2015 Quaderns Stellino-Gori
2015 Quaderns Stellino-Gori
2015 Quaderns Stellino-Gori
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11
M ore than a hundred years after his death, Nietzsche’s philosophy is
as timely as ever. Or, to put it differently: Nietzsche, the philosopher
who was well aware of his untimeliness, has become for us a timely thinker in
several different respects. Among other things, Nietzsche’s timeliness is also
patent in the renewed enthusiasm with which scholars in both the continental
and analytic traditions have approached his works in recent years. Along with
other topics, attention has been particularly directed towards two important
issues: Nietzsche’s analysis, critique, and genealogy of culture, and his theory of
mind. As will be shown, both topics play a pivotal role in Nietzsche’s thought.
Moreover, in his way of dealing with them, Nietzsche foretold several relevant
questions which are debated today.
To understand how timely Nietzsche’s approach to culture is, we can
think of his genealogical method. In fact, Nietzsche’s strategy of calling into
question moral values through their genealogy can be regarded as, mutatis mu-
tandis, the very same strategy which Richard Joyce (2006)—and Michael Ruse
(1986) before him—recently deployed in order to defend an evolutionary anti-
realist account in metaethics.1 Another example of the timeliness of Nietzsche’s
approach to culture is represented by his preconisation of a community of “good
Europeans.” This is particularly relevant when we consider the peculiar political
and historical situation of the still-young European Union, a situation in which
different cultures are asked to coexist together and to define and determine com-
mon political and cultural strategies. It would be a gross mistake to think that
Nietzsche’s philosophy is out of place in this context. On the contrary, as will be
shown, far from being a nationalist or chauvinist, Nietzsche hoped for the crea-
tion of an ideal, supranational community of European intellectuals which was
supposed to direct and supervise not only European culture, but also the “total
culture of the earth” (WS 87).2 These are but two of the elements that have led
many Nietzsche-scholars to focus on the role that the notion of culture plays in
Nietzsche’s philosophy, and that have allowed them to see how the importance
of that notion has been wrongly downplayed in past years.
1
On this, see Stellino (forth.), particularly for what concerns the important differences
among the three accounts.
2
Nietzsche’s works are cited by abbreviation, chapter (when applicable) and section number.
The abbreviations used are the following: BT (The Birth of Tragedy), HL (On the Uses and Disad-
vantages of History for Life), HH (Human, All Too Human), WS (The Wanderer and His Shadow),
D (Daybreak), GS (The Gay Science), Za (Thus Spoke Zarathustra), GM (On the Genealogy of
Morality), BGE (Beyond Good and Evil), TI (Twilight of the Idols), AC (The Anti-Christ). The
translations used are from the Cambridge Edition of Nietzsche’s works. For the Nachlass, we
have used (when available) either the Cambridge Edition (Writings from the Late Notebooks) or
Kaufmann’s and Hollingdale’s translation of The Will to Power. Posthumous fragments (PF) are
however identified with reference to the Colli and Montinari standard edition.
1. Nietzsche on Culture
3
See Blondel (1986, 79), Wotling (1995, 31 and 2008, 16-9).
4
See also PF 23[15], winter 1872-73.
5
Unfortunately, as one can see, the English translation does not distinguish between Cul-
tur and Bildung. On the most important terminological and conceptual distinction between
Kultur (Cultur), Zivilisation and Bildung, see Blondel (1986, 63-5). For an accurate analysis of
Nietzsche’s terminology, see also Joan B. Llinares’ paper published in this volume.
6
As Paul van Tongeren (2008, 12) points out, in a previous plan of the work from autumn
1877, the first section of Human, All Too Human bore the title “Philosophy of Culture.” In
the published work, the first section became the fifth and the title was replaced by “Tokens of
Higher and Lower Culture.”
7
This reading is defended in Gori and Stellino (2015).
8
The concept of “good European” undergoes a subterranean development during the period
of Zarathustra (in the posthumous fragments of 1884-85, the good European is associated with
Zarathustra’s shadow) and finally emerges in the late period (Beyond Good and Evil, fifth book
of The Gay Science and On the Genealogy of Morality) as a key notion charged with philosophical
implication. Indeed, for the late Nietzsche the main task of the good Europeans is leading the
spiritual and cultural development that follows the death of God and the overcoming of Chris-
tian morality. On this topic, see Gori and Stellino (2015).
9
Already in BGE 229, Nietzsche claims that, “almost everything we call ‘higher culture’ is
based on the spiritualization and deepening of cruelty.”
10
The Problem of the decadence of European (particularly, French) culture was debated
at the time. Nietzsche’s analysis of decadence itself is strongly indebted to his reading of Paul
Bourget’s Essais de psychologie contemporaine in 1883.
11
At the same time, the body is conceived of by Nietzsche as the product of culture, that is,
a specific culture x will tend to reproduce a specific physiological condition x.
2. Nietzsche on Subjectivity
12
Whether Nietzsche defends a strong epiphenomenalism or not in claiming the “superfi-
cial” character of consciousness (see. e.g. GS 354), is an open debate nowadays. Such a view is
developed in Leiter (2002) and in Riccardi (forth.), while Katsafanas (2005) argues against the
strong epiphenomenalist reading. In his thorough study on Nietzsche’s dealing with conscious-
ness from 1880 to 1888, Lupo (2009) also argues that Nietzsche rejects a metaphysical view
of consciousness (as a faculty), but accepts an epiphenomenal view of it (even if not a strong
one).
13
Jesús Conill deals with this important speech in his contribution to this special issue. For a
discussion of Nietzsche’s view of the reduction of mental states to bodily states, see Lupo (2006,
133) and Gerhard (2006).
14
On this point, see Loukidelis (2013) and Gori (forth.).
15
The strong influence of Lange’s History of Materialism on Nietzsche’s thought is stressed
e.g. in Stack (1983). In Lange’s work, in particular, Nietzsche found a detailed and updated
exposition of the latest publications in psychology.
16
Mach (1914, 26). The discussion concerning science research on the self as an indivisible
unit that forms the basis of mental processes is already present in Mach’s Beiträge zur Analyse der
Empfindungen, published in 1886 and purchased by Nietzsche probably in the same year.
17
See e.g. Heit and Heller (2014).
18
We can compare Nietzsche’s “death of God” with Emile Du Bois-Reymond’s “Ignora-
bimus!”. The two conferences that the latter presented, in 1872 and 1880 respectively (The
Boundaries of the Knowledge of Nature and The World’s Seven Puzzles), aroused great interest at
the time. Du Bois-Reymond was particularly sceptical about the possibility of surpassing certain
cognitive limits and solving certain problems posed by natural reality. One of these problems
concerns the discourse relative to knowledge of psychic phenomena, particularly regarding their
relation to the material dimension—what, in modern terms, we would label the mind-body
problem (Du Bois-Reymond 1886). It is worth noting that a copy of these conferences can be
found in Nietzsche’s library (cf. Campioni et alia 2003, 202), although there is no record that
he effectively read them.
19
See Gori (forth.), §§ 3 and 7.
20
See, for instance, Diego Sánchez Meca’s paper, published in this volume, which focuses,
among other things, on Deleuze’s dealing with the crisis of the traditional view of the subject in
his Difference and Repetition.
21
As Cristina Fornari points out in her contribution to this volume, Nietzsche was aware
of this problem, and his “become what you are” can be interpreted as an attempt to provide us
with an alternative to the Delphic exhortation. Moreover, Fornari argues that Nietzsche’s late