Commodity Case Study: Poultry Products: Chapter - 17
Commodity Case Study: Poultry Products: Chapter - 17
Commodity Case Study: Poultry Products: Chapter - 17
Raising a few poultry birds on the backyard is a common feature of the sub-
sistence farming system of Nepal, except for people of some castes who refrain
from consumption of egg and poultry meat on religious ground. This also has been
changing. While only about one-third of the farm households raised poultry birds in
1981/82, it increased to 52% in 1991/92 and to 57% in 2001-02. However, it is the
commercial sector that has been the main source of growth of the poultry sector in
Nepal and one of the fastest growing segments of the agricultural economy.
This growth in a way “reveals” the comparative advantage of the sub-sector.
The poultry industry has been able to respond fully to the rapid growth in the de-
mand for poultry meat and other products, and has also contributed to the growth
of the feed industry. That the industry was able to perform in this way in a fairly
open trading environment also indicates the competitiveness of the sector.
The paper has four purposes: (i) to examine the present situation of the poul-
try sub-sector of Nepal; (ii) to analyse the key issues affecting it; (iii) to discuss the
likely implications of Nepal’s WTO membership on the sub-sector; and (iv) to iden-
tify measures to improve efficiency and competitiveness. As a commodity cluster,
the poultry industry is also interesting from analytical and policy perspectives as the
policy measures, e.g. tariffs, need to strike an appropriate balance for support or
policy neutrality for various inputs and outputs of the industry, e.g. feeds, eggs,
meat and live birds. The importance of the industry to poverty alleviation is another
consideration in discussing policy implications.
The common definition of poultry includes avians such as chicken, quail, tur-
key and geese. However, the term “poultry sub-sector” or poultry in short in this
chapter refers to chicken and chicken egg, unless mentioned otherwise, in view of
the dominance of chickens. The term “poultry industry” refers to the entire gamut of
commercial poultry raising, feed and other ancillary industries and support services.
For simplicity, “meat” and “egg” only refer to chicken meat and egg.
As will be noted below, the analysis in this chapter has been constrained by
lack of time-series and disaggregated data, especially on trade. Hence, it was not
possible to establish firm trends. Similarly, despite the usefulness of the indicators
of competitiveness, like domestic resource costs and effective protection rates, ap-
propriate data were not available. Moreover, there is a high degree of discrepancy
between the official and private sources of data. As a result, consultation with key
stakeholders in the industry and government officials was an important part of the
methodology.
The chapter is divided into three sections. The section that follows presents
an overview of the main features of the poultry industry. It is followed by a section
that covers a range of issues facing the sector in the context of inter alia competi-
tiveness, domestic policy and WTO membership. The last section concludes.
268
THE POULTRY INDUSTRY OF NEPAL
Livestock sector accounts for one-third of the agricultural GDP of Nepal.
Within this sector poultry accounts for about 8%. Similarly, poultry meat accounts
for one-fifth of the total value of meat output in Nepal. Thus, the poultry industry still
has a relatively small base and is concentrated mainly close to the urban popula-
tion centres. The potentials, however, are high for both poultry production and in
the development of ancillary industries in other parts of the country where urbanisa-
tion is growing. Similarly, there is as yet unexplored potential for the establishment
of meat, egg and feather-based industries linked to tourism.
Nepal is considered to be self-sufficient in poultry products and in poultry
feeds although a significant proportion of the feed ingredients e.g. grains and oil
meals are imported from India (Lohani 2001). Current annual levels of production of
commercial chicks, broilers and eggs are considered enough to meet the domestic
demand for these products. The available information shows that the country is
also exporting poultry products and feed. The country seems to be a net exporter of
feeds116 and meat whereas it is a net importer of eggs.
116
The private sector has a different position on Nepal being a net exporter of feed. See footnote 118.
269
valley (i.e., Kavrepalanchok, Nuwakot, Dhading, Makwanpur and Chitwan). Two
other districts in the eastern Tarai (Jhapa and Morang) account for the remaining 4
percentage point. Recently, accessible areas around the Pokhara Valley are also
emerging as fast growing poultry areas to meet the local demand and to cater to
the tourist industry.
The number of commercial poultry farms is rising rapidly. In 2001/02, there
were 25 commercial hatcheries with a combined capacity of: 60 000 parent layers
that can produce up to 70 000 chicks per week or 3.64 million chicks per year; and
300 000 parent broilers that can produce 650 000 chickens per week or 33.8 million
broilers per year. The industry associations state that there are 800 commercial
poultry farms in different parts of Nepal, with a total flock size of 3.7 million layers
producing roughly 2.7 million eggs per day. These farms are also raising 32.1 mil-
lion broilers producing 60 tonnes of poultry meat per day. As compared with this
capacity, the actual outputs in 2001/02 as estimated by the private sector (Table 1)
are 12.2 million commercial chickens producing 38.1 million day-old chicks, 1 174
million eggs and 206 880 tonnes of meat. Similarly, feed enterprises produced
nearly 414 000 tonnes of poultry feed in that year.
270
Table 2: Size of holding and number of poultry birds per holding, 1991/92
Strata 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
Average holding (ha) 0.05 0.06 0.14 0.34 0.70 1.36 2.38 3.40 4.40 6.55 18.44
Number of birds/holding 15.6 2.6 3.1 4.0 4.5 4.8 4.8 5.5 5.2 5.3 54.2
Source: Based on CBS (1993).
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Industry employment
Although growing at a faster rate, the industry has yet to develop strong for-
ward linkages. One-fourth of the 68 000 persons estimated to be employed in the
industry are engaged in marketing of poultry products (Table 4). The number of egg
suppliers and meat suppliers within the Kathmandu Valley and its periphery alone
is reported to be 35 and 727, respectively (DLS 2003). Meat processing industry is
still in infancy, and egg processing industries and those that utilize poultry feathers
are non-existent. This also indicates future scope for expansion and diversification
within the industry.
272
the participation of the private sector (NEPA 2002), also considering the fact that
the poultry industry is increasingly concentrating in Chitwan. This proposal merits
serious consideration, along with other ideas whereby the public-private collabora-
tion can contribute to reducing the cost of health service provision by the govern-
ment as well as effectiveness. The industry reports that not all problems involve
high costs. A number of poultry diseases have been identified that can be pre-
vented with better hygiene and care, essentially an extension issue. Similarly the
“indiscriminate use of antibiotics” leading to “development of drug resistant patho-
gens” is also reported, and would require a similar solution, e.g. evaluation of pro-
biotics as a method (Dhakal n. d.). The poultry industry has been a dynamic sector
and so deserves priority attention in these and other issues.
273
The poultry industry produced a total of about 207 000 tonnes of poultry ma-
nure as a by-product, which is generally considered to be richer in plant nutrients
than the manure from other animals.
Issues on productivity
Productivity, especially the gap between the commercial and traditional sec-
tors is an important indicator to know in itself, as well as for planning purpose.
However, there is very little information on this. What is known may be summarized
as follows. Comparing aggregate statistics (e.g. Table 3), it appears that poultry
sub-sector productivity in the top ten districts is only slightly higher than that in the
rest of the country, i.e. the commercial sector could be considered to be only mar-
ginally better than the traditional sector. However, estimates of the private sector
are very different than that of the MoAC. For example, one estimate without quoting
the source or the year under reference mentions that the average egg production
per hen in commercial poultry is 200 while it is only 50 for the rest of the country
(Dhakal, T., n. d.). Despite the attempts made, it proved difficult to obtain productiv-
ity statistics from poultry entrepreneurs, partly because of the reluctance to share
this information and partly because of lack of systematic records.
Competitiveness and its sources
Commodities like chicken meat and egg typically have high price and income
elasticities of demand, and their demand is likely to rise as prices relative to other
sources of meat such as goat meat continue to remain relatively high and income
grows at a reasonable rate. Based on this analytical framework, some indicators of
competitiveness of the poultry sub-sector are discussed below. These are: i) the
sub-sector performance relative to livestock sector as a whole; ii) trends in terms of
trade (ToT) relative to prices of potential substitutes; and iii) trends in ToT relative
to major feed ingredients. The basic data used are the estimates of the MoAC. The
section also reports some analysis to gauge the competitiveness of the sub-sector
in the international market.
Figure 3
Trends in factor and product Movement of chicken meat price relative to that
prices of goat and buffalo meat and fish: 1979/80-
2002/03
120.00
Figures 3 and 4 provide
two indicators of the trend in 100.00
competitiveness of the poultry
Relative Price
80.00
sector and chicken meat pro-
60.00
duction in particular. Figure 3
shows that, barring a few 40.00
Goat Buffalo Fish
exceptions with respect to 20.00
fish; the price of poultry meat
0.00
has been falling relative to
other meats and fish. While
19 80
19 82
19 84
18 86
19 88
19 90
19 92
19 94
19 96
19 98
20 00
2
-0
-
-
79
81
83
85
87
89
91
93
95
97
99
01
274
cheapest source of commonly consumed meat after buffalo meat (DOA 2003). The
strong growth in recent years despite these declines in output prices is indicative of
the resilience of the sub-sector. It also means that the business is still paying.
Figure 4 indicates positive trend in the price of meat relative to the price of
major feed grains, i.e. a fa-
Figure 4 vourable terms of trade (ToT).
Movement of chicken meat price The prices of important
relative to that of maize and soybean: ingredients of poultry feed
1979/80-2002/03 such as maize and soybean,
160.00 which together account for
140.00 nearly 56% of the total cost of
120.00 feed ingredients (Lohani,
2002) are increasing at a
Relative price
100.00
80.00
much slower rate than the
60.00
price of chicken meat. This is
Maize Soyabean an indication of the growing
40.00
competitiveness of the sub-
20.00
sector in the domestic market.
0.00
As for egg, the ToTs are less
favourable in the domestic
19 0
19 2
19 4
18 6
19 8
19 0
19 2
19 4
19 6
19 8
20 0
2
-8
-8
-8
-8
-8
-9
-9
-9
-9
-9
-0
-0
79
81
83
85
87
89
91
93
95
97
99
01
Year
within the poultry industry,
both in relation to the price of
the two main feed grains and to the prices of goat and buffalo meat, and fish.
118
Figures published by an alternative source covering a period of over a decade but also based on the
customs data also confirm that Nepal has indeed been a net exporter of animal feed for at least a dec-
ade (DOA 2003). Yet, during the course of an interaction the representatives of the poultry industry con-
tended that the export of feed observed in the official statistics are in fact certain vitamins that are re-
quired for animal feed. These vitamins are recorded as medicines while importing and as animal feed
ingrerdients at the time of reexport. Thus the trade surplus in animal feed found in the official statistics is
due to this factor. This is yet another indication of the weakness in the existing statistics.
119
About 95% of Nepal’s total feed production (about 205 000 tonnes) is estimated to be poultry feed, fol-
lowed by cattle feed (4%). The share of the other feeds might have increased in most recent years.
275
Table 5: Trade in poultry products and animal feed (in Rs 000)
1997/98 1998/99 1999/00 2000/01
Chicken meat
Import 571 1177 609 286
Export 2577 16437 340 2588
Balance 2006 15260 -269 2302
Live poultry
birds
Import 8655 7221 13293 24141
Export 1602 1670 1750 3617
Balance -7053 -5551 -11543 -20524
Eggs
Import 24955 65197 33037 2302
Export 903 1383 741 454
Balance -24052 -63814 -32296 -1848
Animal feed
Import 68422 151807 16916 1611
Export 85565 95296 150695 243297
Balance 17143 -56511 133779 241686
Source: Department of Commerce (1999 to 2002)
Table 5 shows trade surplus in chicken meat also, with India being the sole
trading partner. Although the data are available for a few years only, this may also
be an indication of revealed comparative advantage in this product. A great deal of
information is lacking to draw firm conclusions. Thus, while it is known that trade is
bi-directional, not much is known about seasonality. Nor is there any information on
the origins and destinations of trade within India.
In the case of the eggs, available statistics lump all “bird’s egg” into one
product, but most probably these are mostly chicken eggs and the main competitor
in the Nepalese market.120 Information provided by poultry entrepreneurs indicates
that egg imports from India take place during summer and monsoon season when
domestic demand in India is low. Eggs are imported from as far as Madhya
Pradesh. On the export side, the Tibetan Autonomous Region of China is the prin-
cipal destination for chicken eggs, accounting for almost 80% of Nepal’s total ex-
port on average (with a range of 50-95%) in the recent four year period, 1999-2002.
Nepal has also exported eggs to India but further analysis is severely constrained
by lack of information on the volumes exported, seasonality and export destinations
in India.
In so far as Nepal’s position of being a net importer of live poultry birds is
concerned, the data in Table 5 need to be supplemented with additional information
on the types of birds traded and the direction of trade. The DOC data (DOC 1999 to
2002) indicate that over 50% of the value of live poultry imported is from distant
sources like the US and Europe, although India continues to be an important
source. India’s share in value terms ranged from as high as 100% in 1997/98 to as
low as 40% in 1999/2000.121
120
One exception seems to be in 1999/2000 when Nepal imported eggs from distant places like Brazil,
Germany and Hong Kong, most likely fertilized eggs for breeding purpose.
121
The industry feels that in 1997/98 “dumping” took place – the issue of import surge is discussed below.
276
Trends in the import of parent breeding stocks: By and large, the poultry
sector depends on hybrid chicks from pure line parent stocks imported from coun-
tries like Germany, United Kingdom, France and the Netherlands, while broiler par-
ents are imported mainly from India. In 2001/02, there were a total of 48 hatcheries
in Nepal that together imported 352 000 male and female breeder chicks, 50%
more than in the previous year (Table 6). Unfortunately, there is no information –
both from the public and private sources - on prices of the products imported. Since
“import of commercial chicken has not been recorded in the last couple of years”, in
the assessment of the private sector (Lohani 2002), one would assume that live
birds imported from India may also be for breeding or rearing purposes. Per unit
prices of parent and breeder stocks, which are used for breeding purpose, are
generally very high compared with commercial birds. Considering this price differ-
ential the country may actually be exporting relatively larger numbers of commer-
cial birds. Thus the negative balance of trade in live chicken could be attributed to
this difference in the type of birds traded. A corollary that emerges is that Nepal
may also have some comparative advantage in the export of commercial birds and
in the export of chicken meat. This is another area in which close monitoring and a
deeper analysis is needed before drawing any firm conclusion.
The issue of import surges and dumping: There have been several com-
plaints by the Nepalese poultry industry that Nepal frequently faces import surges
of poultry products from India, often with marked negative effects. For instance, the
data in Table 5 had shown that the import of live poultry almost doubled in 1999/00
and again in 2000/01. This phenomenon, i.e. sudden and sharp rises in imports, is
known as import surge (see Chapter 10 on Import surge). Further, the industry
claims that the main reason for the surge is “dumping”, i.e. Indian producers export-
ing poultry products at below “cost of production”.
Similar allegation is made in the case of the day-old chicks. According to a
private sector estimates the import of day-old chicks from India in 1997/98 alone
amounted to 7 million birds, or a weekly average of 132 thousand chicks. It is
equivalent to one-third of the total domestic supply (Lohani 1998). These imports
came from five hatcheries located in West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar
Pradesh states of India. It is further believed that the Indian producers target the
Nepalese market during summer and monsoon seasons when there is a demand
slump for chicks in India (Lohani and Amatya 1998). Being surplus, the marginal
cost of these chicks is little during those months, and so any export would help the
277
industry to recoup some of the fixed cost.122 On those occasions, Nepalese hatch-
eries are forced to sell at prices far lower their own cost of production, with the re-
sult that a number of them, particularly the smaller ones, are becoming bankrupt.
One estimate put the total loss to Nepalese hatcheries at Rs 104 million (Lohani
1998). The industry also feels that eggs (white eggs) are also frequently dumped at
prices below the cost of production.
122
The DoC data show that the total value of live birds imported in that year was Rs. 12.1 million, which
gives the per unit import price of the day-old chicks at about Rs. 1.73 per bird. This is considered very
low by the industry, indeed less than half the production cost.
123
For example, like most other agricultural products, poultry meat and egg are exempt from the VAT, and
so are most ingredients used in animal feed including poultry feed and other products that are generally
used in poultry.
278
high, indirect costs in the form of the time spent for administrative process and as-
sociated “hidden” costs in registering a firm are often high. Although these apply to
all commercial agricultural firms, the point is that these expenses are not insignifi-
cant in the overall cost of production.
In addition, the Environment Protection Act 2053 (1996) requires any poultry
firm with a capacity of more than 2 000 birds to conduct an initial environmental ex-
amination (IEE) and environmental impact assessment (EIA) before it is registered.
The same applies to subsequent expansion (LBMB 1997). Although desirable, the
industry feels that the associated direct and indirect costs of establishment and ex-
pansion are high, given the way the government machinery functions. Currently,
the approval can be obtained from Kathmandu only. The egg association, NEPA
has pleaded to decentralise the IEE and EIA process to the district level (NEPA
2002).
Issues related to the Animal Feed Act 2033 (1976): This legal instrument
and policies that emanate from it also affect the poultry industry directly. Section 10
of this act empowers the government to set feed quality standards through notifica-
tion (LBMB 1999). The poultry entrepreneurs hold that the present standards are
outdated and irrelevant for the present day commercial operation, and there is a
need to update the standards, with active consultation with stakeholders.
The second issue vis-à-vis this law is related to implementation. The regula-
tory mechanism to check feed quality, although provisioned in the law, is opera-
tionally very weak and often exacerbated by insufficient and poorly equipped labo-
ratories for analysis. Due to these weaknesses, imports of low quality and often re-
jected materials from India find an easy way into Nepal against the spirit of the ex-
isting law. Addressing both these issues, which are within the legal jurisdiction of
the government, requires active co-operation of the stakeholders. Unless these are
effectively addressed, Nepal’s benefits from the WTO membership would be un-
dermined, and indeed Nepal could stand to lose if the current situation continues.
Animal Slaughterhouse and Meat Inspection Act 2055 (1999): This Act
and the policies that emerge from it have implications on the poultry industry, espe-
cially chicken meat sub-sector. Although not enforced as yet, the law has several
provisions relevant for the industry. Of immediate concern are its stipulations that:
establishment of abattoir and trading in meat without licence is forbidden (Section
3); the government shall establish a slaughterhouse in a designated place124 in Ne-
pal or issue licence to do so to the non-governmental sector (Section 4); conditions
and fees shall be specified for issuing such licence (Section 5); only a university
graduate in veterinary science can be designated as meat inspector and supervisor
(Sections 6 and 7); all animals must be inspected in a designated place prior to
slaughtering (Section 8); animals must be slaughtered in slaughterhouses, and
where such slaughterhouse does not exist, at a place designated by the supervisor
(Section 9); and the meat of the animals so slaughtered should be inspected prior
124
The wording of the clause is such that it implies establishment of a single slaughterhouse, which, as is
clear from the wordings of Section 9 of the act, is not the intention. Yet, this oversight skipped the atten-
tion of all those who were involved in the entire process of legislation.
279
to sale (Section 10). While these provisions are not inconsistent with the WTO
rules, effective implementation should give due consideration to the need for a
genuine decentralization in order to address some issues raised by the private sec-
tor concerning the import of diseased animals for meat, although this will keep in
check meat prices in Nepal.
280
Table 7: Current applied duties and WTO bound rates on poultry products
and feeds
Products Current applied tariffs (%ad valorem) WTO bound tariff
Customs ODCs2/ (% ad valorem)
Duty Rate Removal by: Initial Final 1/
Live poultry 10 2/ 9.5 2013 45 30
Poultry meat –Fresh and frozen 10 4.5 2005 60 40
Poultry meat-cuts and offals frozen - - - 60 35
Feather (for stuffing) 5 2.5 2005 30 20
Maize and Maize flour 10 9.5 2013 50
Rice bran 10 4.5 2005 50 40
Soybean 10 9.5 2013 50 30
Molasses 25 n.a n.a n.a n.a
Fish meal 10 4.5 2005 50 40
Animal feed 5 2.5 2013 45 30
Ingredients for animal feed 1 n.a n.a 45 30
Limestone 1 n.a n.a n.a n.a
1/ For import from India the Basic Tariff figures are replaced by Agricultural Reform Duty @ 10%
ad valorem.
2/ Tariff on the parent stocks imported on the recommendation of the Nepal Hatchery Industry
Association is only 1%.
Source: DOC (2001a) and the following years’ Finance Bills.
Finally, there are no export duties on any of the poultry products. Two feed
ingredients, namely rice bran and molasses, are however subject to export duty at
the specific rate of Rs. 0.25 per kilogram.
281
Feeds may be a source of comparative advantage: Nepal is a net ex-
porter of animal feed, and, interestingly, the main export market, India, is also the
main supplier of imported feed ingredients. As nearly 95% of the domestic feed
produced is poultry feed, most of the “animal feed” reported in the trade statistics
implies poultry feed. Given this situation, it would be difficult to confirm that the
source of “high” domestic cost of poultry production is indeed the high cost of feed
pointed by the private sector. Hence the concern of the private sector regarding
free entry of poultry products and high domestic cost of production because the in-
dustry is based on imported raw materials for feed production could not be estab-
lished. On the contrary, available circumstantial evidences suggest that the source
of Nepal’s competitiveness in poultry products is its feed industry. This ambiguity is
yet another example of a lack of dependable information.
This implies that Nepal should explore for the cheapest possible source of
feed ingredients, which need not be India since Indian markets are highly regu-
lated. For example it could be cheaper to import soybean, produce soybean oil as
well as soy meal within Nepal also. If the size of import consignments is a con-
straint, concerned associations may need to pool resources for bulk buying from
the cheapest source and at times when prices are the cheapest, for being and re-
maining competitive.
Diversification of export markets: Nepal currently exports live poultry, and
meat and edible offal of poultry although the export of the former has declined sig-
nificantly due to growing domestic demand. However, potentials exist to expand
domestic production and export of poultry products to neighbouring countries such
as the Tibet region of China while trading with India is likely to be governed by bi-
lateral agreements. WTO membership will further expand that opportunity if the
Nepalese producers can effectively compete in the international market.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
One key message of this study is that Nepal’s poultry sub-sector in general
and the poultry industry in particular is one of the fastest growing segments of the
economy, and that the potential for further growth of the sub-sector for both domes-
tic and export markets appears to be high. Despite some two-way trade with India,
a feature common to many commodities, the country is considered to be “self-
sufficient” in poultry products as a whole. While Nepal could be a net exporter of
meat and feed, it is a net importer of eggs. The following paragraphs summarise
some of the main issues that need to be addressed in order to realise these poten-
tials.
Statistics: A recurring point made throughout the chapter is the wide varia-
tion in all major statistics, e.g. poultry and feed production and trade volumes, be-
tween the private sector and government source. This serious lack of quality statis-
tics not only hinders sound policy making and planning but also trade negotiations
when disputes, such as on import and export surges, arise between trading part-
ners. Addressing this problem is fully a government responsibility. The specific ar-
eas where information was found to be weakest were: volumes of imported prod-
ucts disaggregated by product type, customs points from which the products are
282
imported and exported, seasonality of external trade in various products and cost of
production. As various government agencies are already collecting closely related
information, e.g. Departments of Customs and of Agriculture, CBS, Nepal Rastra
Bank, the incremental cost of collecting appropriate information would be rather
marginal. What is required is for the MoAC to take the lead in ensuring that the re-
quired data are collected by these agencies. Also very importantly, what is usually
forgotten that the private sector can make valuable contribution to this process
since it is also in their own interest to ensure the accuracy of statistics.
283
the medium to long run, and for this the country has to develop requisite capacity to
compete internationally. The country’s export would have to meet internationally
accepted quality and standards while being price competitive.
Responding to the problem of import surges: The statistics on this phe-
nomenon discussed in the preceding section clearly showed that Nepal faces this
problem frequently, notably in case of day-old chicks and eggs. The industry seems
to have a fairly good idea of the source of the import surge, reasons and the impact
on the Nepalese poultry industry. By contrast, there has been very little response
from the government side, e.g. in collating statistics, analysing the impact and re-
sponding to the problem.
As discussed in Chapter 10: Import Surges, this problem is recognized by
the WTO Agreements and there are several provisions on trade remedy meas-
ures. In the case of Nepal, there are many problems in responding to the problem.
First, available statistics are patchy and weak to even establish that import surges
have occurred. While the main source of the surge is India, there are no volume
data on imports, which are essential because a surge cannot be established on
value data on imports. There are no price or unit import value data either. Second,
as discussed in Chapter 11: the Nepal-India Trade Treaty does not have an objec-
tive basis for establishing a surge nor for responding to the problem, other than
discuss the matter with India at periodic trade meetings.
While the above reflects the ground reality for Nepal, it is true that the WTO
framework provides at least three trade remedy measures (e.g. anti-dumping). The
problem is that resorting to these measures is very demanding in terms of statis-
tics, institutional capability and legislation, all missing currently in Nepal. Nepal
does not have access to the simpler agricultural safeguard of the AoA, although
Nepal would have access to the presumably similar Special Safeguard Mechanism
being negotiated as part of the Doha Round, once Nepal completes accession im-
plementation period. Even more important, these instruments will not be useful for
the problem being discussed here because the surges are coming from India under
a bilateral trade agreement with its own provision on safeguard measures, as said
above.
Thus, Nepal is basically very vulnerable to the problem. Although it is a long
way ahead, it is urgent that Nepal makes efforts without any delay in at least the
following two areas: i) to put in place a statistical system that helps in monitoring
trade and import surges; and ii) to develop capability to quantify the impact of the
surge. These together would provide credible evidence needed for discussing the
matter during bilateral trade meetings, as well as in the WTO context. Other related
measures needed include enacting appropriate legislation.
The planned introduction of the anti-dumping law and its effective enforce-
ment may be able to address some of the concerns in this respect. Similarly, effec-
tive enforcement of the existing legal provisions concerning animal quarantine may
be able to address the issue of imported unhealthy buffaloes that are contributing
to depress chicken meat prices as has been raised by the NEPA. By the same to-
284
ken, it will be unrealistic to assume that these measures will be able to fully nullify
the forces of the market especially considering the open porous border.
The localized nature of import surges, i.e. surges in one area and surplus in
others, indicates weak integration of the domestic markets. Increased integration
obviously reduces the magnitude of the negative impact. So one of the response
measures would have to be integrating domestic markets. This is not a simple task
and requires efforts in a number of areas, notably transport infrastructure, espe-
cially rural roads, provision of market information and abolition of measures that
hinder movement of goods across Nepal. The strengthening of vertical and
horizontal linkages also helps, e.g. linking the feed industry with soybean oil
industry.
Competitiveness with Indian suppliers: Besides being an advantage in
many respects, the long and porous border with India has also been a source of
disruption to Nepalese agricultural markets. It is well known that India has an com-
petitive edge over Nepal in many agricultural products, on account of factors such
as much more developed infrastructure and economic base in all respects, sub-
stantial subsidies provided to the Indian farmers and the fact that Nepal has to bear
extra transport cost on imported raw materials. Moreover, the immense size of the
Indian market relative to that of Nepal means that Nepal is effectively a price taker
with little room for influencing domestic relative prices. The question is what can be
done to be competitive given these parameters? One aspect is being import-
competitive, i.e. being competitive with Indian poultry products in the Nepalese
market itself. The other is responding to occasional import surges.
Analysis of effective protection to various sub-sectors: The poultry in-
dustry as a whole includes several products and production processes. Many prod-
ucts of a sub-sector are also inputs to other sub-sectors. Given this, nominal tariffs
– e.g. applied rates or bound rates – provide only partial information on the state of
protection or taxation of the commodities and sub-sectors. For example, where
feed ingredients, feeds and poultry products are taxed at different rates; it is difficult
to determine the exact level of protection to a commodity, e.g. eggs or live poultry.
Therefore, some analyses are required on the levels of protection given by policies
to all major outputs of the poultry industry. This information is valuable for informed
debates on policy issues and to answer such questions as the following. Whether
poultry products are essentially taxed because of the taxation on feeds? Should
Nepal provide uniform effective protection to all poultry and feed products or to pro-
tect them selectively?
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