Integrated Vocabulary of Mobilian Jargon
Integrated Vocabulary of Mobilian Jargon
Integrated Vocabulary of Mobilian Jargon
EMANUELJ. DRECHSEL
248
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EMANUEL 249
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250 ANTHROPOLOGICALLINGUISTICS 38 NO. 2
The basic word order of Mobilian Jargon was X/OsV (with X representing ad-
verbial phrases, O direct and indirect objects, s pronominal subjects, and V
verbs), which derived from analogous constructions with pronominal prefixes
in Muskogean and other Gulf languages. Instead of the SOV order conven-
tional to Muskogean languages, multiple-argument pidgin sentences with
nouns as subjects probably followed X/OSV by analogy with pronominal con-
structions, as can be reasoned on several grounds. Speakers of Mobilian
Jargon also used function words, such as pronouns, and the negative in many
ways unusual to speakers of vernacular Muskogean languages. Except for
single words and short phrases, Mobilian Jargon, also known as an6pa e"la
'a/the different language', was unintelligible to speakers of Muskogean lan-
guages without considerable exposure to it, by which they eventually deduced
its particular grammar or perhaps learned it like any other second language
(Drechsel 1993).
Substantial differences notwithstanding, Mobilian Jargon shared many
fundamental grammatical patterns with Muskogean languages (as evident in
phonology, word formation such as compounding, and syntax). These serve as
one among several arguments for the suggestion that the "Chickasaw-Choc-
taw trade language" was interrelated with the Muskogee-based lingua franca
Creek and probably with a third, Apalachee-based contact medium, spoken by
members of the former Creek Confederacy and their neighbors in colonial Ala-
bama and Georgia, respectively. For both, historiographic research must first
uncover additional evidence; but by currently available indications, these Mus-
kogean-based contact media shared fundamentally similar grammars, and
their differences were primarily lexical in nature, reflecting the interference
from the speakers' first languages. Whereas Mobilian Jargon drew on West-
ern Muskogean languages as principal sources for its vocabulary, the lingua
franca Creek relied foremost on Eastern Muskogean languages (such as Mus-
kogee, Alabama, and Koasati) for its lexicon (see Drechsel 1983).1 The lingua
franca Apalachee, about which little is known, perhaps took an intermediate
linguistic position between Mobilian Jargon and the lingua franca Creek.2
However, at no point did any of these varieties, given their diverse multilin-
gual contexts, derive its vocabulary from a single source or the same lan-
guages. Mobilian Jargon fed not only on Choctaw or closely associated dialects
(Munro 1984), but reflected a few Chickasaw or related influences among its
Western Muskogean elements as well (Drechsel 1987a). In addition, the pidgin
included numerous words from Eastern Muskogean languages, most of them
Alabama or Koasati variants of Western Muskogean equivalents,3 and incor-
porated several "exotic" loans of Algonquian origin (Crawford 1978:63-75;
Drechsel 1985). Considering that Mobilian Jargon extended into the Missouri
River valley, future research may yet show loans from northern Siouan lan-
guages, especially among the etymologically unidentified entries in Ezra
Stiles's vocabulary of 1794 (cf. section 3; for entries of Algonquian origin as
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252 ANTHROPOLOGICALLINGUISTICS 38 NO. 2
Western Muskogean
(Choctaw or Chickasaw) 643 (almost 73%) 248 (49.9%)
Eastern Muskogean
(Alabama or Koasati plus
any other Eastern Mus-
kogean language) 18 (2%) 82 (16.5%)
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254 ANTHROPOLOGICAL
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256 ANTHROPOLOGICALLINGUISTICS 38 NO. 2
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260 ANTHROPOLOGICAL
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Vinnie May Humes (1973) with their partially phonetic, partially English-
based transcription.
Entries, comparative data, and any other accompanying information ap-
pear in the general format outlined here:
GLOSS(ES)(any essential grammatical information and numbering of any two or
more words by the same gloss) entry in Mobilian Jargon ("any early attes-
tation" [reference]) - any phonological variation(s) ("any early attestation"
[reference]) < Name of possible source language(s) actual source term(s)
'gloss(es)' only if different from that in MobilianJargon (bibliographicreference,
including any GLOSS necessary for the easy location of comparative information)
> Name of possible recipient language actual borrowing (written in regular
orthography for European languages) plus any additional relevant information
(bibliographicreference)
Some Mobilian Jargon words have two or, in a few instances, multiple English
glosses, listed as separate entries (with any cross-references deemed useful)
unless they are closely related synonyms. Conversely, there are entries with
more than one Mobilian Jargon equivalent for the same English gloss. If these
multiple forms derive from a single word in one and the same source language,
they are considered phonological variations in Mobilian Jargon, and make up
only one entry. If, on the other hand, variations reflect obvious lexical differ-
ences (such as distinct etymologies within the same language), or derive from
different source languages, they appear as separate lexical entries, listed
alphabetically and numbered consecutively.
For an illustrative example (except for information on borrowings from
Mobilian Jargon in another language), consider the entries for SMALL,LITLE:
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following consonants:
* voiceless stops p, t, and k plus the asymmetrical voiced bilabial stop b; the
latter also occurred as a voiced allophone of p, just as [g] did for the velar stop
k;
* the voiceless palatal affricate c, which had apical-alveolar [~] and alveolar
[c] variants;
* voiceless fricatives f, 1, s, s, and h, of which s and s often appear as
variants of each other, with the intermediate alveolar and apical-alveolar
variants of [s] and [4] (see Crawford 1978:77-78);
* nasals m and n; and
* nonnasal continuants w, 1, and y plus a rare r-like sound, apparently
limited to a few words of non-Muskogean origin such as rehkan (?) 'hole' (<
Tunica rihkuniri 'hole in a tree' [Haas 1953:250]) and segaret 'cigarette' (<
French or English); w and y, on the basis of their distribution at the syllable
level, functioned mostly as semiconsonants in Mobilian Jargon rather than as
semivowels.
With r as an infrequent exception, this inventory of consonants confirms
Paul du Ru's observation that Mobilian Jargon lacked a voiced alveolar stop
and an r-like sound (see du Ru 1700:9-10, 1934:8-9). Nor is there any indica-
tion of a distinctive glottal stop, which occurs in Chickasaw (written with the
symbol 'in comparative data below).
For vowels, Mobilian Jargon speakers distinguished e, a, and o, which var-
ied considerably in their phonetic realizations:
* e could change in height from [I] to [e], as illustrated in corresponding
French spellings of ie and ai, and even extended to [i] and occasionally to [a].
The front vowel exhibited a greater range in its height than the corresponding
front vowel in Muskogean languages, due to interference from the speakers'
first languages. This vocabulary uses e as a median representation of the vary-
ing front vowel instead of i as customarily employed for Muskogean languages.
* Similarly, speakers of Mobilian Jargon pronounced a variably as [a], [a],
[A], or-on rare occasions-[o]. According to Geoffrey Kimball (p.c. 1989), one
speaker often pronounced a even as [o].i°
* o could take the shape of [I], or, at times, of [u] or [o].
In a few instances, I recorded [a] as a variant of all three basic vowels in un-
stressed position. Such schwa variations were comparatively rare and prob-
ably exceptions rather than the rule, for the simple reason that its wide use
would have obliterated already minimal vowel contrasts. In addition, speakers
whose first language was English diphthongized e, a, and o, a feature that re-
mained phonemically insignificant, but immediately revealed their identity.
Generally, the pronunciation of vowels depended not only on stress, which
varied considerably depending on the speakers' first languages, but also on
their length, which remained phonologically nondistinctive in Mobilian Jar-
gon. Moreover, vowels could occur variably with nasalization, represented with
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262 ANTHROPOLOGICALLINGUISTICS 38 NO. 2
VD. b (g)
FRICATIVES f 1;s (-) s h
NASALS m n
LIQUIDS 1;(r)
GLIDES w y
The basic vowels of Mobilian Jargon assumed the positions given in table 3.
Low a
The symbols in tables 1 and 2, plus the diacritic tilde marking nasalization in
vowels, serve as a basic orthography for the current Mobilian Jargon vocabu-
lary, occasionally supplemented with more detailed phonetic transcriptions as
necessary.
In the English-Mobilian Jargon section, glosses appear in capital, and
grammatical or function terms (such as the acknowledgment, diminutive,
negative, and vocables) appear in italicized capital letters for distinction. For
convenience, the vocabulary also makes use of the following symbols or marks:
t dagger, identifying reconstituted items without independent modern recording.
- mid-line tilde (or wave), distinguishing phonologicallyvarying forms.
/ slash, separating a choice of entries, resemblances, or source languages.
(..) parentheses, used for early attestations or special references.
[..] brackets, functioning as parentheses within parentheses. (Brackets indicate a
phonetic transcription only in those instances of early attestations or comparative
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The third section of the vocabulary lists a few words and phrases of dubi-
ous or unidentified origin, whose confirmation or reconstitution must await
further research, followed by etymological indices that identify Mobilian Jar-
gon words by their most likely sources other than Choctaw or general Western
Muskogean. The final portion serves as an index to the English-Mobilian
Jargon section. It includes both distinctive and nondistinctive variants, but ex-
cludes early attestations and resemblances in source languages for reasons of
economy.
The total number of both modern and reconstituted terms amounts to
about 1,250 entries, which its speakers undoubtedly supplemented by com-
pounding and borrowing as new and special needs arose. This vocabulary
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264 ANTHROPOLOGICALLINGUISTICS 38 NO. 2
constitutes a sizable body of words for a pidgin, one long thought to have been
extinct at that. In spite of the incomplete nature of Mobilian Jargon's lexical
inventory, the available historical documentation from the anonymous Essai is
sufficiently rich to demonstrate not only its consistency with modern record-
ings of the pidgin and with comparative data for related source languages, but
also the feasibility of systematic philological reconstructions for such a contact
medium. Additionally, the vocabulary shows considerable richness in its diver-
sity of semantic domains: personal welfare; family and kinship; home, neigh-
bors, and the larger community; the natural environment, subsistence, and
work; travel, transportation, and trade; entertainment and games; and, con-
flict and defense. Although arbitrary, these semantic dimensions confirm
Mobilian Jargon's use in everyday affairs and its highly utilitarian nature;
they also relate directly to the multilingual contact situations among linguis-
tically diverse southern Indians and with immigrant groups, namely, colonial
Europeans, Africans, and their American descendants. The focus of the lexical
diversity referring to the speakers' immediate environment, both natural and
human, and to their daily lives, further agrees with Mobilian Jargon's function
as a sociolinguistic buffer. Yet the predominance of terms for tangible phe-
nomena in Mobilian Jargon does not permit a conclusion that its speakers
were incapable of expressing abstract notions or ideas; terms pertaining to
morals, religion, and the supernatural world prove otherwise, as do historical
attestations of the same topics. All in all, the available vocabulary confirms
multiple usages and manifold social contexts for the pidgin, as indicated by
historical and ethnographic evidence. Its lexicon further substantiates con-
siderable etymological variation, reflecting contributions from the speakers' di-
verse first languages, and lends indirect evidence in support of a broader,
multilectal definition of Mobilian Jargon, including the lingua francas Creek
and Apalachee of colonial Alabama and Georgia.
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[A]) < CH tapak (M), CHI talhpak 'bean', CHI bala' 'bean' +
'winnowing basket' (MW), AL CH/CHI/AL tohbi 'white', HI
talhpak 'winnowing basket' -tohbi 'blind' (M: FOG)
(SHM) if "tapack" is interpreted BEAN(2) ttobe (?; "balla-toube" [A] if
as a synonym to "kiche" rather "toubd"is interpreted as a
than as a compounding element synonym to "balla" rather than as
BAT (n.) tpale ("pallai" [A]) < CH a compounding element) < CH
palih 'flying squirrel', CHIpali' tobi (M)
'flying squirrel', AL pall 'flying BEAR(n.) neta ("nita" [A])
squirrel' (M) < AL/KO/AP/CH nita, CHI nita'
BATHE tyope ("hioupe" [A]) (M)
< CH/CHI yopi (M) BEARD (1) tnotakhed ("notakiche"
BATTLE see FIGHT(n.) [A]) < CH/CHI notakhii (M)
BAYOU(1), CREEK,RIVER(2) bayok BEARD (2) tpijde (?; "pange"
< CH bayuk (Read 1963 [1931]:82) [Bourgeois 1788:297]) < CH ippisi
contracting to CH bok 'brook, 'hair of the head', CHI ipp ~i' 'hair
creek, stream, river' (B), CHI bok of the head' (M: SWEEP)
'river' (Humes and Humes 1973). BEAT (v.), STRIKE (v.), FIGHT (v.) (3)
In contrast to its Western Mus- bole ("boule" [A]) < CH bo:-li 'to
kogean sources, Mobilian Jargon hit more than once', CHI bo'-li 'to
bayok apparently preserved an hit more than once' (M)
archaic pattern similar to that of BEAUTIFUL, GOOD-LOOKING tpesa
ta(y)ek 'female; woman, lady, wife, adokoma ("pissa-ha tchoucouma"
girl, Indian woman' in relation to [A]) < CH/CHI pisa 'to see' + CH
contracted tek. > Louisiana acokma 'good', CH/CHI cokma
French "le bayou" 'a sluggish 'good', AL co:kma 'good' (M)
stream that is smaller than a BEAUTY tciokoma ("tchoucouma" [A])
river and larger than a coulee' < CH/CHI cokma 'good', AL co:kma
[i.e., a small periodic stream or 'good' (M)
natural drain ditch]" (Read 1963 BECOME ANGRY tnokowa
[1931]:82) with variant spellings ("noukouha" [A]) < CH nukowa 'to
of "bayouc"and "bayouque,"plus be angry' (B), CHI inokowa 'to
"bayuco" in American Spanish yell at, bawl out' (MW)
(Armistead and Gregory 1986:22) BED (1) tanose ("a-noce" [A])
and "bayou" in English < CH/CHI nosi 'to sleep' (M)
BAYOU (2) tbok ("bouk houk" [A] BED(2) ttopa ("toupoua" [Bourgeois
interpreted in terms of vowel 1788:296]) < CHI/MU/OS topa,
lengthening rather than CH topah, SE topa 'table' (M)
reduplication) < CH bok 'brook, BEE tfoheike eska (?; "fouhi-shke
creek, stream, river' (B), CHI bok oueska" [A]) < CH foishke 'honey
'river' (Humes and Humes 1973) bee' (B), CHI fohi' ishki' 'queen
BE THIRSTY te~ka bana (?; "eshka bee' (MW) + CH aiiska 'fixed,
bana" [A:103]) < CH/CHI isko 'to regulated, put in order' (B)
drink', AL/KO isko 'to drink' + BEER bea < English "beer"
CH/CHI/AL/KO banna 'to want' BEFORE see IN FRONT OF
(M) BEHIND tbalaka ("balaka" [A])
BEAD t6ksop ("honc soupe" < MCH oba:laka 'buttocks', CHI
[Bourgeois 1788:297]) < CH/CHI aballaka' 'in back of' (M: IN BACK
oksop, ALokcopi (M) OF)
BEAK see NOSE(2) BELIEVE yem(m)e < AL/KO/CH/CHI
BEAN(1) tbala tohbe (?; yimmi (M)
"balla-toube" [A]) < CH bala BELLY(1) ttakoba ("tacauba" [A]) -
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< CH/HI lokfi 'dirt', CHI lokfi' aionasha 'seat, chair' (B) +
'dirt', MI lokf-i 'clay' + CH/CHI CH/CHI binili 'to sit', AL/Ko
apa 'to eat' (M). Read (1940:547) bini:li 'to visit' (M: SIT)
presumed the resemblance be- CHEAT see TRICK (v.)
tween the buffalo's back and the CHEESE tpedek paska
carp's as the source of this com- ("pichik-pasca" [A]) < CH/CHI
pound, which might apply in the ipsik 'breast' + CH/CHI paska
case of some varieties. Another, 'bread' (M)
more likely reason for the associa- CHERRY tlek6e ("lektch6" [A]) < CH
tion of tnane lokfapa with licking alikdi in itti alikci 'cherry tree',
is the particular behavior of carps CHIalikdi'in itti' alikci' 'cherry
of grubbing in the mud on the tree' (M)
bottom of shallow waters and CHERRYTREE tete lek6e
feeding on various vegetables. ("it6-lektche" [A]) < CH itti alikci,
CARRY,BRING tWale ("chall6" [A]) CHIitti' alikci' (M)
< CH ga:li 'to carry, haul', CHI sa:li CHEW thoprisa ("opansa" [A]) < CH
'to haul', sa'li 'to carry on the hopasa, CHIhow~isa(M)
back' (M: CARRYIN THE ARMS) CHICKEN (a)k~ika - kIk&
CASPURGOtnane hata ("nanni-atta" ("kankan" [A]) < CH akhka, CHI
[A]) < CH nani 'fish', CHI nani' akanka', ALaka:ka (M)
'fish' + CH hata 'pale', CHI -hata CHICKEN EGG(1) (a)k&ik(a) ose -
'white' (M) tklg ode ("kangouche" [A]) < CH
CAT (1) kate <English "cat" or akhka 'chicken', CHI akanka'
"kitty," Spanish "gato" (sg.), 'chicken', AL aka:ka 'chicken' + CH
"gatos" (pl.) (?; M) > AL/KO/MU osi 'son', diminutive in com-
kati (M) pounds, CHI osi' 'son', diminutive
CAT(2) kato ("kato" [A]) < Spanish in compounds, AP osi 'child' (M)
"gato" (sg.), "gatos" (pl.) (M) > CH CHICKEN EGG(2) (a)kiha posko --
kato(s), Biloxi katu (Haas (a)kdka poiko& - k~Iki poiko£
1968:78), Timucua gato [kaikj puskus] (Crawford
(Granberry 1987:103, 133) 1978:82) - kldk6poikos [kaZko
CATCHA COLD see COUGH(v.) pos~kos](Crawford 1978:82) < CH
CATERPILLAR, WORM,INSECT akhaka'chicken', CHI akanka'
tisoe
("chonch6" [A]) < CH sogi 'insect' chicken', AL aka:ka 'chicken' + CH
(M: WORM) poskos/poskos 'child',CHIposkos
CATFISH tndkedwana 'dear baby', AL posko:si 'child' (M)
("nank6chohana" [A]) < CH CHICKEN FEATHER hege
tki
nakishwana (B) ("kankan-hich6" [A]) < CH akhka
CAI'FLE see COW(1) 'chicken', CHI akanka' 'chicken',
CEMETERYthohpe ("haufpe," AL aka:ka 'chicken' + CH hili
"haulp6" [A]) < CH/CHI hohpi 'to 'body hair, fur', CHI hisi' 'body
bury' (M) hair, fur, leaf, feather' (M)
CHAIN ttale balale (?; "tallai CHICKEN HAWK(1), HAWK akak abe
tchalale" [A]) < AL/KO/CH tall < CHIakank-abi', CH khk-abi, AL
'stone, rock', CHI tali' 'stone, rock', aka:k-ibi (M) < CHakhka
HI/MI tal-i 'stone, rock' + CH/CHI 'chicken', CHI akanka' 'chicken',
canalli 'to roll' (M) with l - nasal AL aka:ka 'chicken' + CH/CHI abi
possibly reflecting a variation of 'to kill' (M)
Choctaw dialects (Mary Haas in CHICKEN HAWK(2), HAWK tbeyaka
Crawford 1978:124, note 14) ("bihanca" [A]) < CH biykaka, Ko
CHAIR,SEAT tayona~a benele biyakka,AL biy~ik(M), AL biyakha
("ahounacha-benile" [A]) < CH (SHM). Haas (1958:247) observed
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anompa 'word, language' + CHI ila CH/CHI holo 'to put on shoes' +
'different', CH ilah 'different one' some CH/CHI nominalizer s), a
(M) borrowing from Cherokee
MOBILIAN JARGON(2) 6ahta u:la:su:lo 'his shoe', or French
("Cha hta" [Gatschet 1886:11]) - "soulier" 'shoe' (M: PUTONSHOES)
data < AL/KO/CH cahta MONDAYnet(t)ak hollo taha - tak
'Choctaw', CHI cahta' 'Choctaw', hollo taha < CH nittak hollo
MU ca:hta 'Choctaw' (M) 'Sunday', CHI nittak hollo'
MOBILIAN JARGON(3) yam(m)a - 'Sunday' + CH/CHI taha 'finished,
yamai - yam6 (Crawford 1978: all gone' (M)
96) - yoma [yoma] (Geoffrey MONEY sonak ("sonac" [A]) - s~onak
Kimball p.c. 1989) < CH/CHI - lone [Io:nE] (Crawford 1978:89)
yamma- 'that' (M); cf. Tonkawa < Nipissing conia 'money' with c
yamas 'lips' and Tunica ydna 'to for [4], Ojibwa joniia /io:niya:/
speak, to talk' (Crawford money' and joniiag /io:niya:k/
1975:275-76). > Ko yamdi 'silver pieces', Round Lake Ojibwa
'Mobilian trade jargon' (K), AL so:niya:hka: 'money is plentiful;
yami 'Mobilian (jargon)' (SHM), it's "treaty time"', Eastern Ojibwa
and Louisiana French "Yama" so:neya: 'money', Menomini
'Indian', at times with pejorative su:niyan /su:niya:n/ 'silver,
connotations (Gregory 1982:19). money, coin, dollar' or shu nien,
This term for 'Mobilian Jargon' ssu hien, and similar renderings
also is one of the many words with money', Cree sooneyow
the phonological sequence or /so:niya:w/ and sooneyan 'money,
syllable of ya pertaining to the silver', sooneyas /so:niya:s/
semantic category of 'mouth' in 'shilling, small silver coin', and
Southeastern and other American sooneyowu kisew/so:niya:wahke:s
Indian languages, interpreted in iw/ 'silver fox' or soniyaw 'silver',
terms of sound symbolism soniybwiw 'it is of silver', soniyans
(Crawford 1975). small piece of silver',
MOBILIAN JARGON(4) yoka andpa soniyawikamik 'bank', and
< CH/CHI yoka 'captured' (M: soniydwakkesiw 'silver fox', Plains
HOLD,CATCH)+ CH an6pa 'word, Cree soniyaw or soniyawa
language', CHI anompa 'word, money', and Miami ioli /io:li/ or
language' (M) /so:lia/'money' and wapikilolia
MOCCASSIN (1), SHOE(4) tmagasen/ 'silver ring', Fox /o:niya:hi/
tmogasen (?; "manggasin" or money', and Penobscot /sblsis/
"mauggasin" [Stiles 1794:91; cf. medal, medallion, silver amulet'
Sherwood 1983:441]) < Menomini with phonemic renderings
mahkE:sen,Ojibwa makkisin, provided by Frank T. Siebert (in
Penobscot maksan, Cree maskisin Crawford 1978:74), who has also
(Aubin 1975:85), Mahican midksen explained these words as loans
'shoe' (Masthay 1991:125), from Spanish sol 'silver coin',
Munsee mdihksan 'shoe' (Goddard jornal 'earnings, wages', and jola
1982:28), Powhatan mahkesen money' with j pronounced as [s]
(Siebert 1975:381), St. Francis in sixteenth-century Spanish (for
Abenaki mahkessen (Day 1964), details, see Crawford 1978:
and Miami-Illinois tmahkisini 72-74); cf. Kickapoo sooniaah-
(Costa 1993) money' (Voorhis 1988:118) and
MOCCASSIN (2) tjolos ("tchoulouche" Miami-Illinois tiooli (Costa 1993).
[A]) < CH/CHI dolos 'shoe' (< > CH asonak 'a vessel made with
CH/CHI (i)&(t)- instrumental + brass or tin', CHI asonnak/
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[A]) < CH ibaiyi 'nephew' (B), CHI of heaven, highest point' (B)
ibayyi 'nephew, niece' (MW) + CH NORTH tfalame ("falamd" [A])
ti:k 'female, woman', CHI -ti:k < AL/KO/CH/CHI falammi (M)
'female', AL/KO tayyi 'female, NOSE(1) besane-- beiane <AL/KO
woman', HI/MI tayk-i 'female, ibisa:ni (M)
woman' (M) NOSE(2), BEAK tbedak(a)ne
NIGHT(1) tnenalk ("ninack" [A]) ("bdchak-and" [A]) < CH ibidakni
< CH/CHI ninak (M) nose' (M)
NIGHT(2) tanka < KO tanka NOSE(3) bolokfa (?; apparently also
'darkness, afternoon', AL tanka a curse word, given without any
'dark' (M) further explanation or
NIGHT(3) see EVENING(3) etymological source) <
NINE 6ak(k)ale ("tchacale" [A]) NOSE(4) tmekel (?; "miquil"
< AL/KO/CH cakka:li, CHI cakka'li [Bourgeois 1788:297]) < CH
(M) minkilish 'English' (adj., n.; B)
NINETEEN pokol(e) awa dak(k)ale NOT (e)lko ("qshaw" [Dresel 1920-21
- awa 6ak(k)ale < CHpokko:li (1837-41):407]; "ekcho," "kcho"
'ten', CHI pokko'li 'ten', AL pdkko:li [A]; "a ksho" in "tene a ksho"
'ten', KO pokkoli 'ten' + CHI awa 'don't know' [Gatschet 1885:24])
and', CH/KO awah 'and', AL < CH/CHI ik-£-o 'to be none', AL
-awah- 'and' + CH/AL/KO ikso 'to be none, empty', KO ikso
cakka:li 'nine', CHI cakka'li 'nine' 'zero', KO ikso 'not to exist' (M: BE
(M) NONE)
NINETY(1) pokole 6ak(k)ale <CH NOTGOOD(1), BAD(2) (a) 5okmakdo
pokko:li 'ten', CHIpokko'li 'ten', 5okmikio ~c6okmokdo
KO pokkoli 'ten', AL pdkko:li 'ten' tdokomakdo ("tchoucouma-
+ CH/AL/Ko cakka:li 'nine', CHI kcho" [A])- ekao
t5okoma
cakka'li 'nine' (M) ("tchoucouma-ekcho" [A])
NINETY(2) pol 5ak(k)ale <Ko pol- 6ek(a)makdo < CH (a)cokma
'ten' + AL/KO/CH cakka:li 'nine', 'good', CH/CHI cokma 'good', AL
CHI cakka'li 'nine' (M) co:kma 'good' + CH/CHI ik-4-o 'to
NO (e)k.o ("qshaw" [Dresel 1920-21 be none', AL tikso'to be none,
(1837-41):407]; "ekcho," "kcho" empty', KO ikso 'zero' (M: BE
[A]) < CH/CHI ik-g-o 'to be none', NONE)
AL ikso 'to be none, empty', KO NOT GOOD(2), BAD(3) tekdo ("exsho"
ikso 'zero', KO iks5 'not to exist' [Stiles 1794:110]) < CH/CHI
(M: BE NONE) ik-&-o 'to be none', AL ikso 'to be
NOMORE taha < CH/CHI taha none, empty', KO ikso 'zero', KO
'finished, all gone' (M) ikso 'not to exist' (M: BE NONE)
NOISE thaksoba ("oksouba" [A]) NOTMUCH,LITZTLE BIT(2), SCARCE,
< CH haksobali 'to be too loud for', RARE tlawa ek/o ("laoua-ekcho"
CH haksobalici 'loud, noisy', [A])- lawakdo ("laoua-kcho"
CH/CHI haksobaci 'to make too [A]) < CH/CHI/AL lawa 'many' +
much noise for', AL haksoba:ci/ CH/CHI ik-4-o 'to be none', AL
aksoba:ci 'to make noise' (M: ikso 'to be none, empty', KO ikso
LOUD,NOISY) zero' (M: BENONE)
NOON,MIDDAY tabokoa NOTHING taieko ("enchickcho" [A])
thase
("atchi-tabouka" [A]) < CH hasYi < CH/CHI ~ia 'to dwell, be located'
sun', CHI hadi' 'sun', AL/Ko/ + CH/CHI ik-g-o 'to be none', AL
MU/SE hasi 'sun', HI/MI ha:s-i ikso 'to be none, empty', KO ikso
sun' (M) + CH tabokoa 'meridian, zero' (M: BENONE)
noon, midday, middle of the arch NOW(adv.) (he)maka < CH himaka,
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AL himdi:ka, CHI himmaka' (M) ONE'S telap ("illap" [A]) < CH ila:p
NOW(excl.) see WELL(excl.) 'oneself, by oneself', CHI ila:po'
NURSE(v.) (1), MILK(v.) (2), SUCK(v.) 'oneself, by oneself (M)
tpede ("piche" [A]) < CH/CHI pisi ONION tMadona ("chatchounnenah"
'to nurse', AL/KO pisi 'to nurse', [A]) < CH shachuna (B)
Mu/OS ipisi 'breast' (M) OPEN(V.)(1) tewaple < KOtiwapli,
NURSE(v.) (2), MILK(v.) (3), SUCK(v.) AL/KO tiyapli (M)
pedek ("pichik" [A]) < CH/CHI OPEN(v.) (2) twakamme
ipi.ik 'breast' (M) ("ouakhamme" [A]) < CH
NUT(1) tos(s)ak ("ossack" [A]) < CH wakammi (B)
ossak 'hickory', CHI osak 'hickory' OPOSSUM tdokhata ("choukata" [A])
(M) < CHsokhata, CHIsokhata',
NUT(2) see PECANNUT AL/KO sokhatka, MU/SE
sokha-hatka (M)
ORANGE(adj.) lakna - lagana
O < CH/CHI lakna 'yellow' (M)
ORANGE(n.) ttak6 lagana
OAK(1) tete nosape/tete nosafe (?; ("taconte-lagana" [A]) < CH
"ite-nouss-hafe" [A])- tnosape takkon 'peach' + CH/CHI lakna
("nouss-hape" [A]) < CH itti 'tree, 'yellow' (M)
wood', CHI itti' 'tree, wood' (M)+ ORPHAN taltak(a)la ("alte-tacala"
CH nusapi 'oak', CHI nassapi' 'red [A]) < CH altakla, CHI altakla'
oak' (MW) (M)
OAK(2) ok < English "oak" OTHER(1), ELSE ela < short form of
OAK(3) see WHITEOAK CHilamika 'different and
OAR see STAKE separate', CHI fla 'different', CH
OCEAN oke sepe < AL/Ko oki 'water', flah 'different one' (M)
HI ok-i 'water' + CH sipi 'old' (M) OTHER(2), ELSE ela < CHI fla
OFF see AWAY 'different', CH ilah 'different one'
OH tma ("ma-" in "mataha" 'oh... (M)
perfect [one]' [de Villiers OTHERSIDE tmeda tanap ("micha
1923:225]) < CH ma exclamation, tanappe" [A]) < CH mida 'that
'oh' (B), CHI ma 'listen! hush!', AL beyond', CHI mida' 'that visible
md: 'look out! hey! wait!, KO mah over there' (M: THATFAROFF)+
'listen! (M: LOOKOUT,LISTEN) CH -tannap 'other side', CHI
OLD sepe ("sipi" [A]) < CH sipi (M) tannap 'other side' (M)
ONE(1) adaf(bfa ("atchafa" [A]) < CH OIER todan ("oushanne" [A]) < CH
acaffa (M) oian, KO/MU/SE osana, HI/MI
ONE(2) tadofa/tadafo (?; "atchota" osa:n-i (M)
[du Ru 1700:46, 1934:32] with the OUT OF BREATH tfeyopa taha (?;
second t as a likely misspelling for "tihiaupataka" [A] with the initial
[fl and an apparent vowel t and the k as likely misspellings
metathesis) < CHI caffo', CH for [f] and [h] respectively) < CH
acaffa (M) fiyopa 'to breathe' + CH/CHI taha
ONE(3) 6af(f)a ("tchafa" [A]) 'finished, all gone' (M)
< CH/CHI/KO caffa, AL cdiffa:ka OWL thopa ("haupa" [A]) < CHI
(M) ho:pa, CH hopah, AL/Ko/Mu/
ONE-EYED tnesken 6afa (?; SE/OS opa (M)
"nichekine-kata" [A] with t as a ox twaka hobak ("ouoka-houback"
likely misspelling for [f]) < CH [A]) < Spanish "vaca" + CH/CHI
nilkin 'eye', CHI igkin 'eye' + hobak 'castrated; sterile one' (n.;
CH/CHI/KO caffa 'one' (M) M)
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CHIcomak doti' (M: CONTAINER) to:li 'to play ball', AL t6:li 'to play
< CH/AP hakcoma 'tobacco', AL ball', CHI to'li 'to play ball' (M)
hakcomma 'tobacco' + CH soti PLAYCARDS(v.) tholeso tole
'earthen pot', CHI soti' 'crock' (M: ("olliso-toll6" [A]) < CH/CHI/AL
CONTAINER) holisso 'speckled, written; book' +
PIROGUE see BOAT CH/KO to:li 'to play ball', AL t6:li
PISTACHIO twahya ("ouhahia" [A]) 'to play ball', CHI to'li 'to play ball'
< CH wa:ya 'peanut' (M) (M)
PISTOL(1) talambo (Crawford 1978: PLAYING CARD test baska holeso
90; "talambo" 'gun' [Bourgeois ("chide-pasca olliso" [A])- teat
1788:296]) < CH tanipo 'bow, baska ("chide-pasca" [A])-
gun', CHI tanampo' 'bow, gun' (M) tholes(s)o ("houllisso," "olliso"
with l - nasal possibly reflecting [A]) < CH isht baska 'card used in
a variation of Choctaw dialects games, pack of cards' (B) +
(Mary Haas in Crawford 1978: CH/CHI/AL holisso 'speckled,
124, note 14) written; book' (M)
PISTOL (2) tanap ose < CH -tannap PLENTY see MANYand MUCH
'other side', CHI tannap 'other PLOW(v.) tlok(e)fe basle
side' + CH osi 'son', diminutive in ("loquife-bachel6" [A]) < CH/HI
compounds, CHI osi' 'son', lokfi 'dirt', CHI lokfi' 'dirt', MI
diminutive in compounds, AP osi lokf-i 'clay' + CH/CHI basle 'to cut
'child' (M) (with a knife), mow', Ko basli 'to
PISTOL(3) ttandbo deto strike downwards, break glass to
eklo
("tananbo-tchito ekcho" [A]) < CH make a wood-smoothing tool,
tanlipo 'bow, gun', CHItanampo' make fire by friction' (M), AL basli
'bow, gun' + CH cito 'big', CHI 'to strike stone to chip or produce
hicito 'big' (pl.)+ CH/CHI ik-£-o sparks, flake stone, shatter a
'to be none', AL ikso 'to be none, bottle to get slivers' (SHM)
empty', KO ikso 'zero' (M: BE PLOW(n.) tehan eit bada (?;
NONE) "hiharnesh bacha" [A]) < AL/Ko
PISTOL (4) ttandbo poikoi ("tananbo iha:ni 'land' + CH/CHI
pouchecouche" [A]) < CH tanapo instrumental prefix ist-, AL
'bow, gun', CHI tanampo' 'bow, instrumental prefix ist- (M: TAKE,
gun' + CH poikoi/poskos 'child', BRING) + CH basha 'sawn, cut,
CHIposkoi 'dear baby' (M) carved,.., plowed; gash, incision,
PISTOL (5) tanrip(o) ose < CH taruipo mark, cut with a saw or knife' (B),
'bow, gun', CHI tanampo' 'bow, CHI basha 'to be sawed, be oper-
gun' + CH osi 'son', diminutive in ated on, have an operation' (MW)
compounds, CHI osi' 'son', PLUCK ttehle ("tehil6" [A]) < CH/CHI
diminutive in compounds, AP osi tih-li (M)
'child' (M) PLUM ttak5 ode ("taconte-ouch6" [A])
PITCHFORK tfalakto ("falakto" [A]) < CH takkon 'peach' + CH osi 'son',
< CH/CHI/AL/KO falakto 'forked' diminutive in compounds, CHI osi'
(M) 'son', diminutive in compounds,
PLACE katema < CH katima 'where, AP osi 'child' (M)
anywhere' (B) POCKET see BAG(2)
PLANK see BOARD POISON(v.) thek~ k eit abe (?;
PLANT (v.) thokbe ("oktche" [A]) "hiquinquichetab6" [A]) < CH
< CH/CHI hokci (M) hikikina 'to stand about, walk
PLATE tiphata ("anpatta" [A]) <CH about, attend to some little busi-
amphata (B) ness' (B), CHI hikkik~lya'to stand
PLAY(v.) ttole ("toll6" [A]) <CH/KO and walk around' (MW) + CH/CHI
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TALLOW twaka bela ("ouoka billa" THAT (3) see THIS (1)
[A]) < Spanish "vaca" + CH bila THEIR (e)lap < CH ila:p 'oneself, by
grease, gravy', CH/CHI bila 'to oneself, CHI ila:po' 'oneself, by
melt, dissolve', AL bila 'to melt' oneself (M)
(M: MELT) THEIRS telap ("illap" [A]) < CH ila:p
TALLOW CANDLE,DIPCANDLE tneya oneself, by oneself, CHI ila:po'
wak (?; "novoc" [Bourgeois 1788: oneself, by oneself (M)
296]) < AL niya 'fat, grease', CH THERE see THAT(1) and THIS(1)
niya 'to be fat' (M) + Spanish THEY (e)lap < CH ila:p 'oneself, by
"vaca" oneself, CHI ila:po' 'oneself, by
TANNEDHIDE ttatlko ("talco" [A]) oneself (M)
< CH/CHI talko (M) THICK tsotko (?; "solko" [A] with I as
TEAL tfo6os deto eko an apparent misspelling for [t])
("foutious-tchito-ekcho" [A]) < CH/CHI sotko (M)
< CH/CHI focos 'duck' + CH cito THIGH(1) tey(y)e (?; "yse" [Bourgeois
'big', CHI hicito 'big' (pl.) + CH/CHI 1788:297]) < CH iyyi 'foot', CHI
ik-4-o 'to be none', AL ilkso 'to be iyyi' 'leg, foot', AL/KO iyyi 'leg,
none, empty', KO ikso 'zero' (M: BE foot', MI iy-i 'foot' (M: LEG)
NONE) THIGH (2), BUTITOCK(S)(4) tobe
TEAR(n.) tneiken oke ("haube" [A]) < CH/AL obi (M)
("nichekine-oke" [A]) < CH niskin THIN(1), LIQUID tsotko ekeo (?;
'eye', CHI iskin 'eye' + AL/KO oki "solko-ekcho" [A] with 1 as an
'water', HI ok-i 'water' (M) apparent misspelling for [t]) -
TEAR APART (v.) tlelle (?; "kilhallai" tsotkokdo (?; "solko-kcho" [A]
[A]) < CH/AL lilli 'to tear', with I as an apparent misspelling
CH/CHI/KO lillici 'to tear' (M) for [t]) < CH/CHI sotko 'thick' +
TEAT see BREAST CH/CHI ik-s~-o 'to be none', AL
TELLA LIE see LIE(v.) fkso 'to be none, empty', Ko ikso
TEN pokole ("pocole" [Dumont de zero' (M: BENONE)
Montigny 1753, vol. 1:203]; THIN (2) ttapaske ("tapaske" [A])
"pocaule" [A]) < KO pokkoli, AL < AL/CHI tapaski (M)
pokko:li, CHpokko:li, CHIpokko'li THING tnana ("nana" [A]) < CH nana
(M) (B), CHI nana (Humes and Humes
TESTICLESttalop ("taloupe" [A]) 1973), CHI nanna 'something', CH
< CH/CHI -talop 'testicles' (M) nina 'something' (M: SOMETHING,
TETER see SKIN ERUPTION WHAT)
THANK YOU tyakoke ("yacco-auke" THINK, REFLECT tanokfele
[A]) < CH yakoke 'expressing ("anokfile" [A]) < CH/CHI
thanks or pleasure, when spoken anokfil-li, AP anokfilli 'to think'
quickly' (B), CHI yakkookay 'thank (M)
you' (MW) THIRSTY see BE THIRSTY
THAT (1), THERE ma <AL/KO/MU/ THIRTEEN pokol(e) awa todena -
OS/MI ma (M), Chitimacha ma- awa todena < CH pokko:li 'ten',
'there, yonder; in a place distant CHIpokko'li 'ten', KO pokkoli 'ten',
but familiar to the speaker', AL p6kko:li 'ten' + CHI awa 'and',
Atakapa ma 'a considerable CH/KO awah 'and', AL -awah-
distance away' (Gursky 1969:94), 'and' + CH tocci:na 'three', AL/KO
Natchez maa-k 'there' (Munro toccf:na 'three', CHI tocci'na 'three'
1994:209) (M)
THAT(2) yam(m)a (in answer to THIRTY(1) pokole todena - ttoiena
'Which one?') < CH/CHI yamma- pokole ("tautchina-pocaule" [A])
(M) < CH pokko:li 'ten', CHI pokko'li
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HI ok-i 'water' + CH/CHI colok feuma" [A]) < CH isht fama (B),
'hole' + CHI kali 'spring, well', CH CHI ishfama' 'switch (for whip-
kalih 'spring, well', AL/KO okkali ping)' (MW) < CH/CHI instru-
spring, well' (M) mental prefix ist-, AL instrumen-
WELL (excl.), NOW(excl.) tta ("ta" [A]) tal prefix ist- (M: TAKE,BRING)+
< AL tdi(SHM), KO ta 'thank you', CH fama 'whipped, flogged,
KO ti 'thanks a lot' (sarcastic; K), chastised, scourged, lashed,
CH ta adverb of time, doubt, and punished, chastened; whipping'
surprise (B), CHI taa 'okay, all (B), CHI fama 'to be whipped'
right, oh, come on!' (exclamation (MW)
showing resignation, irritation, or WHIP(n.) (2) ttokata/tilokata
even excitement)' (MW) ("schloukoatta" [A]) < MCH lokata
WEST thase opeya ("atchi-oupihia" (M: CRACK A WHIP)
[A]) < CH hasi 'sun', CHI hasYi' WHISKEY (1) oka home < CH
sun', MU/SE/AL/KO hasi 'sun', oka-homi, CHIoka' homi' (M)
HI/MI ha:s-i 'sun' + CH oppiya < CH oka 'water, liquor' (B), CHI
evening' (M), AL opiya 'to be late' oka' 'water, other liquid, liquor'
(SHM), CH/CHI obya 'to be (MW) + CH/CHI/AL homi 'bitter',
evening, be the eve', MI opya- 'to KO ho:mi 'bitter' (M)
be afternoon' (M) WHISKEY (2) toka lowak ("aqua
WET(v.)
tlasa
eska ("latcha-eska" liwak" [Gatschet 1885:24]) < CH
[A]) < CH laca 'wet' (M) + CH oka 'water, liquor' (B), CHI oka'
aiiska 'fixed, regulated, put in 'water, other liquid, liquor' (MW)
order' (B) + CH/CHI lowak 'fire' (M)
WET(adj.), DAMP tla(a ("latcha" [A]) WHISKEY (3) oke home < Ko okhd:mi
< CH laca (M) (K), AL okiimi (SHM) < AL/KO oki
WHAT(1), WHICH nanta ("nanne-ta" 'water', HI ok-i 'water' + KO ho:mi
[A]) < CH nata, CHI nanta (M: 'bitter', AL homi 'bitter', CH/CHI
SOMETHING)> AL n6nti 'what homi 'bitter' (M)
(did you say)?' (archaic; SHM)? WHISKEY(4) oke homma (Crawford
WHAT(2) nase (Geoffrey Kimball p.c. 1978:91) < AL/KO oki 'water', HI
1989) < AL/KO na:si (M: ok-i 'water' + AL/KO/CH/CHI
SOMETHING) homma 'red' (M)
WHEEL(1) 5analle < CH/CHI canalli WHISKEY (5) oke losa (?) < AL/Ko
'to roll' (M) oki 'water', HI ok-i 'water' + CH/
WHEEL(2) t'anha ("tchananha" CHI losa 'black' (M)
[A]) < CH/CHI canaha 'to spin, WHISKEY (6) see BRANDY
roll' (M: WAGON) WHISTLE (v.) ("konta" [A])
tksta
WHERE katema ("cotteema" [Dormon < CH kota, CHI konta (M)
n.d.])- katemo (Crawford WHITE (adj.) (1) hat(t)a ("atta" [A])
1978:88) < CH katima (B) < CHI -hata 'white', CH hata 'pale'
WHICH see WHAT(1) (M)
WHIP (v.) (1) bole < CH bo:-li 'to hit WHITE(adj.) (2) toh(o)be < CH/CHI/
more than once', CHI bo'-li 'to hit AL tohbi, HI -tohbi 'blind' (M:
more than once' (M) FOG)
WHIP(v.) (2) tfama (?; "feuma" [A]) WHITE OAK tete 6elpa(ha)pe (?;
< CH fama 'whipped, flogged, "ite-tchelpa-hape" [A])-
chastised, scourged, lashed, tdelpa(ha)pe (?; "tchelpa-hape"
punished, chastened; whipping' [A]) < CH itti 'tree, wood', CHI itti'
(B), CHI fama 'to be whipped' 'tree, wood' (M) + CH chilhpat(h)a
(MW) 'Spanish oak' (B)
WHIP(n.) (1) teit fama (?; "eurche WHITEPERSON(1), WHITEPEOPLE
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Alabama
African-Americanwoman (2), bread (3), brother (2), current, enemy, friend (1), gallon,
rope (3), today (1), turkey (2), wrestle
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326 ANTHROPOLOGICAL
LINGUISTICS 38 NO. 2
Alabama-Koasati
African-American (1), afternoon (2), axe (1), baby (1), black (adj.) (1), blackberry (1),
body (2), bullfrog (2), buttock(s) (1), coat, corn (1), day (1), dirty (2), drown, eye (3), fast
(1), give (2), good (2), hand (4), handle (2), horse (3), hot (2), leg (2), lie down (1), male
(2), match (1), mineral water, night (2), nose (1), open (1), people (2), powder, raccoon
(1), rain (v.) (1), rain (n.) (2), rope (1), sleep (1), snake (1), stomach (1), stop (1), strong
(1), this (1), tie (1), vinegar, what (2), whiskey (3), wine (1), yes (1), young (1), your (1)
Algonquian
baby (2), bobcat, chicken hawk (2), eye (1) and (2), gourd, hominy (1), legging(s) (2),
moccassin (1), money, nerve, pecan nut (2), persimmon (2), uproar
Chickasaw
arm (2), axe (3), bad (1), Biloxi Indian, bird (1), eye (1) (originally from Algonquian),
feather, hand (2), monkey (for constituent order), name (2), run (2), star (1), string (1),
throat, plus components in compounds for: finger, finger ring (1) and (2), fingernail, fist,
hand (3), row (v.), storm, thumb
European
beer (< English), bit (< Dutch via French), cat (1) and (2) (< Spanish), cigarette (<
French, English), coffee (< Spanish, French), cow (1) (< Spanish), cow (3) (< French?),
foot ailment (< English), hat (< French), Indian (1) (< French), mother (3) (< English),
mother (4) (< French), nickel (< French), oak (< English), rice (< Spanish), silver (1) (<
Spanish), Spaniard (< Spanish), stake (< Spanish), stomach ache (< English), vest (<
Spanish)
Koasati
eighty (2), hundred (1), hunger (3), hungry, mother (1), name (1), ninety (2), pea,
peanut, seventy (2), sixty (2), thirty (2), thousand, twenty (2), two hundred (1), vagina,
watermelon (4)
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1996 EMANUELJ. DRECHSEL 327
Muskogee
chief (1), dog (2), fire (2), Great Spirit (2), hand (1), horse (1), house (1), meat (2), shoe
(3), stocking(s) (1), sun (1)
Other
arm (1) (< Chitimacha?), hole (2) (< Tunica), small (3) (< Apalachee)
Uncertain or Unidentified
breechcloth (2), circle, dog (2), foot (1), moccassin (2), nerve, nose (3), shoe (1), sting,
stocking(s) (2), tear apart, tobacco (2), VOCABLE (2) and (3)
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B C
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EMANUEL 335
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340 ANTHROPOLOGICAL
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t0olos moccassin
tsolo0 &aha boot
t&(?) you (sg., pl.); INSTRUMENTAL tsolo0 kamas(s)a (?) shoe
tsadona onion tsom5 moss
tiakba alpesa right side gonak money
tsakbatena wildcat gone money
tsakle crawfish dopek bowfin, mudfish
tialaklak goose tiote pot
tiale to carry, bring goval Indian
tiana to twist, wring t0ka to smoke
Japo hat tkane(?) ant, elbow
tsatale to swell t~ololo quail
t~ata Mobilian Jargon tioe caterpillar, worm, insect, fly
sawe raccoon tiste (?) star
dawe hat(t)ak ape, monkey tit INSTRUMENTAL
tsikolo(k) (?) cypress
t 5kolo(k) anoka (?) cypress grove
t~sehma to dress T
tiekala pearl
tieke buzzard tta well (excl.), now (excl.)
tsela dry; dryness ttabage mourning
tselle comb tabe leg
tdelokwa toad taboke belly
tiesekode gourd, calabash, gourd taek female; woman, lady, wife, girl,
rattle, rattle, drum Indian woman
t edekowa gourd, calabash, gourd ttaek alota pregnant; to conceive
rattle, rattle, drum ttaek elap (?) wife
t~aloko horse ttaek hawe prostitute, whore
ikefa axe taek hemeta girl
&la Here you are! Hello! Howdy! taek homma Indian woman
Welcome! taek losa African-Americanwoman,
glado fish Black woman
tflokata whip taha completed, finished; no more;
tiloko horse past; PAST
gno you (sg., pl.), your (sg., pl.) ttaha perfect
s'oba horse tahi PAST
gobol(l)e smoke, fireplace, chimney ttahne to rise
tsoha to stink tak hollo week
goka pig, hog tak hollo bale (?) Friday
tgokaneya lard tak hollo klana (?) Thursday
tokane (?) ant, elbow tak hollo nakfed Saturday
tiokatte frog tak hollo taha Monday
tsokbo blanket tak hollo tokolo mega Tuesday
tiokda bag, pocket, saddle bag ttaka nagane man
gokha pig, hog ttaka nakne man
t~okhaneya lard ttakale buckle; to hang
tsokhaobe ham takalosa African American, Black (n.)
tiokhata opossum takaloga African American, Black (n.)
tiokobo blanket ttakag(g)e spleen
oklse watermelon takce to tie; rope
tgolop devil ttakde (?) to tie down
golog shoe taklosa African American, Black (n.)
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Notes
Acknowledgments. This publication is a revised and slightly expanded version of
what has already appeared under the same title in the University of Hawai'i at Manoa
Working Papers in Linguistics, vol. 26, and accompanies the publication of a compre-
hensive linguistic and sociohistorical description of Mobilian Jargon (Drechsel in press).
In compiling this vocabulary I have relied on the assistance of many individuals and
several institutions. In particular, I wish to express my gratitude to those persons who
taught me Mobilian Jargon or about it: the late Bel Abbey, Chief Martin Abbey, the late
Carrie Barbry, the late Nathan Barbry, the late Clementine Broussard, Dennis Cole,
Dazary Fuselier, John Gidlow, the late Elsie John, Deo Langley, Boston Obe, and
especially the late Lessie B. Simon, one of the last fluent speakers of the pidgin.
Recognition is also due the late Arzelie Langley and Leonard Lavan, neither of whom I
had the privilege to meet, but whose voices have survived in James M. Crawford's
recordings. Moreover, I am indebted to those who have helped me interpret the pidgin,
especially the late Jim Crawford, Hiram F. Gregory, the late Claude Medford, and
Ernest Sickey. For assistance in my archival research over the years, I recognize
several libraries: in particular, the Memorial Library of the University of Wisconsin-
Madison, the Library of the Wisconsin State Historical Society (Madison), the Newberry
Library (Chicago), the Special Collections of the Howard-Tilton Memorial Library,
Tulane University (New Orleans), the interlibrary loan office of the University of
Oklahoma Library (Norman), the interlibrary loan office of Hamilton Library at the
University of Hawai'i at Manoa (Honolulu), and the Library of Congress (Washington,
D.C.). Special acknowledgments are due John Aubrey of the Newberry Library and
Sally H. Drake of the Interlibrary Loan Office of Hamilton Library for their generous
help. My research has also benefited from valuable comparative data and inter-
pretations by Karen M. Booker, David J. Costa, J. L. Dillard, Ian F. Hancock, Geoffrey
D. Kimball, John E. Koontz, Pamela Munro, Thurston Dale Nicklas, and Robert L.
Rankin. The vocabulary's format has been improved with suggestions from Frederic G.
Cassidy, William W. Elmendorf, Douglas R. Parks, Albert J. Schiitz, and an anonymous
reviewer.
Funding for various stages of this research has come from the following insti-
tutions: the Werenfels-Fonds der Freiwilligen Akademischen Gesellschaft der Stadt
Basel (Switzerland), the University of Wisconsin-Madison, the Newberry Library in
Chicago, the National Institute of Mental Health (National Research Service Award 5
F31 MH05926-01/02), the University of Georgia, the Phillips Fund of the American
Philosophical Society in Philadelphia (two grants), the University of Oklahoma, and the
University of Hawai'i at Minoa.
I have received permission to quote linguistic data or selected passages from the
following manuscripts: Essai sur quelquesusages et sur l'idiomedes Indiens de la basse
Louisiane, by an anonymous author, courtesy of the Special Collections of Howard-
Tilton Memorial Library, Tulane University, New Orleans; an English translation of
this manuscript entitled An Essay on the Language on [sic] the Indians of LowerLouis-
iana, courtesy of the Gilcrease Museum, Tulsa, Oklahoma; Miami-Illinois Dictionary,
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use among Spanish Indians in southern Florida around 1836 to 1840, and made refer-
ence to Spaniards and African Americans speaking "Seminole"in 1841. Alanson Skin-
ner (1913:63) similarly noticed a trade jargon composed of Muskogee, Spanish, and
English among the Seminole of the Everglades and the Big Cypress Swamp in 1910,
just as William C. Sturtevant (1971:112) observed an incipient, partially Muskogee-
based jargon in use by Mikasuki with non-Indians. References to a traders' "patois"
drawing principally on Muskogee and English vocabularies and accompaniedby occa-
sional samples, some rather stereotypical, appear in historical documentation for a
period as a late as the 1930s (see, e.g., Kersey 1975:vi,35, 66-67, 75, 82, 90, 95, 99, 104,
110-11, 113-14, 120, 123, 136, 139, 178). Since the mid-nineteenth century, this con-
tact medium had apparentlybecome increasingly relexified with an English vocabulary
in semi-autonomous African-Americancommunities associated with Seminole Indians.
Descendants of Africans, Seminole and other Southern Indians eventually acquiredby
way of creolization some form of this Muskogee-English pidgin as their first language,
which they continued identifying as "Creek"or "Seminole."Until recently, a so-called
Afro-Seminole Creole survived in isolated communities on Andros Island in the Baha-
mas, in eastern Oklahoma,and in the vicinity of Nacimiento on the border of Texas and
Mexico (Hancock 1980a, 1980b).
3. For examples, see the duplicate or even multiple synonyms for the following
entries: AFRICANAMERICAN,AFRICAN-AMERICAN WOMAN,AXE,BABY,BIG, BLACK(adj.),
BLACKBERRY, BODY,BREAD,BROTHER,BUFFALO,BUTIOCKS,CAT(although originally a
loan from Spanish), COOK,CORN,DAY,DIRTY,DOG,EAR,EIGHTY,EYE,FAST,FIFTY,FISH,
FORTY,FRIEND,FROG,GET,GOOD,HAND,HANDLE,HORSE,HOT,HUNDRED,HUNGER,LEG,
MATCH,MILK,MOTHER, MOUTH,NAME,NIGHT,NINETY,NOSE,OPEN,PEOPLE,PIG,RACOON,
RAIN (v., n.), ROAD,ROPE,SEVENTY,SHIRT,SIXTY,SLEEP, SNAKE,STAND(UP), STOP,
STRONG, THIRTY, THOUSAND, TREE, TWO HUNDRED, WATER, WHISKEY, WOMAN, YES, and
YOUNG.
4. This vocabulary incorporates a few words that are identifiable as the lingua
franca Creek on good sociohistorical grounds from documents by Austrian settlers to
early colonial Georgia (see Urlsperger 1735, 1738; for further discussion, see Drechsel
in press: chapters 8 and 9). I identify these entries for those skeptical of my hypothesis
that the lingua franca Creek is an eastern variety of Mobilian Jargon: BREAD(1), DOG
(2), FIRE(2), GREATSPIRIT(2), HAND(1), HOUSE(1), MEAT(2), SHOE(3), STOCKING(S)
(1),
and SUN(1). Note that not all of these words are derived from Muskogee, with BREAD
(1) apparently revealing a Western Muskogean etymology. Nor were these terms the
only ones with Muskogee as a primary source; others were CHIEF(1) and HORSE (2).
Moreover,there are several entries of Eastern and even Western Muskogean origin in
the pidgin that by their identicalness or close similarity would have been easily intel-
ligible to Muskogee speakers without any previous exposure to their neighbors' lan-
guages: BAG (2), BED (2), BONE, BUFFALO (1), BU'TER (2), CHIEF (2), CHOCTAW, COFFEE,
cow (1), DAY (1), DOG (1), FAT (2), FISH (1), HURT, ITCH, KOASATI, LARD, MILK (n.) (2),
MOBILIAN JARGON (2), MONTH, PALMETITO,PIG, PIGEON, the short form of SUN (2), THAT
(1), TOOTH, and TREE (2). Muskogee Indians who had some familiarity with other Mus-
kogean languages-a sociolinguistically and historically more reasonable assumption
than the notion of a Muskogee monolingual in light of widespreadbi- and multilingual-
ism among Southeastern Indians--undoubtedly understood many other words, espe-
cially those listed under Alabama-Koasati and Other Eastern Muskogean Languages
and Western Muskogean and Eastern Muskogean in the etymological indices (see
section 4).
5. For this reason, I do not separately list Mobilian Jargon entries with such
resemblances, although they deserve closer attention with any better evidence for the
lingua franca Creek that may yet come forth.
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basic vowel of low central quality and its variations, rather than exclusively the low
front vowel known as "the Boston a."
11. In light of this evidence, Pamela Munro erred when she suggested in her con-
trast of the pidgin with Chickasaw that "nasalized vowels are exceedingly rare in the
Mobilian [Jargon] corpus" (1984:441). Her conclusion was possibly based on a perfunc-
tory review of Crawford's short vocabulary (1978:81-97), and apparently did not take
into consideration the evidence available in my doctoral dissertation (Drechsel 1979:55).
Yet even a closer examination of Crawford's data alone confirms vowel nasalization:
kika 'chicken', td:s'wa, a variant form for 'corn', kazki puszus kaik6 pos'kosY'small
chicken, egg', dukmi ukm6 'good', hatak hommo 'Indian', yamn - yamo 'yes, Mo-
--
bilian Jargon', and yo:mi 'yes'; secondary regressive nasalization of vowels also occurs
in the vowels preceding nasals as in (a)kajka 'chicken', tandi 'corn', inklE 'father',
6ampule 'sugar', and anompa - anompole 'talk' (Crawford 1978:82-97). Further anal-
ysis of vowel nasalization in Mobilian Jargon reveals that this feature was not limited
to any particular group, such as French speakers with their wide use of nasalized
vowels (as might be deduced from Crawford's data), but occurred throughout the con-
tact speech community, including speakers of Muskogean languages and probably
Southern English. Previous sources, moreover, document vowel nasalization for the
pidgin's entire written history. Thus, the author of the Essai (Anonymous 1862) already
rendered nasalized vowels throughout his manuscript in characteristic French tran-
scription as, e.g., in "Kankan" or k[iki 'chicken', "Hinki" or eke 'father', "Mangoula" or
m6gola 'friend', and "Sapantak" or sap6tak 'mosquito'. Earlier, Antoine Simon Le Page
du Pratz (1758, vol. 3:6), a Dutch settler writing in French, had similarly recorded the
word for 'friend' as "mongoula," which he translated as 'my friend,' probably by drawing
on the French possessive pronoun mon [m5] 'my', instead of its Muskogean etymology
(see FRIEND(2)). While speakers of French or a nasalized variety of Southern English
perhaps reinforced vowel nasalization in Mobilian Jargon, it is unlikely that they
originated it. Otherwise, early French sources of Louisiana, recognizing nasalized as
distinct from oral vowels in both pronunciation and spelling, would have written few of
the non-nasalized original forms with nasalization. Rather, the original source of na-
salized vowels in Mobilian Jargon probably were Muskogean languages, which have
traditionally exhibited a quite widespread presence of this articulatory feature (see
Munro forthcoming).
References
Anonymous
1862 Essai sur quelques usages et sur l'idiame des Indiens de la basse Louis-
iane. Ms., Special Collections Division, Tulane University Library, New
Orleans.
1983 [Note on English world-wide: A journal of varieties of English.] The
Carrier Pidgin 11:4.
n.d. An Essay on the Language on [sic] the Indians of Lower Louisiana. Ms.,
Manuscript Collection, Gilcrease Museum, Tulsa, Oklahoma [English
translation of Anonymous (1862)].
Armistead, S. G., and H. F. Gregory
1986 French Loan Words in the Spanish Dialect of Sabine and Natchitoches
Parishes. Louisiana Folklife 11:21-30.
Aubin, George F.
1975 A Proto-Algonquian Dictionary. National Museum of Man Mercury Series,
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Day, Gordon M.
1964 A St. Francis Abenaki Vocabulary. International Journal of American
Linguistics 30:371-92.
De Villiers, Marc
1923 Notes sur les Chactas d'apres les journaux de voyage de Regis du Roullet
(1729-1732). Journal de la Societe des Americanistes, n.s., 15:223-50.
Dorman, Caroline
n.d. [Various untitled notes on Choctaw and Mobilian Jargon.] Ms., Caroline
Dormon Collection,Cammie G. Henry Research Center, Watson Memorial
Library, Northwestern State University of Louisiana, Natchitoches.
Dorsey, James Owen, and John R. Swanton
1912 A Dictionary of the Biloxi and Ofo Languages. Bureau of AmericanEthno-
logy Bulletin 47. Washington, D.C.: GovernmentPrinting Office.
Drechsel, Emanuel J.
1979 Mobilian Jargon: Linguistic, Sociocultural, and Historical Aspects of an
American Indian Lingua Franca. Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-
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