government” is restricted only by the definition and
confines of the term “grave abuse of discretion.” (Santiago
vs. Guingona, Jr., 298 SCRA 756 [1998])
——o0o——
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8/10/2019 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED VOLUME 338

VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 81

INTEGRATED BAR OF THE PHILIPPINES, petitioner,

Judicial Review; Requisites.—When questions of

82 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora

Its fundamental purpose which, under Section 2, Rule 139-A of

has absolutely no standing to raise constitutional issues how or in

VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 83

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora

constitutional issues which deserve the attention of the Supreme

parties’ formulation of the issues, the resolution of the controversy

84 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora

to rule on are “political questions”; The political question being a

workings of another co-equal branch unless the case shows a clear

VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 85

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora

perform a duty enjoined by law, or to act at all in contemplation of

discretion is meant simply capricious or whimsical exercise of

86 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora

tional provision on civilian supremacy over the military. In the

curtailment and suppression of certain basic civil rights and

VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 87

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora

Congress and review by this Court. Moreover, under Section 18,

occur in Metro Manila . . .” We do not doubt the veracity of the

88 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora

Same; Same; Same; Same; Civilian Supremacy Clause; The

regard, it is not correct to say that General Angelo Reyes, Chief of

VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 89

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora

Same; Same; Same; Same; Same; Words and Phrases;

Annex A. These soldiers, second, also have no power to prohibit or

90 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora

streets, not when the shadows of violence and anarchy constantly

PUNO, J., Separate Opinion:

Judicial Review; Political Questions; Commander-in-Chief

VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 91

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora

grave abuse of discretion x x x on the part of any branch or

government.—Two lessons were not lost, to the members of the

92 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora

the factual bases used by the President in the suspension of the

VOL. 338, AUGUST 15, 2000 93

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora

action of that branch exceeds whatever authority has been

and is a responsibility of the Court as ultimate interpreter of the

VITUG, J., Separate Opinion:

Presidency; Commander-in-Chief Clause; Calling-Out Power;

MENDOZA, J., Concurring and Dissenting Opinion:

Judicial Review; Judgment on the substantive constitutional

94 SUPREME COURT REPORTS ANNOTATED

Integrated Bar of the Philippines vs. Zamora

volving real parties with “injuries” to show as a result of the