Goepfert, Nicolas and Gabriel Prieto, 2016.

Offering Llamas to the Sea: The economic and ideological importance of

camelids in the Chimu society, north coast of Peru. In The Archaeology of Andean Pastoralism, edited by J. M.
Capriles and N. Tripcevich, pp. 197-210. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.

Chapter 12

Offering Llamas to the Sea

the economic and ideological importance of camelids
in the chimu society, north coast of peru
Nicolas Goepfert and Gabriel Prieto

T he pioneering research conducted by Junius Bird

in the 1940s (Bird et al. 1985) and more recent
excavations at the Late Preceramic Period site of
Huaca Prieta in the Chicama valley (Dillehay et al. 2012)
found that camelids were rare, if not entirely absent, in
The recent archaeological discoveries in the Moche
Valley present an opportunity to study camelid-bone col-
lections from different time periods (Initial Period, Early
Horizon, Early Intermediate Period, and Late
Intermediate Period) in a single coastal valley. For ex-
the lower valleys of the Peruvian North Coast during the ample, the study of the introduction of camelids in this
Preceramic Period. The excavations at sites such as the area is a major subject of inquiry in the future for zooar-
Caballo Muerto Complex and Gramalote (Pozorski chaeologists and specialists of pastoralism in the region.
1976; Prieto 2014, 2015), both located in the Moche Valley, The Gramalote A–Huanchaquito site (Figure 12.1), dated
confirmed that camelids were still not present during to the Late Intermediate Period and excavated in 2011 and
the early Initial Period. 2014, yielded an assemblage of 155 (at least—the study is
Miller and Burger (1995) proposed that the use of in progress) very well-preserved camelids associated with
cam­elids for food and transportation on the North Coast 92 human individuals (Figure 12.2; Prieto et al. 2015). This
could have been the result of the interaction of local poli- context will allow us to document the role of camelids in
ties and communities with the Chavin Sphere of Late Intermediate Period state-type societies. Moreover,
Interaction during the Early Horizon. During the Early the excellent preservation of the material allows us to ex-
Intermediate Period, camelids became the main source plore other characteristics such as patterns in fiber colors
of protein (from 15.4 percent of meat in the diet during or stomach contents.
the Early Horizon to 68.1 percent in Early Intermediate
Period in the Moche Valley, according to Pozorski 1976)
and an important means of transportation (Pozorski gener a l con t e x t: t he gr a m a l ot e
1976, 1979; Shimada and Shimada 1981, 1985; Vasquez et a–hua nch aqui to si t e
al. 2003). As presented elsewhere (Goepfert 2010, 2011,
2012) camelids played a major role in the economy and The human and animal remains recovered at
subsistence of past populations, and they seem to have Huanchaquito belonged to the Chimu society. The
held significant meaning for ritual and ceremonial pur- Chimu society flourished between the tenth and fifteenth
poses since the Early Intermediate Period. centuries CE on the northern coast of Peru, from the

197
Figure 12.1.  Map of the northern coast of Peru, showing the location of Gramalote A–Huanchaquito. Courtesy Nicholas Tripcevich.

198
 Offering Llamas to the Sea 199

Figure 12.2.  General view of the excavation area with the deposit of human and animal offerings. Courtesy Gabriel Prieto.

actual border with Ecuador in the north to the surround- archeological site is only 250 meters from the shoreline
ings of the Lima region in the south (Moore and Mackey and is surrounded by marshlands. The site was named
2008). In the Moche Valley, archaeological evidence sug- “Las Llamas” by the neighbors due to the large amount of
gests that the Chimu expanded into the area of the mid- camelid remains found in the surrounding areas.
dle and upper valley (Billman 1996). Its most important Officially the site is labeled “Gramalote A–Huanchaquito.”
political, economic, and religious center was Chan Chan After being destroyed by different agents, an emergency
(Moseley and Day 1982; Ravines 1980). When compared excavation was conducted in 2011 at an area 102 square
with previous Mochica culture, the Chimu settlement meters in size. In 2014 we returned to the site along with
and architectural patterns changed, with the construc- Dr. John Verano to continue excavating other areas not
tion of large enclosures with low platforms. Changes are explored during the 2011 field season. The recent excava-
also observed in a more complex and sophisticated devel- tions in the site confirmed no evidence of domestic oc-
opment around the ancestor cult, which seems to be cen- cupation, and it seems that this place was intentionally
tral in the Chimu rituals (Moore 1992; Uceda 1997). selected for the performance of special ceremonies. In
Huanchaquito is located 1.5 km northwest of the an- this article we provide the results of the camelids exca-
cient city of Chan Chan. It is a beach sand dune deposited vated during the 2011 field season. It should be mentioned
on the slope of a natural hill facing the ocean. The that no significant variations were observed in the 2014
200 Goepfert and Prieto

Figure 12.3.  Sacrificed individual showing an

opening of the thorax. Courtesy Gabriel
Prieto.

materials, which confirms the homogeneity of the cam- is interesting to note that 90 percent of the human bodies
elid assemblage in this sacrificial context. faced west toward the ocean. Some of the individuals have
Human and animal remains were disposed in a faces painted in cinnabar (Véronique Wright, personal
southeast-­northwest axis, and we were able to define communication 2014), while others have simple cotton
three different kinds of deposit: human bodies alone, headdresses and clothes. Except for the textiles that
human bodies associated with 1 to 3 camelids, and cam- wrapped the deceased, we did not find offerings or sump-
elid bodies alone (Prieto et al. 2015). Based on the 2011 tuary goods associated with the bodies.
materials, 33 children were more or less directly associated The anthropological analysis has demonstrated that all
with 48 camelids. Only 6 of the children were found alone, the humans in the sample show a sacrificial pattern con-
and the context is not clear for 4 other children’s bodies. sisting of opening the thoracic cavity, probably for remov-
A physical-anthropology analysis has been conducted on ing the heart (Figure 12.3; Prieto et al. 2015). Based on this
the 43 human individuals excavated in 2011. The human evidence, we proposed elsewhere that this context was a
remains belong to children between 6 to 11 years old and massive human sacrifice with an offering of camelids and
adolescents between 11 and 15 years old. Bodies were dis- not a specialized children’s cemetery (Prieto et al. 2015).
posed in various positions: decubitus dorsal in extended Indeed, the site shows no characteristics of funerary
position, decubitus dorsal with flexed legs, and flexed on structure as observed in Chan Chan or other Chimu cen-
one side. These positions do not coincide with the classical ters. Furthermore, the age distribution, with a predomi-
flexed position observed in the Chimu funerary practices nance of children and adolescents, is not typical of
(Donnan and Mackey 1978). The positions of the remains preindustrial-society mortality curves. It thus seems that
indicate that some of them were buried in a circular pit. It this assemblage corresponds to a special sacrificial event.
 Offering Llamas to the Sea 201

Figure 12.4.  Deposit of a camelid. Courtesy

Nicolas Goepfert.

Massive concentrations of humans and animals in (Figure 12.5); however, the association is not always evi-
sacrificial contexts have been identified for the same dent. Indeed, only 19 specimens were directly deposited
period in close-by sites like Huanchaco (Donnan and with humans; for the others, it is the stratigraphic or spa-
Foote 1978) and Lambayeque-region sites such as tial distribution that allowed investigators to associate
Chotuna, Cerro Cerrillos, and Túcume (Klaus et al. 2010; humans and animals.
Toyne 2011; Wester 2010). It is worth mentioning that pre- Camelids were deposited in four positions: the majority
hispanic camelids in an excellent state of preservation of animals (74.3 percent) were resting in right or left lateral
have been found along the Peruvian southern coast as- position, with no preference for one side; the others were
sociated with Late Intermediate Period Chiribaya funer- found in ventral and dorsal position. Up to 42 percent of
ary contexts (Wheeler 1996). Nevertheless, the originality the llamas had their necks twisted so the animal’s head
of the Gramalote A–Huanchaquito archaeological con- was in the reverse direction, perhaps to prompt the deposit
text lies in the high density of remains in a limited exca- of the whole body in the pit (Figure 12.6). The circular
vation area and in their good preservation. shape of the pits was difficult to define during the excava-
tion, but the anatomical position of the corpses clearly in-
dicates that several animals were deposited in such
zooa rche aol ogic a l st u dy of t he position. The presence of insects on the remains shows that
c a mel id r em a ins both human and animal bodies were left exposed for some
time before they were finally buried.
The zooarchaeological study indicates that at least 155 The orientation given to the corpse of the animals
cam­elids were deposited. Due to post-depositional altera- shows no particular preference. However, one must note
tions affecting the contexts, not all animals were com- that 47.3 percent of the camelids faced the east (east,
plete. However, the specimens were generally northeast, and southeast), maybe toward the mountains.
well-preserved, including perishable materials such as This orientation differs from the one observed for the
wool, stomach contents, and sedge ropes, elements which human bodies who look more toward the ocean. It was
are normally not observable in Peruvian coastal archaeo- important to note this data because in the case of massive
logical contexts. This large set of information will allow sacrifice, a specific orientation can provide information
us to work on sacrifice-criteria selection with a wider on the symbolic function.
range of variables than the single age estimation. The 74 camelids were probably llamas (Lama glama).
The camelids recorded during the 2011 field season Age estimation was based on dental eruption and tooth
were found in different types of inhumations: 26 animals wear (Wheeler 1982). We were able to determine the age
were deposited alone (Figure 12.4), 25 with 1 or more cam­ of 56 of the 74 camelids. The remaining 18 individuals
elids, and the situation is still unclear for 4 of them. were either lacking skull or showing overlap between
Forty-eight camelids were associated with humans eruption and wear. All the studied camelids were young
202 Goepfert and Prieto

Figure 12.5  Camelid deposited with a human individual. Courtesy Nicolas Goepfert.

individuals between 0 and 1.5 years old (Figure 12.7). did not present any evidence of fractures or skeletal trau-
More precisely, the most popular age is between 3 and matism. Several cut marks were registered on some skel-
9 months, corresponding to 67.3 percent of the sample. etal elements of 27 camelids, such as the sternum and
This high proportion of very young specimens indicates ribs. These cut marks are principally located on the exter-
that the animals were specifically selected for their age. nal face of the third and fourth ribs (right and left) as well
The excellent preservation conditions allowed us to as on the second and third sternebrae. This pattern is
identify various colors in the wool of the llamas: beige, reminiscent of the cut marks recorded by Miller (1977,
light brown, dark brown, and mixed colors such as brown 1979) on the camelids’ sternum and ribs after a sacrifice
background with beige dots. The most frequent color was using the ch’illa technique. The ch’illa is an ancient prac-
brown at 35 percent, with bown-mixed at 37 percent (with tice, described among other groups by Guaman Poma de
dominance of brown), and the least frequent color was Ayala (2005 [1615]); it is still present in the Peruvian
beige at 13 percent. This preference for the brown and Southern Highland (Flores Ochoa et al. 1994). Miller’s de-
brown-mixed color seems to be a selection criterion for scription indicates that the herder makes a small incision
ritual sacrifice. Did this color have a special significance (5–10 cm) at the diaphragm, introduces his arm in the
with a ritual event? Was a divinity associated with this chest, cuts the aorta with a fingernail, and extracts the
color? Perhaps it had a symbolic function? We need to heart and lungs of the animal. With this technique,
investigate more aspects to answer such questions. Miller indicates that the only cut marks possibly visible
are situated on the ribs and sternum.
In Gramalote A–Huanchaquito we also registered cut
sacr ificing ll a m a s w i th the marks on ribs and sternum (Figure 12.8). But looking in
c h ’i l l a t e c h n i q u e ? more detail, the localization of cut marks did not corre-
spond exactly to those of the ch’illa as described by
With such a large well-preserved sample, we paid par- Miller. Indeed, the marks are located on the third and
ticular attention to the observation of the marks of the fourth ribs, that is to say the first and not the last vertebra
sacrifice technique used to kill the animals. The camelids closest to the diaphragm. In one case, the cut marks were
 Offering Llamas to the Sea 203

Figure 12.6.  Deposit of a camelid with its neck twisted, probably to fit in a pit. Courtesy Nicolas
Goepfert.

found on both sides and present several streaks indicat- provided by Patrice Lecoq (personal communication
ing multiple knife wounds. Thus, the archaeological evi- January 2014), who observed that in the community of
dences did not exactly correspond to the current ch’illa Tica Tica in Bolivia the llama rope was indeed kept with
technique. The method used to kill the camelids, and the animal after the ritual slaughtering (Figure 12.9b).
maybe extract the heart and lungs, is different from the The presence of the ropes attests that the animals were
one observed today. At this stage of the study, we do not brought to the site to be sacrificed.
yet have enough evidence to suggest that the llamas were
killed by removing their hearts, as was done for the
young human individuals of the site. Thus, it is difficult br eeding l l a m a s for sacr if ices
to propose that ch’illa sacrificial killing was practiced by a nd cer emonies
the Chimu. Maybe we are faced with an unknown llama
sacrificial tradition on the northern coast of Peru. Spanish chroniclers have described in great detail the
However, the cut marks found on these camelids suggest ritual sacrifices of camelids, based on a ceremonial calen-
that the knife may have been used to bleed the animal. dar during the Inka period. These descriptions indicate
We also registered ropes around the camelid’s neck that specific colors of llamas were used for determined
(Figure 12.9a) and member’s extremities. The majority are events and time periods. Cobo (1990 [1653]) and Molina
made with cabuya, a local vegetal fiber; only one was (1988 [1573]) wrote that the Inkas had a color code for re-
made of wool. A great variety of knots has been observed. ligious rituals. For example, each deity had a special de-
We can rule out a hypothetic strangulation of animals, mand: brown llamas were sacrificed for Viracocha, white
and we think that the ropes were used to transport and llamas for the Sun, and dotted llamas for the Thunder. In
probably restrain the animals at the moment of the sac- addition, brown llamas were sacrificed in August and
rifice. Keeping the ropes around the llamas’ necks after September, during the beginning of the sowing season,
sacrificing them seems to be a “classic” gesture in the while black-and-white llamas were sacrificed in October
Andean herders’ world. Ethnographic information was to encourage the rains. Finally, during harvesting, white
204 Goepfert and Prieto

Figure 12.7.  Age distribution of camelids sacrificed.

llamas were offered in May. Jorge Flores Ochoa (1978) has show that animals sacrificed were very young and suggest
demonstrated that a color code is still in use even today that these camelids were too young to come from the
among the camelid herders in the southern highlands. nearby highlands. This pattern has already been observed
Based on this evidence, is it possible that this occurred in Mochica funerary and sacrificial contexts (Goepfert
on the North Coast during the Chimu period? We would 2011, 2012), where the majority of camelids deposited were
like to suggest that very similar practices and color codes juveniles. We argue that the age was an important selec-
were applied in the Peruvian North Coast between the tion criterion for choosing the sacrificial victims. In the
twelfth and fifteenth centuries CE. On the other hand it is Gramalote A–Huanchaquito case, we can draw a parallel
well-known that the Chimu influenced the Inka society in with the human-class age where the individuals sacrificed
many ways, such as metallurgy and urbanism. Indeed, the were children and young adolescents. Here, we have both
recent discovery of an elite Chimu funerary chamber at young humans and young animals deposited in this sandy
the site of Samanco (Nepeña Valley) showed that Chimu dune near the ocean, recalling the findings made in the late
elites could have been in contact with the Inka economic 1960s by Christopher Donnan and Leonard Foote (1978).
sphere of interaction prior to the Inka conquest of the The llamas found in the Chimu contexts were proba-
North Coast (Matt Heldmer, personal communication bly locally raised and we would like to suggest that we are
2013). Thus, perhaps Chimu society practiced llama sacri- faced with local herding management as it has been dem-
fice based on a color code prior to the Inka times. This pos- onstrated for the Mochica period (Dufour et al. 2014;
sibility is reinforced by the fact that in some cases the Goepfert et al. 2013; Szpak et al. 2014; Vásquez et al. 2001).
llamas were disposed one next to the other, following a The coastal camelid herding could be considered a local
dual pattern of dark and bright colors, such as a light- form of pastoralism with an adaptation to the arid envi-
brown one with a beige one, and another dark brown. A ronment. Certainly the management of these herds was
dark llama was laid out north-south with a lighter llama locally controlled by the Chimu authorities.
laid on top, crossing the other one (Figure 12.10). This pat- Further analysis of stable isotopes will confirm this as-
tern indicates the utilization of dualism in this sacrificial sessment, but other elements suggest that the camelids
context, confirming the ritual nature of the sacrifices of were raised in the vicinity of the site. We recorded plant
llamas and children. seeds, such as bush species locally called “cadillo”
Did the Chimu state have special herds reserved for rit- (Cenchrus echinatus), on the llamas’ wool. These botanic
ual sacrifices and ceremonies? We do not have information remains look like small stellate balls which stick to the
about this kind of herding organization. The age classes body when animals walk in the fields. Thus, this element
 Offering Llamas to the Sea 205

Figure 12.8.  Cut marks on camelid’s rib and sternum.

suggests that the low hills and marshlands located between Based on the number of llamas sacrificed and the pat-
the Gramalote A-Huanchquito site and Chan Chan were terns of colors used for this event with the dominance of
one of the spaces where the Chimu could raise their herds. brown, we propose that the Chimu state raised llama herds
The latter makes perfect sense since this area corresponds specifically for ceremonial practices, maybe in a similar
to the outskirts of the city. We do not know the precise way to that described later by chroniclers. This hypothesis
location of corrals, but they were probably located in the needs to be confirmed by future investigations, but the
vicinity of Chan Chan. Prior studies (Pozorski 1976, 1980, system of color code could have been applied for the first
1982; Topic 1980, 1982) stressed the importance of camelids time by the Chimu, at least in the Peruvian North Coast.
in the Chimu society. They have suggested that 80 percent
of the Chimu diet was based on camelid meat. Therefore,
it seems that camelids were crucial for subsistence and for using l l a m a s for sacr if ici a l pr ac t ices
transportation during the Chimu period. The Gramalote
A–Huanchaquito discovery confirms this assumption and Llamas have been raised, used, eaten, and sacrificed in the
also their important role in state-related rituals. Peruvian North Coast since at least the Early Intermediate

Figure 12.9.  Photographs of rope associated with camelid sacrifice: (a) camelid deposited with rope around its neck in Pampa Gra-
malote A–Huanchaquito; (b) rope kept on the llama after the ritual slaughtering in the Tica Tica Community of Bolivia. Courtesy
Nicolas Goepfert (a) and Patrice Lecoq (b).
206 Goepfert and Prieto

Figure 12.10.  Photograph of deposit of two camelids with alternating color (beige and brown). Courtesy Nicolas Goepfert.

Period (Bonavia 1996; Goepfert 2011, 2012; Pozorski 1976, and 1450 CE (Figure 12.11). Are the Donnan and Foote
1979; Shimada and Shimada 1981, 1985; Vásquez et al. 2003; context part of the same historic event as the Gramalote
see also Kent et al., this volume). The context excavated at A–Huanchaquito archaeological site? More recently, up to
Gramalote A–Huanchaquito shows the importance of five camelids associated with Chimu contexts were recov-
cam­elids in Chimu rituals. This can be confirmed by the ered by Prieto at Pampas La Cruz archaeological site,
fact that Donnan and Foote (1978) found a similar context north of Huanchaquito and south of Donnan and Foote’s
in the vicinity of the colonial church in Huanchaco. discovery in 1968 (Prieto and Campaña 2013; Prieto and
Seventeen young individuals (6–12 years old) and 20 cam- Burmester 2015; Prieto et al. 2015).
elids were associated in a special ritual event. It is remark- The similarity (human-camelid deposit, age profile, po-
able that the absolute dating of both Donnan and Foote’s sition) among these three contexts proposes some inqui-
site and the Gramalote A–Huanchaquito suggest a con- ries: Were these ritual contexts an answer to a crisis event?
temporaneity between the two contexts. While the Are they the result of an institutionalized ceremony held
Donnan site has an uncalibrated date of 1405 CE, periodically by the Chimu? Did these contexts have a rela-
Gramalote A–Huanchaquito has a set of nine calibrated tion with the ocean? For example, today, llamas are regu-
radiocarbon dates that situate this event between 1400 larly offered by modern highland communities to
 Offering Llamas to the Sea 207

Figure 12.11.  Set of nine calibrated radiocarbon dates from Gramalote A–Huanchaquito.

encourage rain or during the Carnival celebrations, a sym- Orbegoso et al. 2012; Tufinio 2006, 2008). Although the
bolic time of inversion and abundance of water. Thick lay- Chimu iconography is more linked to the ocean, some
ers of clay and sediments associated with the llamas and scenes represent llamas in rituals. In particular, they are
above the sacrifice were registered, and we can assume a present in representations of a Chimu ancestorship cult
probable relation with a climatic event such as El Niño– as we can see in a model found in Huaca de la Luna
Southern Oscillation (ENSO). Indeed, during the 2014 (Uceda 1997). This kind of representation and the exis-
field season, we were able to record llama foot prints, con- tence of this type of sacrificial context show that the rit-
firming that these animals transited this area when the ual importance of camelids as guides in the netherworld
mud was still wet (Figure 12.12). Furthermore, it is known still continues in this society since at least the Early
that camelids are linked in the Andes with lakes, springs, Intermediate Period and perhaps slightly earlier.
and wetlands (bofedales), some of which are understood as At this point we are in a preliminary stage of the
paqarinas or creation places (Flores Ochoa el al. 1978). Are analy­sis of the Gramalote A–Huanchaquito site, but even
we facing a similar analogy with the rain and the ocean? an initial outlook analysis is contributing to understand-
We cannot explain these large-scale sacrifices, but the syn- ing the way in which Chimu society managed a valuable
chrony in time and space indicates that Huanchaco and resource for transportation, food, and ritual. Camelids,
the shoreline were a special place for rituals. specifically llamas, had a very special role in Chimu reli-
The camelids seem to have had a variety of symbolic gion at least in three well-documented archae­ological
functions, such as alimentary and as a ceremonial guide contexts in Huanchaco and Huanchquito. Perspectives
or psychopomp. These symbolic aspects have been dem- on Andean pastoralism have long relied on models
onstrated for the Mochica period (Goepfert 2010, 2011, devel­oped from highlands data, but these archaeo­logical
2012), but these kinds of studies are still absent for the remains from a coastal prehispanic society provide ma-
Chimu period. The presence of camelids in Chimu tombs terial for a discussion of new models, linked perhaps to
has been reported but not studied (Meneses et al. 2010; climatic crisis events.
208 Goepfert and Prieto

Cobo, Bernabé
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Figure 12.12.  Llama footprint recorded in the
Prieta, Coastal Peru, from 13 700 to 4000 years ago. An-
area of the sacrificial context at Gramalote
tiquity 86(331):48–70.
A–Huanchaquito. Courtesy Gabriel Prieto.
Donnan, Christopher B., and Leonard J. Foote
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ack now ledgmen ts
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supported during the 2011 field season thanks to a col- 1978 Ancient Burial Patterns of the Moche Valley. University of
laborative effort between the Municipalidad Distrital de Texas Press, Austin.
Huanchaco and the Direccion Desconcentrada de Cul- Dufour, Elise, Nicolas Goepfert, Belkys Gutiérrez Léon, Claude
tura La Libertad. The authors are especially grateful to Chauchat, Franco Jordán Regulo, and Segundo Vásquez
Fernando Bazan, Enrique Sanchez-Maura, and Juan 2014 Pastoralism in Northern Peru during Pre-Hispanic
Vilela. The 2014 excavations were supported by a Na- Times: Insights from the Mochica Period (100–800 A.D.)
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tional Geographic Society research grant awarded to
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Flores Ochoa, Jorge A.
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