CASTEISM IN INDIA: CONTEMPORARY

READING FROM ISLAMIC PERSPECTIVE

A proposal submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree in Usooludheen

BY
NAJA BISMI KM

Supervisor
T. Mohammed

Al Jamia Al Islamiya
INTRODUCTION:

Indeed, all praise is due to Allah. We praise Him, seek refuge with Him, and seek His
forgiveness. We seek refuge with Allah from the evils of our souls, mistakes in our action.
Whoever Allah guides, there is none who can misguide Him, and whoever Allah misguides,
there is none who can guide Him. And I testify that there is none worthy of being worshipped
and I testify that Mohammed (peace be upon him) is His servant and messenger.

Indian society is characterized as a pluralistic society because it possesses complex social

order. It suffers from multitude of ethnic, linguistic, religious and caste divisions. People belong
to different races such as Aryan, Dravidian, and Mongolian inhabit India. Even though the
principle of unity in diversity is accepted, diversities are many times allowed to dominate the
objective of unity. The Constitution provides for secularism. But racial factor plays major role in
real operation of socio-political processes in India. The existence of communalism in the society
is another feature of Indian social system. It constitutes a big danger to the unity and integrity of
the nation.1

More than 160 million2 people in India are considered to be "untouchable” 3 people
tainted by their birth into a caste system that deems them impure, less than human. Even after
seven decades of independence casteism is alive in India and it have taken new forms.
Contemporary Indian society refers to the post-independence period characterized by heavy
industrialization, urbanization and apparent weakening of the traditional family and social
structure. The caste is a fluid and dynamic social institution. While caste might not necessarily
play the same role it did in the olden days, its fluid character ensures it has adapted to play a role
in contemporary society as well. It has strengthened over the years and has permeated into other
fields such as education and politics which have increased caste consciousness and kept caste
relevant in contemporary Indian society.4 

1
Social Structure of Indian Society < https://accountlearning.com/social-structure-indian-society-features/>
2
Human Rights Watch, Broken People: Caste Violence Against India’s “Untouchables” (New York: Human Rights
Watch, 1999).
3
Untouchability, in its literal sense, is the practice of ostracising a minority group by segregating them from the
mainstream by social custom or legal mandate.
 There is a strong relationship between caste and inequalities in opportunities and
outcomes as well. For centuries India's social structure was built around a rigid Hindu caste
system. While the caste system was constitutionally abolished in 1950, its legacy still deeply
affects contemporary Indian society. The Hindu population, around 84 percent of the 1.2 billion
people that live in the country, is still influenced by the four main traditional castes, which also
have their own sub-sects5. The dominant religion has devastating and far-reaching effects on
social life. This dominant 'religion' has given authenticity and existence to the social structures of
the country by religiousizing and sanctifying the inhumanity and injustice. Its devastation, which
erupted through the caste system, has not yet healed. This ‘anti-social’ religion excludes a large
section of the population, known as Dalits or by other names, and prevents the development of
an egalitarian and comprehensive welfare system that society seeks to achieve through fraternity
and economic prosperity.6

The serious impacts of Brahmanism on the personal and social life, environment and
political sphere of modern India as a religious philosophy, seemingly paradoxical, became even
more deadly under colonialism. But an accurate observation is that colonialism is a
understanding between traditional indigenous heads and modernist foreign elites sheds light on
the cause of it. Colonization has strengthened the spread of Brahmin caste domination in the
Indian subcontinent through various processes and transformed it as a natural phenomenon.

The notions of pacification, equality, freedom, and fairness hold a central place in Islam.
The Prophets who entered any society had two missions: One, the preaching of Tawheed 7, the
only authoritative explanation of the truth. Second, the campaigns and struggles against the main
evil of the society from the very foundation of that Tawheed itself. If a prophet comes to India at
any time, the main evil in the Indian society that the prophet would face is the caste system.
Going forward through the ideas of the Qur'an, it can be seen that the Quran stands with the

4
H i l l a r y M a y e l l : India's "Untouchables" Face Violence, Discrimination P u b l i s h e d J u n e 3 , 2 0 0 3
< https://www.nationalgeographic.com/pages/article/indias-untouchables-
face-violence-discrimination>
5
National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights: Asia Dalit Rights Forum
<http://asiadalitrightsforum.org/images/imageevent/1736746861NCDHR%20-%20SDG%20-%20Nov%2015.pdf>
6
Ibid
7
Tawhid,(Arabic), (“making one,” “asserting oneness”), in Islam, the oneness of Allah, in the sense that He is one
and there is no God but He, as stated in the shahādah (“witness”): “There is no God but Allah and Muhammad is His
messenger.”
marginalized masses. The teachings of the Qur'an and the practical examples of the Prophet are
based on focusing on the liberation works and struggles for them. Allah makes this clear in
Quran in the chapter Al-Qasas:

“But it was Our Will to favour those who were oppressed in the land,
making them models ˹of faith˺ as well as successors; and to establish them in the
land.”8
A true Muslim believes that entire humanity is the servants of Allah and therefore, all
human beings are members of this family and are linked in a common bond of brotherhood. He
therefore cannot remain as a mute spectator to the ills of humanity caused due to evils of
untouchability. Thus a Muslim rises for the service o f mankind and carries the Message of Islam
to every soul, till what he believes to be the truth is accepted as the truth by all members of the
human family. This is the crux of da‘wah9 of Islam which is discussed in this research.

So it is one of the important duty of Islamic movements to address this prevailing

oppression in Indian society as it is the part of the core of Islam for the liberation of millions and
millions of Indian society. Hence the selected topic is very relevant and important in the Indian
context.

STATEMENT OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM:

The problem of caste is a major threat for India. The fact is that over 90% of low castes suffer
from the worst form of discrimination as caste system and untouchability. 10 This cannot be a
mere internal matter but a human rights issue. This is part of a broader struggle where castes,
clans determine the course of millions of lives.11

 As a universal religion Islam and as a dynamic movement, Islamic movements in India
has to address the issue. For sure Islam has to introduce an everlasting remedy for the casteism in

8
The Holy Quran: Surah Al Qasas (28) : Verse: 5
9
Da’wah is the practice or policy of conveying the message of Islam to non-Muslims or is the act of inviting or
calling people to embrace Islam.
10
Hidden Apartheid: Caste Discrimination against India’s "Untouchables"
<https://www.hrw.org/report/2007/02/12/hidden-apartheid/caste-discrimination-against-indias-untouchables>

11
Ibid
India through its liberation theologies. Unfortunately, Islamic movements in India which are very
effective in addressing various issues but has failed to address the casteism around them in an
effective manner. The solution that Islam and Islamic movements suggest would be a liberation
for 160 million of oppressed Indian society. Islamic movements have stressed upon theoretical
liberation theology rather than working for its practical establishment. 

This study aims to focus on the analysis of the working of casteism in the present
scenario. How the rigidity of casteiesm has taken new forms. The inadequacy of present
remedies suggested for the issue are need to be studied from the perspective of Islam. How the
liberation theology of Islam which can liberate 160 million Indians can be possible in Indian
society. The widening of Islamic propagation especially in Indian society. Islamic movements
had done a minimal attempt to address this issue even though a major attempt has to be carried
out regarding this issue. 

RESEARCH QUESTIONS:

With regard to the problem highlighted above, this research attempts to provide answers to
various questions including the following questions:

1. What is caste system in India? How does the caste system prevails in contemporary
Indian social context? What are the limitations of the present remedies of casteism?
2.
How Islam and Islamic movements have addressed casteism?
3. Why Islam and Islamic movements should give special focus on the liberation theology
of Islam to the oppressed Indians?

RESEARCH OBJECTIVES:

This study attempts to achieve the following objectives:

1. To study the working of caste in contemporary India.

2. To understand the inadequacy of the present remedies for caste system.
3. To analyze how similar oppressed societies throughout the world has faced the issue.
 4. To study how Islam and Islamic movements have addressed casteism in an Indian
context.
5. To understand the importance of giving special focus on widening Islamic da'awah to the
marginalized masses of India.

METHODOLOGY OF THE RESEARCH:

For this study, the qualitative method of research which is based on library materials such as
books, journals, thesis, articles, news papers and Magazines is used. In addition to these sources
internet is also a main source of collecting information. The study includes historical, analytical
and to some extent comparative approaches. Since it is the study of social phenomenon of a
particular system, the history of that particular system namely casteism is a part of the study.
And since the study includes the issues of discrimination of lower castes the analysis of those
issues are also part of the research.

Furthermore, personal interaction with some dalit activists and converted muslims
regarding the subject are also conducted. Their perception of Islam and liberation theology of
Islam is revealed by this personal interaction.

SCOPE OF THE STUDY:

The greatest feature of Indian social structure is that it is based on caste. Social inequality is the
hallmark of a hierarchical caste system. This caste system functions in such a way that the upper
classes divide the communities and dominate over the lower classes. The biggest beneficiaries
of this system are the Brahmins at the top of the caste hierarchy. All powers are concentrated in
them. The caste system affects all social institutions in India such as family, culture, religion,
nation and wealth. Caste is also the biggest oppressive system in the world. The role of Islam
and Islamic movements as a dynamic movement is very critical in the elimination and in finding
the solution for it.

Islam's ideological insights into religion, philosophy, way of life, ideology and
spirituality have attracted many to islam. It is this innate strength of Islam that has been the
driving force behind the spread and growth of Islam in almost all times and in all lands. This
idealistic instinct has always influenced the societies that adopted it, directly or indirectly. This
general characteristic of Islam has a significant impact on the growth of Islam in India as well.
In addition to this basic feature, certain unique ideas or values of Islam definitely have made a
significant difference in many traditional societies. For example, the spread of Islam in the
United States at the beginning of the twentieth century was mainly among blacks. It was Islam's
idea of equality that brought them closer to Islam. Similarly, many values of Islam in the Indian
social context have contributed to its rapid growth. The social structure of Islam based on
equality which was contradictory to the social atmosphere of casteism that prevailed in India has
also led Indians to convert to Islam at some point in history.

LITERATURE REVIEW:

The books related to this topic aren't noticed by the researcher. The researcher has observed
studies that discuss the various areas of the topic casteism and Islam. Since there are no books on
the topic. And there have been only studies on the topics of Islamic liberation theology. To study
the view of Islam and Islamic movements on casteism need more effort, more elaboration and
more analysis. This study from the Islamic aspect is to fill the defect that does not have any on
this subject. Therefore, the important studies that dealt in relation to the thesis will be presented
here.

Annihilation of Caste12 by B.R. Ambedkar. In his book he has made a number of

groundbreaking claims. The most controversial of which is that Hinduism itself has no meaning
without caste. He called Hinduism a “collection of castes” that came to be defined as a religion
and a culture only when Islamic culture came to India on the backs of foreign invaders. This idea
was so radical that progressive intellectuals of the time banned the book. Ambedkar criticized the
Hindu religion, its caste system and its religious texts which are male dominant. He argues that
inter-caste dining and inter-caste marriage is not sufficient to annihilate the caste system, but that
“the real method of breaking up the Caste System was to destroy the religious notions upon
which caste is founded. At the very initial section of this essay he talks about how caste is
dangerous in the development of society and ultimately in the development of a nation. He
12
Dr. B.R.Ambedkar (15th May 1936) https://www.pdfdrive.com/annihilation-of-caste-e33600480.html
asserts very strongly that unless this social order is changed there is no way for progress. He
clearly discusses the effects of caste. Particularly he is taking about the so called Hindu society.
He also identifies that the remedies suggested by the anti caste movements at that period like
Anti-caste Federation are not adequate for the annihilation of caste. He gave illustrations of how
lower castes were deprived of education and freedom of occupation and were subjected to
stigmatized manual labour, all resulting in their virtual economic slavery, how they were
segregated and deprived of basic rights such as drinking water even from public wells, and above
all how they were made victims of social persecutions. But, according to Ambedkar, worse and
unparalleled, the Hindu Dharmashastras gave legitimacy to the caste system. He was so strong in
his opinion that the famous Manusmriti dehumanised the Sudras and untouchables, ruled the
Hindu psyche for centuries and created the greatest obstacle to any serious attempt at eradicating
the caste system.

Caste system13 is written by Ram Manohar Lohiya is the collection of speeches and
writings of Ram Manohar Lohiya. Lohiya's  political thoughts provokes the backward classes of
Indian society to fight for their rights.  He said that it is the two segregations of caste and gender
that have caused unjust social, economic and cultural order in India. Lohiya said that destruction
of the caste-based hierarchical system was central for democracy to sustain itself. He was
angered by then President Rajendra Prasad’s act of publicly bathing the feet of 200 Brahmins in
Varanasi and openly criticized him, stating, “To bathe another’s feet publicly is vulgar… To bathe
another’s feet on the ground that he is a Brahmin is to guarantee the continuance of the caste
system, of poverty and sadness”. At a time when Nehru was India’s undisputed leader, Lohiya
contested elections against him in the 1952 general elections to symbolise that no one is
infallible and questioned his commitment for social justice by observing, “Aside from general
and airy fulminations against the caste system, it would be interesting to know what the Prime
Minister has done to smash caste and to encourage fellowship among all”. Lohiya’s remarks can
be used as a benchmark to measure the commitment of ruling political regimes even today
through this book. Later, in his election speeches, Lohiya asked people to reject the “old caste
policy” that created a “vertical solidarity of the castes”, and move towards the “new caste policy”

13
Ram Manohar Lohiya , Translated from Hindi into malayalam by Vinod Payyada, Jathi Vyavastha Caste system, (
Delhi: Nava hind Publications, 1964),
of the socialists that sought to bring a “horizontal solidarity” of the Dalits, Adivasis, backwards,
religious minorities, women, the working class and the poor people.

Periyar on Islam14 is a recently published book written by Prof. G.Aloysious. The

introduction provided by the translator G. Aloysius helps us understand Periyar's atheism and
rationalism. Periyar, unlike the modern New Atheists or the philosophers who preceded him, did
not criticise religion from the philosophical standpoint. He was not concerned about religion, to
begin with. His only focus was on the sociocultural injustices of his day. In his long journey, he
came to understand that such injustice was rooted in the Hindu religion. With this understanding,
later in life, he began propagating an atheist, rationalist way of thinking. He neither set out to
destroy religion, neither did he seek to persuade people away from their personal religious
beliefs. His only aim to was to annihilate the caste system by destroying everything that favored
such an institution. This is why Periyar had no qualms opining that conversion to Islam would
help in the fight against caste. Periyar's views on Islam, as with all other religions, were not
theological or abstractly philosophical. He considered Islam to be a tool that would grant
freedom to the Dravidians from the caste system. He could see that, unlike Christianity or
Sikhism, Islam did not give much room for caste to thrive. He also laid emphasis on how Islam's
monotheism paved the way for unity and the building of a meaningful brotherhood. It can be
discerned how polytheism only leads to internal divisions that are built on the caste system, thus
leading to different Gods for different castes. He also finds the Prophet's insistence on rational,
independent thought to be scientific. These reasons, coupled with the fact that quitting Hinduism
has helped in the material advancement of Dalits in Kerala, made him vouch for conversion to
Islam. I have also read elsewhere that Ambedkar too was not opposed to the idea of converting to
Islam. At the end of the day, both leaders agreed independently that conversion was one of the
surest ways to fight Brahmanism. This booklet is interesting and insightful. It also exposes the
shallowness of those who try to portray Periyar as a rabble-rousing atheist.

14
Prof.G.Aloysious Publisher : Critical Quest (1 January 2004) Language : English
 CHAPTER 1

CASTEISM HISTORY AND RELEVANCE

CASTE SYSTEM:

Birth determines the caste. Mostly developed in ancient times but is still present in India. It is a
particular characteristic of Indian society. The word caste comes from 'Casta' a portugese word &
it means difference in birth a race. Portuguese employed casta in the modern sense when they
applied it to hereditary Indian social groups called as ‘jati’ in India. ‘Jati’ originates from the root
word ‘Jana’ which implies taking birth. Thus, caste is concerned with birth.

The Indian Caste System is historically one of the main dimensions where people in India
are socially differentiated through class, religion, region, tribe, gender, and language. Although
this or other forms of differentiation exist in all human societies, it becomes a problem when one
or more of these dimensions overlap each other and become the sole basis of systematic ranking
and unequal access to valued resources like wealth, income, power and prestige15 The Indian
Caste System is considered a closed system of stratification, which means that a person’s social
status is obligated to which caste they were born into. There are limits on interaction and
behavior with people from another social status. Its history is massively related to one of the
prominent religions in India, Hinduism, and has been altered in many ways during the Buddhist
revolution and under British rule.

ORIGIN OF CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA: VARIOUS THEORIES:

15
Sekhon, Joti. Modern India. Boston: McGraw-Hill, 2000. Print.
1.Traditional Theory:
According to this theory, the caste system is of divine origin. It says the caste system is an
extension of the varna system, where the 4 varnas originated from the body of Bramha. At the
top of the hierarchy were the Brahmins who were mainly teachers and intellectuals and came
from Brahma’s head. Kshatriyas, or the warriors and rulers, came from his arms. Vaishyas, or the
traders, were created from his thighs. At the bottom were the Shudras, who came from Brahma’s
feet. The mouth signifies its use for preaching, learning etc, the arms – protections, thighs – to
cultivate or business, feet – helps the whole body, so the duty of the Shudras is to serve all the
others. The sub-castes emerged later due to intermarriages between the 4 varnas. The proponents
of this theory cite Purushasukta of Rigveda, Manusmriti etc to support their stand. In the popular
notion caste is generally understood as a composite of four-fold varna system that is traditionally
given to the Hindus closely associated with karma and dharma—These ideas, as Jodhka writes:
“structured around the notion of purity and pollution, it divided the Hindus into four mutually
exclusive categories—the Brahmins, the Kshatriyas, the Vaishyas and the Shudras”16 with
Achoots,17 formed of those who were referred to as the untouchables. The varna system provides
an idea of the general model of the hierarchical framework, which in reality works in the form of
numerous Jati that are endogamous social units. Jatis have a regional character and are functional
configurations largely within linguistic zones.

2. Racial Theory:

The Sanskrit word for caste is varna which means colour. The caste stratification of the Indian
society had its origin in the chaturvarna system – Brahmins, Kashtriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras.
Indian sociologist D.N. Majumdar writes18 ‘the caste system took its birth after the arrival of
Aryans in India. The origin of varna19 and jati (caste) is usually associated with the advent of
Aryans on the Indian soil. There is no authentic research finding that existed prior to that or
within the Dravidian society. This probably explains antagonism to Brahminism, representing
conquering Aryans. Some scholars are of the view that caste originated from the racial mix
between the Aryans and those human groups that had populated the subcontinent before the
16
Jodhka S.S. 2012. Caste: Oxford India Short Introductions, Delhi: Oxford University Press.
17
Achoot : Untouchables; (noun) belongs to lowest social and ritual class in India. 
18
D.N. Majumdar, in his book, “Races and Culture in India”,
19
Varna – in Vedas the society is divided into 4 social classes viz. Brahmin, Kshathriya, Vaishya and Shudra.
advent of the Aryans in the different ecological zones. Some others strongly feel that caste
represents division of labour commensurate with the process of social evolution, and
diversification of the economy. Rig Vedic literature stresses very significantly the differences
between the Arya and non-Aryans (Dasa), not only in their complexion but also in their speech,
religious practices, and physical features. The varna system prevelant during the vedic period was
mainly based on division of labour and occupation. The birth based caste system became more
rigid during the British colonial period. Scientific evidence provided by genetic research
corroborates the ancient scriptural absence of a birth-based caste system. Banning of inter-
marriage in pursuance of ‘caste purity’ is a fundamental marker of this birth-based caste system.
Various scientific researches have established that inter-breeding among different genetic groups
in India was extremely common for thousands of years until it stopped around 400 CE (The
inference is obvious. The present birth-based caste system – a distorted merger of jati (one’s
birth-community) and varna (one’s nature based on guna and karma) emerged roughly between
1,600 to 2,000 years ago. It did not exist earlier. It is to be noted that the word ‘caste’ itself is a
Portuguese creation, derived from the Portuguese/Spanish ‘casta’ meaning breed or race.

3. Political Theory:

According to this theory, the caste system is a clever device invented by the Brahmins in order to
place themselves on the highest ladder of social hierarchy. Dr. Ghurye states, “Caste is a
Brahminic child of Indo-Aryan culture cradled in the land of the Ganges and then transferred to
other parts of India.” The Brahmins even added the concept of spiritual merit of the king,
through the priest or purohit in order to get the support of the ruler of the land.

Ghurye identified six major traits of the Hindu caste system - segmented, hierarchical, restricted
traditional occupation, restrictions on marriage, food and civil and religious privileges.20 Hence,
classically speaking, a persons’social rank is defined by birth, which is reinforced through
endogamous marriage, and occupation that is legitimately inherited. One’s possession of wealth
is no good for social status, as a Brahmin who may not own land still holds the higher rank and
an untouchable or a low caste such as the Chamar or Mahar who may prosper economically may

20
Ghurye G.S. 1932. Caste and Race in India, London: Kegan Paul.
not find it easy to purchase a parcel of land in order to secure a better future.21 Thus, the society
continued to produce a handful of high ranked propertied and rent seeking castes against a large
mass of deprived social groups who found it difficult to seek social and economic mobility,
whereby all that came to be significant resources, opportunities and knowledge remained
concentrated in the hands of the few socially dominant caste groups. If one were to take a look at
the historical sources and data on two very important features of material standing—land
ownership and labour (occupation) then one may observe a close relationship and
correspondence with the Varna-based vertical social hierarchy.

4. Occupational Theory:

Caste hierarchy is according to the occupation. Those professions which were regarded as better
and respectable made the persons who performed them superior to those who were engaged in
dirty professions. According to Newfield, “Function and function alone is responsible for the
origin of caste structure in India.” With functional differentiation there came in occupational
differentiation and numerous sub-castes such as Lohar(blacksmith), Chamar(tanner), Teli(oil-
pressers). The Brahmin at the top of the caste hierarchy owns no land and performs labour that is
pure and clean; the Kshatriya controls and protects the land but performs no labour on land and
lives on rent; the Vaishya has some access to land mostly as tenant cultivators and is directly
engaged in agricultural production; and the Shudra at the bottom of the pyramidal hierarchy has
no land but performs all the diverse labour.

PRINCIPAL FEATURES OF CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA:

 Segmental Division of Society: The society is divided into various small social groups
called castes. Each of these castes is a well developed social group, the membership of
which is determined by the consideration of birth.
 Hierarchy: According to Louis Dumont22, castes teach us a fundamental social principle
of hierarchy. At the top of this hierarchy is the Brahmin caste and at the bottom is the
21
Thorner D. 1969. Malik and Moneylenders - Their Role, in Desai A.R. (ed.) Rural Sociology in India, Bombay:
Popular Prakashan.
22
Louis Dumont (1911 – 19 November 1998) was a French anthropologist and a specialist on the cultures and
societies of India,
 untouchable caste. In between are the intermediate castes, the relative positions of which
are not always clear.
 Endogamy: Endogamy is the chief characteristic of caste, i.e. the members of a caste or
sub-caste should marry within their own caste or sub-caste. The violation of the rule of
endogamy would mean ostracism and loss of caste. However, hypergamy23 and
hypogamy24 were also prevalent. Gotra exogamy is also maintained in each caste. Every
caste is subdivided into different small units on the basis of gotra. The members of one
gotra are believed to be successors of a common ancestor-hence prohibition of marriage
within the same gotra.25
 Hereditary occupation: Megasthenes26, mentions hereditary occupation as one of the
two features of caste system, the other being endogamy.
 Restriction on Food and Drink: Usually a caste would not accept cooked food from any
other caste that stands lower than itself in the social scale, due to the notion of getting
polluted. There were also variously associated prohibition related to food. The cooking
prohibition, which defines the persons who may cook the food. The eating prohibition
which may lay down the ritual to be followed at meals. The commensal prohibition
which is concerned with the person with whom one may take food. Finally, the
prohibition which has to do with the nature of the vessel (whether made of earth, copper
or brass) that one may use for drinking or cooking. For eg: In North India Brahmin would
accept pakka food (cooked in ghee) only from some castes lower than his own. However,
no individual would accept kachcha(cooked in water) food prepared by an inferior caste.
Food prepared by Brahmin is acceptable to all, the reason for which domination of
Brahmins in the hotel industry for a long time. The beef was not allowed by any castes,
except untouchables.
 A Particular Name: Every caste has a particular name though which we can identify it.
Sometimes, an occupation is also associated with a particular caste.
23
the practice of women marrying someone who is wealthier or of higher caste or social status
24
marriage with a person of lower social status

25
Understanding Prejudice: The Skewed Way Indians Still Think About Gender and Caste:
https://thewire.in/caste/caste-gender-prejudice-india-inter-caste-marriage

26
the Greek traveller to India in 300 B. C
   The Concept of Purity and Pollution: The higher castes claimed to have ritual,
spiritual and racial purity which they maintained by keeping the lower castes away
through the notion of pollution. The idea of pollution means a touch of lower caste man
would pollute or defile a man of higher caste. Even his shadow is considered enough to
pollute a higher caste man.

 Jati Panchayat: The status of each caste is carefully protected, not only by caste laws
but also by the conventions. These are openly enforced by the community through a
governing body or board called Jati Panchayat. These Panchayats in different regions and
castes are named in a particular fashion such as Kuldriya in Madhya Pradesh and Jokhila
in South Rajasthan.27
 Taboo: Another important characteristic of the caste system is the taboo (prohibition) by
which the superior castes try to preserve their ceremonial purity and endeavour to
neutralize the potentialities for evils believed to exist in every person. These potentialities
are supposed to be more active and harmful to others at certain crises of life. The most
current taboos whose observance by the orthodox Hindus often entailed a number of
cumbersome observances are the following: the food taboo, which prescribes the kinds of
food that a man may eat. The cooking taboo, which defines the persons who may cook
the food. The eating taboo which may lay down the ritual to be followed at meals. The
commensal taboo which is concerned with the person with whom one may take food.
Finally, the taboo which has to do with the nature of the vessel (whether made of earth,
copper or brass) that one may use for drinking or cooking. A particular name, a particular
occupation, hereditary membership, of commensality etc. are the essential features of a
caste group. There are sociologists who have defined caste in terms of closed social
system which means that there is no freedom of mobility. Caste has been described both
as a ritual and an ideology which means that we are referring to the cultural aspect of
castes. Caste is not a social group but also a cultural group in the sense that the caste is a
distinct style of life which marks off one caste from another.28
27
International Dalit Solidarity Network: https://idsn.org/

28
https://www.yourarticlelibrary.com/society/principal-characteristics-of-caste-system-in-india-
essay/4088
 Economic and political power: The power of a particular caste lies in the owning of
land. The caste which has larger portion of the land in the village wields greater power.
First, his agricultural income increases. The size of the land is also related to irrigation. In
case of larger landowning and adequate irrigation facilities, naturally the wields of the
casteman increase. Second, the larger landowning caste also provides jobs to the landless
farmers and marginal farmers. Such a situation renders the super-ordinated landless
labourers as the ‘servants’ of the large landowning caste. These castes also apply modern
techniques of agriculture such as chemical manure, improved implements and new
patterns of cropping.
 High rank in caste hierarchy: Normally, the caste which is traditionally higher in the
caste hierarchy enjoys the status of dominance. The Brahmins and the Rajputs have
traditionally been dominant in the villages. The Brahmins have at the top of the caste
hierarchy and they officiate at the religious festivals and rituals of the village. The
Rajputs have been the feudal thakurs in the village. They have traditionally occupied
larger portions of the village land. The economic and political power, thus, in the village
has given the dominant status to the Brahmins and Rajputs. Recently, the criterion,
namely, economic and political power, has undergone a change. The reservations made
for scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and women have given a new attribute to the
concept of dominant caste.
 Numerical strength: Before the advent of modernisation and development, numerical
strength did not have any strength of the dominance of a caste. Recently, numerical
strength of a caste, assumes importance because of the vote bank created by adult
suffrage. The castes which have larger number of voters, naturally, determine the fate of
a candidate contesting elections. What is called these days as caste-war is actually the
importance of a caste to determine the fate of a candidate.
 A sizeable amount of the arable land: Normally, in India’s villages, smaller number of
big landowners occupy larger portion of land. In other words, the caste which has larger
portion of village land wields power. The big landowners, thus, are patrons of the bulk of
the poor villagers. In villages, those castes which have larger portion of land enjoy power
and prestige. Srinivas says that landownership is a crucial factor in establishing
dominance. He observes: Landownership confers not only power but prestige, so much so
 that, individuals who have made good in any walk of life tend to invest in land. If
landownership is not always an indispensable passport to high rank, it certainly facilitates
upward mobility.29

CASTE CONFLICT IN INDIAN SOCIETY:

The history of India has seen frequent incidents of discrimination against a particular group of
people, mostly under the history from the traditional systems of caste and untouchability. When
most of the traditional social systems of stratification such as slavery, racism, status, gender, and
class are undergoing rapid changes, caste remains as a system retaining its power and being
responsible for guiding the everyday life of 1.2 billion people, irrespective of their ethnicity in
India. Mencher30 argues that the position of the untouchables both in northern and southern parts
of pre-modern India was similar to the conditions of slaves.

A range of sources maintain that Dalits continue to suffer discrimination - described as

"deep"31 "widespread"32and "prevalent"33 - based on caste and the practice of untouchability, even
though it is illegal.34 Untouchability, a direct product of the caste system35, means that Dalits
often live segregated from the caste communities36. They are reported to be typically denied
access to public wells, must use separate cups for drinking, and are denied entrance into temples,
among other restrictions.37

Dalit rights groups indicate that the practice of untouchability also affects Dalits in
schools. For example, Dalit children may be required to clean toilets, eat separately from the
other children, or sit in the back of the classroom38. As well, Dalits attending higher educational

29
http://ccnet.vidyasagar.ac.in:8450/pluginfile.php/1514/mod_resource/content/1/ANT%20203_Dominant
%20Caste.pdf
30
MENCHER J. P. The Caste System Upside Down, or The Not-So-Mysterious East In Current Anthropology,
1974, Vol. 15, No. 4, pp. 469−493.
31
The Guardian 8 Feb. 2012
32
Hindustan Times 23 Nov. 2010
33
US 8 Apr. 2011, 58
34
ibid.; Hindustan Times 23 Nov. 2010
35
Navsarjan n.d.c
36
ibid.; The Guardian 8 Feb. 2012; Hindustan Times 23 Nov. 2010
37
Navsarjan n.d.c; NCDHR n.d.a
38
ibid NCDHR n.d.a
institutions have reportedly been subject to "caste-based discrimination," driving some Dalit
students to suicide39.

The writings of anti-caste intellectuals such as B. R. Ambedkar40, Gail Omvedt41, Gopal

Guru42 and Kancha Ilaiah43 constitute a strong critique of the caste system. They approach caste
from the perspective of the untouchables and argue that most of the deprived castes were victims
of age-old caste atrocities. Their writings highlight the social power of the caste system and
advocate that the abolition of caste is the only alternative to overcome this heinous practice.

Feminist sociologists such as Kalpana Kannabiran44, Sharmila Rege45, and Padma

Velaskar46 highlight the position of women in caste in general and conditions of Dalit women in
the Hindu caste system in particular. Thus the foregoing studies highlight the critical significance
of caste even in 21st century India. Jodhka47 views caste as a multidimensional institution, which
determines access to socio-cultural capital, economic capital, political power, and bureaucratic
power. Thus, still caste is a sociological reality influencing diverse organizations and institutions
in India. Even the educational institutions are not exceptional in this process.

Satish Deshpande48 and Surinder S Jodhka49 argue that there is no sign of the death of the
caste in the near future of India. Caste is a unique social institution, universality and ubiquity
highlight its role in everyday life across the Indian sub-continent. The famous French sociologist

39
The Globe and Mail 2 Dec. 2011; The Chronicle of Higher Education 11 Dec. 2011
40
AMBEDKAR, B. R. Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development. In Dr.
Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, Vol. 1, pp. 3−22 [online] [cit. 30 August 2019].
Available from http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00ambed
kar/txt_ambedkar_castes.html.
41
OMVEDT, G. Dalits and the Democratic Revolution: Dr Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in
Colonial India.
42
GURU, G. Humiliation: Claims and Context.
43
SHEPHERD K. I. Why I Am Not a Hindu: A Sudra Critique of Hindutva Philosophy, Culture
and Political Economy
44
KANNABIRAN, K. Annihilation by Caste: Lessons from Budaun and Beyond. In Economic
and Political Weekly, 2014, Vol. 49, Nos. 26/27, pp. 13−15.
45
REGE, Sh. Feminist Pedagogy and Sociology for Emancipation in India. In Sociological
Bulletin, 1995, Vol. 44, No. 2, pp. 223−239.
46
VELASKAR, P. Education for Liberation: Ambedkar’s Thought and Dalit Women’s
Perspectives. In Contemporary Education Dialogue, 2012, No. 2, pp. 245−271.
47
JODHKA, S. S. Caste-Oxford India Short Introductions.
48
DESHPANDE, S. Contemporary India: A Sociological View.
49
JODHKA, S. S. Caste-Oxford India Short Introductions.
Louis Dumont claims that caste is an all-encompassing phenomenon in India, which has the
potential to determine all other social, cultural, economic and political institutions. The history of
caste is nothing but the ideology of discrimination and marginalization of the downtrodden
sections of the society. The source of caste ideology is the notion of purity and pollution, where
the upper strata represent the former and whereas the lower represents the latter. The policy of
caste is the exclusion of lower strata from economic, employment and educational opportunities
as well as religious strata. The forms and strategies of discrimination are manifold and manifest
in diverse forms, ranging from abuse of an individual or group based on caste to physical assault
by higher groups on the lower group. Discrimination goes against the universally accepted values
of human rights, democracy and citizenship enshrined in the Indian constitution.

PRACTICAL REMEDIES OF CASTE SYSTEM:

LIMITATIONS OF PRACTICAL REMEDIES OF CASTE SYSTEM:

Indian society has miserably failed to integrate the untouchables, and people belonging to the
other disadvantaged communities, into the mainstream. Although the Indian constitution protects
the rights of Dalits and religious minorities, there seems to be no letup in attacks on the
community. What is worrying is that such attacks have gone up manifold in the last decade, in
spite of the robust laws. Various studies show the apathy of the police and the government of the
day in bringing the perpetrators of atrocities against the community to book added to this is the
lack of political will in addressing this issue, which has been the main cause for the gush in
violence.

The government, by creating 50 percent reservation for Dalits and other disadvantaged
communities, has only compounded the problem by dividing the society on caste lines. Indeed,
many of the parties are more interested in keeping the issue burning, as part of their vote bank
politics.

Dalits are increasingly feeling disillusioned with Hinduism, which otherwise stands for
justice and compassion, as they feel that it has failed to safeguard their interest from atrocities by
fellow Hindus. It is for this reason that more and more Dalits are embracing either Islam or
Buddhism.

Spiritual leaders of India who are the upholders of the Hindu Dharma, which stands
for morality, ethics, virtue, righteousness, and purity, have not helped the cause by failing to
speak against the growing atrocities unleashed by these Hindu vigilante groups. Their deafening
silence has only emboldened these groups to escalate their attacks on Dalits and religious
minorities. It is sad that the upper caste Hindus, who could have drawn inspiration from a
religion that offers a great spiritual experience are indulging in such atrocities against fellow
humans. The government, which could have played an important role to eliminate the scourge of
casteism, have done precious little to protect the interests of this disadvantaged community.50

Caste is the biggest oppressive system in the world. What makes caste the greatest oppressive
system is that it is based on the fact that one is above the caste and the other is below, and that
the vices based on it are backed by religion. Caste is a greater oppressive system than slavery.
Because slavery is imposed by force, not by birth. Many avenues of redemption are open before

50
K.S. Venkatachalam Destroy India’s Caste System Before It Destroys India
him. The person can run away, or the owner can escape with the money, or can escape through
rebelling. But in the caste system no lower caste can be freed from his servitude. Because it is
innate. The nature of the caste system is the liberation from it is impossible. Religion also
teaches that being born into a lower caste is the result of one's sins in his/her past lives. Through
this, religion removes even the thought of liberation from his mind. So there is no doubt that the
caste system is one of the greatest social evils in the world. It is impossible for the religions or
social movements operating in India, to take root here without confronting it in any way.
Buddhism at one point strongly opposed the caste system. But as Periyar Ramaswamy says even
Budhism has many loopholes to address casteism in its full sense. The next attempt was of
Islam's.

MUSLIM RULERS ON CASTEISM:

The Muslim rulers who ruled India generally saw social inequalities such as caste and sati in
Indian society as part of the Indian religion. Therefore, they carried out the policy of not
interfering in the religious affairs of the people inspite of taking some minimal steps to indirectly
reduce its vulnerability, but they did not openly oppose them. The concept of Islam's equality
and the equality among the Muslims attracted the backward castes to Islam. This was
acknowledged by the British writer Havell51 and the radical humanist MN Roy52, who viewed
Muslim rule and Muslims in India as hostile and celebrated Indo-Aryan culture in greatly. Havell
said that Indians were more attracted to Islam's social outlook than to its theology 53. MN Roy
also pointed out that the Brahmins, who had lost their rule due to Muslim rule, could not revolt
against the Muslim rule because the lower castes sided with Muslim rule 54. It was from this
helplessness that the Brahmins and Kshatriyas forgot their enmity and despair and took the
service of the Muslim rule and somehow came to power. There was no other reason for the
Muslim rulers not to place them in high positions of power, as they were capable and
experienced in government and showed extreme devotion to the government. Babur, in his book

51
Ernest Binfield Havell, who published under the name E.B. Havell, was an influential English arts administrator,
art historian and author of numerous books about Indian art and architecture.
52
Manabendra Nath Roy, was an Indian revolutionary, radical activist and political theorist, as well as a noted
philosopher in the 20th century. Roy was a founder of the Mexican Communist Party and the Communist Party of
India.
53
Ernest Binfield Havell”s Aryans Rule in India: Historical Role of Islam, page 64
54
3.- M.N Roy Historical Role of Islam, page 65
Baburnama55, says that Indians love 'Kursi'56, and it accurately symbolizes this mentality of the
Indian elite that clings to the power. This influence of the government effectively provided an
opportunity for the caste Hindus to maintain the caste system under the Muslim rule as well. In
cities such as Delhi and Agra, which have long been the epicenters of Muslim rule, it has been
observed that the reason for the ever-declining Muslim population is the caste domination that
surrounds Muslim rule.

INFLUENCE OF SUFI LEADERS ON LOWER CASTES:

In exception to the capital cities, however, the contribution and equality of Islam in the social life
of Muslims was relatively evident in Bengal, Bihar, Punjab, Multan and Sindh, which were far
from the capital. One of the main reasons for this was that the Sufis, who embodied the equality
and brotherhood of Islam in their own lives, lived among them as preachers and reformers. The
Sufis allowed all religions into their fold without any caste discrimination. This has led to more
people converting to Islam from these areas than from the capital cities. Khaja Muhinuddin
Chishti in Ajmer57, Nizamuddin Auliya58 on the outskirts of Delhi, Baba Fariduddin Ganj-i-
Shakar59 in Punjab, Qutbuddin Bakhtiar60 in Kaki Bihar and Bengal, Ali al-Hujwiri61 in Sindh
and Multan were become the part of the popular culture there, because it attracted a large number
of backward people who were stuck in the darkness of casteism. According to Syed Maududi,
Khaja Mueenuddin Chishti and his successors were considered as their spiritual leaders in
Rajputana and Mewar even by non - converted Hindus 62. It was also one of the areas where
Buddhism once had a strong political influence. Brahminical rule was restored after the entry of

55
The Bāburnāma literally: "History of Babur" or "Letters of Babur"; is the memoirs of Ẓahīr-ud-Dīn Muhammad
Bābur (1483–1530), founder of the Mughal Empire and a great-great-great-grandson of Timur. It is written in
the Chagatai language.
56
The Arabic word for throne, here it refers to political power
57
Khwājā Muʿīn al-Dīn Chishtī  was a Persian Muslim[3] preacher, ascetic, religious scholar, philosopher,
and mystic from Sistan, who eventually ended up settling in the Indian subcontinent in the early 13th-century, where
he promulgated the famous Chishtiyya order of Sunni mysticism.
58
Muhammad Nizamuddin Auliya was an Indian Sunni Muslim scholar, Sufi saint of the Chishti Order, and is one
of the most famous Sufis from the Indian Subcontinent.
59
Farīd al-Dīn Masʿūd Ganj-i-Shakar was a 12th-century Punjabi Muslim preacher and mystic.[3] who went on to
become "one of the most revered and distinguished ... Muslim mystics" of the medieval period.
60
Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki was a Muslim Sufi mystic, saint and scholar of the Chishti Order from Delhi, India. 
61
Alī al-Hujwīrī or as Dātā Ganj Bakhsh by Muslims of the Indian subcontinent, was an 11th-century Persian Sunni
Muslim[4] mystic, theologian, and preacher from Ghazna.
62
Sayyid Maududi: Islam ke Charchishme Kuwwath ; Page:54
Adi Shankara63, even though the majority of the people were Buddhists. MN Roy observed that
Islam had become a powerful weapon in the fight against Brahmanism among Buddhists who
strongly opposed to Brahmanical domination64. In any case, it was a fact that the vast majority of
converts to Islam today were Buddhists. Similarly, there is a story that Muhammad bin Qasim 65
who conquered Sindh for the first time invited the backward masses for a feast at the palace. It
was in the palace of Dahir, who denied entry for lower castes earlier and was defeated in the
battle by Muhammad bin Qasim. The story goes that a large section of the subjects who were
pleased at this feast converted to Islam.

INFLUENCE OF ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS ON LOWER CASTES DURING

COLONIALISM:

At the same time, it can be seen that the three Muslim social movements formed during the
colonial rule gave special consideration to the lower castes through their interventions. It was the
Tahrik Mujahideen formed by Ahmad Shaheed 66, the Faraidi movement 67 in Bengal led by Haji
Shariatullah68 and his son Datumian, and the Khilafat movement69 in Malabar. Ahmad Shaheed
collaborated with his subjects in his preaching and refining activities and targeted them as well.
He and his followers are said to have spent many nights in Dalit families in Saharanpur during
the Hajj agitation70. The Faraidi movement, founded in 1818 by Haji Shariatullah on the basis of
pure Tawheed, was basically a peasant movement against the British-backed Hindu landlords in
Bengal. Naturally, the movement also attracted the lower castes of the Hindus who were being
exploited by the landlords. Their motto was that the land belonged to Allah and would not be
63
Adi Shankaracharya was an Indian philosopher and theologian who consolidated the doctrine of Advaita Vedanta.
He is credited with unifying and establishing the main currents of thought in Hinduism.
64
M.N Roy Historical Role of Islam, page 65
65
Muhammad bin Qasim al-Thaqafi, also known by the laqab of Imad ad-Din, was an Arab military commander of
the Umayyad Caliphate who led the Muslim conquest of Sindh and Multan from the last Hindu king, Raja Dahir in
the battle of Aror.
66
Sayyid Ahmad Shaheed (1786–1831) was an Indian Hanafi Maturidi Muslim revivalist from Raebareli.
67
The Faraizi movement was a movement was a nineteenth century religious reform movement launched by haji
shariatullah in 1819 in Eastern Bengal to give up un-Islamic practices and act upon their duties as Muslims.
The movement protected the rights of tenants to a great extent.
68
Haji Shariatullah was a prominent religious leader and Islamic scholar from Bengal in the eastern subcontinent.
69
The Khilafat movement, also known as the Indian Muslim movement (1919–24), was a pan-Islamist political
protest campaign launched by Muslims of British India led by Shaukat Ali, Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar, Hakim
Ajmal Khan and Abul Kalam Azad to restore the caliph of the Ottoman Caliphate, who was considered the leader of
Sunni Muslims, as an effective political authority.
70
Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi : Seerath Ahmad Shaheed
taxed by the landlords or the British rule that supported them. They had also declared that India
was 'Darul Harb'.

The Khilafat riots were also a peasant movement against the landlords. It was their anti-
lanlord and agrarian content that attracted the lower castes to it and enabled the movement to
confront the caste system. As the Malabar riots were against the landlords, it attracted the lower
castes even during the time of the Mamburam Thangal 71. Mamburam Fazal Pookoya's public call
to the lower castes not to address landlords with special respected expressions and not to eat their
produce has been seen as a conscious attempt to increase the dignity and self-esteem of the lower
castes. It is a fact that during the period when these three movements were active, there was a
massive conversion from the lower castes in the places where they had influence. A comparison
between the Muslim population growth during the Muslim period and the Muslim population
growth during the colonial period shows that the Muslim population in India grew significantly
during the colonial period. The interventions of the above three social movements with a unique
content to confront the lower castes were a major factor influencing the significant growth of
Muslims in colonial times. In a colonial regime where Muslims have no political power or
prestige, the problem of their use of force for conversion does not arise. The only factor
influencing this conversion was the fact that the social interactions of these movements created
in the lower castes the realization that there was a liberating content in Islam along with a
superior faith.

LACK OF WRITINGS ON MUSLIM INTERACTIONS ON CASTE SYSTEM:

The intellectual and social crisis we are facing today is that despite the conscious or unconscious
social interactions of Muslims during and after Muslim rule, there has been a great deal of
conflict in the caste system of the Hindu community but no writings or studies have been widely
available to mark, interpret or theorize that conflict or the interaction of muslims in the liberation
of the lower castes. The intellectual crisis is about the absence of an ancient or modern study in
India, which addressed an extremely exploitative and violent caste system in which Islam could
never compromise which was a challenge and a scope for Islam in India. The critique of Sheikh
Zainuddin Makhdoom72 in his Tuhfatul Mujahideen73 on the social life of the Hindus and the

71
 Mamburam Thangal was a Islamic scholar and a political activist in Kerala, India.
observation of Shah Waliullah74 and Imam Al-Maududi75 that one of the reasons for the collapse
of Muslim politics was the failure of the Muslim rulers to address the inequality that existed here
in the distribution of land was only few exceptional writings in this case.

ANTICIPATION OF SAYYID MAUDUDI ON CASTE SYSTEM:

In his Madras oration, Maududi made it very clear that the socio-economic and political
landscape of post-partition India would fall into the clutches of caste. It reads as; “No matter how
hard these nationalist leaders and advocates of communal communalism try to inflame national
sentiment, it will all be in vain. All the different elements that hold this national feeling together
will be shattered. With the end of the external threat, the social inequalities, economic
exploitation and vested interests that exist within it will be exposed and they will clash with each
other on issues such as the future condition of the country, the determination of power and the
social reorganization. No force can stop the natural causes of this decay.

“The Indian social system is made up of innumerable castes who have been affected by
inequalities. The contradictions and differences between these castes are rooted in their birth. It
has also been established through the theory of reincarnation. The lower castes pacify the
inferiority complex they face as a result of past sin. They believe that fate cannot be changed and
that all efforts to do so are futile. The upper castes, on the other hand, firmly believe that
supremacy is their birthright and the result of innate virtues and that trying to change it is against
the laws of nature. In this social system, every upper caste is trampling on the lower caste. Social
discrimination is evident in all walks of life. This difference is reflected in the different levels of
72
Sheikh Zainuddin Makhdoom bin Sheikh Al Qazi Ali was the famous author of Fat'h Ul Mueen,
Thuhfathul Mujahidin, the Arabic text book on History of Kerala before and during the Portuguese
period.

73
Tuhfat al-Mujahidin fi ba‘d Akhbar al-Burtughaliyin' is a historical work by Zainuddin
Makhdoom II on the struggle between the Mappila Muslims of Malabar and Portuguese colonial
forces in the 16th century. It is the first historical work of Kerala to be authored by a keralite. The
book describes the resistance put up by the navy of Kunjali Marakkar alongside
the Zamorin of Calicut from 1498 to 1583 against Portuguese attempts to colonize the Malabar
coast. Along with chronological events of the era, the book also provides an analysis of the events,
as well as the lifestyle, customs and family structure of the people of the time.
74
Shāh Walīullāh Dehlawī was an Islamic scholar, muhaddith, renewer,[6]
[7]
 historiographer, bibliographer, theologian, and philosopher.
75
Abul A'la Maududi was an Islamic scholar, Islamist ideologue, Muslim philosopher, jurist,
historian, journalist, activist and scholar active in British India and later, following the partition,
in Pakistan.
urban life, such as food, shelter, and marriage. Injustice is visible in every layer. This
disagreement is not just that, it often turns into slander and humiliation. Lower caste men and
women will not even be tolerated for wearing upper caste attire. The Gujjars and Jats in
Rajputana recently joined the riots, claiming that the lower caste Chamars, who had served in the
war and earned foreign income, were wearing the type of outfits and ornaments they used to
wear. It is interesting to note that the same Gujaratis and Jats face similar insults from the
Rajputs. And yet they can’t stand the fact that the Chamars are getting social well-being with
them.”

“The economic system of the country is also a fragment of the social system. Capitalist
interests have come over the past atrocities of caste. In this way, the elite not only monopolizes
the well-being of urban life but also seizes the wealth and facilities of the country. The common
people of the lower castes have no choice but to lie down in front of the upper castes or serve
them on a daily basis for the sake of their livelihood.

In the political system, the unique ideas such as democracy, social justice and equality of
opportunity may have been written in beautiful language. But the real value of those words is not
in letters, but in practice. But even there, ‘the elite who came to the top in the socio-economic
arena, or who claim to be born into it, will have domination. If my understanding is correct, they
may be able to succeed in bringing about rhetorical democracy and verbal equality. But the roots
of injustice, discrimination and inequality will remain as it is. This is because casteism is
ingrained in the veins of Hindu culture. It is impossible to maintain it and to establish true
democracy and social justice side by side. So advocates of nationalism will very soon disappoint
the common people. Before long, common people, farmers and workers in India will begin to
look for alternatives to justice.”76

The Maulana concludes his speech by saying “There is only one way to save India from
this consequence. Any of the Movements in India should be prepared to put forward a system
that embodies high spiritual and moral values, honest and free social justice and a true
democracy with civic and social dimensions. It must provide an opportunity for social progress
for all citizens, regardless of race or ethnicity. The interests of not only minorities but all human
beings, must be considered sympathetically and justly. A certain sect cannot be considered as an

76
, 18Sayyid Maududi : Quthubathe Madras; Prabodhanam weekly dated 2010 January 23
ally nor an enemy. It is not a matter of dividing people into sects but of uniting them on the basis
of a just life. The disenfranchised should have access to their fundamental rights. The
fundamental rights dominated by the elite must be seized. If such a system is put before the
nation and its advocates are of high character and competent and capable of instilling hope in the
people, then surely the people will not look for other solutions.”77

Imam Maududi in his book al-Jihad-fil-Islam 78, in its analysis of the laws of war in
Manusmriti, states that manusmriti contains many of the highest laws that are morally close to
Islam, but that racial discrimination, which is the basis of Manusmriti, makes all its virtues
irrelevant at once. This statement shows that Imam Maududi has made his attempts in addressing
caste system at the very first stage of his writings. Similarly, although Maududi’s critique of
democracy and nationalism certainly has a level of connotation with the question of what the
political system should be like in post – partition Pakistan, his critique of democracy and
nationalism, which was tested in pre – partition India and will be implemented in post – partition
India, is in fact will be of a dominant minorities sovereignty. Since the sovereignty of this
dominant minority in India is made possible by the caste system, it should also be seen as a
critique of Maududi’s caste system. Maududi’s Confederation’s plan to resolve the partition
suggested that Dalits, like Muslims, could have separate jurisdictions. From this it is evident that
Maududi believed that democracy would not protect the interests of Dalits as much as Muslims
as long as the caste system prevailed.

LIMITATIONS OF CONTEMPERORY MUSLIM WRITINGS ON HINDUISM:

Unlike the above mentioned three, an important limitation of the studies of Albiruni 79 to Abul
Kalam Azad80 and T. Muhammad Sahib is that Hinduism is understood in the context of the
attempt to study Indian tradition, philosophy and theology only in the context of the Semitic
77
ibid Prabodhanam weekly dated 2010 January 23
78
Al Jihad fil Islam is a book written by Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi on the subject of jihad in Islam. The book is an
English translation of the classic book in jihad, originally written and published in 1927 in the Urdu language. A
major part of the book deals with the comparative study of the concept of a just war in various theologies.
79
Al-Biruni (973 – after 1050) was an Iranian scholar and polymath during the Islamic Golden Age. He has been
variously called as the "founder of Indology", "Father of Comparative Religion", "Father of modern geodesy", and
the first anthropologist. He was well versed in physics, mathematics, astronomy, and natural sciences, and also
distinguished himself as a historian, chronologist and linguist.
80
Abul Kalam Azad (1888 –1958) was an Indian scholar, Islamic theologian, independence activist, and a senior
leader of the Indian National Congress during the Indian independence movement. Following India's independence,
he became the First Minister of Education in the Indian government. 
notion of religion rather than understanding it in the Indian context. An important problem with
such a study is that such studies can not only lead to the conclusion that Lord Krishna and Lord
Rama are prophets and that the Vedas are divine, but also fail to seriously address the most
violent caste system that has completely engulfed the Indian tradition. There is another problem
in portraying Krishna and Rama as prophets. All of them have no connection with the vast
majority of lower castes in India. Moreover, as part of the lower caste, they are portrayed as
villains and their counterparts like Ravanan as heroes. These studies have found only the upper
caste dominance in the Indian tradition and their texts and attributed them to the Hindu religion
which is of the colonial product. This Semitic view of Muslim scholars and social thinkers about
Indian religions effectively provided an opportunity for upper caste Hindutva to form a
monolithic Hindu religion that included the lower castes.

Another problem with the laws of Indian philosophy and theology is that, as Maududi
points out in his analysis, they are not immoral or sinful, but are wholly based on discrimination.
That is, virtue, justice and human rights are sufficient only in the interactions and discourses
among the upper castes, and there is no need for any sense of morality, justice or humane
consideration in the interactions with the lower castes. This discrimination in justice and
humanity is the hallmark of Indian culture, known as Arsha Bharat. Muslim writers and social
thinkers have not succeeded, in analyzing the Indian social system in this way. Its consequence is
the failure of presenting Islam as a liberating theology to the vast majority of the Indian lower
castes. The Jamiat-e-Ulema81, by upholding the Hadith and the Madinah Agreement, blindly
supported the nationalism of the Congress believing that patriotism is a part of faith. This is
because the religious scholars who were its leaders did not have a worldview to understand how
the democracy, nationalism and secularism produced by modernity address the domination of
different ethnic and religious sects or how these Western social systems could come under the
domination of a dominant minority in India while caste still existed.

JINNAH ON THE UPPER CASTE DOMINATION:

81
Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind or Jamiat Ulama-I-Hind (transl. "Council of Indian Muslim Theologians")[1] is one of the
leading organizations of Islamic scholars belonging to the Deobandi school of thought in India.[1][2] It was founded in
1919 by a group of Deobandi scholars.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah82 from his critique of modern democracy at the annual meeting of the
Muslim League in April 1943, we can see that he had succeeded in recognizing that the
democracy represented by the Congress was a great threat to the cultural survival of Muslims. He
said: “Democracy, which is based on equality and brotherhood, has been upheld by Islam for the
last thirteen centuries. But modern democracy, which is becoming a weapon to impose the will
of the majority over the minority, is unacceptable.’’ 83 But instead of the Muslim League’s policy
of moving towards more dangerous Pakistanism, the history of India would probably have been
different if it had put forward a mass politics in solidarity with the already growing dalit politics
under Ambedkar’s leadership against the democratic dictatorship of the Congress represented by
Gandhi. The old Nawabs and Khans, who had the nostalgia of Muslim rule in the League, did not
allow Jinnah to wage such a protracted struggle. Whatever the future of the remaining Muslims
in India, what they wanted was to rule over even if it was a piece of land that would be acquired
through partition. From the fact that it was the League that supported the success of Ambedkar in
the 1937 elections in Bengal and that Ambedkar had great respect and esteem for Jinnah, we can
see that such a possibility existed at that time. Ambedkar, a fan of modernism, may have been
hampered by his dangerous prejudice against Islam and Muslims. As Ambedkar considered the
writings of Orientalists such as William Moore to be divine, his main criticism of Islam, that
violent behavior was inherent in Islam and that the tendency to isolate oneself from all was a
common characteristic of Muslims was natural. Mahatma Gandhi has said in Islam, the sword is
the judge today. Even though Ambedkar had a dangerous prejudice against Islam, he praised the
concepts of equality and brotherhood in Islam. He also believed that the conversion to Islam
would uplift them socially, economically and politically. So when Ambedkar considered
conversion as part of his anti-caste struggle, like Buddhism, Islam was also his option. Abul
Hasan Ali Nadwi84 wrote in his autobiography Fee Maseeratul Hayat that he discussed about
Islam with Ambedkar in Bombay. What Ambedkar needed then was the physical emancipation
of the Dalits. But there was only heaven as a solution in the hands of Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi.
What Ambedkar wanted then was the material liberation of the Dalits rather than the spiritual

82
Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a barrister, politician. Jinnah served as the leader of the All-India
Muslim League from 1913 until the inception of Pakistan on 14 August 1947, and then as the
Dominion of Pakistan's first Governor-General until his death.
83
Safia Ameer Muslim Nationhood in India, page: 106.
84
Abul Hasan Ali Hasani Nadwi was an Indian Islamic scholar and author of over fifty books in
various languages. He was the theorist of the revivalist movement.
liberation and after life paradise. It would not be wrong to say that the failure of the Muslim
religious, social and political movements of the time actually brought Ambedkar to Buddhism
instead of Islam. VT. Rajasekhar85, one of Ambedkar ‘s most important biographers, has openly
stated that the leaders of the Hindu Maha Sabha Dr. Munje and Savarkar played a significant role
from preventing Dr. Ambedkar from converting to Islam.86

JAMAATH-E-ISLAMI ON CASTE SYSTEM:

As mentioned above, we have seen that caste and its influence on Muslims certainly took place
in the social analysis of the Islamic movement. It is also noteworthy that it was in the Madras
discourse of which he wanted to be the base of the post-partition Indian Jamaat-e-Islami’s 87
policy. The search for caste in Maududi’s writings, after his migration to Pakistan after partition,
is therefore futile. Because caste is not an issue in Pakistan. But it should definitely be an
important topic for the publications of the Indian Jamaat-e-Islami. Islamic publications have
written extensively on the loopholes of communist social order and the capitalist system. By
doing so, our aim was not only to establish the superiority of Islam, but also to save the Muslims
from its influence. There has been a lot of writing about the concepts of humanity and equality in
Islam. There are also books that present Islam as a religion of liberation. But it was all part of
presenting Islam in general. But none of the writings that analyzed how the caste system, which
is the basis of the Indian social system and how it permeates India’s politics, socio-economic
system and culture and exposes its inhumanity and injustice and present the concept of equality,
liberation and humanity of Islam are not found. Such a work has two benefits: first, to attract
backward classes to Islam. Second, to eliminate the influence of caste on Muslims in the name of
tribalism. Masood Alam Falahi88’s Hindustan Mem Saat Baat Aur Musalman89 is a book that has

85
V. T. Rajshekar, is an Indian journalist who is the founder and editor of the Dalit Voice, which has
been described by Human Rights Watch as "India’s most widely circulated Dalit journal".
86
 V.T Rajashker Ambedhker Life and Mission
87
Jamaat-e-Islami is an Islamic movement founded in 1941 in British India by the Islamic theologian
and socio-political philosopher, Abul Ala Maududi. Along with the Muslim Brotherhood, founded in
1928, Jamaat-e-Islami was one of the original and most influential Islamist organisations, and the
first of its kind to develop "an ideology based on the modern revolutionary conception of Islam".
88
Masood Alam Falahi, is a graduate of the Jamiat ul-Falah madrasa, and later he completed his Phd from JNU.
Now he is working as a Professor of Department of Arabic, Language Literature and Cultural Studies, Kwaja
Moinuddin Chishti Urdu, Arabi-Farsi University.
89
Book by Masood Alam Falahi (The Problem of Caste among Indian Muslims) is about the caste like practices
among Muslims and textual transmission of the caste idea in South Asian Islamic textual tradition.
been widely discussed in the academic field in recent times. This is an inquiry into how caste in
India influenced Muslim life and even Islamic texts. The study was first published in the
Jamaat’s research journal ‘Zindagi Nau’. It was later published in a book form. With the
publication of its English translation, ‘Casteism Among Muslims in India’, it became a highly
debated topic in academic circles. The book puts forward the idea that Da’wah and Islah in Islam
should be read with its liberation content.

However, in the case of social interactions, caste and allied issues are included in the
policy of the movement. For example, the four-year policy of 1981 and 1986 reads: “The Jamaat
speaks out against capitalism, economic exploitation, inequality, bigotry, violence, injustice,
linguistic-regional bias, authoritarian-totalitarian tendencies, and communalism.” The same
policy states that “efforts will be made to uplift the backward classes economically and to
eliminate discrimination such as bigotry and untouchability.” The 1999 – 2003 policy states:
“The Jamaat will strive to cite the backward sections of the country and give them dignified
status. Efforts in this regard will be supported. The Jamaat will stand against casteism,
communalism, criminalization and corruption in politics.”90

In a speech shortly after Dr. Abdul Haq Ansari91 was elected as the President in 2004, he
said: “We have a responsibility to give the people of India, who have been denied basic
fundamental rights; an opportunity to think about the just and equitable system of Islam. Most of
the people here are backward classes. Despite being dominant in the population, they continue to
be subjected to all forms of violence, humiliation and exploitation. What is more complicated
and bizarre is that all these exploitations are in the name of religion. Such religions need to be
exposed and efforts should be made to protect the rights of these oppressed masses. The
movement wants a well planned strategy in this regard.”92

From the analysis of the Madras speech about caste system and the anti-caste rhetoric of
the policy of the movement and at last from the speech of Ansari, it can be understood that the
movement has the obligation to expose the discrimination and inhumanity in this caste based
religion and to protect the rights of the oppressed. Dawah - one of the important mission of the
90
Prabodhanam weekly dated 2017 July 28
91
Muhammad Abdul Haq Ansari was an Islamic scholar from India. He was the Amir of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind from
2003 to 2007. He was the member of Central Advisory Council of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind. He was also the
Chancellor of Jamia Islamia, Shantapuram, Kerala.
92
Abdul Haq Ansari: Jamaat-e-Islami Preference List - Page 13.
movement is to embody the ultimate salvation and liberation for the victims of the caste system
in India for years. It requires a high intellectual and social intervention.

LIBERATION THEOLOGY

The theology of Islamic liberation is an effort to build the world by freeing society from all
forms of oppression, injustice, tyranny and the status quo under the light of faith. Indirectly, the
process of building the liberation praxis leads to the process of secularization. Although this
theological spirit rests on the anthropocentric paradigm, it does not mean that it is detached from
the divine values. Making the anthropocentric spirit as the only community development
paradigm, will have an impact on the loss of religiosity, resulting in an existential crisis,
someone feels alien to his own existence. The theology of liberation initiated is a combination of
reflection and action, theory and practice, and faith and charity 93. Therefore, monotheism is not
only interpreted as a unity of God, but also as a unity of mankind that will not truly materialize
without the creation of a classless society 94. So that the statement appears that the people who
partially exploit some other members who are weak and oppressed cannot be called an Islamic
society even though they carry out Islamic rituals. Part of the main key to understanding the
theology of liberation in Islam is through monotheism. Recognition of the oneness of God and
taqwa95 is a fundamental instrument in realizing human nature which reminds to, first, the issue
of divinity or faith (Divine), and second, the issue of humanity (Insaniyah) simultaneously. In
religious behavior, the concept (tawhid-taqwa) must have significant implications, encouraging
someone to carry out continuous understanding, provide aesthetic and religious-spiritual balance
in life, and foster a commitment of religious followers in the process of dialogue between
themselves and changes in social reality96.

Liberation theology obtains inspiration from the Qur'an and the struggle of the prophets,
especially prophet Muhammad. In essence, the Qur'an is revealed by Allah SWT as a guide for
all nature. Therefore, we must believe that it is eternal and is always relevant to the past and
future. Each generation has the right to take care of the Qur'an and then integrate it with history
and social reality in their own way according to the experiences and problems they face.
Problems in the past and present are certainly different, thus getting clues and inspiration from
the Qur'an. In interpreting and integrating the Qur'an, it cannot be separated from the verses of
the Qur'an which are categorized into several topics:

1. Verses that address the issue of worship, which includes prayers, fasting, hajj,
zakat, and other similar practices that address this issue. The Prophet Muhammad
himself explained how to pray, pilgrimage, and things related to fasting. There is
no reinterpretation and rethinking in understanding the verses relating to this
problem. Worship must be understood according to what the Prophet explained.
This is a concept of worship and ritual that has its own uniqueness among other
religions. Every religion develops a spiritual system and prayer, worship,
93
Agus Nuryatno, Islam, Theology of Liberation and Gender Equality..., P. 29.
94
Asghar Ali Engineer, Islam and Liberation Theology, occur. Agung Prihantoro (Yogyakarta: Student Library,
2009), P. 11.
95
Taqwa is an Islamic term for being conscious and cognizant of God, of truth, "piety, fear of God." It is often found
in the Quran.
96
Farid Essack, Qur'an, Liberation and Pluralism, (Bandung: Mizan, 1999), p. 31.
 meditation and others. In addition to performing prayers, zakat, fasting, etc., it
does not only contain the values of devotion but also contains social values. When
we are satisfied, we can feel the suffering of poor people who usually lack eating.
2. Verses that address the issue of mu'amalat97 which include marriage, divorce,
inheritance, business transactions, contracts, property, agriculture, and others. In
understanding these verses rethinking is needed. Modernists argue that rethinking
in understanding ayat mu'amalat is very necessary because of the emergence of
various problems and challenges. In this case, the example of the verse polygamy.
The concept that allows marriage to four women is inspired by an understanding
that originates from the medieval spirit that prevailed at the Arabs at that time.
Another thing that also needs to be rethought is the problem of divorce can be
taken. Some hadiths that contradict the spirit of the verses of the Qur'an relating to
the problem of divorce have been used to interpret these verses.
3. The category of verses related to metaphysical beliefs, such as the oneness of
God, the last day, heaven, hell, angels and so on. This is what we call aqidah.
These verses are a part that cannot accept any changes and includes fundamental
teachings in Islam. Trust in the verses above is also part of the uniqueness of
Islam and is a differentiator between Islam and other religions.
4. The categories of verses that pertain to general guidance and dissemination of
what is considered good (in terms of the Qur'an are referred to as ma'ruf) and
what is considered bad (munkar) as a rule that needs to be replaced. Of course the
understanding of good and bad can be different from time to time and from one
place to another. The difference in this matter will eventually lead to differences
of opinion, therefore a kind of universal approach is used to determine good and
bad, namely things that introduce how beautiful God's creation can be considered
as universal goodness while those who affirm it are considered as universal
crimes.
5. Verses that mention values, such as justice, equality, guidelines, the creation of
social justice, etc. that are naturally eternal. There are no questions or rethinking

97
Muamalat is a part of Islamic jurisprudence, or fiqh. Sources agree that muamalat includes Islamic "rulings
governing commercial transactions". However, other sources give it a broader definition including civil acts and in
general all aspects of fiqh that are not Ibadat. 
 in this matter. Islamic theologians and jurists agree that these values are
formulated in all theological formulations and Islamic law98.

In understanding the verses relating to justice or values similar to that, the views that the
interpreter must pay attention to the spirit that existed at that time. This is referred to as a
dynamic element, a methodological element that is very important for understanding the verses
of the Qur'an. A similar approach is also a requirement for understanding hadiths. Even the most
authentic hadiths will not limit us in exploring the potential of new meanings from particular
verses in the Qur'an. The Prophet Muhammad in response to a particular case still considered the
social context of the community in his time, but he did not necessarily forbid what was not in
accordance with Islamic principles. For example in interpreting the verse about slavery.

Even though the Prophet personally exemplified the emancipation of slavery, he did not
just abolish slavery. Perhaps it was Islam that first taught equality for all humans through the
Quranic statement that all children of Adam must be respected, before the structure of slavery
took root in the social structure at a time when the institution could not be completely eradicated,
but that does not mean enslavement by pointing out the verses of the Qur'an and hadith.

In addition to this there is another important element in understanding the Qur'an by

putting normative verses on contextual verses. This is because that the normative verses of the
application are more enduring and fundamental than contextual verses. The consequence of
normativity in the verses of the Qur'an is transcendent validity. However, Qur'an theology is not
dogmatic or ignores empirical reality which tends to be dynamic. It also reminded that one must
be careful in sorting contextually from normative ones, both those in al-Quran and hadith99.

Combining inspiration or main sources (Al-Qur'an and As-Sunnah) with history and
social reality as if to show that Islam has dynamic teachings that can be used as a reference
source for constructing theology liberation. For this reason, we need to look at the historical
context of Arab society before Islam was revealed, so that we know the mission brought by the
prophet in broadcasting the religion of Islam. In socio-cultural terms, we can map that the Arab
region before Islam came in, there has been a struggle of three tribal cultures which is very
striking in the frame of Arab life.

98
Asghar Ali Engineer, Today's Islam, Print. I, (Yogyakarta: Student Library, 2004). p. 23.
99
Asghar Ali Engineer. Women's liberation. (Yogyakarta: Lkis, 2003), p. 42-43.
 In the midst of this tribal rivalry, Muhammad sent his Islamic religion which brought the
wind of change especially in the social order of the Arab community at that time. In the course of
his da'wah to call for the teachings of Islam, Prophet received so many fierce challenges from the
citizens of the city of Mecca, especially from the oligarchs who controlled the life of the city.
They were not only afraid of losing their traditional religion of polytheism, but they were also
worried about the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad, which emphasized social justice, which
increasingly led to his condemnation of usury, and his insistence on zakat. Another fear felt by
the people of Mecca is the Prophet's teachings about the day of the court or the final
responsibility of human actions. Therefore, there must be moral coverage where severe
punishment is provided for unbelievers and perpetrators of crime, while a large reward will be
given to those who are righteous100.

Still related to the social structure of Arab society, it can be explained that Islam in the
technical and social-revolutionary terms is a threat to oppressive structures. The basic purpose of
Islam is universal brotherhood, equality and social justice. First, Islam emphasizes human unity
(unity of mankind) which is affirmed in the verse of Al-Qur'an:

"O man, we created you from men and women. We make you nations
and tribes so that you know each other. Really, the noblest of you in the
sight of Allah is the most pious. Indeed, Allah is Knower."101

This verse clearly refutes all the concepts of caste, racial, ethnic, national, or family
superiority, with one affirmation and appeal for the importance of godliness. Not only ritual piety
but also social piety102. Based on this understanding, as mentioned in the verse above, Islam
places great emphasis on justice in all aspects of life. This is the most revolutionary concept, not
only for Arabs but for all humans. This means that the recognition of Islam for human equality
and justice is far ahead of the United Nations declaration of human rights. The Prophet applied
the above teachings by freeing a black slave named Bilal and then the Prophet appointed him a
muezzin. This is an honor coveted by free Arabs.103

100
Asghar Ali Engineer, Islam and Liberation Theology p. 33.
101
Surah Al Hujarat: 49; Verse: 13
102
Asghar Ali Engineer, Islam and Liberation Theology. p. 33.
103
Ibid, p. 47.
 Besides the very revolutionary teachings described above, Prophet Muhammad also
emphasized the need for an attitude of openness, tolerance, and respect for other religions. This
has been mentioned in several verses of the Qur'an.104 The Qur'an never teaches to not respect, let
alone hate or hurt followers of other religions.105 Such are some of the liberating aspects carried
out by the Prophet in order to carry out a liberation. This liberating practice requires mastery of
science, because it is science that opens the horizons of liberation and liberal behavior. In
accordance with the Al-Qur'an letter which first came down Q.S Al Alaq: 1-5

“Read by (mentioning) the name of your God Who Created, He has

created man from a lump of blood. Read, and your Lord is the most
merciful, who teaches (man) with the intercession of the word. He taught
man what he did not know.”106

What needs to be noted here is that the Arabs did not know what a pen was, reading and writing
were very rare. In this case Al-Qur'an emphasizes the use of pens because with pen science is
transformed from one place to another and from the next generation. The verse that was revealed
to the Prophet began with the affirmation of the importance of science and its spread. In the other
parts of the Qur'an, science is associated with nur (light). Thus, God guided the Arabs (those who
later followed the Prophet) from darkness to the light of science. We can understand what the
liberating consequences of this statement of science are for the Arab way of thinking. The
warnings in the Qur'an delivered by the Prophet have a great liberating impact on the Arabs and
other people.

The brief description above is enough to prove that the origin of Islam is inseparable
from its partiality and concern for the marginalized. The reason why marginal people are
attracted to Islam is that they believe Muhammad's mission will be able to free them from the
injustice of the socio-economic structure.

Besides the Prophets as a source of inspiration for liberation theology, other Prophets
were also considered to be the pioneers of change. Prophet Ibrahim, for example, was regarded
as a warrior who fought against idols who degraded dignity and values as human beings. The

104
Ministry of Religion of the Republic of Indonesia, Al qur'an and Translation "Al-Hikmah", (Bandung,
Diponegoro, 2006).
105
Asghar Ali Engineer, Islam and Liberation Theology p. 54-55
106
Surah Al Alaq:1 to 5
Prophet Moses was regarded as the liberator of his people who was oppressed by King Fir'aun 107
and even the Qur'an called him the king of oppressors (tyrannical) and arrogant (mustakbir).
Prophet Moses was appointed by God as the leader of the oppressed against the arbitrariness of
the Pharaoh. While the prophet Isa struggled to free the Jewish people from legal formalism in
his time.

Then, from among the companions of the Prophet who became a source of inspiration for
the liberation from Umar Bin Khattab and Ali Bin Abi Talib. They can be considered to be
fighters who seek to uphold social justice after the death of the Prophet Muhammad. They seek
to intensively distribute wealth fairly to the community. Umar (R) does not allow individual
wealth in matters of land to avoid domination of wealth. Ali (R) tried to distribute state tax (Bait
al-mal) fairly. For both, Islam does not only mean a charity such as a prayer and fasting, but it is
also a dynamic of social and cultural forces that cannot be separated from its daily attention to
the problems of society. The two companions of the prophet believed that Islam was a serious
project to uphold social justice. As for knowing more discursively about the discourse of
liberation in Islam we will try to see the concept of the release of Ali Shariati 108, a Muslim
scholar who was mentioned as an ideology of the Islamic revolution in Iran. Ali Shariati
analyzed that in fact in humans there are values of true humanism that are divine as moral and
religious cultural heritage. Humans are self-conscious creatures, can make choices and can
create, so that throughout history humanity tries to realize the values of humanism, even though
what it finds is bitterness and disasters when fighting evil power and oppression. In Ali Shariati's
view, all of these world ideologies have failed to free humanity and instead created new forms of
injustice and new oppression in different expressions and means. Therefore, to overcome this
social problem a new path must be sought, a third road which according to Ali Shariati can be
played by Islam.109

In this context, the idea built by Ali Shariati had conceptual closeness. He consider the
prophetic role important, especially the existence of the Prophet Muhammad in social reform.
The Prophet was not just a teacher, but also a warrior and activist who was sent to free the people
107
King Fir'aun mentioned in the Histories by Herodotus, was a king of ancient Egypt. It is probably not his name
but the title Pharaoh.
108
Ali Shariati Mazinani, (23 November 1933 – 18 June 1977) was an Iranian revolutionary[2] and sociologist who
focused on the sociology of religion. He is held as one of the most influential Iranian intellectuals of the 20th
century[3] and has been called the "ideologue of the Iranian Revolution"
109
Michael Amaladoss Asian liberation theology, (Yogyakarta: pustaka mahasiswa and insist, 2000). p. 35.
from ignorance and oppression.110 From some of the opinions above, there are several
conclusions which are important points in liberation theology. Liberation theology is basically a
scientific discipline that discusses the nature and relationship between God and humans and
other creatures. This relationship is very sacred and is related to the foundation of belief. In some
of the concepts of liberation mentioned above, it has indicated that there is an appreciation of
human freedom as independent individuals in actualizing their rights in the structure of people's
lives. Therefore, the existence of the status quo is very contrary to human freedom itself. In
liberation theology, there are at least five pillars of the liberation paradigm, namely:

1. Independence (Independence/Hurriyah), which we understand is not just

autonomy or independence of the region, but especially to the independence of
humans/people/ummah/as creatures of Allah SWT.
2. Equality (Egality/Brotherhood/Musawwamah), every human being basically has
the same position and degree, without being distinguished based on religion,
culture, social class, gender and so on.
3. Social Justice, in the social justice paradigm that is stretched, is not just equality
but rather the adequacy of conditions or basic means of life for humans.
4. Popularism (Populist), not just the love of the Nation (Nationhood/Ukhuwah
Wathoniyah), but further to love for humanity, especially those who are
marginalized. The essence of popularism is the sovereignty and empowerment of
the people.
5. Tauhid (Waḥada/Yuwaḥidu), monotheism is not only interpreted as the unity of
God but also as a unity of mankind that will not truly materialize without the
creation of a classless society.111

The five paradigms, at least have been clear, that theology is not solely dealing with the
problem of divinity, more than that the theology of liberation is able to produce a revolutionary
movement in creating equality and justice, so that it is an obligation for humans to be able to
save those oppressed and deprived of their rights, including the lower castes in India who are
shackled by their freedom in the social process.
110
This was seen when Prophet freed the people of Mecca from social and economic injustice and inspired their
followers to free themselves and other communities from oppression by the kingdoms of Roma and Sassanid.
111
Francis Wahono Nitiprawiro, Historical Liberation Theology, Method, Praxis and Its Contents, (Yogyakarta: LKis,
2000), p. xxvix.
 TOWARDS A NEW APPROACH OF ISLAM AND ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS ON
CASTEISM IN INDIA

Caste is one of the oldest and most oppressive systems in India. Without confronting this reality,
no social movement in India can effectively intervene in Indian society. Syed Abul Ala
Maududi112, as a renaissance leader, mainly sought to confront Western civilization. To be more
precise, he analyzed secular civilization from the foundations of Islam in order to save the
Muslim community from the occupation of Western civilization. Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi as
the leader of the Renaissance movement and his movement as a revolutionary Islamic movement
tried to respond to the European Renaissance, religious reform, the Industrial Revolution, the
nation - state, and the subsequent secularism, secular democracy, secular nationalism, and
capitalism that emerged in response to it.

Although Western civilizations and their ideologies had a strong influence on Eastern
societies, including India, then and now, it is understood that Syed Maududi had not made much
effort to address Indian Hinduism and its integral component, the caste system.

112
Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi: Founder of an Islamic movement (Jamath-e-Islami Movement) Islamic
scholar, Islamist ideologue, Muslim Philosopher, jurist, historian, journalist, activist and scholar active in British
India and later, following the partition, in Pakistan.
 The reason why the Islamic movement, who have taken a stand from the beginning on
issues related to modern democracy, such as the use of electoral votes, has so long never taken a
stand on caste discrimination or caste-based marriage in the Muslim community is because of the
culture in which we are confronted. When we study the heroes of the Renaissance we can
understand that this is not a mistake. Renaissances have taken place throughout Islamic history
centered on a limited problem and on a limited area. But a renaissance movement has an
Islamical and historical obligation to make it balanced and comprehensive. Only then will it
become a stable renaissance movement. Caste is an important issue that we have to address as a
propagative movement and a liberation movement in India. The movement needs to adopt
policies based on the issue of caste in propagation, community reformation, personal reformation
and socio-political interventions.

PROPAGATION:

When explaining the political content of Islam we used to mention that when the Prophet (pbuh)
summoned the Quraish113 to the hill of Safa and introduced Islam to them, Abu Lahab 114 soon
realized that this was not only a matter of abandoning the idols they worshiped, but also an
ideology that questions his authority. His fear was not only about the loss of political power but
also of his social power, his racial domination. Ibn Jarir narrates from Ibn Sa'id: Once Abu
Lahab asked the Prophet (pbuh): 'What will I get if I accept your religion?' He replied, "It is the
same with all other believers." Abu Lahab: "Is there no special benefits for me?" His Holiness:
"What do you want?” Abu Lahab said, "May the religion of equality between me and others
crumble."115

We can cite thousands of incidents of which Abu Lahab’s fear came true in history. One
of them: Amru Ibnu Aas116 sent a group of ten for Alexandia war under the commander Ubadat

113
The Quraysh are a mercantile Arab tribe that historically inhabited and controlled Mecca and its Ka'aba. The
Islamic prophet Muhammad was born into the Hashemite clan of the tribe. 
114
Abū Lahab was Muhammad's half paternal uncle. He was one of the Meccan Quraysh leaders who opposed
Muhammad and his followers and was condemned in the surah Lahab of the Quran for antagonizing Islam.
115
Tafheem ul quran: Surah Lahab: Introduction
116
Amr ibn al-As al-Sahmi  (573 – 664) was the Arab commander who led the Muslim conquest of Egypt and served
as its governor in 640–646 and 658–664.
ibn Saamith117 to the palace of Mukhawqis118 to take charge of the battle. When Mukhawqis saw
the tall and black Ubadah, he said, "Send someone else instead of this black man to talk to me.”
"On hearing this, the group said: "He is our leader. He is the best and most intelligent of us.'
Surprised, Mukhawkis asked, "How can you accept this black man as your leader? Isn't he the
downtrodden among you?" 'Never. Although the color of his skin is black, he is superior to us in
intelligence and position. Color of skin is not a criterion for anything, although black is not a
disqualification for us."119

It is at most important to present Islam as an ideology of brotherhood in India. People

need to be convinced that when they hear about Islam, that not only Allah is one, but human
being is also one. They need to be convinced that Islam is a way of life that not only includes
politics but also it is a culture of brotherhood. Along with the presentation of Islam addressing
modern ideologies, Islam must be presented in such a way that it can be understood that Islam is
the solution to caste inequality in Hindu polytheism in India.

Tawheed120 and Shirk121 in the indigenous culture should be separated as it is an important

base activity of Islamic propagation. The Holy Qur'an is the best example of this. The Holy
Qur'an thus analyzes the polytheistic tradition and the Judeo-Christian tradition of the Arab
society in which the Prophet (pbuh) interfered. Through this, the Qur'an puts forward a model of
analysis of religious tradition for every society.

If shirk and tawheed are differentiated of all religious traditions in India, its oppressive
content and liberative content will be differentiated. It does not seem to be Islamically correct to
view Indian traditions as only political. An Islamic examination of the Vedic, Buddhist and Jain
traditions reveals not only its Tawheed and Shirk, but also its liberative and oppressive elements.
The Qur'an tells us how it came to be in the Judeo-Christian religions, which promote extreme

117
`Ubadah ibn al-Samit was a companion of Muhammad and a well-respected chieftain of the Ansar tribes
confederation, who participated in almost every battle during Muhammad's era. His official title, according to
Muslim scholarly tradition, was Ubadah bin Saamit al-Ansari al-Badri for his actions at the Battle of Badr.
118
Al-Muqawqis is mentioned in Islamic history as a ruler of Egypt, who corresponded with the Islamic prophet
Muhammad. He is often identified with Cyrus, Patriarch of Alexandria, who administered Egypt on behalf of the
Christian Byzantine Empire.
119
‘Amr ibn Al-‘Aas embodies the tolerance of Islam: <https://islamstory.com/en/artical/20606>
120
Tawheed: the oneness and uniqueness of God
121
Shirk: in Islam is idolatry, polytheism, and the association of God with other deities
racism. The Qur'an also highlights its ancient holiness of pure Tawheed in their traditions. It is
not the right to completely reject the elite traditions of India or to support one polytheism against
another polytheism as a belief. Here we must carefully remember the Qur'anic statement that no
society has passed without the revealation of the Prophets.

Its greatest possibility is the ability of Islam to overcome the acute problem of racial
domination that human society has always experienced. We must not miss this possibility of
Islam by ignoring caste and raising extremism on the issue of caste. Periyar EV Ramaswamy
Naicker, a rationalist and staunch anti-casteist, says that Islam is the only effective medicine
against the caste system in India. According to Periyar, non-Islamic remedies are ointments
applied above the skin and Islam have been proven practically to be the best remedy for
casteism.

SOCIAL INTERACTIONS; FRIENDSHIP AND BROTHERHOOD:

It is important to place the emphasis of brotherhood on friendship. Friendliness without the

emphasis on brotherhood is more likely to end up as friendship only with the elite. In the
discourses on friendship, we need to persuade the community to make friendship especially with
those who are degraded in the caste system. It is not a non-political activity. True friendship has
strong anti-imperialist and anti-caste content.

POLITICS:

The objectives of the Islamic movement is not only to make human beings believers but also the
material liberation of the believers, of the non believers, of those who have been preached and
those who have not been preached are all the important activities of the movement, following the
teachings of the faith. It is only when you understand the specific reasons for the sufferings of
oppression, discrimination and try to solve it that you start to have some sustainable solution to
the problems. Caste is such a problem.

But it would be wrong and fundamentalist to think that caste alone is the cause of all
social problems in India. All those fundamentalist arguments are major obstacles of the proper
understanding of social realities. In his autobiography, Rashid al-Ghannouchi 122 writes of the

122
Rashid Ghannouchi is a Tunisian politician and thinker, co-founder of the Ennahdha Party and serving as its
"intellectual leader”. He was named one of Time's 100 Most Influential People in the World in 2012 and Foreign
limitations of the method of Maududi and Qutb 123, who seek to see the whole world through the
dilemma of Islam and Jahiliyyah: “But the Iranian Revolution taught us another lesson. That
lesson is contained in verse 5 of chapter Al-Qasas in the Holy Quran. 'But it was Our Will to
favour those who were oppressed in the land, making them models ˹of faith˺ as well as
successors; and to establish them in the land; and through them show Pharaoh, Hamân and their
soldiers ˹the fulfilment of˺ what they feared' 124 We found the solution we were looking for in this
verse, which gave us the impression that we were reciting it for the first time, and we found in
this verse a framework containing social conflict in Quran. This verse was a key and light
because it guided us on the subject of social conflict. Islam acknowledges the conflict between
the weak and the elite class. Islam is always on the side of the oppressed. Moreover, it is a
revolution for the emancipation of the oppressed all over the world. The Prophets have come to
help the weak against the forces of domination'' 125 These thoughts are from the books of Sayyid
Qutb, emphasizing the concept of conflict between truth and falsehood, between faith and
unbelief, and between Islam and ignorance. “Thus the understandment that the other causes that
were not inspired by Eastern Arabian thought in the conflict is apparent. There was another facet
of the conflict between the exploited bourgeoisie and the exploited poor. The conflict between
multinational capitalism and the poor people on a global scale and the conflict between the
masses who demands freedom and power-sharing and the monopolistic government and so on.126

Caste, race, gender, the natural exploitation of capital and the excessive power
dominance of governments are all the exact causes of human problems. Trying to summarize all
this in caste would be a repetition of the failure as the communists to try to summarize in class.
The communists failed to see Indian realities not because they approached class, but because
they approached only class. Not because there are no class issues in India, but because there are
also caste issues that do not yield to a class perspective.127

Policy's Top 100 Global Thinkers

123
Sayyid Qutb, was an Egyptian author, educator, revolutionary, Islamic theorist, poet, and a leading member of the
Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in the 1950s and 1960s.
124
Holy Quran: Chapter 28: Verse :5: Dr. Mustafa Khattab, the Clear Quran
125
Rashid al Ghannushi : Autobiography of Rashid al Ghannushi, Page:82
126
Autobiography, Page 77,78
127
T. Mohammed Velom: Indiayile jati vyavasthayum islamiga prasthaanavum; Bodhanam quarterly journal:
Vol:17, Issue No: 02
 The exploitation of the labor by the capitalists and the exploitation of the common man of
the upper castes and the lower classes by the dominant state, the unbridled exploitation of nature
and the patriarchal social order are all serious world realities as well as Indian realities. What we
need to do is to formulate a pragmatic politics that deals precisely with these issues, not focusing
on just one issue and organizing only the victims of a single issue. That politics opposes caste
domination and aristocracy just as it opposes capitalism and patriarchy. Just as the capitalist
critique is not against the bourgeoisie and patriarchal criticism is not against the males, so is the
critique of the caste dominance is not against the so called upper castes. Contradictions also arise
when the content is politics against the lack of social control over capital, against casteism and
against patriarchy. Conflicts between minority interests and dalit interests may arise, conflicts
between the interests of the poor and the interests of women may arise and it is a constant task of
our practical political work to examine these and take the most equitable stand on every issues.

Justice is the axis of our politics. Recognizing the social institutions of injustice is the
foundation of the politics of justice. It is paramount that such a politics should be value-based.
The source of the very concept of justice comes from value. It doesn’t mean to put forth the
policy that the oppressed should be given the rights to theft and corruption. At the same time,
when it comes to the power, an approach that imposes additional moral obligations to the
untouchables is contrary to the interests of justice. The question of whether the leadership and
profits of the struggle of the oppressed through such an approach will be gained by the dominant
castes themselves is also relevant. The attitude that those born into a lower caste will never be
better, is just the opposite of that those who are considered superior will never be better.
Secondly, the loss of power to the remaining oppressed, who are included in the struggle, must
be addressed through conscious representation. The way in which a politics or idealogy becomes
balanced and right is to incorporate many elements of social realities in it. It is our duty to
strengthen the unity of those who come together in such a pragmatic politics. It would be huge
blunder to destroy this fraternity and political unity through micro-political analysiser of
linguistic or others. By doing so, we are proving that justice-based multicultural politics
including the upper castes, lower castes and muslims is impossible.

PRIVILEGE:
The upper caste privilege is a political issue that is being raised by the lower caste political
discourses today. The privilege of the upper castes in Indian society is a reality. Therefore, the
argument that the upper caste should take part in the anti-caste struggle and other democratic
struggles only by abandoning this privilege is put forward by a group that has adopted the anti-
caste struggle as its sole idealogy and objective cannot be accepted by a movement which is
functioning with multi-faceted goals. First of all, this privilege is not something that can be lost if
one renounces it. This privilege enters into the social capital account of an upper caste without
any effort. It is only possible to create the maximum political awareness of it. What an Islamic
movement needs to do is to use this privilege for the three main goals:

1. Protection of Islamic propagation.

2. Security and growth of the Muslim community.

3. Security and growth of all the victims of the society.

It is appreciable to use the upper caste privilege for the emancipation of the oppressed
and set up an Islamic social order without any caste domination. In Makkah, Prophet (pbuh) used
the possibilities of elites such as Abu Talib and Mu'tim Ibnu Adiy. Had it not been for the
support of the elites, they would never have been able to protect the Prophet. With that support,
the Prophet established a social order without an elite privilege and racial domination. This
approach is called strategy and in the language of Islam it is called as hikmah128 and in the
language of Fiqh129 it is called Maslahat130. Ideology without strategy will only remain as mere
textual theory. That is why the Holy Qur'an states that Allah has given all the Prophets wisdom
along with the Holy scriptures.

BRAHMANISM OR HINDUTVA? :

The ideology of the Sangh Parivar131 is Brahmanical domination. It is only that they have
succeeded to some extent in uniting the non-Muslim and non-Christian communities under the

128
Hikmah: Arabic word of wisdom
129
Fiqh: Islamic jurisprudence
130
Maslahat is an Arabic word which is used in Islamic Jurisprudence. It is a rule in Islamic Jurisprudence which is
used in many cases. Maslahat means profit. In Islamic Jurisprudence Maslahat means doing a work in the way that
cause expediency and makes profit. 
131
The Sangh Parivar refers, as an umbrella term, to the collection of Hindu nationalist organisations spawned by
the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the political party Bharatiya Janata Party
guise of broad Hindu unity. On the contrary, their aristocratic interests along with their inhuman
attitudes such as capitalist slavery must be exposed and mobilize the masses against them.
Patriotism is another fake claim of theirs. This too has had a huge influence today. Instead of the
acceptance of the patriotism of the Sangh Parivar, the hidden agendas must be exposed to the
masses of India.

CONCLUSION:

The Islamic movements in India has great possibilities. Effective use of the filtering power of
Islamic values must be made to assimilate and balance class analysis, subversive politics,
environmental politics and feminist politics from the very solid foundations of Islam. The
anticipation of how different political perspectives can be adopted from Islamic foundations and
balanced as the suppliments of the Islamic movement must be drafted.