The LUMUN Spirit was first introduced as a concept at LUMUN XV.

It sought to reintroduce a recognition of the most

essential components of MUN culture; imparting a sense of responsibility accepting that the onus is on us to be the
forerunners of change. The fundamental premise of a Model UN is to develop our understanding of the issues and conflicts
in the world as a collective, and to connect individuals with vastly differing life experiences with each other. The pursuit of
quantitative success and accolades has fermented a tradition of MUN being a space mired in hostility and distrust. The
LUMUN Spirit is our continuing effort to inculcate empathy, compassion, understanding and diplomacy within this
competitive activity.

As we proceed on our journey of revamping Model UN, the LUMUN Spirit is an idea that we aspire to incorporate in the
entire LUMUN experience: from the Host Team, to an expectation that we will have from the delegates as well. It is not an
abstract concept – it is a vision that should embody the behavior of every delegate in every committee. Inside the
committee or out; the enthusiasm to meet other people, present arguments in a true ambassadorial manner and the idea
to enjoy LUMUN should never be forgotten. In this very essence we will be able to represent what it means to simulate a
true world model; an actual representation of the United Nations. We continue to strive and ensure that the outlook of
LUMUN XVII is to not be an average Model UN conference anymore.

And so, leadership and prowess within a committee is not characterized by exerting one’s overbearing presence on others
or by alienating and excluding others from discussion. They manifest in a delegate’s ability to engage with others, help them
play their part in the committee, and to facilitate the committee as a whole to engage in a fruitful and informative debate.
This includes actions as simple as maintaining a moderate temperament, inviting others’ input and operating with honesty
and respect. The LUMUN Society invites you to understand what it means to be an ambassador of a country and represent
its foreign policy means to employ collaboration alongside reasoned argumentation to press forward with that actor’s
policy agenda.

In order to fully understand how to imbibe the LUMUN Spirit within your actions in the committee, we would recommend
this instructional video, uploaded to the society’s’ YouTube channel. It will assist you significantly in carrying the spirit of
true Model UN diplomacy during and beyond LUMUN.
Dear delegates,
My name is Imaad Hasan Jafri and I will be serving as the Secretary-General of this 17th edition of the
LUMS Model UN conference (LUMUN). It gives me immense pleasure to welcome you all to what shall
be the largest and most prestigious online Model UN conference in South Asia.
I am loath to refer to these times we are now experiencing as unprecedented, given the abundant
usage of that term. However, any competitive activity that seeks to define itself around global affairs
must adapt to prevailing circumstances and carve out a space for itself to contribute to any and all
relevant discourse. To adapt means to weather the challenges disrupting our collective being and to
continue our journeys of growth, learning and connection, as best as we can. Pursuing the same goals
and objectives we held dear before the advent of this uncertainty can be a testament to our fortitude.
The theme for this year, ‘Foster Resilience for a World Uncharted’, encapsulates this attitude. Not only
does LUMUN seek to surpass expectations given the online format, but we hope to include discussions
and debate that can inform our approach to a world that is suffering from and will eventually emerge
from this challenging period. At LUMUN, our task is to develop the skills and gain the intellectual
understanding required to better explain our world. A delegate who seeks to learn from LUMUN
emerges with a greater penchant for sifting through the barrage of misinformation and hollow rhetoric
that plagues political discourse today.
Any committee at any MUN has the responsibility to facilitate its delegates in exploring their
understanding of the world and of how to work with others in the face of adversity. The challenges we
face today require nuanced conceptions of the world around us. The task that lies ahead of you entails
comprehending the struggles and conflicts of today's world and to offer solutions that are economically
and politically feasible. In the pursuit of this, I believe delegates must engage fully in presenting
argumentation that conforms to logic and reality. Delegates must ensure that their interaction with
others in the committee is done with amicability and integrity. Allow yourselves to delve into minor
details and elaborate policy all the while maintaining your country’s principal and practical viewpoints.

As for myself, I am a Political Science major at LUMS, now in my final year. Speaking in public has
become second nature to me. I have seen success at several local MUNs and have obtained an
Outstanding Diplomacy award at Model UN Turkey 2019. I have also participated extensively in several
parliamentary debate tournaments at the university level, including representing LUMS at the United
Asians Debating Championship 2019 and 2020. My love for public speaking is matched only by my love
for Brooklyn Nine-Nine, P.G. Wodehouse and Lorde.

I look forward immensely to welcoming you virtually to LUMUN XVII this winter! Indeed, to cite my
newest entertainment media obsession, this is the Way.

Imaad Hasan Jafri

Secretary-General
LUMUN 2020-21
Dear Esteemed Delegates,

It is my pleasure to welcome you to this year’s LUMUN conference, simulated online. With the

pandemic going on, we are very excited to engage with you this year online and to conduct this conference

safely from the comfort of your homes. We know that this year might be harder and you have no idea how

sad it makes all of us that we will not be able to meet face to face but you know what they say, “Improvise,

Adapt, and overcome”.

Allow me as well to officially welcome you to this year’s online Historical Arab League committee

where we shall be tackling and discussing the Arab spring, a series of revolutions in the Arab world that

changed the course of things for many Arab countries in 2011. My name is Noor Tofailli and I will be

your chairperson for this year’s committee and conference. I am a fourth year Political Science and
International Affairs student minoring in Economics at the Lebanese American University in Lebanon.

As a high school-er I participated as a delegate in MUN and fell in love with the program and I kept on

going from there. Consequently, throughout my years at university I became a trainer in that same program

and got to train many wonderful delegates and chair in different conferences. I am a person who loves

adventures, meeting new people, traveling, working, public speaking and spending quality time with

myself.

This year I thought I would bring something a bit new to the conference which is why this historical

committee is also a crisis one which means that you should be expecting some surprises throughout the

conference. You will be exploring and getting to know all the events of the Arab Spring in 2011, what

aspects lead to it and how, if you were in that time-frame, your country should act.

In order to have a smooth flow of debate throughout the two-day conference, delegates are

expected to think of the most efficient way to divide themselves into blocs. However, given that this

committee is a crisis committee, delegates are encouraged to keep in mind how every crisis affects their

blocs and act accordingly to come up with draft resolutions per crisis.

While forming blocs, discussing each of their countries events and contributions, and debating all

the four main aspects of the topic, delegates are expected to take into consideration and further tackle

more aspects of the topic making it more extensive.

1. Each bloc is to formulate detailed, concrete and realistic operative clauses in their draft

resolutions based on the crisis at hand and their previous research. This means that delegates have to

keep in mind that they should have done enough research to be able to determine what their country is to
do in different and unexpected scenarios.

2. Each bloc is to be up to date with the capabilities, restrictions and reach of the Arab League. This

means that it is expected from each bloc not to propose clauses to their draft resolutions that are out of

this committee's reach, jurisdiction or set date of time.

3. Delegates are expected to suggest subtopics/areas of focus that have not been discussed in the

Background Guide and that means delving deeper into the topic and looking through all its aspects in

order to have a comprehensive draft resolution for every crisis.

4. Delegates are expected to understand that the information provided to them in the background

guide are only enough for a general overview of the topic and that they will be needing to do further

research. This comes as a consequence to the fact that the timing of the conference is not taking place in

2020 but rather in the past. This means that certain events mentioned in the background guide even

though important for the overview of the topic are not relevant for the conference itself.

You are given the chance to engage in debates and discussions, work together to solve a crisis at hand

and reimagine/simulate how certain events could have resulted differently after the Arab Spring or how

things could have been resolved. You will be expected to simulate different countries that might or

might not have, back in time, taken different decisions as the ones you might be taking and faced

different crisis as the ones you will be facing. This means that you will need to play your role very well

as a country representative. I have no doubts that all of you will be up to the challenge and that you will

leave this conference having learned more about the Arab world and the Arab Spring.

Best of luck and Best regards,

Historical Arab League Chairperson

HISTORICAL ARAB LEAGUE
THE ARAB SPRING

A CRISIS COMMITTEE
Overview of the committee:
Arab League formally called the League of Arab states, is a regional organization of Arab speaking
countries. Considering the Alexandria Protocol's resolutions, the Arab League was formed by the
representatives of Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Iraq, Yemen, and Lebanon in Cairo in 1945. Each
member state is given the voting right to take vital decisions in the League Council. The League's main
aim is to strengthen the members’ independence and sovereignty by coordinating their political, social,
and economic programs. Therefore, the early years of the Arab League mainly focused on the members'
social, cultural, and economic aspects.

The Arab League was formed by seven

countries in 1945, but several other Arab
countries later joined it as they gained their
independence. Countries that later joined the
League are Libya (1953), Sudan (1956),
Morocco (1958), Kuwait(1961), Algeria
(1961), Southern Yemen (1967), Qatar (1971),
Bahrain (1971), United Arab Emirates (1971),
Oman (1971), Mauritania (1973), Somalia
(1974), Djibouti (1977), Comoros (1993).i Other than the members, the League consisted of four
observers- Eritrea (2003), Brazil, Venezuela, and India. The observers are allowed to put forward their advice
and suggestions but don't have a voting right in the Council. Syria was suspended in 2011 because of
violence against its population, and the Syrian National Coalition currently occupies its seat.

The years 1959 and 1964 held the first Arab Petroleum Congress and Arab League Educational, Cultural,
Scientific Organization (ALESCO).ii Some other important activities happened in the early years,
including the attempt to combine the economic activities of Arab states. The Arab Development Bank,
Arab Postal Union, Arab common market, and Arab Telecommunication union are the most crucial
initiatives to allow members’ joint economic development.iii However, the League members went into
several political disputes on the issue of Israel and Palestine. In March 1979, the Egypt was suspended
from the Arab League on signing a peace treaty with the Palestine. Consequently, League's quarters shifted
to Tunis from Cairo.iv After years of suspension, Egypt membership was finally restored in 1989 and
Egypt's headquarters were once again moved to Cairo. Other disagreements arose on the issue of Iraqi
invasion of Kuwait and the intervention of the U.S.A in the Arabs' matter- causing once again a deep rift
in the League. Moreover, widespread protests in the Middle East and North Africa- known as Arab
Springs- forced the Arab League to adapt to sudden changes in 2010-11. The League suspended Libya's
membership in February 2011 but was eventually restored under the Transitional National Council’s
representation and overthrown of Qaddafi. On the other hand, the League voted for Syria's suspension
because of the country's 10-month bloody campaign and killing of peaceful protestors. The League
comprises 22 members, and Syria's participation has been suspended since late 2011.

The League's Council is the highest body of the Arab League. The Council comprises representatives of
member states- including the foreign ministers and the permanent delegates. The League countries have a
varying population, GDP, and poverty, but the Council provides each member country the right to vote.
In March and September, the council members meet twice a year to discuss various political, economic,
and social issues. The daily operations of the League are administered by General-Secretariat and are led
by Secretary-General.

Rules of Procedure

Very important note for delegates: The first two days of the conference will be taking place in 2011 after

the first few outbreaks of protests in several countries in the Arab world. On the second day of the

conference when the meeting is adjourned it will resume the next day in 2013 after the Arab spring was

relatively over leaving a refugee crisis, new terrorist groups and new regimes.

This committee will include the member states of the Arab league as well as observer states that played a

role, be it minor or major, in the Arab spring. Observer and invited states will not be able to vote as they

have no voting power in the Arab League which means that when every draft resolution is being voted on,
they will not have any power to vote. However, this is the only limitation and restriction for those countries

and they can go on normally throughout the conference.

Given that the nature of the Arab league is similar to that of the United Nations, this committee will follow

regular rules of procedure with a little bit of exceptions when it comes to a crisis. The goal of this

committee is to discuss all aspects of the Arab spring while dealing with different obstacles and outbreaks

of conflict.

After roll call, the delegates will motion to set The Speakers List through “Country X motions to set the

Speakers List to Y seconds”. This Motion Requires Simple Majority which means half the quorum in the

committee + one.

In order to facilitate the debate, the committee will employ moderated and un-moderated caucuses. During

the moderated caucuses delegates can discuss their previously researched stances on different subtopics,

their country’s position need or offerings, what is being discussed in the un-moderated caucuses and what

resolutions they come up with per crisis and intervention.

When it comes to the crises of this committee, it is encouraged for the delegates to move from the topics

at hand into moderated or un-moderated caucuses to deal with any crisis that is presented to them. The

delegates are expected to take time to come up with draft resolutions for every crisis they face throughout

the conference. The rules and regulations for the moderated and un-moderated caucuses are the same as

for the rest of the conference.

To motion for those:

a. Moderated Caucus: “Country A motions to suspend the debate for a moderated caucus to discuss Y for

a total time of Z minutes and speakers time V seconds”. This Motion Requires Simple Majority.
 b. Un-moderated Caucus: “Country X motions to suspend the debate for an un-moderated caucus to Y for

a total time of 15 minutes”. This Motion Requires Simple Majority.

This committee will thus be alternating between moderated and un-moderated depending on what crisis is

being handled at set moment or if there is no crisis at hand. There is no one general draft resolution for this

committee as regular committees have it but a compilation of all the resolutions written per crisis.

Each draft resolution will include pre-ambulatory clauses based on the given crisis happenings and based

on research they see fit and relevant to the crisis and will include operative clauses of the actions they wish to take

or advise to take to solve the crisis. Each draft resolution can have different signatories and different sponsors and

will require voting every time. In order to do so the delegates are advised to motion to close the debate on this topic

in particular which in that case would be the crisis at hand and vote upon the draft resolution that was chosen to

continue the conference. The proper way would be to say “COUNTRY X motions to close the debate on this crisis.

And move into voting procedures...” This Motion Requires Two-Thirds Majority. Based on the quorum the

delegates will be given the number of votes needed for the draft resolution to pass and the first one to pass means

voting stops.

Further motions in this committee that will help the delegates are as follows:

Motion to Adjourn the Meeting: “COUNTRY X motions to adjourn the meeting for the purpose of lunch.” This

Motion Requires Simple Majority. This is to be used every time before the session is over. Note that on the second

day of the conference once delegates adjourn to the next day that the timing of the conference will be changed as

mentioned earlier.

Written Motions which will all be sent to the dais members

1. Right of Reply: This is requested when a delegate feels that another delegate has made a derogatory comment to

the country he/she is representing. There is no Right of Reply to a Right of Reply.

2. Appeal to the Chair’s Decision: This is used when a delegate feels that the chair committed a mistake or acted

unfairly.

Amendments

These also will be happening per crisis and per voting on every draft resolution. They are two types:

1. Friendly Amendments: A change to a draft resolution that all sponsors of the latter agree with.

2. Unfriendly Amendments: A change to a draft resolution that not all sponsors agree with. This Amendment

Requires 20% Signatories from the Quorum to Pass.

Part two: Topic Briefing

Introduction to the Topic

What was the Arab Spring?

Arab Spring was a wave of pro-democracy uprisings/revolutions that mainly engulfed the Muslim countries in

the Middle East and North Africa. It started in Tunisia in 2010 and intensified within weeks. i It further spread to

Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Libya, and Syria. i The protestors expressed political and economic grievances against the

repressive regimes hoping that the civilian government would deliver social justice and political and economic

reforms. However, demonstrators faced violent crackdowns, which quickly escalated into civil wars across the

Middle East. i

The word “Spring” has been used to describe pro-democratic movements such as the Revolutions of 1848 in Europe

was commonly known as the “People’s Spring.” Western media popularized the term “Arab Spring” in 2011. ii

How “Arab Spring” started?

In December 2010, a Tunisian street vendor, Mohammad Bouazizi, set himself ablaze in response to the fear of

losing his business and harassment at the hands of local police officers. ii His self-immolation single-handedly

served as a catalyst for the Jasmine

Revolution in Tunisia and Arab Spring in

general. ii Bouazizi’s sacrificial act galvanized

Tunisian protesters. The protests, which were

gaining momen tum for two weeks, became

more widespread by spreading into major cities

and eventually the country’s capital, Tunis. ii They protested against the widespread corruption and injustice of

the authoritarian government. As the violence intensified, the autocratic president, Zine El A bidine Ben Ali, who

ruled for 23 years, was forced to step down and flee to Saudia Arabia in January 2011. ii In Tunisia, the first

democratic parliamentary elections were held in October 2014.

Activists in other Arab countries were deeply inspired by the Tunisian revolution and began to protest for similar

demands against their nations' oppressive regimes. In countries such as Egypt, autocratic leader Hosni Mubarak

was successfully overthrown in February 2011. ii However, an upheaval headed by the defense minister, Abdel

Fattah el-Sisi, made him the president in 2013. iii Thus, Egyptians could not celebrate freedom from the repressive

regime for long. On the contrary, in some cases, such protests converted into civil wars prominently in Syria, Libya,

and Yemen. ii

Bahrain

Mass protests led by Bahraini activists and marginalized Shīʿites broke out in mid-February 2011, demanding

political and economic reforms. The protests were repressed by Bahraini security forces forcefully repressed the

protests with additional 1,500 soldiers sent from the United Arab Emirates and Saudia Arabia in March 2011.

Consequently, the movement was successfully stifled by the end of the month. The government’s security forces
violated law and order by committing unlawful killings, imprisonment, and torture of protest leaders by convicting

them of anti-government activity. Several Shīʿite workers were fired on suspicion of supporting protests. The

government even demolished Shīʿite mosques. In November 2011, the King established the Bahrain Independent

Commission of Inquiry (BICI), which confirmed unlawful use of excessive force by the government. The King

committed to acting on the recommendations, which included the prosecution of those responsible for human rights

violations. However, the people of Bahrain still wait for justice to be served. The Bahraini government has continued

to target citizens who use social media to criticize the government. Protesters and opposition leaders – mostly Shi’a–

are tortured, arrested, and imprisoned.

Yemen

Mass protests began in January 2011 when President Ali Abdullah Saleh tried to amend the constitution to rule for

life. This followed months of protest. On 18 March 2011, armed men opened direct fire on peaceful protesters in

Sana’a. About fifty people were killed, and hundreds of protesters got injured. This event was later known as the

“Friday of Dignity.” In February 2012, President Saleh was forced to resign, and a transitional phase followed,

which raised hopes for a democratic government. However, in September 2014, this process came to a halt when

the Huthis, a Zaidi Shīʿites armed group, entered Sana’a with the help of other forces loyal to ex-President

Saleh. Ultimately, President Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi and his government were forced to resign in January 2015.

Then, in March 2015, a Saudi Arabia-led military coalition of at least ten Arab states began airstrikes against the

Huthis. This coalition attacked indiscriminately and disproportionately as they have killed more than 2,000 people.

They also attacked Shi’a mosques, killing innocent civilians, thus, committing war crimes. Despite overwhelming

evidence of a human right violation by these forces, countries such as the USA, UK, and France continue to supply

arms to Coalition members, in breach of Global Arms Trade Treaty, EU law, and domestic laws. Huthi forces have

also committed human rights violations as they indiscriminately shelled civilian residency, attacked hospitals, and

deployed deadly arms against protesters.

Syria

The ongoing Syrian civil war started in March 2011. Protesters demanded the resignation of authoritarian President

Bashar al-Assad, whose family has ruled Syria since 1971. Many Shias support Assad, while most of the opposition

is Sunni, fueling sectarianism in the region. In April 2011, the government opened fire on peaceful demonstrators,

which turned the protests into an

armed conflict. Army generals who

had left the Syrian army established

the Free Syrian Army, which

served as an opposition force. In

late 2011, an Islamist group, al-

Nusra Front, started to play a major

role as the rebel forces. In 2013, Hezbollah, a Shia Islamist group, supports the Assad regime in the Syrian civil

war.

Assad regime also received international military support from Russia and Iran. Saudia Arabia and Qatar supported

rebels and supplied them with ammunition. As stated by the 2012 UN report, the war seemed to between Shia and

Sunni sect. By July 2013, the Assad regime only ruled over approximately thirty-five percent of the country’s

territory. UN accused both the Assad regime and rebel forces of breaching human rights. However, the Syrian

government was more violent. In 2013, the Assad regime used chemical weapons against the rebels. Barak Obama

strongly criticized this.

In 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (commonly known as ISIS) became the most dominant opposing

armed force, ruling over more regions than the Syrian government. By 2019, government forces had taken back

control of most of this territory. 5.6 million Syrians have been forced to escape from their country, further worsening

the refugee crisis.

Libya

In Libya, a peaceful uprising quickly turned into an armed civil war involving Western military forces'

intervention. The autocratic dictator, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, was executed by the opposition in

October 2011. Video of his death was seen by millions online. However, Libya has remained in a state of

war, while two opposing governments control separate parts of the country. Libyans have suffered

immensely during the years of conflict as they faced violence and limited access to food, resources, and

healthcare. This has significantly contributed to the current global refugee crisis. Thousands of civilians

fled Libya, usually by the Mediterranean Sea, with hopes of a better life in Europe.

History of the Topic

Prior to the Arab Spring, political life in the Arab World was abysmal. In 2002, the UNDP commissioned

the first ever Arab Human Development Report which painted a grim picture, stating in the overview that

“There is a substantial lag between Arab countries and other regions in terms of participatory

governance. The wave of democracy that transformed governance in most of Latin America and

East Asia in the 1980s and Eastern Europe and much of Central Asia in the late 1980s and early

1990s has barely reached the Arab States. This freedom deficit undermines human development

and is one of the most painful manifestations of lagging political development.”v

Further reports in 2003vi, 2004vii, 2005viii and 2009ix also revealed glaring problems:

 All countries except Jordan and Kuwait fall below the international mean for civil liberties, human

rights, and independence of the media.

  Ten out of seventeen Arab countries surveyed had public perceptions of corruption above the

international mean.

 In almost all Arab countries, the executive branch has unchecked power; in official republics,

presidents would often extend their stay by constitutional amendments.

 Most Arab states severely restricted the formation of political parties with the gulf ones outright

banning them.

This section will detail the historical problems that ultimately culminated in the Arab Spring.

General History

The historical prevalence of authoritarianism in the Arab World has no single explanation but can be

roughly attributed to two reasons. First, many Arab states suffer from a “resource curse”. Such states will

depend on oil revenues, Suez Canal tolls etc. instead of taxation and thus can “attach itself to the

population through ties of patronage” and can easily buy off dissent. Second, American foreign policy

objectives in the region caused it to support sympathetic dictators. US presidents believed that only pro-

Western autocrats could prevent the spread of communism, ensure the steady flow of oil, co-operate in

the War on terror and sign peace treaties with Israel despite popular dissent. For example, the Americans

backed the first coup d’état of post-independence Syria, replacing a democratically elected government;

they have also backed the oil-rich Gulf monarchies such as the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the UAE.x

Of course, lack of economic opportunities was also a crucial impetus for the Arab Uprisings. xi A report

by the IMF found that from 1980 to 2010, per capita GDP in the region grew by only 0.5% annually

compared to an average of 3% in other developing nations.xiiWith the exception of oil, exports stagnated

and jobs grew at a snail’s pace, with Egypt, Tunisia, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria having unemployment
rates between 10 to 15%. Youth unemployment – the demographic that led the Arab Spring – was much

worse, and young people, even those with degrees, were often unemployed or underemployed. It was not

always this way: in the 1970s, high oil prices and low interest rates allowed governments to provide lavish

subsidies, benefits, and employment opportunities (those who were not oil-rich were subsidized by those

that were). But when oil prices plummeted, governments found themselves in huge debts and bail-outs by

international institutions required them to shrink the government’s role in the economy and slash subsidies

in a series of neoliberal reforms that were very unpopular and resulted in riots. Among these reforms was

a wave of privatizations that bred corruption by putting companies in the hands of those with close

connections to the ruling elite.xiii But while people in Europe and North America could vote out politicians

for economic mismanagement, the same could not be done in the Arab World. So, the people took to the

streets.xiv

Tunisia

The country gained independence from France in 1956 and was ruled by President Habib Bourguiba for

three decades (1957-1987). Despite his excesses as a dictator, he is fondly remembered for leading the

nation to independence, introducing family codes and laws that emancipated women, reforming the

education system, and steering the country in a decisively secular direction. All this and more were rooted

in reformist thinking of Tunisian intellectuals that was generations in the making. It showed in the

succeeding generations that were well educated, engaged in civic life and able to think critically.

Still, this did not translate to economic prosperity. Although neoliberal economic reforms had created

wealth, it was not distributed equally and many still lacked access to decent jobs. Many assets instead
landed into the hands of president Zin al-Abidine Ben Ali’s family. This would become one the core issues

behind the uprising.xv

Egypt

Like Tunisia, Egypt was also religiously and ethnically homogenous, had a historical basis and was ruled

by dictators. After the 1952 Free Officers’ coup, it had only seen four presidents: Muhammad Naguib

(1953-1954), Gamal Abd al-Nasser (1954–1970), Anwar al-Sadat (1970–1981), and Hosni Mubarak

(1981–2011).xvi In Nasser and al-Sadat’s time, the implicit social contract was that the National

Democratic Party would dominate politics as long as it brought material prosperity (public sector jobs,

benefits and subsidies) and security (from Islamist militants). This started to fall apart as a population

boom due to better health care led to extreme strain on public services and subsequent acquisition of large

amounts of debt. Western nations agreed to bail out the Egyptian government, but only if it exercised

fiscal prudence and implemented neoliberal reforms, which it did in the 90s under Mubarak, reneging on

the grand bargain on which Egyptians depended on; unemployment and poverty rose and inequality and

corruption skyrocketed.

As the state became increasingly unpopular, it also had to become more repressive. The security service

was given free reign after a string of Islamist attacks, regularly beating up suspects and jailing dissidents

without trial. Due to the lack of political plurality, the only well-organized force in oppositional politics

was the Muslim Brotherhood, which had to endure repression under all three presidencies. There were

also much younger groups that were a precursor to the uprisings such as Kefaya (Enough) which called

for Mubarak to leave office in 2005, the April 6 movement established in 2008 that supported labor strikes

and later called for systemic changes.

Just a few years prior to the uprisings, some crucial ingredients started to mix: inflation reached double

digits while wages stagnated, social media and satellite television became commonplace and the military

became increasingly disenchanted with Mubarak due to high-level corruption. The stage was set for

upheaval.xvii

Yemen and Libya

Both Yemen and Libya are failing states that political scientists say suffered from “weak-state syndrome”:

Although they had a territory, they lacked both a national identity and a functioning government and

bureaucracy to rule over the entirety of the territory. Such brittle states are bound to shatter under even

nominal pressures. While geography made both countries difficult to control (Yemen was mountainous

and desert while Libya was mostly desert), history and the decisions made by the dictators were primary

reasons for their weakness.

Yemen had been divided into North and South since the 1800s with each developing along different

trajectories: The south had been under British rule and then a Marxist government in 1969 while the north

was a Zaydi kingdom (Zaydism has been the major Shia sect in North Yemen, and militants from this

group became the Houthi rebels) and became a republic in 1962. Both fought multiple civil wars over

unification: first in 1972, then 1979 and then one after unification in 1994, in which the North emerged as

the dominant side.xviii The north continued to prosper as the south declined.xix = Corruption and patronage

were baked into the system, especially since Yemen was a tribal society. There were no institutions to

speak of as the North’s president Saleh had deliberately kept them weak lest he be ousted from power.

This exacerbated poverty, unemployment was 35% and half of Yemenis were illiterate on the eve of the

Arab Spring.
There was no unified Libya until the Italians merged three colonies into one in 1934. After WWII, it ended

up in Allied control who made it a monarchy –yet regional and tribal identities were more important. A

military man, Muammar Qaddafi led a coup in 1969, imposing a regime “whose chief characteristics were

megalomania, repression, and corruption.” Private enterprises and representative institutions such as

independent media and political parties were crushed. Qaddafi’s system only worked under high oil prices,

and once prices plummeted, Qaddafi stepped up repression of dissidents to brutal proportions: violently

putting down riots and slaying dissidents both at home and abroad. Just like in Yemen, corruption was

endemic and utilized to stay in power. Like Saleh, Qaddafi rewarded himself, his family and loyal tribal

leaders with the wealth from oil revenue and foreign investment. In both countries, lack of formal

institutions and deep divisions were used by the dictators to stay in power. But that also left them very

vulnerable to a shake-up.

Syria

During the Ottoman era, Syria was a geographic term (referring to what is now Syria, Lebanon, Israel,

Palestine and Jordan) that only came to be a sovereign entity once it was taken by the Allies in WWI and

granted independence from France in 1946. In just three years, a colonel backed by the US took the helm.

Multiple coup d’états were orchestrated in the subsequent two decades with the last one occurring in 1970

by Hafiz al-Assad who became president and then passed on power to his son Bashar al-Assad, the current

president, in 2000.xx

Syria is a state in which a minority rules over the majority. The ruling sect – Alawite Shias – comprise

just 13% of the population while the majority Sunni are estimated to be 75%. To maintain such as

arrangement, the ruling Baath party made sure that critical positions in the military and government were
restricted to only Alawites. On top of that, legitimacy by blackmail was used to ensure that minority groups

(Alawites and Christians) were loyal to the regime: they came to believe that if the Sunni majority were

given power, they would inevitably oppress them. With the military-security apparatus being solely

Alawite, they too depended on minority rule for their existence, and thus it was always unlikely that the

army would ever depose the regime as was the case in Egypt. All institutions were united in their

opposition to majority rule.xxi That did not necessarily mean that those belonging to the minority sects

were free from suffering: lack of economic opportunities for youth, mass corruption and high commodity

prices were cross-sectarian in nature. Still these problems were particularly acute for the Sunnis who in

addition faced pervasive spying, censorship, arbitrary beatings, and torture at the hands of the security

service known as the mukhabarat.xxii

Bahrain

Bahrain too is an authoritarian country under minority rule, though in this case the minority is Sunni and

the majority (60-70%) Shia. The king has nearly absolute control over politics by being able to appoint

judges, ministers, top military officials and amend the constitution. Political organization and

demonstrations are illegal.

Bahrain was under Shia control from 1500 to 1782 after which the island was conquered by the Sunni al-

Khalifa family, subjugating the local Shias. Soon after the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the 1980s and

1990s saw Iranian backed Shia groups such as the Bahraini Hizballah and the Islamic Front for the

Liberation of Bahrain call for the end of al-Khalifa rule. This cemented strong distrust among the Sunni

rulers who subsequently institutionalized sectarianism in order to maintain power.xxiii Naturalization is

another issue for Shia Bahrainis: non-Bahraini Sunni military and security personnel are being given
Bahraini citizenship in a deliberate attempt to remake the demographics of the country to favor Sunnis.

Electoral and legislative rules, hiring practices and the media all have maligned Shias. The media in

particular is not independent and regularly portrays Bahraini Shiites as agents of Bahrain’s enemy, Iran,

thereby stoking fear among Sunni Bahrainis of a hostile takeover in which they would suffer. This

legitimacy by blackmail is similar to that employed in Syria, and just like in Syria, the military-security

apparatus’ fate was tied to the regime’s fate, ensuring their unwavering loyalty.xxiv

Prominent Aspects of the Topic

Refugee crisis

The most prominent aftermath of the Arab Spring https://images.app.goo.gl/bP28yf

8Rp89TDQip8
was the start of a worldwide refugee crisis as it

resulted in the displacement of more refugees than

after World War II. iv Civil upheavals in Syria, Iraq,

Libya and rampant instability across the Middle East

have contributed to the displacement of

approximately 16.7 million refugees globally. v In addition to this, 33.3 million people are “internally displaced”

within their war-torn countries. iv

Refugees, mainly from Syria, are forced to migrate through dangerous routes to Europe to seek asylum in the future

hope of a better life. About 700 migrants died out of 45,000 migrants who endangered their lives while crossing the

Mediterranean to reach Italy and Malta in 2013. v The number

of dead increased more than four times in 2014 to 3224. v In

2014, the British government refused to aid “Mediterranean

rescue operations,” which only accepted less than 150 Syrian

refugees. iv However, despite the rise of migrants in Europe, the

primary burden of accommodating refugees has fallen on developing countries with fragile economic and social

stability.

Turkey hosts the most significant number of Syrian refugees – about 3 million. In 2016, Turkish President Recep

Tayyip Erdogan announced that Syrian refugees might be granted citizenship. iv Jordan and Lebanon host more than

1 million Syrian asylum seekers – more than one-fifth of the country’s total population. iv But in 2017, President

Michel Aoun guaranteed to send the refugees back to their home country as they have exerted an immense strain

on national resources. iv Lebanese government tightened restrictions on bonder to discourage Syrians from entering

the country. iv

Egypt also became a key refuge for Syrian migrants as about 300,000 Syrian refugees were initially happily

accepted. v But refugees had to flee their adopted homeland due to a wave of anti-Syrian sentiment during the

revolutionary regime change in 2013. v

The substantial displacement of Syrians and Libyans from their war-torn countries due to Arab Spring uprisings

has significantly affected the stability of the countries that provided asylum. The U.S. and other Western nations

should work closely with the Middle Eastern governments and international humanitarian organizations to

guarantee that the initial excitement of the Arab Spring does not lead to other humanitarian crises. vii

Arab spring and social media

Along with the several factors leading to the Arab spring, social media played a role in its spreading. The

digital presence ensured the outreach and propagation of ideas. This also ensured the transmission of non-

violent dialogue amongst the different groups in governments, creating a collective front against

oppressive authoritative governments. The outcome was not only local for platforms such as Facebook,

Twitter, and Instagram worked to transmit

the full reality towards the international

system, grabbing foreign attention. While

many skeptics voiced their disapproval of

the heavy dependence of social media in

their revolutions, rebuttals argued social

media’s importance in organizing groups as

well as spreading messages across

leaderless revolutionary individualsxxv.

It goes without saying that social media has supported the propagation of ideas of democracy especially

in Tunisia and Egyptxxvi. It had furthermore, spread the messages of the streets towards the West which

then played an important role in overthrowing the then standing dictators. In Libya, social media played

in organizing the revolts and demonstrations, but then took the role of communicating information and

highlighting corruption. Social media then presents a tool unlike any previous revolutions, in that the shift

towards democracy succeeded solely with the help of grassroots social movements. With social media

comes a mobilization of the youth which take pride in the use of technology against state oppressors.

The youth represents the biggest demographic group in the Middle East and northern African region.

However, with the durability of inequalities in the region, the youth started feeling the marginalization
within their groups, and the loss of their future. Such neglect was met with a new way of dealing with

things, along with their technological skills, excitement to social participation, and rising unemployment.

This led to creating a safe space within social media, platforms that were brought forth discussion,

communication, and an exchange of experiences. Thus social media has shown to not merely represent a

crucial weapon of mobilization, but also a pressure group that led to sustainable changexxvii.

While traditional newscasts are still important, social media played, and still plays a role in informing

people about the news as fast and transparent as possible. This also played a role in countries where news

channels were censored and clientelistic by nature. A clear example of that is in Egypt or Syria where the

news channels were not transmitting the revolts and mobilization on the streets, while social media outlets

spoke loud and clear. Social media, however, plays a different role in different countries. For example, in

Syria, social media took a hard turn since the regime is more brutal, and the state tensions had been going

on for some time. In comparison, Egypt and Tunisia were fast revolutions, with relatively rapid outcomes,

and so social media took the role of calling people to demonstrations, and unifying demands. In Syria,

however, it was used to transmit images no one knew of, and introduce the people with ideals of

democracy, good governance, and ways for mobilization creating unprecedented expectations. xxviii

Religion and Regime

Religion has had multiple, varying roles in the Arab World, before, during and after the Arab Spring. This

can be divided into three distinct issues: sectarian identity, Islamist insurgencies, and Brotherhood-styled

Islamism.
As we have seen in the “History of the Topic” section, sectarian divisions were well-defined for Syria,

Bahrain, and Yemen. In the case of Syria and Bahrain, the deep states did not fragment from within nor

did they betray the regime as they were filled with sectarian minorities who feared majoritarian rule. In

the case of Yemen, sectarianism played a partial role as one of the features of the North-South divide was

of differing predominant sects. Egypt, Tunisia, Libya were mostly exempt from this sort of sectarian

conflict but had to deal with insurgents and Islamists instead.

Islamist insurgencies throughout the region have resorted to the use of force and violence to achieve the

goal of an Islamic state that enforces religious piety. The populations in all Arab Spring countries have

historically been fearful of terrorism and armed conflict. These fears were exploited by the regimes to

remain in power and justify a constant state of emergency that stripped people of fundamental rights such

as the right to assembly or habeas corpus.xxix For example, the Tunisian regime stoked fears of the Algerian

Islamic Salvation Front during the early 1990sxxx and part of the legitimacy of the al-Assad dynasty

derived from its ability to maintain stability and prevent Islamists from causing chaos. xxxiSuch fears were

partially right. The power vacuum in many countries due to the Arab Spring enabled extremists in many

parts of the region. Tunisia’s Ansar al-Sharia for example, formed immediately after the ouster of Ben Ali

and called for the imposition of Sharia law in the country, and were responsible for bombing embassies

and assassinating left wing politicians during the transition period. Egypt’s militant Ansar Bait al-Maqdis

(ABM) emerged from the Arab Spring chaos and took hold following the release of extremists in Egypt

and the proliferation of arms in Libya leading to the Sinai becoming a hotspot for militant

organizations.xxxii Egyptian insurgents made attacks on the Sinai pipeline, the Israeli embassies among

other acts of terrorxxxiii which was one among many reasons for the military to oust Morsi so that they
 could exercise total control. The power void in Syria in

the aftermath of the Arab Spring had equally disastrous

effects: Assad, in an attempt to stop foreign and domestic

actors from supporting the rebellion, deliberately

released radicalized inmates to tinge the rebellion with

extremism. This resulted in the notorious Islamic State of Iraq and Syria.xxxiv The consequence was a

multi-sided protracted civil war that caused the defining refugee crisis of our time. Thus, institutional void

throughout the Arab World gave rise to radical outfits which in turn had the effect of destabilizing the

entire region.

However, the greatest attention by analysts has been given to the moderate Islamist elements such as

Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood and Tunisia’s Ennahda. These Islamist groups eschewed violence and

pursued an agenda of gradual change through electoral campaigning and discourse. As a result, they were

able to gain widespread appeal.

UN and International Intervention:

The Arab States went through a series of protests, upheavals, and rebellions in early 2010, known as Arab
Springs. The main reasons behind those protests were the oppressive living conditions and political
grievances. But Arab Springs further deteriorated the stability and economic conditions of the Arab states.
It’s crucial to analyze UN intervention in the Arab Springs because it is responsible for maintaining
international peace and friendly relations among all member countries. xxxv Moreover, the importance of
Arab states due to their oil reserves also became a significant UN intervention factor in stabilizing the
Middle East’s situation.
After the Cold War, the UN recognized the importance of promoting democracy as a form of governance
and then included it as its mandate. The late 20th century led to the UN's active promotion of democracy
and human rights and its numerous peace and development wings. However, the rising political protests
within the Arab states in early 2011 were surprising for the UN. After some initial protests in Tunisia, the
other Arab world also started witnessing mass rallies and demonstrations against the authoritarian rulers.
The initial UN response to the mass demonstrations supported lifting the aspirations of peaceful protestors
against the oppressive rulers. These initial protests led to some positive political initiatives, including the
elections. But soon, the political instability, activism, recession caused the emergence of more uprisings
and dangers. Libya and Syria were the UN's most attention-seeking countries due to their close alliance
with several regional and Organizational arms.

The wake of uprisings and protests in Libya called the UN's early attention to stop the violation of human
rights and bring peace in the region. Considering Libya's situation, the UN general assembly suspended
Libya's membership from the Human Rights Council without even opting for the voting procedure.
Moreover, the UN Security Council introduced several sanctions- including the ban of weapons' sale,
freezing foreign assets- and the Secretary-General welcomed all those UN security measures.xxxvi The UN
also allowed the member countries to take all crucial steps for protecting the rights of people in Libya-
but without directly intervening in Libya's internal matters. Besides, the Council restricted the air space
for flying the bombing aircraft over Libya's cities- while having an exception for other planes. However,
the misguided operations of NATO and the imposition of a no-fly zone led to further confusion in the
region and the emergence of Jihadi forces against the western powers. Consequently, attacks began on the
American consulate that led to an American ambassador's death- causing UN staff to get out of Libya
during the period 2014-16. With the fall of Tripoli, the UN once again intervened in the country by
restoring peace and forming a democratic government.

With the uprisings in other parts of the Arab world, the mass protests also began against President Ali
Abdullah Saleh's governance policies in Yemen in 2011. The country had a frail and unstable economic
condition and was also distributed among different religious sects. There was a rumor of Al-Qaeda trying
to exploit Yemen's situation, so the UN Security Council intervened in September 2011 to end Yemen's
violent activities. Consequently, a unified government was formed with the prime minister from the
opposition party. But later, the country once again went into a period of political unrest that came to an
end by the assassination of Saleh. UN adopted 11 resolutions since 2011, and the main agenda for those
resolutions was to punish the Houthi rebels. The resolutions were also accompanied by the imposition of
weapon embargos and other restrictions on Houthi leaders and Saleh's loyal forces that helped bring
stability in the region.

The reaction of international countries has also been disparate, and most countries called for peace,
security, and protection of civil rights within the Arab world. The Australian foreign minister wrote an
op-ed and called for the active support of the democratic movement in the Arab world. Similarly, the
Secretary of Defence on 16th June 2011 called the Arab Springs a wake-up call and tried to show the
sufferings of Arab people living under those cruel leaders. The prime minister of Kazakhstan and Israel
called the lack of education and weak economic structure as the root cause of that unrest political situation
in the Arab countries. Moreover, the Foreign minister of New-Zealand offered the country's diplomatic
and financial support to Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt for restoring peace in those states. It can be said that
the support of the UN and international countries was more focused on bringing and supporting the
transition to a democratic system in the Arab world.

Questions to consider

1. Did your country witness any protests throughout the Arab Spring or was it involved in the Arab

Spring?

2. How did your country play a role in influencing the events of the Arab Spring?

3. What actions did your country take during the Arab Spring that could have been done differently?

4. What situation was your country in economically, socially, politically and foreign relations wise

at the time of the Arab Spring?

5. What allies and enemies does your country have?

 6. How do religious extremist groups play a role in your country? Where does your country stand on

those group’s presence?

i
"The Arab League". 2020. Archive.Crin.Org. https://archive.crin.org/en/guides/un-international-system/regional-
mechanisms/arab-league.html.

ii
"Arab League | History, Purpose, Members, & Achievements". 2020. Encyclopedia Britannica.
https://www.britannica.com/topic/Arab-League.

iii
"Arab League". 2020. Infoplease. https://www.infoplease.com/encyclopedia/social-science/government/intl-orgs/arab-
league.

iv
nationsonline.org, klaus. 2020. "Arab League - The League Of Arab States - Nations Online Project". Nationsonline.Org.
https://www.nationsonline.org/oneworld/arab_league.htm.

i
Al Rifai, Diana. "Syrian refugee crisis: All your questions answered" ALJAZEERA. May 25, 2017. Accessed November 23,
2020. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/5/25/syrian-refugee-crisis-all-your-questions-answered#crisis-start.
ii
Arab Spring” HISTORY. January 17, 2020. Accessed November 23, 2020. https://www.history.com/topics/middle-
east/arab-spring
iii
Augustyn, Adam, Tesch, Noah. “Arab Spring: pro-democracy protests” Britannica. August 23, 2017. Accessed November
23, 2020. https://www.britannica.com/event/Arab-Spring/additional-info#history.

v
United Nations Development Programme. The Arab Human Development Report 2002: Creating Opportunities for Future
Generations. (New York, NY: UN Headquarters, 2002).
vi
United Nations Development Programme. The Arab Human Development Report 2003: Building a Knowledge
Society. (New York, NY: UN Headquarters, 2003).
vii
United Nations Development Programme. The Arab Human Development Report 2004: Towards Freedom in the Arab
World. (New York, NY: UN Headquarters, 2004).
viii
United Nations Development Programme. The Arab Human Development Report 2005: Towards the Rise of Women in the
Arab World. (New York, NY: UN Headquarters, 2005).
ix
United Nations Development Programme. The Arab Human Development Report 2009: Challenges to Human Security in
the Arab Countries. (New York, NY: UN Headquarters, 2009).
x
James L. Gelvin, The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone Needs to Know, 2nd ed. (New York, NY, USA: Oxford University
Press, 2015), 8-10.
xi
Hafez Ghanem, “Roots of The Arab Spring,” in The Arab Spring Five Years Later: Towards Greater Inclusiveness
(Washington, D.C., USA: Brookings Institution Press, 2016), pp. 39-64.
xii
https://www.imf.org/external/np/g8/052611.htm
xiii
Gelvin, Arab Uprisings, 14-19.
xiv
Gelvin, Arab Uprisings, 24-25.
xv
Gelvin, Arab Uprisings, 44-46.
xvi
“Muḥammad Naguib,” Encyclopædia Britannica (Encyclopædia Britannica, inc., August 24, 2020),
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Muhammad-Naguib.
xvii
Mark L. Haas, David W. Lesch, and Bruce K. Rutherford, “Egypt: The Origins and Consequences of the January 25
Uprising,” in The Arab Spring: Change and Resistance in the Middle East (Boulder, CO, USA: Westview Press, 2017), pp.
35-63.
xviii
Al Jazeera, “Yemen: The North-South Divide,” Yemen | Al Jazeera (Al Jazeera, December 8, 2017),
https://www.aljazeera.com/program/al-jazeera-world/2017/12/8/yemen-the-north-south-divide/.
xix
Abigail Fielding-Smith, “North-South Divide Strains Yemen Union,” Financial Times (Financial Times, January 13,
2011), https://www.ft.com/content/c7c59322-1e80-11e0-87d2-00144feab49a.
xx
Dr. Halla Diyab, “On Syria's Turbulent History of Coups,” Al Arabiya English (Al Arabiya English, November 26, 2014),
https://english.alarabiya.net/en/views/news/middle-east/2014/11/26/On-Syria-s-turbulent-history-of-coups.
xxi
Gelvin, Arab Uprisings, 44-46.
xxii
Mark L. Haas, David W. Lesch, “The Uprising That Wasn't Suppose to Happen: Syria and the Arab Spring,” in The Arab
Spring: Change and Resistance in the Middle East (Boulder, CO, USA: Westview Press, 2017), pp. 79-96.
xxiii
Frederic M. Wehrey, Sectarian Politics in the Gulf (New York, NY, USA: Columbia Univ Press, 2014), 11-13.
xxiv
Vittori, Jodi. Report. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2019. Accessed November 26, 2020.
doi:10.2307/resrep20983.

iv
Berdikeeva, Saltanat. "The Arab Spring and Its Aftermath: A Review of the Decade” Inside Arabia. January 01, 2011.
Accessed November 23, 2020. https://insidearabia.com/the-arab-spring-and-its-aftermath-a-review-of-the-decade/.
v
Kingslay, Patrick. "Arab spring prompts biggest migrant wave since second world war” The Guardian, January 03, 2015.
Accessed November 23, 2020. https://www.theguardian.com/world/commentisfree/2015/jan/03/arab-spring-migrant-
wave-instability-war.

vi
"The ‘Arab Spring’: Five Years On” Amnesty International. Accessed November 23, 2020.
https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2016/01/arab-spring-five-years-on/.

vii
Ulack, Chuck. "The Arab Spring’s looming refugee crisis” Foreign Policy. June 23, 2011. Accessed November 23, 2020.
https://foreignpolicy.com/2011/06/23/the-arab-springs-looming-refugee-crisis/.

xxv
Heather Brown, Emily Guskin and Amy Mitchell. "The Role of Social Media in the Arab Uprisings." Pew Research Center's
Journalism Project. December 31, 2019. Accessed December 08, 2020. https://www.journalism.org/2012/11/28/role-social-
media-arab-uprisings/.

xxvi
Eaton, Tim. "Westminster Papers in Communication and Culture." Westminster Papers in Communication and Culture.
April 01, 2013. Accessed December 08, 2020. https://www.westminsterpapers.org/articles/abstract/10.16997/wpcc.163/.

xxvii
"(PDF) The Role of Social Media in the Arab Uprisings – past and Present." ResearchGate. Accessed December 08, 2020.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/316087357_The_role_of_social_media_in_the_Arab_uprisings_-
_past_and_present.
xxviii
Ghrer, Hussein. "Westminster Papers in Communication and Culture." Westminster Papers in Communication and
Culture. April 01, 2013. Accessed December 08, 2020.
https://www.westminsterpapers.org/articles/abstract/10.16997/wpcc.169/.
xxix
James L. Gelvin, The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone Needs to Know, 2nd ed. (New York, NY, USA: Oxford University
Press, 2015), 5-6.
xxx
Mark L. Haas, David W. Lesch, The Arab Spring: Change and Resistance in the Middle East (Boulder, CO, USA:
Westview Press, 2017), pp. 24-25.
xxxi
Haas, Lesch, The Arab Spring, 82.
xxxii
Neo, R., 2019. The Jihad post-Arab Spring: Contextualising Islamic radicalism in Egypt and Tunisia. African Security
Review, 28(2), pp.95-109.
xxxiii
Haas, Lesch, The Arab Spring, 178, 189.
xxxiv
Griffing, A., 2018. How Assad Helped Create ISIS To Win In Syria And Got Away With The Crime Of The Century.
[online] Haaretz. Available at: <https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/syria/MAGAZINE-iran-russia-and-isis-how-
assad-won-in-syria-1.6462751> [Accessed 7 December 2020].
xxxv
Turan, Tuba. 2020. "Can The UN Address Root Causes Of Conflict? Arab Spring Case Study". The Conversation.
https://theconversation.com/can-the-un-address-root-causes-of-conflict-arab-spring-case-study-100422.

xxxvi
Murthy, C.S.R. “United Nations and the Arab Spring: Role in Libya, Syria, and Yemen.” Contemporary Review of the
Middle East 5, no. 2 (June 2018): 116–36. https://doi.org/10.1177/2347798918762198.