Language Culture and Society PDF

SEVENYH EDITION
CULTURC(
ond SOCICTY
An Introduction to Linguistic Anthropology
domes Stonlow
Hobuko Adochi
Zdenek
Solzmonn
Language,
Culture,
and Society
Taylor & Francis
Taylor & Francis Group
http://tayIorandfrancis.com
S E VE NT H E D I T I O N
Language,
Culture,
and S o c i e t y
An Introduction to
Linguistic Anthropology
J AMES S T ANLA
W N O B U K O AD A
CHI
ZDENEK SALZMANN
New York London

First published 2018 by Westview Press
Seventh Edition: July 2017
Published 2018 by Routledge

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CONTENTS
Preface xi
1. Introducing Linguistic Anthropology 1

Learning Objectives 1
Why Should We Study Language? Language in Daily
Life 1 Modern Myths Concerning Languages 2
A Brief History of Anthropology 7
Anthropology, Linguistics, and Linguistic Anthropology 10
Summary and Conclusions 12
Resource Manual and Study Guide 14
Questions for Discussion 14
Project 14
Objective Study Questions 14
Notes and Suggestions for Further Reading 15
2. Methods of Linguistic Anthropology 17

Contrasting Linguistics with Linguistic Anthropology 17
Three Strains of Linguistic Anthropology, and More: Theoretical and Historical
Perspectives 18
The Fieldwork Component, and the Components of Fieldwork 24
Answer Key 33
3. The “Nuts and Bolts” of Linguistic Anthropology I: Language Is Sound 35

Anthropologists Notice Language 36
The Anatomy and Physiology of Speech 40
v
vi Contents
Articulation of Speech Sounds 42

From Phones to Phonemes 48
Prosodic Features 55
Problems 59
Answer Key 64
4. The “Nuts and Bolts” of Linguistic Anthropology II:

Structure of Words and Sentences 67
Combining Sounds into Larger Formal and Meaningful Units 70
Morphemes and Allomorphs 71
Morphological Processes 73
Morphophonemics 75
Showing Grammatical Relationships: Inflections Versus Word Order
76 Chomsky and Transformational-Generative Grammar 77
Problems 82
Answer Key 85
5. Communicating Nonverbally 89
Paralinguistics 90
Kinesics 91
Proxemics 92
Sign Languages 93
Writing 96
Project 113
Answer Key 114
Contents vii
6. The Development and Evolution of Language:

Language Birth, Language Growth, and Language Death 117
Communication and Its Channels 117
Communication Among Nonhuman Primates 119
When Does a Communication System Become Language?122
Design Features of Language 123
Language as an Evolutionary Product126
Monogenesis Versus Polygenesis 129
The Life and Death of Languages 129
Projects 138
Answer Key 142
Notes and Suggestions for Further Reading143
7. Acquiring and Using Language(s):

Life with First Languages, Second Languages, and More 145
The First Steps of Language Acquisition in Childhood145
Some Theories of Language Acquisition 147
Language and the Brain151
Bilingual and Multilingual Brains 152
Code-Switching, Code-Mixing, and Diglossia 154
Projects 156
Answer Key 158
Notes and Suggestions for Further Reading158
8. Language Through Time 159

How Languages Are Classified 159
Internal and External Changes 164
How and Why Sound Changes Occur 166
Reconstructing Protolanguages 168
Reconstructing the Ancestral Homeland 170
Time Perspective in Culture 174
viii Contents

Problems 176
Answer Key 177
9. Languages in Variation and Languages in Contact 179

Idiolects 179
Dialects 180
Styles 181
Language Contact 184
Pidgins 185
From Pidgins to Creoles 187
Language Contact in the Contemporary World 189
The World of Languages 192
Projects 194
Answer Key 196
10. The Ethnography of Communication 199

Speech Community and Related Concepts 200
Units of Speech Behavior 201
Components of Communication 202
Recent Trends in the Ethnography of Speaking 208
Answer Key 211
11. Culture as Cognition, Culture as Categorization:

Meaning and Language in the Conceptual World 213
The Scope of Semantics
213
Concepts, Words, and Categories 216
Contents ix
The Rise and (Relative) Fall of Ethnoscience 218

Meaning in Discourse and Conversation 222
Projects 227
Answer Key 229
12. Language, Culture, and Thought 231

The Double-Edged Sword of the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis: Linguistic Determinism
and Linguistic Relativity 232
The Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis Reconsidered 234
Color Nomenclature and Other Challenges to Linguistic Relativity 240
Theoretical Alternatives to Linguistic Relativity 246
Future Tests of Linguistic Relativity and Linguistic Determinism 249
Projects 253
Answer Key 254
13. Language, Identity, and Ideology

I: Variations in Gender257
“Gender” Versus “Sex” 258
Grammatical Versus Biological Gender 259
Do Men and Women Speak Differently? 260
Gender and Language: Theoretical Movements 267
Does Grammatical Gender Affect How We Think?274
Language and Gender: Hegemony, Power, and Ideology 277
Language in Gay, Lesbian, and Transgender Subcultures 282
Some Current Thoughts on Language and Gender Differences 286
Projects 288
Answer Key 294
x Contents
14. Language, Identity, and Ideology II:

Variations in Class, “Race,” Ethnicity, and Nationality 297
Language, Social Class, and Identity
298 Language, “Race,” and Ethnicity
302 Language and Nationality 321
Projects 327
Answer Key 330
15. The Linguistic Anthropology of a Globalized and Digitalized World 333

Language Planning 335
Literacy, Writing, and Education 336
Intercultural Communication 339
Always On: New Literacies and Language in an Online Global World 343
Ethical Questions and Standards of Conduct 359
Project 365
Answer Key 367
Glossary 369
Bibliography 382
Index 429
PREF A CE T O THE SEVENTH EDITION
Once again it gives us great pleasure to offer another edition of Language, Culture,
and Society. As we explained in the last edition, our intent has been to maintain our
original “Americanist” vision of linguistic anthropology—as established by the discipline’s
forerun- ners such as Franz Boas and Edward Sapir—while addressing some of the
newer pressing and exciting challenges of the twenty-first century, among them issues
of language and power, language ideology, and contemporary digital and computer-
mediated communication. In this vein, we have substantially reworked our materials
on language variation based on race and ethnicity (Chapter 14), linguistic
anthropology in the global digitized world (Chapter 15), and how meaning emerges
from conversation (Chapter 12). About 20 percent of the text is new, and unfortunately
about 20 percent of the text has been reduced or eliminated. However, we have now
added dozens of photographs and numerous new figures, problems, sidebars, and
boxes. We have also added a newly revised and up-to-date glossary.
And speaking of problems and activities, as we mentioned last time, linguistic
anthropology is a lot like swimming: you can study hydraulics, kinesiology, or the
theory of the backstroke all you want, but it is a lot more fun—and ultimately more
rewarding—to actually get wet. So we encourage everyone to step into the linguistics
pool (we have tried to make sure the water is not too deep). To encourage this—
knowing the current generation of students is not only Internet friendly but Web
addicted—we have given at least three or four multimedia links in each chapter
through which teachers and students can explore in more detail some of the issues
brought up in the text. Sometimes these include things that are purely for fun—who
can resist Sacha Baron Cohen in character as Ali G “interview- ing” one of the
world’s foremost linguists and intellectuals, Noam Chomsky!—to current political
affairs, such as the language of the 2016 presidential debates. So these problems and
“projects” and Internet activities should not be considered extraneous. They are a vital
part of the learning experience.
Now, as we said last time, we do understand that some students are a bit
intimidated by such words as grammar and all those strange symbols found in a
phonetic alphabet. To this we have two responses. First, we have tried to be more clear
in this edition about why we introduce these things, and we offer motivations for
needing some formalism—and how it reveals things that cannot be shown in any other
way. We also want to remind students that this is not an algebra class, and that many
of these problems are closer to crossword puzzles than math equations. So enjoy!
Second, in this edition we continue to offer a transcription system that we feel is much
easier for beginning students to master than the International
xi
xii Preface to the Seventh Edition
Phonetic Alphabet (IPA): the so-called American System, popular among

anthropologists, especially before World War II, when exotic fonts were not so easy to
typeset. We feel the problem with the IPA for beginners is the conflation of pure
vowels and diphthongs, and excessive use of diacritics, in its orthography. In
comparison, the American System is much more transparent and less confusing.
Throughout the text, statistics have been updated and the references expanded,
with the addition of about one hundred and fifty new sources.
Once more we are indebted to many people for all their help. We are extremely
grateful to all the students and instructors—and referees—who have continued to give
us many valuable suggestions and comments, some of which we have been able to
incorporate in this edition. Linguistics graduate student Su Yin Khor created a new
glossary for us and also contributed several sidebars. She also helped with editing and
reading chapters, and she prevented us from making naïve mistakes especially in the
arenas of emoji usage, Twit- ter, and text messaging. We are once again indebted to the
fine staff at Westview Press for all their editing and production. In particular, we’d like
to thank previous editors Leanne Silverman, Evan Carter, Sandra Beris, Karl Yambert
(who initially suggested our collabo- ration), and Catherine Craddock, and
acquisitions director Grace Fujimoto. Our current sociology and anthropology editor,
James Sherman, has been a voice of clarity and reason in the sometimes complicated
revision process. Their support and encouragement has been enormous.
We hope the readers of this new edition will gain as much from using this book
as we did from writing it.
Jim
Stanlaw Nobuko
Adachi Zdenek
Salzmann
1
Introducing Linguistic
Anthropology
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
• Explain some of the “myths” people have about language,
and why; be able to refute them
• Give a brief overview of the history of anthropology and
identify its four subfields
• List some of the assumptions underlying “Americanist”
linguistic anthropology
• Identify Franz Boas and Edward Sapir and explain their
importance to linguistic anthropology
• Describe some ways languages can differ in terms of
grammar and vocabulary
The first thing that someone reads in any introductory textbook is the authors’
capsule definition of the subject matter at hand. In this book we have two
disciplines that, at first glance, might appear to be very different. Stereotypically,
people think of anthropologists in pith helmets out in a jungle someplace
uncovering bizarre tribal customs. Likewise, they imagine a linguist as someone
who can speak a dozen languages fluently, or else as a scholar poring over ancient
texts deciphering secret hieroglyphic messages. In reality these two fields are hardly
like that, but that does not make them any less exciting. This book is about how those
people who call themselves linguistic anthropologists study the universal
phenomenon of human language. But before we go into the specifics of how they do
that, we should ask ourselves an even more basic question.
WHY SHOULD WE STUDY LANGUAGE?

LANGUAGE IN DAILY LIFE
“Why should I study language?” is hardly a rhetorical question. Most people never
formally study language, and they seem to get along fine. But do they? For example,
have you ever arranged to meet someone “next Tuesday,” only to find that your friend
was planning to
1
2 Chapter 1: Introducing Linguistic Anthropology
show up a week later than you had anticipated? Or why do we need lawyers to
translate a contract for us when the document is written in a language that all
parties share? David Crystal (1971:15) points out that communication between
patients and physicians can be extremely difficult, given the differences in training
and perspective of the persons involved. The doctor often has to take a general
phrase, such as “a dull ache in my side,” and formulate a diagnosis and treatment
based solely on this description. And when respond- ing to what the patient has said,
the doctor must choose her words carefully. What a doctor calls a “benign growth”
might be heard as “cancer” by the patient.
At school we are confronted with language problems the minute we walk in the
door. Some are obvious: “I can’t understand Shakespeare. I thought he spoke English.
Why is he so difficult?” Other problems are not so obvious: “What is the difference
between who and whom? Doesn’t one make me sound British?” “Why do I have to say
‘you and I’ instead of ‘me and you’?” Some problems, such as the subtle sexism found
in some textbooks, may be beyond our everyday psychological threshold. Problems of
ethnicity and community- identity can be seen in such controversial issues as bilingual
education or the teaching of Ebonics.
Language is involved in a wide variety of human situations, perhaps every situation.
If something permeates every aspect of human life and is so complex that we cannot
fathom its influence, we should study it. The scientific study of language is one of the
keys to understanding much of human behavior.
The study of language will not in itself solve all the world’s problems. It is useful
enough to make people aware that these problems of language exist and that they are
widespread and complex. Besides being of intellectual interest, then, the study of
language offers a special vantage point of “linguistic sensitization” (Crystal 1971:35)
to problems that are of concern to everyone, regardless of discipline and
background.
Some of the questions we will address in this book, then, are broad but fundamental
— for example:
1. How can language and culture be adequately described?

2. Do other animals, such as chimpanzees using American sign language, show
linguistic capacities?
3. How did language originate? How did it contribute to human evolution and the
development of culture?
4. How are languages acquired?
5. How can languages be classified to show the relationships among them?
6. What is the relationship between language and thought?
7. What is meaning? How is it bestowed? How is it learned?
8. What does it mean to be human?
MODERN MYTHS CONCERNING LANGUAGES

This may be a good place to provide information about languages in general to set
some basic matters straight. Every human being speaks a language, but what people
think about languages—particularly those about which they know little or nothing—is
quite another matter. Consider the following statements. Which ones do you think
are true?
Modern Myths Concerning Languages 3
Almost everywhere in the world, everyone is monolingual or monodialectal, just as

in America.
Spelling in English is basically phonetic and governed by clear rules.
Most writing systems in the world are based on some kind of
alphabet.
If you really want to learn Spanish, don’t take a class in school. It is better to
just go, say, to Mexico for a month or two.
Some languages are naturally harder to learn than others.
Some languages are naturally more “primitive” than
others.
Language itself is not ambiguous; it is people’s misinterpreting things that
causes problems.
Some dialects are, well...stupid, demonstrating that a person is uneducated.
The use of language somehow reflects one’s intelligence.
People who are fluent in another language may not have complete mastery of
their native language.
The ability to learn a foreign language is a special kind of skill that some of us
have, and others don’t.
As our grade school teachers taught us, if you want to get it right, go to the dictionary!
People who use double negatives (“I don’t need no anthropology classes”) are
really not thinking logically.
It is easier to learn Chinese if you come from a Chinese family background than
from a European family.
Languages seem to have special characteristics or personalities: for example,
French is romantic; German is scientific; Russian is soulful; Spanish is hot-
blooded; Italian is emotional; Chinese is simple and straightforward; Japanese is
mysterious, spiritual, and Zen-like; English is logical; Greek is philosophical,
and so on.
All Native Americans generally speak the same language; that’s why they could
communicate with each other using sign language (like in the movies).
The more words you know, the better you know your language.
Most anthropologists and linguists would say that all of these statements are
suspect, if not outright wrong. Let us briefly consider a few of these
misconceptions concerning languages in more detail because they appear to be
widespread, even among those who are otherwise well educated and knowledgeable.
These misconceptions we can refer to as myths, in the sense of being unfounded,
fictitious, and false beliefs or ideas.
Primitive Languages........Or Not?

The most common misconception is the belief that unwritten languages are
“primitive,” whatever that may mean. Those who think that “primitive” languages
still exist invariably associate them with societies that laypeople refer to as
“primitive”—especially the very few remaining bands of hunter-gatherers. There are
of course differences in cultural complexity between hunting-and-collecting bands
and small tribal societies, on the one hand, and modern industrial societies, on the
other, but no human beings today are “primitive” in the sense of being less
biologically evolved than others. One would be justified in talking about a primitive
language only if referring to the language of, for example, the extinct forerunner of
Homo sapiens of a half million years ago. Even though we do not know on
direct evidence the nature of the system of oral communication of Homo erectus, it
is safe to assume that it must have been much simpler than languages of the past
several thousand years and therefore primitive in that it was rudimentary, or
represented an earlier stage of development.
Why are certain languages mistakenly thought to be primitive? There are several
rea- sons. Some people consider other languages ugly or “primitive sounding” if
those languages make use of sounds or sound combinations they find indistinct or
“inarticulate” because the sounds are greatly different from those of the languages
they themselves speak. Such a view is based on the ethnocentric attitude that the
characteristics of one’s own language are obviously superior. But words that seem
unpronounceable to speakers of one language—and are therefore considered obscure,
indistinct, or even grotesque—are easily acquired by even the youngest native
speakers of the language in which they occur. To a native speaker of English, the
Czech word scvrnkls “you flicked off (something) with your finger” looks quite
strange, and its pronunciation may sound odd and even impossible because there is
no vowel among the eight consonants; for native speakers of Czech, of course,
scvrnkls is just another word. Which speech sounds are used and how they are
combined to form words and utterances vary from one language to the next, and
speakers of no language can claim that their language has done the selecting and
combining better than another.
The Grammar of Non-Western Languages

Another myth has to do with grammar. Some think that languages of peoples whose
societies are not urbanized and industrialized have “little grammar,” meaning that
such languages have few, if any, of the sort of grammar rules students learn in
school. According to this misconception, members of simple societies use language in
rather random fashion, without definite pattern. To put it differently, grammar in the
sense of rules governing the proper use of cases, tenses, moods, aspects, and other
grammatical categories is errone- ously thought to be characteristic of “civilized”
languages only. Once again, nothing could be further from the truth. Some languages
have less “grammar” than others, but the degree of grammatical complexity is not a
measure of how effective a particular language is.
What sorts of grammars, then, characterize languages spoken by members of
tribal societies? Some of these languages have a fairly large and complicated
grammatical ap- paratus, whereas others are less grammatically complex—a diversity
similar to that found in Indo-European languages. Edward Sapir’s description of the
morphology of Takelma, based on material collected in 1906, takes up 238 pages
(Sapir 1922). In Takelma, the now extinct language spoken at one time in
southwestern Oregon, verbs were particularly highly inflected, making use of
prefixes, suffixes, infixes, vowel changes, consonant changes, and reduplication
(functional repetition of a part of a word). Every verb had forms for six tense-
modes, including potential (“I can . . . ” or “I could . . . ”), inferential (“it seems that
. . . ” or “I presume that . . . ”), and present and future imperatives (the future
imperative expressing a command to be carried out at some stated or implied time in
the future). Among the other grammatical categories and forms marked in verbs were
person, number, voice (active or passive), conditional, locative, instrumental, aspect
(de- noting repeated, continuing, and other types of temporal activity), and active and
passive participles. Sapir’s description of verb morphology fills more than 147 pages—
yet is not to
Modern Myths Concerning Languages 5
be taken as exhaustive. Although the brief characterization here is far from

representative of Takelma verb morphology, it clearly indicates that Takelma grammar
was anything but simple. A similar and more detailed demonstration of morphological
complexity could easily be provided for hundreds of other so-called primitive
languages.
Vocabulary Deficiencies?
When it comes to the vocabulary of languages, is it true, as some suppose, that the
vocabularies of so-called primitive languages are too small and inadequate to
account for the nuances of the physical and social universes of their speakers? Here
the answer is some- what more complicated. Because the vocabulary of a language
serves only the members of the society who speak it, the question to be asked should
be: Is a particular vocabulary sufficient to serve the sociocultural needs of those who
use the language? When put like this, it follows that the language associated with a
relatively simple culture would have a smaller vocabulary than the language of a
complex society. Why, for example, should the Inuit people (often known by the
more pejorative term “Eskimo”) have words for chlo- rofluoromethane, dune
buggy, lambda particle, or tae kwon do when these substances, objects, concepts, and
activities play no part in their culture? By the same token, however, the language of a
tribal society would have elaborate lexical domains for prominent aspects of the
culture even though these do not exist in complex societies. The Agta of the Philip-
pines, for example, are reported to have no fewer than thirty-one verbs referring to
types of fishing (Harris 1989:72).
For Aguaruna, the language serving a manioc-cultivating people of northwestern
Peru, Brent Berlin (1976) isolated some 566 names referring to the genera of plants
in the trop- ical rain forest area in which they live. Many of these genera are
further subdivided to distinguish among species and varieties—for example, the
generic term ipák “achiote or annatto tree (Bixa orellana)” encompasses baéŋ ipák,
čamíŋ ipák, hémpe ipák, and šíŋ ipák, referring respectively to “kidney-achiote,” “yellow
achiote,” “hummingbird achiote,” and “genuine achiote.” Very few Americans, unless they
are botanists, farmers, or nature lovers, know the names of more than about forty
plants.
Lexical specialization in nonscientific domains is of course to be found in complex
societies as well. The Germans who live in Munich are known to enjoy their beer;
accordingly, the terminology for the local varieties of beer is quite extensive. Per Hage
(1972) defined ten “core” terms for Munich beers according to strength, color,
fizziness, and aging. But when local connoisseurs also wish to account for the
degree of clarity (clear as against cloudy) and the Munich brewery that produced a
particular beer, the full list now exceeds seventy terms. Such a discriminating
classification of local beers is likely to impress even the most experienced and
enthusiastic American beer drinker.
So, Are All Languages the Same?

However, even though no languages spoken today may be labeled primitive, this does
not mean that all languages are the same, do all things in the same way, or are equally
influential in the modern transnational world. The linguistic anthropologist Dell
Hymes claims that languages are not functionally equivalent because the role of
speech varies from one society to the next. One of his examples is the language of the
Mezquital Otomi, who live in poverty in one of the arid areas of Mexico. At the time of
Hymes’s writing, most of these
people were monolingual, speaking only Otomi, their native language. Even though
they accepted the outside judgment of their language as inferior to Spanish, they
maintained Otomi and consequently were able to preserve their culture, but at a price.
Lack of profi- ciency in Spanish, or knowledge of Otomi only, isolated the people from
the national society and kept them from improving their lot. According to Hymes, no
known languages are primitive, and all “have achieved the middle status [of full
languages but not] the advanced status [of] world languages and some others. [But
though] all languages are potentially
equal and hence capable of adaptation to the needs of a complex industrial civilization,”
only certain languages have actually done so (Hymes 1961:77). These languages are
more successful than others not because they are structurally more advanced, but
because they happen to be associated with societies in which language is the basis of
literature, education, science, and commerce.
The Otomi example is not an isolated case in Mexico. An important factor that
con- tributes to the success of a language is the literacy of its speakers. In countries
where many languages are spoken, the language or languages that people learn to
read and write are associated with knowledge and therefore also with political and
economic power. In Mex- ico, whose official language is Spanish, more than 250
indigenous languages or regional dialects are spoken (Lewis 2009). These include
Nahuatl (several dialects of a Uto-Aztecan language) and Yucatec (a Mayan language),
each spoken by more than a million speakers, and about fourteen others that are used
by more than 100,000 speakers each. During the last seventy years, however, the
percentage of monolingual and bilingual Mexican Indians has been steadily declining
in favor of Spanish (from 16 percent in 1930 to about 7 percent in 2005). Although
speakers of Indian languages use them in family life, in the fields, at traditional
ritual gatherings and curing ceremonies, and in village markets and other local
settings, an increasing number use Spanish in schools, agricultural or other training,
hos- pitals and clinics, and political and administrative meetings organized by
representatives of the state or federal government. Speaking knowledge and literacy in
Spanish have come to be viewed as a mark of “cultural advancement” and self-
confidence; the use of only an indigenous language is viewed as a sign of ignorance,
backwardness, and a passive attitude. (Although the absence of writing in no way
implies inferiority of a language, it is particularly ironic that in pre-Columbian times
a number of Mesoamerican peoples did have writing systems.) Today, “Spanish is
exerting a tremendous pressure, particularly among
the young, and the rejection of the Indian language has been a first step toward
assuming a mestizo [mixed European and American Indian ancestry] identity, ‘passing
over’ from one ethnic group to another” (King 1994:170). But can one talk about
unsuccessful languages when their subordinate status is being assigned to them by
outsiders and accepted by their own speakers?
To say, however, that some languages may be considered more successful than
others must not be taken as justifying linguistic profiling—that is, judging the worth of
persons on the basis of their speech. This may happen (and is happening) whenever
one of two (or several) languages spoken in a particular area of the world is thought to
have more prestige than another. Such valuation may easily lead to language
prejudice and result in an irrational attitude of superiority toward an individual, a
group, or a population using that language. And strange as it may seem, language
prejudice can exist even in situations in which two (or more) languages in question
have equally long histories and distinguished
literary traditions. A case in point may be the attitude in the eastern United States of
some white Americans toward Puerto Ricans. The use of “good” English (whatever
“good” may mean in this context) is associated by these white Americans with political
and economic prestige, but Spanish (or English, the second language of the Puerto
Ricans, if spoken with a decided accent and grammatical mistakes) is equated with
poverty, a lower-class status, lower intelligence, and the like. In other words,
languages, dialects, choice of words, and accents become the means by which people
are classified and then treated accordingly. Linguistic prejudice and racial prejudice
are close relatives.
A BRIEF HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY

This book is a text on linguistic anthropology, so let us now discuss what these two
disciplines—anthropology and linguistics—entail. We begin with anthropology. A
very simple definition of anthropology is “the holistic study of humankind,” but
this may not be especially enlightening. More insightful might be these propositions,
which summarize the overall scope of anthropology (Pi-Sunyer and Salzmann
1978:3):
1. Because members of the species Homo sapiens are biological organisms, the
study of human beings must try to understand their origin and nature in the
appropriate context.
2. As hominids (that is, recent humans and their extinct ancestors) strove to
adapt to a great variety of natural and self-made conditions, they engaged in a
long series of innovations referred to by the term culture.
3. In the course of their cultural evolution during the past million years, humans
have been immeasurably aided by the development of an effective means of
communication, the most remarkable and crucial component of which is
human language.
Many other fields, of course, are also concerned with aspects of the human
condition. Among these fields are anatomy, physiology, history, political science,
economics, art history, literature, and sociology. With all these specialized areas
focusing on the human experience, why would there be a need for such a broad
discipline as anthropology?
When Herodotus, a Greek historian of the fifth century bce, wrote briefly about
the ethnic origin of the Carians and Caunians of southwestern Asia Minor and took
into con- sideration the dialects they spoke, he engaged in (stretching the point a bit)
what could be called linguistic anthropology. During the Age of Discovery, European
scholars became intrigued by the many different peoples of the American
continents and the languages they spoke. Nevertheless, linguistic anthropology in
the modern sense is a relatively recent field of study that developed in the United
States and has been practiced predominantly by North American academics.
The stimulation for the earliest phases of what was to become linguistic
anthropology came from the exposure of European immigrants to Native Americans.
The cultures and languages of these peoples were studied by educated Americans of
varying professions— physicians, naturalists, lawyers, clerics, and political leaders.
Among these amateur linguists, for example, was Thomas Jefferson (1743–1826), who
collected the vocabularies of Native American languages. In his Notes on the State of
Virginia (1787) Jefferson wrote,
“Great question has arisen from whence came

those aboriginals of America” and then offered
the following suggestion: “Were vocabularies
formed of all the languages spoken in North and
South America . . . and deposited in all the public
libraries, it would fur- nish opportunities to those
skilled in the languages of the old world to
compare them with these, now, or at any future
time, and hence to construct the best evidence of
the derivation of this part of the human race”
(Jefferson 1944:225–226). In this passage, Jef-
ferson referred to more than just the
comparative study of languages; he must have
had in mind using linguistic evidence to address
questions concerning the cultural prehistory of
humankind.
By the middle of the nineteenth century the
Photo 1.1 Franz Boas. Courtesy of world was basically a well-known place, both
the Library of Congress, LC-USZ62- geo- graphically and culturally. The details
36743. certainly re- mained to be filled in, but no one
expected to find a new hemisphere or uncover an
unknown civilization. What puzzled scholars,
however, was why there
was so much human variety. Peoples looked vastly different; they spoke different
languages; and their religions, marriage practices, and other customs also seemed very
different. One of the main intellectual and scientific tasks of the day was to try to
explain this diversity of race, language, and culture, past and present.
Modern anthropology began as the study of subjects that were not already
claimed by scholars in other fields. But to say that anthropology just gathered
these intellectual leftovers is not quite accurate. It was thought that the study of
human biological and cultural development would shed light on the pressing “race,
language, and culture” question. Because at that time “primitives” were thought to
be the remnants of an evolutionary ancestral past, the study of preindustrial societies
naturally became anthropology’s main domain. Early anthropologists, then, focused
especially on the nonliterate tribal peoples others considered “primitive” or “savage.”
These humble beginnings are still reflected in the popular conception of anthropologists
as people who supply museums with exotic speci- mens from societies in remote parts
of the world or who dig up the remains of past human life and cultures. Many modern
anthropologists, however, study their own cultures as well, and some of their
findings and comments on them are illuminating.
During the nineteenth century, the study of Native Americans and their languages
oc- cupied both distinguished Americans and a number of European explorers who
traveled in the western part of the United States. Some of them collected and
published valuable data on Native Americans and their languages that would
otherwise have been lost. Serious and purposeful study of Native American languages
and cultures, however, did not begin until after the establishment of the Bureau of
(American) Ethnology of the Smithsonian Institu- tion in 1879. John Wesley Powell
(1834–1902), perhaps better known as the first person to run the Colorado River
throughout the entire length of the Grand Canyon, became its first
director. In 1891, Powell published a still-

respected classification of American Indian
languages north of Mexico.
Because the early anthropologists were inter-
ested in peoples other specialists neglected,
they concerned themselves with all aspects of a
society. The German-born Franz Boas (1858–
1942) was a dominant figure in the early days
of American anthropology and held the first
academic position in anthropology in the
United States (at Clark Uni- versity in
Worcester, Massachusetts, from 1888 to 1892).
He authored, coauthored, or edited more than
seven hundred publications, ranging from ar-
ticles on Native American music, art, folklore, and
languages to studies in culture theory, human
biology, and archaeology. As early as 1911, Boas
edited the first volume of Handbook of American
Indian Languages, followed by two other Photo 1.2 Edward Sapir. Portrait of
volumes (1922 and 1933–1938) and part of a Ed- ward Sapir, Canadian Museum
fourth (1941). Even though he emphasized the of His- tory, 85901 LS.
writing of grammars, the
compiling of dictionaries, and the collecting of texts, research concerning the place
of languages in Native American societies and the relation of languages to cultures
began to be undertaken with increasing frequency. Because of Boas’s advocacy, the
study of the relationship among language, culture, and society became fully
recognized as important enough to be considered one of the four subfields of
anthropology. Boas’s direct influence was felt until his death at the age of eighty-four,
and the course of American anthropology after him was shaped to a great extent by
his students at Columbia University.
Probably the most important founder of today’s linguistic anthropology was
Edward Sapir (1884–1939), whom we met previously in our discussion of Takelma
grammar. Sapir was undoubtedly the most accomplished linguist and anthropologist
of the first half of the twentieth century. His seminal Language (1921), was one of the
first linguistics books written for a popular audience, and it is still in print today.
Sapir was perhaps the most prolific anthropologist, ever—his works have been
collected in a (so-far) nine-volume collection of some 7,000 pages (with fourteen
volumes in the series being projected). He was mainly a specialist in Native American
languages, doing work on Yana, Wishram, Chinook, Navajo, Nootka, and Paiute,
among others. But he was also one of the most influential general scholars of his
day, impacting the fields of anthropology, linguistics, and psychology.
By World War II, anthropology was well established as an academic field and was
taught at major US universities. The four main subfields then recognized—in large
part a legacy of Boas—were biological (or physical) anthropology, cultural
anthropology, archaeology, and linguistic anthropology. More specialized areas of
concern and research have developed within the subfields, among them political,
economic, urban, feminist, medical, legal, nutritional, visual, and psychological
anthropology, and the anthropology of area studies such as Latin America, Asia,
Africa, and Europe, to mention a few.
The one commitment that anthropologists profess regardless of their specialization

is to the holistic approach. The term holistic refers to concern with a system as a whole
rather than with only some of its parts. Because studying an entire culture in full
detail could easily become a lifetime project, anthropologists focusing on only
certain of its aspects invariably study and discuss them in full cultural context. In the
study of humanity, apply- ing the holistic approach means emphasizing the
connections among the many different facets of the human condition so that
humankind can be understood in its full complexity: cultural, social, and biological.
One characteristic that sets anthropology apart from the other social sciences is a
strong fieldwork component, sometimes augmented (especially in archaeology and
biological anthropology) by work in the laboratory. Archaeologists survey land for
sites and excavate and analyze the remains of past cultures. Biological anthropologists
study such topics as the relationship between culture and disease, the behavior of
nonhuman primates (such as chimpanzees and gorillas), gene pool frequencies, and
nutritional patterns. They also search in particular locations of the world for skeletal
remains relating to human evolution. For some time now, cultural anthropologists
have not limited themselves to the study of tribal societies, peasant villages, or bands
of hunter-gatherers in remote parts of the world. Many today work in postindustrial
modern societies such as Japan and the United States or those found in Europe. This is
certainly as it should be: if anthropology is truly the study of humankind, then it
must concern itself with all of humankind.
ANTHROPOLOGY, LINGUISTICS,
AND LINGUISTIC ANTHROPOLOGY
Another discipline that also focuses on uniquely human attributes is linguistics, the
scientific study of language. Linguistics does not refer to the study of a particular
language for the purpose of learning to speak it; rather, it refers to the analytical study
of language, any language, to reveal its structure—the different kinds of language
units (its sounds, smallest meaningful parts of words, and so on)—and the rules
according to which these units are put together to produce stretches of speech.
There is a division of labor, then, between linguists and linguistic anthropologists.
The interest of the linguist is primarily in language structure, whereas the interest of
the linguistic anthropologist is in speech use and the relations that exist between
language, on the one hand, and society and culture, on the other. As for the
prerequisite training, the linguist does not need to study anthropology to become fully
proficient in linguistics; a linguistic anthropologist, in contrast, must have some
linguistic sophistication and acquire the basic skills of linguistic analysis to be able to
do significant research in linguistic anthropology.
A terminological note is appropriate here. Although anthropological linguistics
has frequently been employed to refer to the subfield of anthropology otherwise
known as linguistic anthropology, and a respected journal exists under that name
(Anthropological Linguistics), the term linguistic anthropology is to be preferred, as
Karl V. Teeter argued some years ago (1964). Briefly, if anthropology is the study of
humanity, and language is one of the most characteristic features of humankind,
then the study of language is an obvious and necessary aspect of anthropology as a
whole. To modify the noun linguistics
Anthropology, Linguistics, and Linguistic Anthropology 11
by the adjective anthropological is clearly redundant, because even though members of

all animal species communicate, so far as is known no other species uses anything
compara- ble to human language. Only if, say, members of the cat family (Felidae)
or of the class of birds (Aves) had something like human speech (not just some system
of communication, no matter how intricate) would it make sense to speak of
anthropological linguistics to distinguish it from some such field of study as felid or
avian linguistics (that is, the study of the language of cats or birds). As we have
already seen, there are several subfields of anthropology; just as the subfield
concerned with culture is referred to as cultural anthropology, the one concerned with
language is aptly referred to as linguistic anthropology. This is the term used throughout
this book: it states exactly what the subfield is about—the study of language (or
speech) within the framework of anthropology.
Others, however, have been quite adamant about these apparently picayune
differences in terminology, which to the uninitiated would seem to matter little. Dell
Hymes (2012), for example, argued that there were political and academic
consequences to these choices of words. Hymes said it was important to be clear that
the work discussed here was not just a kind of linguistics that anthropologists
decided to do, but rather an integral part of the anthropological paradigm. But in the
1960s, the formalist study of grammar and language, as advocated by Noam
Chomsky and his followers, came to dominate much of all intellectual thought
(as we will see in Chapter 4). Chomsky and others stressed the notion of linguistic
competence—the underlying knowledge and ability a person has for a language,
regardless of his or her actual manifestation—or performance of that language in a
social context at any given time. But to Hymes and others it was exactly this
communicative ability of language to produce results in social life that held the most
interesting problems and prompted the most important questions. Communicative
competence and the social life of language, then, was what anthropologists should be
studying, and the way to best describe this activity was to use the cover term
linguistic anthropology.
The Americanist Tradition

Hymes (2012:160) also asks another pertinent question: “What happened to our
foundations in Native American languages?” By this he is referring to the long-
standing historical connection between anthropology in general—and linguistic
anthropology in particular—with “the tradition and kind of work that first brought
linguistics and ethnographic research together in the United States, that is, work
with American Indian people and American Indian languages.” Although he
laments that less stress is placed on Indian languages now than before, and that the
analysis of Indian myth, verse, and poetry has been largely supplanted by more
formal studies, he makes the important point that anthropology, linguistics, and
Native Americans were inexorably linked in the first half of the twentieth century.
Because of this close connection, some (e.g., Darnell 1999, 2001; Valentine and
Darnell 1999) have called this the “Americanist” tradition in anthropology. By this
they mean not just a subject matter—American Indian languages and cultures—but
also a set of prem- ises that underlie much of the discipline. Some of these are listed
in Box 1.1. Often these assumptions are not explicitly stated, but Darnell and
others argue that they permeate anthropology as practiced and taught in North
America. Many go back directly to Franz
Boas. Although anthropological theory has changed greatly over the course of a
century of often hard-fought and groundbreaking debate, the continuity from Franz
Boas to the present can be seen through the works of Alfred Kroeber, Ruth Benedict,
Edward Sapir, Elsie Clews Parsons, Benjamin Lee Whorf, A. Irving Hallowell, Claude
Lévi-Strauss, and others.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

In its modern form, linguistic anthropology was the last subfield of anthropology to be
developed and recognized and was practiced primarily by North American
anthropologists.
BOX 1.1 SO ME ASSU MPTIONS

OF THE “AMERICANIST ” TRADITION
1. Language, thought, and reality are presumed to be inseparable; that is, cul-
tural worlds are constructed from linguistic categories; this, then, posits or
implies the following:
a. linguistic determinism (a relationship between language and thought):
language determines the way people perceive and organize the world;
b. linguistic relativitism: the distinctions encoded in one language are not
found in any other language;
c. linguistic equality: anything can be said or thought in any language; no
language is more complex or simpler or easier than any other; no
language is innately harder or easier to learn than any other; and
d. linguistic indeterminacy: the distinctions a language makes are arbitrary;
there is no a priori way to predict ahead of time what distinctions a
language might or might not make.
2. For each linguistic assumption given above there is a corresponding cultural

counterpart:
linguistic determinism => cultural determinism
linguistic relativitism => cultural uniqueness
linguistic equality => cultural relativism
linguistic indeterminacy => cultural
indeterminacy
3. Culture is defined in terms of a system of symbols—in turn, these symbols

reify and legitimate the culture; in other words, culture is a set of symbols in
people’s heads, not just the behaviors that arise from them.
4. Discourse and “texts” of various kinds are the primary basis for both
linguistic and ethnographic study.
5. An intimate, intensive, and long-term working relationship with a number of
key informants, using the native language, is an absolute necessity.
continues
Its beginnings go back to the interest of nineteenth-century scholars in the great variety
of Native American societies and the languages they spoke. Linguistic anthropologists
view language in its cultural framework and are concerned with the rules for its
social use; the analysis of its structure is therefore only a means to an end. By
contrast, linguists in their study of languages emphasize linguistic structure and the
historical development of languages.
Just as in the rest of anthropology, the data for linguistic anthropology are for the
most part obtained in the field. Over several decades fieldworkers have developed
techniques and methods to the point that anthropology departments with a sizable
program in linguistic anthropology now offer courses in linguistic field methods.
continued
6. It is assumed that there is a link between linguistics and what
anthropologists sometimes call “culture and personality” studies (i.e.,
culture and the individual are inseparable).
7. It is assumed that culture is mutable and historic—that is, traditional
cultures are not static; native peoples—like Euro-Americans—also have a
history; “traditional” cultures change and adapt to new circumstances.
8. There is an emphasis on long-term fieldwork (often two or three decades
spent in the same community).
9. There is a strong commitment to preserving knowledge encoded in the oral
tradition.
10. Native peoples are not objects to be studied; there is a dialogic relationship
between the researched and those doing the researching.
11. There is also a strong link among the informant, the researcher, and the re-
searcher’s work; some native peoples are linguists and anthropologists
themselves, and many are at least readers of and commentators on the
research product.
12. There is often a rather strong emphasis on “native” categories; they are at least
as important as the researcher’s categories.
13. There often is a de-emphasis on theory over data (at least in the pre–World
War II era).
14. The strict separation of race, language, and culture is something never to be
forgotten; indeed, when this is forgotten, dire social consequences can
result.
15. Although relativism is assumed, this by no means implies that linguistic and
cultural universals are to be dismissed or ignored.
Jim Stanlaw (based on Darnell, Theorizing American Anthropology [1999],
45–48, and Invisible Genealogies [2001], 11–
20; Stanlaw, Review of Invisible Genealogies
[2002])
RESOURC E MANUA L AN D STUD Y GUIDE

Following are some questions related to the text you have just read. This format is followed
in all subsequent chapters. For the true-false questions, circle T or F, as applicable, to
the left of each statement. For each multiple-choice question, select the most easily
defensible comple- ment or choice and indicate your answer by entering the appropriate
capital letter in the space to the left of the question number. For the completions, complete
each statement using the most suitable word(s). The number of words is indicated in
parentheses. In some chapters, there are problems asking you to apply the methods of
analysis just presented to actual linguistic data. Solutions to the problems and answers to
all objective questions are given in the answer key. For each chapter, there are questions
for discussion and sometimes projects. Because these are open-ended questions, we have
not provided answers for them. Finally, please note that definitions for all the key terms
bolded throughout the text can be found in the glossary at the back of the book.
Questions for Discussion

1. Imagine people growing up without language. Can they still “think” the same as
someone with language? That is, can we think without language? What about visual
artists or musicians? Do they think in language? What personal experiences might
you have had yourself to use as evidence for your answers?
2. One of the authors of this book has just been made king of America, and his first
decree is that everyone must study a foreign language in school for at least six years,
starting in the first grade. Will this edict start a revolution? Would you be one of
the rebels? Is this un- American? What do you think the king has in mind with
this decree, and does it make any sense? What if we told you that this actually has
happened in numerous countries?
3. Enrollments nationwide for Arabic language classes in institutions of higher
education have risen well over 100 percent in recent years, and the number of colleges
offering Ar- abic instruction has nearly doubled. Why do you think that is?
Project
In this project we will consider notions some people might have about language. Take
all or some of the items on the list on page 2 and show them to a friend, roommate, or
family mem- ber. Ask that person what she or he thinks, and why. The answers may
actually surprise you. (As mentioned previously, each of these statements would be
considered wrong or exaggerated by most anthropologists and linguists.)
Objective Study Questions

TRUE-FALSE TEST
T F 1. For the most part, the terms linguistic anthropology and anthropological linguistics
mean exactly the same thing, and neither is to be preferred over the other.
T F 2. Natural language itself is not ambiguous; it is people’s misinterpreting things
that causes problems.
T F 3. According to Boas, there is no intrinsic connection among race, language, and
culture.
T F 4. Almost everywhere in the world, everyone is monolingual or monodialectal,
just as in America.
T F 5. No language is really more complex or simpler or easier than any other; no
language is harder or easier to learn than any other.
T F 6. Whereas linguists are primarily interested in the structure of languages,
linguistic anthropologists study the relationship between language, on the one
hand, and culture and society, on the other.
MULTIpLE-CHOICE QUESTIONS
1. The person who is said to be the “founding father” of American anthropology
is (A) Edward Sapir. (B) Dell Hymes. (C) Franz Boas. (D) Karl V. Teeter.
2. Anthropology as a recognized science began in the (A) seventeenth century. (B)
eigh- teenth century. (C) nineteenth century. (D) twentieth century. (E) twenty-first
century.
3. According to Edward Sapir, it is the (A) syntax, (B) vocabulary, (C) grammar
that more or less faithfully reflects the culture whose purposes it serves.
4. During the last seventy years, the percentage of monolingual and bilingual
Mexican Indians has been steadily declining in favor of Spanish by about what
percent? (A) From 16 percent in 1930 to about 7 percent in 2005. (B) From 10
percent in 1930 to 1 percent in 2005. (C) There actually has been not much
change. (D) Spanish has for the most part replaced almost all indigenous
languages.
5. Lexical specialization—that is, a large inventory of words pertaining to a
particular domain—is found in which of the following instances? (A) The
Agta of the Philip- pines have more than thirty verbs referring to types of
fishing. (B) The natives of the German city of Munich are said to have more than
seventy terms referring to the local varieties of beer. (C) Americans have a
hundred or so names for makes and types of automobiles. (D) Only two of the
preceding three choices are true. (E) All three choices, A–C, are true.
CoMpLETIONS
1. In the nineteenth century, one of the main intellectual and scientific tasks was to
try to explain the great diversity of , , and , past and
present (three words).
2. Sapir’s description of the morphology of the language demonstrated that
non-Western languages can be as complex as any found in Europe (one word).
3. A very brief and simple definition of anthropology might be “the study of
humankind” (one word).
ANSWER KEY
True-false test: 1-F, 2-F, 3-T, 4-F, 5-T, 6-T
Multiple-choice questions: 1-C, 2-C, 3-B, 4-A, 5-E
Completions: 1. race, language, culture (any order), 2. Takelma, 3. holistic
Notes and Suggestions for Further Reading

Those who wish to explore even more language myths than those discussed here should see
the lively Bauer and Trudgill (1999). There are a number of books on linguistic
anthropology for beginning students, including Ahearn (2012), Ottenheimer (2013a, 2013b),
and Bonvillain (2010). Duranti (1997), and Hanks (1995) are more advanced; Agha
(2007) even more so, but is excellent. Duranti (2001a) is a convenient encyclopedic
dictionary of key terms for studying language and culture, and Duranti (2006) is an edited
overview of articles on topics covering the whole field of linguistic anthropology. Another
encyclopedic approach of a different kind—but also very useful for beginning students—
is Crystal (2010). Enfield, Kockelman, and Sidnell (2014) is a fantastic resource, but a bit
advanced for beginners. Bauer (2007) is a different kind of handbook, but it provides much
interesting information on languages and linguistics in one convenient place. For general-
reader introductions to the field of linguistics, see Burton et al. (2012)—it is not really for
dummies!—or Rowe and Levine (2015), who are actually anthropologists. For
interesting overviews of the languages of the world for beginning students, see Andresen
and Carter (2016) or Austin (2008).
Edward Sapir’s Language has been in print in various editions since it first appeared in
1921, for good reason. The greatest expert in Native American languages before World War
II, Sapir
could also write in an entertaining manner. Darnell (2010) gives him a sensitive biography.
The most accessible of Franz Boas’s linguistic works is his “Introduction” to the Handbook of
Amer- ican Indian Languages (1911). His grandson Norman Boas (2004) has written his
definitive biography. The “Americanist” tradition in linguistic anthropology is covered by
Darnell (2001), Valentine and Darnell (1999), and the review by Stanlaw (2002). A very
useful collection of readings on topics germane to linguistic anthropology can be
found in Blum (2013).
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SEVENYH EDITION

New York London

Published 2018 by Routledge

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © 2018 Taylor & Francis

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data has been applied for.

ISBN 13: 978-0-8133-5060-8 (pbk)

Print book interior design by Timm Bryson

1. Introducing Linguistic Anthropology 1

2. Methods of Linguistic Anthropology 17

3. The “Nuts and Bolts” of Linguistic Anthropology I: Language Is Sound 35

Articulation of Speech Sounds 42

4. The “Nuts and Bolts” of Linguistic Anthropology II:

6. The Development and Evolution of Language:

7. Acquiring and Using Language(s):

8. Language Through Time 159

Summary and Conclusions 175

9. Languages in Variation and Languages in Contact 179

10. The Ethnography of Communication 199

11. Culture as Cognition, Culture as Categorization:

The Rise and (Relative) Fall of Ethnoscience 218

12. Language, Culture, and Thought 231

13. Language, Identity, and Ideology

14. Language, Identity, and Ideology II:

15. The Linguistic Anthropology of a Globalized and Digitalized World 333

Phonetic Alphabet (IPA): the so-called American System, popular among

WHY SHOULD WE STUDY LANGUAGE?

1. How can language and culture be adequately described?

MODERN MYTHS CONCERNING LANGUAGES

Almost everywhere in the world, everyone is monolingual or monodialectal, just as

Primitive Languages........Or Not?

The Grammar of Non-Western Languages

be taken as exhaustive. Although the brief characterization here is far from

So, Are All Languages the Same?

A BRIEF HISTORY OF ANTHROPOLOGY

“Great question has arisen from whence came

director. In 1891, Powell published a still-

The one commitment that anthropologists profess regardless of their specialization

by the adjective anthropological is clearly redundant, because even though members of

The Americanist Tradition

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

BOX 1.1 SO ME ASSU MPTIONS

2. For each linguistic assumption given above there is a corresponding cultural

3. Culture is defined in terms of a system of symbols—in turn, these symbols

RESOURC E MANUA L AN D STUD Y GUIDE

Questions for Discussion

Objective Study Questions

Notes and Suggestions for Further Reading

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