TSMEJM Vol. 10, No. 1 & 2 (Jan.-June and July-Dec.

2020); pp-16-26

FINANCIAL PERFORMANCE OF YES BANK- A RELOOK

AT THE DECADE BEFORE THE RBI'S RESCUE PLAN

Dr. Amita*

Mr. Sumit Bodla**

Dr. B. S. Bodla***

ABSTRACT

YES BANK is a private sector bank which came in to existence in the year 2004. This bank became one of India’s fastest
growing banks within ten years of its establishment. From 2010-2015, YES BANK lived the ‘Version 2.0’ phase during which
the focus was on expanding the Retail Banking capabilities by drawing upon the Wholesale Banking franchise through a
B2B2C approach for client acquisition and business generation. The bank had a market share of close to 1% in the Indian
Banking industry in year 2015 when it planned, steady growth rate to garner a 2.5% market share in India over the next 5
years. However, it ran into trouble following the central bank's asset quality reviews in 2017 and 2018, which led to a sharp
increase in its impaired loans ratio and uncovered significant governance lapses that led to a complete change of
management. The bank subsequently struggled to address its capitalisation issues. The present paper is an attempt to
analyse its performance for a period of ten years from 2011 to 2020, that is before and around one year after the RBI
restructuring plan. The study applied ratio analysis method to comment on the performance. The results indicated the bank
was doing very well in so far various performance parameters are concerned except NPAs. The bank faced the crisis only
and only on account of loans to the firms with very poor credit standing.
Keywords: YES Bank, NPAs, RBI, Commercial Banks, Capital Adequacy

INTRODUCTION TO YES BANK

YES BANK Limited which is a private sector bank came was incepted in 2004. After the death of Mr. Ashok

Kapur, one of the founders of the YES BANK, Mr. Rana Kapoor became the Managing Director and Chief

Executive Officer of the bank. With the passage of time, this bank has grown into a ‘Full Service Commercial
Bank’ providing a complete range of products, services and technology driven digital offerings, catering to

corporate, MSME & retail customers.

* Assistant Professor, GMN College, Ambala Cantt.

** Senior Associate, Macquarie Global Services

*** Professor, University School of Management, K. U. Kurukshetra

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this paper are personal of the authors and the concerned organisations namely GMN

College, Ambala Cantt., Macquarie Global Services & KU, Kurukshetra, respectively have no role or concern to this paper

& its conclusions

The Bank is engaged in providing banking services, including corporate and institutional banking, financial

markets, investment banking, corporate finance, branch banking, business and transaction banking, and wealth

management. YES BANK received the Financial Insights Innovation Award 2012 for Innovation in payments.

The 1st phase of YES BANK’s lifecycle from 2004-2010 was characterized by ‘entrepreneurship’ and

involved building strong capabilities in the wholesale banking segment with a comprehensive product suite,

which leveraged the ‘Knowledge Banking’ approach while building a strong human capital team on the

‘Owner-Manager-Partner’ philosophy. By 2010, YES BANK was recognized as one of India’s fastest growing

banks in the previous 5 years and emerged as the Largest ‘Small’ Bank in our country, India. From 2010-2015,

YES BANK lived the ‘Version 2.0’ phase during which the focus was on expanding the Retail Banking

capabilities by drawing upon the Wholesale Banking franchise through a B2B2C approach for client

acquisition and business generation. YES BANK had a Market Share of close to 1% in the Indian Banking

industry in year 2015 and it had planned, steady growth rate to garner a 2.5% Market Share in India over the

next 5 years.

YES BANK ran into trouble following the central bank's asset quality reviews in 2017 and 2018, which led to

a sharp increase in its impaired loans ratio and uncovered significant governance lapses that led to a complete

change of management. The bank subsequently struggled to address its capitalisation issues. After the collapse

of IL&FS in 2018, the YES BANK practically had no means to recover. How did the bank grow its loan book
by 80% between March 31, 2017, and March 31, 2019, when the economy was down, credit demand unusually

low with no signs of a pick-up in private investment? This is a big question says M. K. Venu (7 March, 2020)

regarding the collapse of YES BANK.

LITERATURE REVIEW ABOUT YES BANK CRISIS

YES BANK had serious governance issues after Mr. Rana Kapoor took over as the chief of the bank. A

Business Today report says that The YES BANK gave loans to companies which were struggling in their

businesses. These companies included the Dewan Housing Finance Corporation Ltd (DHFL), Infrastructure

Leasing and Financial Services (IL&FS), the Anil Ambani Group of Companies, the Essel Group, and of these

DHFL and IL&FS have collapsed. Most of the stressed loans were given in post-2008 period. Global major

financial services firm, The UBS, a global financial services firm, reported on 7 July 2015 that the YES BANK

had the strongest growth in loans to potentially stressed companies. “Our analysis indicates that banks

continued to lend to potentially stressed companies in FY12-15, despite deteriorating cash flow and increasing

leverage at the group levels. 15-20% of companies we analysed are already categorized as non-performing

loans (NPLs) or have been restructured and, therefore, are already part of the banks’ impaired assets," UBS

analysts Vishal Goyal, Ishank Kumar and Stephen Andrews wrote in a report dated 7 July, 2015. “Estimated

loans approved to our sample set of companies as a percentage of FY15 loans was the highest for Yes Bank

Ltd at 19%, followed by ICICI (14%) and PNB (10%)," said UBS

(https://www.livemint.com/Industry/Rljmz6xB5vXMMZ7mX8IbAI/UBS-says-loan approvals- to-potentially-

stressed-firms-jump-8.html).

In August 2018, Rana Kapoor, then chief executive, was asked by the RBI to quit the bank by January 31,

2019. The RBI appointed Ravneet Gill as the chief executive of the YES BANK, who later disclosed that there

had been large under-reported stressed assets in the YES BANK. Ultimately, the YES BANK reported its

maiden loss in March 2019 quarter. The YES BANK has been trying to raise capital to infuse fresh lease of

life in the bank. It initially planned to attract $2 billion (approximately Rs 15,000 crore) in the current fiscal.

But later its board rejected a $1.2 billion (approximately Rs 9,000 crore) investment in the bank by Canadian

investor SPGP Group/ Erwin Singh Braich. In 2018-19, the bank under-reported NPAs to the tune of Rs 3,277

crore, prompting RBI to dispatch R Gandhi, one of its former deputy governors, to the board of the bank.
On March 5, 2020, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) imposed a 30-day moratorium on YES BANK,

superseded the private-sector lender’s board, and appointed Prashant Kumar, who was serving as chief

financial officer and deputy managing director at State Bank of India (SBI), as an administrator. Under the

terms of the moratorium, deposit withdrawals were capped at Rs 50,000 per person. The central bank proposed

a reconstruction scheme under which SBI might take a maximum of 49% stake in the restructured capital of

the bank. Analysts believed

the new management of YES BANK, headed by former Deutsche Bank India head Ravneet Gill, who joined

the bank in early 2019, could turn around the ship. Gill, however, has struggled to do so. Finally, the

government rescued YES BANK, the country’s biggest-ever banking failure, by asking state-run State Bank of

India to infuse Rs 7,250 crore and take 45% stake in the bank. Reserve Bank of India had unveiled a draft

reconstruction scheme on March 6, 2020. The government had even put a sudden moratorium on cash

withdrawals. While the country’s largest lender may have rescued YES BANK, the crisis clearly indicates the

level of financial stress in the banking and financial sector. The Central Government has notified the “YES

BANK Limited Reconstructed Scheme, 2020” (Reconstruction Scheme) on 13th March 2020.

OBJECTIVE AND RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Effective and sound banking system is very much essential for every economy as it plays a significant role in

development. The present paper is aimed to analyse the financial performance of YES BANK. This bank has

been chosen deliberately so as to bring in to light the real historical situation before the stakeholders and

researchers. Also, the study period of last ten years from 2011 to 2020 is covered under analysis as it is a

decade exactly before the restructuring plan of RBI was put in place, in March 2020, to rescue the ailing bank.

Tools and software used: For achieving the above mentioned objective a descriptive research design was

adopted wherein use of secondary sources of data was made. Data regarding all the important variables like

deposits, credit, NPAs, capital adequacy and earnings was collected from secondary sources like annual

reports of YES BANK, RBI's reports, and experts' blogs or short articles available on various internet sites.

The tools of data analysis applied include ratio analysis, percentage, and Compound Annual Growth

Rate(CAGR). The results are presented through statistical tables, graphs and charts. The graphs and charts are

drawn using Excel and Power Business Intelligence (Power BI) computing and visualization tools.
Parameters of Performance Evaluation: For making financial analysis 'Ratio Analysis Method' has been

used. The indicators used for examining the performance of Yes Bank are as under: •

 ROCE (%)

 Net Profit Margin (%)

 Return on Assets (%)

 Net Interest Margin (X)

 Operating Profit/Total Assets (%)

 CASA ratio

 Credit to Total Assets Ratio

 Capital adequacy ratio

 Net NPAs to Net Advances

 Gross NPA to Gross Advances

Brief description of variables: The most important ratio when it comes to banks and financial companies is

the 'Net Interest Margin'. It is the difference between the interest income generated and the amount of interest

paid out to their lenders (deposits), divided by total assets.

Return on assets indicates what percentage of every dollar invested in the business was returned as profit. It

simply shows how effective the company is at using those assets to generate profit. Investors should avoid

investing in a financial company whose ROA is below 1%.

Return on equity measures the percentage of profit we make for every dollar of equity invested in the

company. ROE is derived by dividing the difference between net income and preference dividend by

shareholder's equity. Ideally a financial company should have an ROE above 10%.

Loan to Deposit ratio (LTD) is commonly used to assess the bank's liquidity. It is calculated by dividing the

bank's total loans(advances) by its total deposits. If the ratio is too high, it means the bank might not have

enough liquidity to cover any unforeseen fund requirements. LTD above 100% is not healthy. If customers

begin to pull deposits, the bank might be suddenly strapped for cash. Financial leverage ratio also known as

financial leverage or leverage is a measure of how much assets a company holds relative to its equity. A bank

that borrows too much money might face bankruptcy during a business downturn, while a less-levered bank
might survive. A financial leverage ratio above 10 is aggressive. The leverage ratio of Lehman Brothers in

2007 was 30, no wonder it declared bankruptcy during the downturn.

Gross NPA and Net NPA ratios are used to measure the asset quality of the bank's loan books. NPA are those

assets for which interest is overdue for more than 3 months. Net NPA ratio above 1% is not healthy and if the

NPA ratio for the last 10 years stays below 1% then that is a sign of good management.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Profitability Performance and Operating Performance Ratios

Table 1 presents the profitability and operating ratios of YES BANK during 2011 and 2020. It reveals an

upward trend about ROCE during the FY 2011 (2.1%) to 2017 (2.86%). However, ROCE of this bank came

down to 2.24 percent in FY 2019, but again rose to 4.95% in FY 2020. Net profit margin of this bank

increased to 20.84% (all time high) during FY 2018 from 15.48% in FY 2012. Unfortunately, the Net profit

margin came down to 5.8% in FY 2019 and turned negative (i.e. -62.98), first time, in FY 2020. The position

of Yes Bank remained unsatisfactory during the last ten years in so far as the Operating Profit Margin in

concerned as this margin remained in minus between last seven years from FY 2014 to FY 2020. The 'return

on assets' of Yes Bank has increased consistently from FY 2011 to FY 2017 and remained very impressive

e.g. between 1.23% and 1.54% during this period. However, the return on assets went down to -6.36% in FY

2020. The 'return on equity' which is one of the important indicators of profitability performance of any

company indicates double digit return, hovering between 15% and 22% approximately, during FY 2011 and

FY 2018. Return on equity, however, remained only 6.39% in FY 2019 and turned negative (-75.56%) in FY

2020.

It is also evident from table 1 that Yes Bank has always performed better in terms of 'net interest margin'

because this margin has remained above 2% in each and every year during study period. Similarly, the interest

income to total assets ratio has been ranging between 7 to 8 per cent during majority of the years under

reference. Non-interest income to total assets ratio is another financial parameter where the bank can claim

appreciable performance as this ratio has risen from 1.05% in FY 2011 to 1.93% in FY 2017 and moreover,

this ratio remained above 1.5% in the majority of years. The 'interest expenses to total assets ratio' has been

above 4 percent in 8 years out of 10 years. CASA (Current account to saving account ratio) has increased
from 10 percent in FY 2011 to 36 per cent approximately in FY 2018 and this ratio has shown upward trend

till 2018, but came down substantially in recent two years. A clearly upward trend is visible in so far as 'cost

to income' ratio is concerned and this ratio reached from 20.87% in FY 2012 to 37.05% in FY 2019 and

92.5% in FY 2020

Table 1: Profitability and Operational Performance Ratios of Yes Bank during 2011-2020

Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar-
Ratios
20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11

ROCE (%) 4.95 2.24 2.57 2.86 2.73 2.51 2.61 2.28 2.26 2.1

Net Profit Margin (%) -62.98 5.8 20.84 20.27 18.76 17.32 16.2 15.68 15.48 17.99

Op. Profit Margin (%) -108.47 -9.68 -4.93 -5.03 -1.27 -0.35 -1.03 0.52 1.9 2.56

Return on Assets (%) -6.36 0.45 1.35 1.54 1.53 1.47 1.48 1.31 1.32 1.23

ROE / Net worth (%) -75.56 6.39 16.4 15.09 18.41 17.16 22.71 22.39 20.89 19.16

Net-Int. Margin (%) 2.63 2.57 2.47 2.69 2.76 2.56 2.49 2.23 2.19 2.11

Cost to Income (%) 92.5 37.05 34.27 32.18 29.17 25.91 24.09 22.77 20.87 24.5

Interest Income/Total
10.11 7.77 6.48 7.63 8.18 8.49 9.15 8.36 8.56 6.84
Assets (%)

Non-Interest

Income/Total Assets 4.59 1.2 1.67 1.93 1.64 1.5 1.57 1.26 1.16 1.05

(%)

Operating Profit/Total
-10.96 -0.75 -0.31 -0.38 -0.1 -0.03 -0.09 0.04 0.16 0.17
Assets (%)

Operating

Expenses/Total Assets 2.6 1.64 1.66 1.91 1.8 1.67 1.6 1.34 1.26 1.15

(%)

Interest Expenses/Total
7.47 5.2 4.01 4.94 5.42 5.93 6.66 6.13 6.37 4.73
Assets (%)
 CASA (%) 26.63 33.06 36.45 36.3 28.05 23.11 22.03 18.94 15.03 10.34

EPS-DPS: The position of EPS, DPS and Net profit per share is depicted by the data shown in table 2. The

EPS has been rising steadily between 2011 and 2016 when it increased from Rs 21.12 to Rs 60.62. But EPS

declined sharply in 2017 to Rs 15.78, Rs 7.45 in 2019 and it was negative Rs 56 in 2020. Similarly, dividend

per share has registered an upward trend for long up to year 2016 but declining thereafter. The trend regarding

net profit per share coincide to that of EPS and DPS in case of Yes Bank Limited.

Table 2: EPS, Dividend per share, and Net Profit (in Rs)

Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar-
Ratios
20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11

Basic EPS (Rs.) -56.07 7.45 18.43 15.78 60.62 49.34 44.92 36.53 27.87 21.12

Dividend/Share 0 2 2.7 12 10 9 8 6 4 2.5

Net Profit/Share -13.08 7.43 18.34 72.95 60.39 48.01 44.86 36.27 27.68 20.95

Similarly, the trend about % Gross NPA and Net NPA is steep upward, more particularly during recent three

years. More precisely, the %age of Gross NPA and Net NPA has moved upward to 16.8 and 5.03 in FY 2020

respectively from 0.23 and 0.03 per cent in FY 2011. The above analysis shows the assets quality has

worsened alarmingly over the las ten years in case of Yes Bank.

Asset Quality: In order to examine the assets quality of Yes Bank, the data related to two parameters namely

Gross NPA and Net NPA has been analysed. Table 3 indicates that the amount of gross NPA has increased

from Rs 80.52 crore in FY 2011 to Rs 32877.6 crore in FY 2020, thus registering a growth of 40,731.59 per

cent during last ten years. The amount of Net NPA has increased from Rs 9.15 crore to Rs 8623.78 crore

(94148.96%) in the corresponding period.

Table 3: Asset Quality of Yes Bank (Amt. in Rs. Cr.)

Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar- Mar-

Ratios Mar-20
19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11

Gross NPA 32877.6 7882.6 2626.8 2018.6 748.98 313.4 174.93 94.32 83.86 80.52

Net NPA 8623.78 4484.8 1312.7 1072.3 284.47 87.72 26.07 6.99 17.46 9.15

% of Gross NPA 16.8 3.22 1.28 1.52 0.76 0.41 0.31 0.2 0.22 0.23
% of Net NPA 5.03 1.86 0.64 0.81 0.29 0.12 0.05 0.01 0.05 0.03

Graphic Visualisation of Key Performance Indicators

The key performance parameters of the Yes Bank are also shown by way of various graphs, and charts from

figure 1 to figure 16. The pattern of these charts is not elaborated as these are self-explanatory.

Figure 1: YES Bank's Advances (in Cr.)

Advances (in Rs. Cr.)

Mar/2011 34363.64
Mar/2012 37988.64
Mar/2013 46999.57
Mar/2014 55632.96
Mar/2015 75549.82
Mar/2016 98209.93
Mar/2017 132262.68
Mar/2018 203533.86
Mar/2019 241499.6
Mar/2020 171443.29

0 50000 100000 150000 200000 250000 300000

Figure 2: YES Bank's Deposits (in Cr.)

Deposits (in Rs Cr.)

Mar/2011 45938.93
Mar/2012 49151.71
Mar/2013 66955.59
Mar/2014 74192.02
Mar/2015 91175.85
Mar/2016 111719.53
Mar/2017 142873.86
Mar/2018 200738.15
Mar/2019 227610.18
Mar/2020 105363.94
0 50000 100000 150000 200000 250000

Figure 3: YES Bank's CASA Ratio

 CASA (%)
40 36.45 36.3
35 33.06
30 26.63 28.05
25 23.11 22.03
20 18.94
15.03
15
10.34
10
5
0
Mar-20 Mar-19 Mar-18 Mar-17 Mar-16 Mar-15 Mar-14 Mar-13 Mar-12 Mar-11

Figure 4: YES Bank's Capital Adequacy ratio by Year

Capital Adequacy Ratios (%)

20
18 18 18
18 17 17 17 17
16
16
14
14
12
10 9
8
6
4
2
0
2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011

Figure 5: YES Bank's Net Profit (in CR.) by Year

NET PROFIT / LOSS FOR THE YEAR (in Cr.)

10,000

5,000 4,225
3,330 2,539
1,720 2,005 1,618 1,301 977 727
0
2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011
-5,000

-10,000

-15,000 -16,418

-20,000
 Figure 6: YES Bank's Net Interest Margin

NET Interest Margin (in %)

3 2.76
2.63 2.69
2.57 2.47 2.56 2.49
2.5 2.23 2.19 2.11
2

1.5

0.5

0
2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011

Figure 7:YES Bank's Return on Capital Employed

Return on Capital Employed (in %)

6
4.95
5

4
2.86 2.73
3 2.57 2.51 2.61
2.24 2.28 2.26 2.1
2

0
2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011

Figure 8: YES Bank's return on Assets (in%) by Year

Return on Assets (in %)

2 1.35 1.54 1.53 1.47 1.48 1.31 1.32 1.23
1 0.45
0
-1 2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011

-2
-3
-4
-5
-6 -6.36
-7
 Figure 9: YES Bank's Return on Equity (in %)

Return on Equity (in %)

40
18.41 22.71 22.39 20.89 19.16
16.4 15.09 17.16
20
6.39
0
2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011
-20

-40

-60
-75.56
-80

-100

Figure 10: YES Bank's Net Profit Margin and Operating Profit Margin

Figure 11: YES Bank' Gross NPA and Net NPA (in Rs Cr.) by Year
Figure 12: YES Bank's % of Gross NPA and % of Net NPA by Year

Figure 13: Loan to deposit ratio Liquidity Ratio

 Figure 14: Financial Leverage Ratio

CONCLUSION

The foregoing analysis has indicated clearly an appreciable performance of the bank, till the FY 2018, in terms

of all the performance indicators except one, i.e. NPA. The analysis made in this paper might be sufficient to

describe the story of the way Yes Bank collapsed. The analysis has indicated that Yes Bank’s loan book grew

unusually during the study period, more particularly during FY 2017 and FY 2019. The loans grew from Rs

1,32,000 crore in FY 2017 to Rs 2,41,000 crore in FY 2019. That is an increase of 80% in just two years, when

most banks were finding it difficult to lend. In just two years, Yes Bank nearly doubled the loan book it had

built over the previous 17 years of its existence. According to authors understanding based on available reports

of the experts, Yes Bank’s unusually large loan disbursals were made to already stressed corporate groups.

These companies had already gamed the many public sector banking institutions and run up a massive debt

which they were struggling to repay. These firms had enough clout to further game the system by using new

bank loans to prevent old loans from being declared NPAs. Also, there is a need to explain how the overall

loan growth of the bank during 2014-2019 was nearly 400% approximately – from Rs 55,000 crore in FY 2014

to Rs 2,41,000 crore in FY 2019. In nutshell, loans given to undeserving firms with poor credit standing has

remained the real cause of crisis faced by YES BANK. For this both the management of bank and supervisory

body (i.e. RBI) are culprits as they have powers to decide and regulate the operations of the bank.

REFERENCES
 Sudandira devi, M. (2015). A Performance Analysis of Yes Bank in India with Special Reference to

Tamilnadu. Global Research Review in Business and Economics; Vol. 1, No. 3, pp 1-15, retrieved from

http://www.grrbe.in/pdf/may2015/12-15.pdf

 https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/industry/banking/finance/banking/union-cabinet-approves-yes-bank-

reconstruction-plan/articleshow/74611656.cms?

utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst

 https://www.livemint.com/Industry/Rljmz6xB5vXMMZ7mX8IbAI/UBS-says-loan-approvals-to-

potentially-stressed-firms-jump-8.html

 WHAT IS YES BANK CRISIS? https://www.business-standard.com/about/what-is-yes-bank-crisis

 M. K. Venu (7 March, 2020). The Wire. https://thewire.in/banking/yes-bank-crisis-indiscriminate-lending-

probe
THE STORY:
Yes Bank, India’s fifth largest private sector lender, is in the middle of a crisis as

the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has taken over its affairs and placed strict limits on its

operations. The RBI is also devising a rescue plan for the bank.
DETAILS OF THE CASE:
1. Yes Bank’s financial position has been undergoing a steady decline largely due to its inability

to raise capital.

2. The bank has also experienced serious governance issues and practices in recent years,

leading to a steady decline.

3. YES BANK has struggled to raise capital it needs to stay above regulatory requirements as it

battles high levels of bad loans.

4. The Bank has been trying to raise $2 billion in fresh capital since late last year, and in

February delayed its December-quarter results.

5. The Yes Bank has more corporate customers than retail in its list of customers.

6. Most of the companies Yes Bank has given loans are in loss.

7. It is a saddening fact that these companies are on the verge of bankruptcy, that is the reason

that the bad loan of the yes bank has increased.

DETAILS OF THE CRISIS:

SN Issues Details

1. Deteriorating The declining financial position of the bank can be easily understood

Financial by the declining share price. The share price of the yes bank was 400
 rupees in 2018 which is now standing at just 16.60 as of 6 March

2020.

The financial condition Deteriorated due to its inability to raise capital

to address potential loan losses. The bank was experiencing losses and

Position inadequate profits in the last four quarters.

The Yes Bank has more corporate customers than retail in its list of

customers. Most of the companies Yes Bank has given loans are in

loss. That is the reason that yes bank did not receive its loan back on

Corporate time. The bad economic condition of the companies deteriorated the

2, Customers financial condition of the yes bank also.

One of the founders of the yes bank Mr. Ashok Kapur had died in the

26/11 Mumbai attack. So the wife of late Ashok Kapur wants her

daughter to be included in the Board of Directors that is opposed by

the wife of Rana Kapur.

So the bank had serious governance issues. That is the reason former

Deputy Governor of RBI Mr.R Gandhi was included in the BOD of

Governance the yes bank. Ultimately the bank reported NPA of Rs 3,277 crore in

3. Issues 2018-19.

Money deposited by the customers is the backbone of the banking

industry. If rumour arises that a particular bank may be in problem in

the future; suddenly all the customers start withdrawing money. This

practice put the bank into the dock and the bank’s deposit started

Outflow of deteriorating followed by a decline in profit.  The Yes bank had the

4. Liquidity deposit book of Rs 2.09 lakh crore at the end of September 2019.

5. Huge Liabilities The Yes Bank has a total liability of 24 thousand crore dollars. The
 bank has a balance sheet of about $40 billion (2.85 lakh crore rupees).

The Yes Bank has to pay $ 2 billion to increase the capital base.

What would happen to the Bank’s Customers?

 As of now, it is wait and watch game.

 RBI has disclosed a draft revival plan (more on that later) aimed at pumping fresh money into

Yes Bank.

 As of now, the Bank customers cannot withdraw more than Rs 50,000 from their

accounts, except in certain specific situations.

 there was no clarity on the status of these services and when they would be fully restored

through the Governmentsent out a message of assurance with Finance Minister saying that

Yes Bank customers would as of now would be able to withdraw money within the Rs 50,000

limit.

RBI’S REVIVAL PLAN

The Finance Minister addressed a Press conference in Delhi and said that State Bank of India

had expressed interest in investing in Yes Bank.

Under the draft plan, SBI would invest money in Yes Bank and own 49 per cent of the

restructured bank. Yes Bank’s market value would also be revised to Rs 5,000 crore with

2,400 crore equity shares with a value of Rs 2 each.

The capital infusion would happen with SBI paying at least Rs 10 per share and not the face

value of Rs 2.

A Calculation reveals that at Rs 10 per share, SBI would have to fork out Rs 11,760 crore to

own 49 per cent of the restructured Yes Bank. Thus we see that all now eyes are now on State

Bank of India.
Conclusion:
Once RBI finalises its draft plan, SBI will likely reveal its position.

There is already speculation that SBI might lead a consortium or tie up with the Life

Insurance Corporation of India to invest in Yes Bank.

The last time when a PSB was brought in to save a private bank happened in early 2000 when

the Global Trust Bank (GTB) collapsed because of its exposure to the stock market.

GTB had lost a lot of money post the Ketan Parekh scam.

In 2004, RBI solemnised GTB merger with Oriental Bank of Commerce (OBC).

In 2010, RBI encouraged another merger between Bank of Rajasthan and ICICI Bank.

Subsequently we saw Sangli Bank being merged with ICICI Bank, Nedungadi Bank being

merged with Punjab National Bank, United Western Bank being merged with IDBI.

Now let us wait and watch the position now.

 HOW DID THE INHABITANTS OF COTTONWOOD PUEBLO SATISFY THEIR

DOMESTIC AND AGRICULTURAL WATER REQUIREMENTS?

MASTER’S THESIS RESEARCH PROPOSAL

Dale Frost
Anthropology 599
October 2018

Dr. William Walker, Chair

Dr. Kelly Jenks, Committee Member
Dr. Michaela Buenemann, Committee Member

The purpose of my research is to discover and document how the inhabitants of Cottonwood

Pueblo (AD 1300 - 1450) obtained domestic and agricultural water to satisfy their daily requirements.

No past or current research into Jornada Mogollon occupations has directly addressed domestic water

procurement or technical water feature management to obtain drinking water along the western slopes

of the San Andres Mountains. The predominate themes are related to water features associated with

agriculture. Presently, the only, obvious previous source of water, or a water technology feature near
Cottonwood Pueblo is a silted-in spring found in the arroyo east the site. This begs for an answer to

the question: How did the inhabitants of Cottonwood Pueblo satisfy their domestic and agricultural

water requirements?

Water use and management strategies are a virtual black hole of knowledge within the

Jornada del Muerto and the west-central Jornada Mogollon region (Kurota, Kemrer, and Sandor

2106). Exactly how Cottonwood Pueblo residents trapped, diverted, and managed water resources for

the pueblo is an unknown, and certainly an uninvestigated, area. Researching how Cottonwood

Pueblo occupants met and sustained their water requirements at such a large site for approximately

150 years, will offer new insight into late El Paso phase Jornada Mogollon occupations in the Jornada

del Muerto Basin along the west side of the San Andres Mountains.

Revealing the presence of multiple water management strategies for domestic and agricultural

use may force an important reevaluation of contemporary theories of regional migration, mobility, and

population aggregation regarding late El Paso phase Jornada Mogollon occupations. Several

southwestern cultures have long histories of occupation centered around providing adequate water

resources for themselves while subsequently coping with difficult environmental conditions in semi-

arid locations – the Jornada Mogollon were no exception.

THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE AND LITERATURE REVIEW

Time has hindered investigations into southwestern pre-Columbian water management

technology at southern New Mexico archaeological sites. Arroyo down-cutting, erosional filling of

some features, flooding, and modern encroachment have damaged or disguised these sometimes-

subtle archaeological features. However, there is ample evidence for a diversified group of water use

technologies being employed by cultural groups across the Southwest. It is very likely that domestic

water management features are present at Cottonwood Pueblo, however, no one has specifically

looked for them during previous investigations (Duran 1982; Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and

Kay 2016; Kurota, Kemrer, and Sandor 2016; Lehmer, 1948; Lekson and Rorex 1987; Scarborough

1988; Stuart and Gauthier 1984; and others).

Across the southwest, agricultural features and the water management techniques necessary to
support agriculture have received the lion’s share of archaeological attention. Water control systems

vary from the extensive agricultural canal systems of the Hohokam (Dart 1989; Haury 1986; Hunt et

al. 2005; Neely 2014; Sires et al. 1983), to simple runoff agricultural plots at the terminus of alluvial

fans where dry-farming used available trapped moisture (Kruse 2007; Woosley 1980; and others).

Meager earlier, and little current research has directly discussed Jornada Mogollon water management

in either the greater Jornada region, the Jornada del Muerto, or in the Tularosa Basin.

Kirkpatrick and Duran (1998) and Miller and Kenmotsu (2004) note that water reservoirs

have been documented at Hot Well Pueblo and Hueco Tanks State Park. Further, canals, check-dams

in alluvial channels, and agricultural terraces have all been reported across the southern Jornada

Mogollon region (Greenwald, personal communication, 2018; Kurota, Kemrer, and Sandor 2016). To

date, there are no documented instances of prehistoric, hand dug wells in the Jornada region, although

Di Peso (1974) reported sophisticated manipulation and control of water resources at Casas Grandes,

Mexico.

For all people, water is necessary for basic survival. Stuart and Gauthier (1984) outline

multiple periods of fluctuating rainfall and varying environmental conditions between AD 900 to

1400. Further, across the entire southwest people had to contend with unpredictable rainfall patterns

and the effect of the Great Drought at the end of the thirteenth century (Stuart and Gauthier 1984). I

contend, that as the inhabitants of the Jornada del Muerto grew more sedentary relying on larger fixed

locations for agricultural land and domestic water availability, they also became more adept at

securing and managing water to meet their requirements. In part, the few investigations into

prehistoric agriculture and its related water supply systems might have been driven by the theoretical

approach used by the individual archaeological investigator.

Theoretical Perspective

Previous inquiries into Jornada Mogollon occupations primarily used a culture-history, a

formative, or a processual approach to archaeological investigation (Brethauer et al. 1978; Carmichael

1984, 1990; Duran 1982; Kirkpatrick and Duran 1994; Lehmer 1948; Lekson and Rorex 1987; Miller

and Kenmotsu 2004; Stuart and Gauthier 1984; and others). These approaches completely disregard

significant analysis of water management technologies. Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay
(2016: 20) comment that literature revealing archaeological investigation into check dams and dry-

farming within the Tularosa Basin is effectively non-existent. Carmichael and Greenwald both

contend that compared to other regions of the southwest, scant archaeological information is known

about how the Jornada Mogollon secured and managed their water resources (personal

communication, 2018).

There are only a few direct investigations into exactly how Jornada Mogollon people

exploited water sources to meet their agricultural requirements, and most investigations of water

management only report on those features relating to surface runoff agriculture, or that there might

have been some unspecified domestic use in association with playa lakes (Duran 1982; Scarborough

1988; and others). Kurota (personal communication, 2018) contends that Jornada residents along the

San Andres Mountains were exploiting residual playa lake water for domestic purposes. Carmichael

(personal communication, 2018), Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay (2016), and others posit

that most agricultural needs were being met by arroyo runoff or some type of surface flood-water

management.

Evaluating, surveying, and using a theoretical landscape approach to the topography

surrounding Cottonwood Pueblo may offer insights that will help me locate water management

features adjacent to the pueblo occupation site and those used to supply nearby agricultural farming

areas. I am not suggesting a cultural landscape approach like Ferguson and Colwell-Chanthaphonh

(2006) used in the San Pedro Valley of Arizona. Rather, a more nuanced approach like that used by

Kruse’s (2007) investigation at Perry Mesa in Arizona.

Ferguson and Colwell-Chanthaphonh recount ethnographic narratives relating to places on the

cultural landscape that held meaning for early people living in the San Pedro region. For the living

relatives today, objects and places on the cultural landscape are history, memory, and alive – they still

hold a powerful spiritual meaning that unites past and present (2006: 32). This type of cultural

approach offers little for those investigating the Jornada Mogollon because there are no known living

descendants that can offer interpretations, past or present, of the landscape, its significance, or how it

was used.
 Kruse (2007) questions prevailing interpretations regarding site location, defensive site

positioning, and relationships to tracts of arable land on Perry Mesa, Arizona. Kruse’s landscape

model evaluates the environmental setting and the placement of agricultural plots for the greatest use

of surface runoff water onto agricultural land nearest the largest occupation sites (2007). Kruse

(2007) looked at site size and compared site sizes to her predicted model. From this, Kruse has

determined that site size and site location on the mesa top better fit a relationship of site placement

near the best arable land – not strictly for defensive reasons, as others have suggested (2007).

Like the larger sites on Perry Mesa, did Cottonwood control access to the better watered and

the most productive arable land along the San Andres Mountains? Cottonwood Pueblo is the largest

late El Paso Phase pueblo on the west side of the San Andres Mountains. The take away for my

investigation at Cottonwood Pueblo relates to site location, the capture of surface and arroyo water,

and features that support water transport to arable land locations near the pueblo using ditches or

canals.

Further, it may be possible to infer behavior characteristics of how Cottonwood

occupants altered the terrain and managed water features over time to keep them functioning

despite challenging environmental conditions. No water system infrastructure remains static

and as highlighted by Dart (1989), Sires et al. (1983), and others; every water system needed annual

maintenance, upkeep, remodeling, and readjustment to keep it functioning. Insights into exactly what

adaptations and techniques Jornada Mogollon residents used to obtain and maintain a water supply at

Cottonwood Pueblo may be possible using a behavioral approach by observing feature type, location,

and feature morphology changes over time.

Literature Review

Early in his investigations in the Jornada del Muerto, Lehmer (1948) noted the obvious lack

of perennial streams along the west side of the San Andres Mountains. Using a culture-history

approach Lehmer (1948) was more interested in architecture, artifacts, and ceramics to prove his case

that the Jornada were a sub-cultural group of the Mogollon. Despite finding the largest El Paso phase
occupations in the Jornada Mogollon region, Lehmer (1948) did not pursue further investigations

regarding water technologies, use, or management.

As Crown (1987), Haynes et al. (1999), Wheat (1952), and Woosley (1980) noted, across the

southwest the earliest and simplest methods that early people used to obtain dependable water sources

were wells. One early well in North America dates to 6000 BC (Crown 1987) (see Figure 1).

Unfortunately, no archaeological investigations within the Jornada Mogollon region

Figure 1. Paleoindian Hand Dug Well, Clovis Type Site, New Mexico.
(Haynes et al. 1999, Figure 2)

have yet discovered a well. Although not a well, Scarborough documented a natural depression in the

Hueco Bolson that had human enhancements, a hand-dug reservoir he termed, “a caliche

cavity/storage basin” (1988: 25-26). This human enhanced basin was dug through the caliche sub-

strata and had two steps that went to the presumed water level (Scarborough 1988) (see Figure 2).

Scarborough (1988) felt this reservoir was not directly associated with either nearby pueblo, yet he

posited that there may be other water storage features in the vicinity that were contemporaneous and

similarly isolated – implying a more mobile population or that these features were used for a

dispersed collection of food resources.

Figure 2. Hot Wells Pueblo - Human Enhanced Water Storage Reservoir.

 (Scarborough 1988, Figure 6).

Bimodal patterns of rainfall in southern New Mexico can produce thunderstorms with heavy,

localized cloudbursts in the summer. Flood-water farming methods were designed to make the best

use of these often-heavy down pours. Cultural groups across the southwest exploited flood-water

techniques to harvest water from sporadic showers for agricultural use (Bryan 1929; Sires et al. 1983)

and it is likely that Jornada Mogollon residents did as well. Other water management methods found

in the semi-arid southwest and the Jornada Mogollon region typically include: Ak-Chin farming at

arroyo mouths, check dams, dry farming, mesa-top farming, possible redirection of spring water,

spring water seeps, rock pile agriculture, plots near playas, gridded and mulched gardens, rock

bordered plots, and ditches or canals (Brethauer et al. 1978; Carmichael, and Greenwald, personal

communication, 2018; Duran 1982; Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay 2016; Kurota, Kemrer,

and Sandor 2016; Stuart and Gauthier 1984).

Agricultural water feature remnants found on the landscape are some of the subtlest, and yet

in places, most visible reminders that southwestern pre-Columbian people were managing water and

the terrain to their advantage (Anschuetz 1990, 1995, 1998; Dominguez 2002; Neely 2014; Woosley

1980). Neely (2014) noted, that people living in the Safford, Arizona area exploited numerous water

management techniques, often within the same drainage to capture and route water. Woosley (1980:

317-319), however, cautions against using assumptions that water management methods found within

a geographical area were ubiquitous across the entire cultural group.

In the Safford Valley, Neely (2014) found the second-largest, second-most sophisticated
agricultural irrigation system in the southwest. There, valley residents constructed canals, rock

bordered grid plots (see Figure 3), stone pile irrigation, check dams, and employed several dry-

farming techniques. In the higher elevations of the valley, features were constructed to trap both

surface runoff from rain and snowmelt (Neely 2014). All three environmental zones of the Safford

Valley were used for agricultural production and water management. Every zone, change in

topographic slope, and aspect employed methods that were proper for the specific location – being

built to trap or retain moisture for plants or to transport water in canals to distant locations for

domestic and agricultural use (Neely 2014).

Figure 3. Rock Bordered Grid Plots in the Safford Valley, Arizona.

(Neely 2014, Figure 10.2)

Flood-water farming, according to Bryan (1929), was found in the more remote locations in

New Mexico and Arizona. Bryan (1929: 445) noted two principal locations for flood-water farming;

valley floors soaked by sheet flow from arroyo mouth stream channels (Ak-Chin), and fields next to

stream channels that over flowed onto the adjacent flood plains during flood events. Flood water-

farming employed a slowed flow surface, thus, the sheet water flow would not erode the plot and still

provide prolonged moisture and add additional soil silting (Bryan 1929). Bryan (1929) saw dry-

farming being more precarious than flood-water farming because there was no routine maintenance of

the plot.

A variation of dry-farming explained by Woosley (1980) is that of rock or stone piles. These
features are made of stacked stones in areas where sand or soil may be blown over the stones causing

soil to be trapped at the base. When rain fall or surface runoff moisten the soil the area is ready for

planting (Woosley1980).

I posit that Cottonwood residents were similarly adept at varying water collection strategies to

suit the environmental conditions found in the eco-zones near the pueblo – especially when rainfall

patterns fluctuated erratically as Stuart and Gauthier (1984) and others contend. One need only look

over the San Andres Mountains to the Tularosa Basin, or further north at the upper Rio Grande Valley

agricultural communities to find sophisticated use of water management strategies for domestic and

agricultural use (Anschuetz 1995, 1998; Dominguez 2002; Greenwald, personal communication,

2018; Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay 2016; Kurota, Kemrer, and Sandor 2016;

Scarborough 1988).

Grid plots and bordered fields incorporate several features that help the soil retain water for

agriculture, some of them are: rock and gravel mulch, standing stones or cobble borders, and a grid or

waffle design (Damp et al. 2002; Dominguez 2002; and Kurota, Kemrer, and Sandor 2016). Grid

gardens and waffle gardens are, and were used by single families across the southwest, notably at

Hopi and Zuni for better water retention (Woosley 1980). Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay

(2016: 27) also describe recent evidence of El Paso phase farming saying: “indirect and direct

evidence of farming on the west side of the San Andres Mountains is evidenced by at least 11 major

residential village sites associated with leveled flats near drainages.” Currently, no canals or man-

made ditches have been found in any shallow drainage (Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay

2016).

At Creekside Village, LA146443, near Tularosa, New Mexico, Greenwald is excavating a late

pithouse period Jornada Mogollon site (AD 675-725) that has numerous associated water

management features. Greenwald discusses the depth and diversity of water technology related

features found at this unique site in his in-progress draft of: Reconsidering the Mesilla Phase in the

Tularosa Basin: Changing View Points on Subsistence Strategies, Socio-Political Organization and

Residential Patterns Based on Preliminary Studies at Creekside Village. In Chapter 6: A River Runs

Through It: Ditches and Floodplain Fields; Chapter 7: The Reservoir; Chapter 8: Water Catchment
Strategies and Distribution; and Chapter 9: Agricultural Terraces; Greenwald discusses the diversity

of water technologies these pithouse dwellers were employing. It is clear these late pithouse period

Jornada Mogollon villagers were aware of, and were successfully using sophisticated water

manipulation and management techniques for agriculture and domestic purposes (Greenwald,

personal communication, 2018) – at least 600 years prior to the Cottonwood Spring Pueblo

occupation.

Across the southwest, reservoirs, catchment basins, impoundments, canals, and storage

features were designed onto and used the natural topography of the landscape. Storage features were

filled via surface runoff, canals, ditches, formal rock and stone lined channels, and other purposeful

methods (Crown 1987; O’Brien et al. 1980; Sharrock et al. 1961; Wheat 1952; Woosley 1980; and

others). Anschuetz’s article: Saving A Rainy Day: The Integration of Diverse Agricultural

Technologies to Harvest and Conserve Water in the Lower Rio Chama Valley, New Mexico, aptly

highlights how pre-Columbian people were trying to make use of every drop of water. Water storage

was an important tool for long-term water resource conservation and people made use of several

diverse types of features whenever possible.

Due to the arid environment within the Jornada del Muerto, water management techniques

appear to involve mostly surface harvesting of springs, reservoir style catchments, and slope and

arroyo runoff (Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay 2016; Scarborough 1988; and others). In

their 2016 report on the Jarilla Site, LA 37470, Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay (2016: 24-

27) note that Mimbres influences are evident in water management features found at this Doña Ana

phase site in the Tularosa Basin. They further assert, that farming locations on the west side of the

San Andres Mountains reflect Mimbres technical influences. Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and

Kay (2016: 24-27) also feel that some of the many small, scattered adobe room block structures are

field houses associated with seasonal farming by Mimbres groups. This is a new interpretation for

sites within the Jornada Mogollon region (see Figure 4).

Figure 4. Jornada Field House Architecture.

(Kurota, Kemrer, and Sandor 2016, Figure 16)
 The location of Cottonwood Spring Pueblo between the piedmont slopes and the basin floor

positioned residents to better use and exploit several eco-zone resource areas. Minnis (1985)

discussed at great length how Mimbres communities exploited eco-zones along the Mimbres River for

agriculture and water requirements. Likewise, Carmichael (1990), Duran (1982), and Upham (1984)

discuss site locations within the Jornada that are found along the edges of eco-zones. These sites are

found temporally near playa lakes and near, or along, arroyo mouths – leading these investigators to

posit, that access to, and the use of water is a primary factor in occupation site location.

Further, across the southwest water management techniques and strategies are so similar and

ubiquitous that it can be argued that many migrating people brought their practices with them to the

Jornada Mogollon region and then applied then locally (Kurota Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay

2016; and others). Migration, group relocation, and dispersal are recurring themes used to explain

abandonment of large tracts of land across the Jornada and the southwest (Carmichael 1984, 1990;

Blake et al. 1986; Duff 1998; Nelson et al. 2006; Upham 1984). Prior to moving, immigrant groups

came from comparable semi-arid environments where they employed effective water management

techniques (Hegmon et al. 1998; Minnis 1985; Nelson et al. 2006). A universal dependency on water

would have encouraged cross-cultural exchanges of ideas, methods, and techniques throughout the

southwest.

It seems Cottonwood Pueblo occupants may have had the advantage of immigrant group

knowledge of useful water management technology thanks to southwestern migrations after AD 1300

(Kurota, Kemrer, and Sandor 2016; and others). The transport of water management techniques were
easily overlaid onto the semi-arid, yet still habitable laandscape of the Jornada del Muerto and the

Tularosa Basin. There was no such thing as a cultural vacuum between southwestern groups despite

the great distances across cultural regions. The diversity, similarity, and ubiquity of ideas and

methods used to exploit all available water resources are represented by the numerous technical

methods found within, and between, every southwestern geographic region.

It is obvious that many investigations of Jornada Mogollon sites have focused on architecture,

pithouses versus adobe room block pueblos, ceramic and lithic typologies, is there a plaza or a kiva,

and the temporal locations of individual sites (Brethauer et al. 1978; Carmichael 1982, 1990; Duran

1982; Kirkpatrick and Duran 1998; Miller and Kenmotsu 2004; Stuart and Gauthier 1984) while only

superficial attention is given to water requirements. Cottonwood Spring Pueblo is not a unique site in

the El Paso phase of Jornada Mogollon occupations in the sense that everyone required water to

subsist. Exactly what types of water management techniques Cottonwood residents employed to meet

their water subsistence requirements is the heart of my research.

CULTURE-HISTORY

Occupations found within the Jornada del Muerto and the Tularosa Basin of the west-central

Jornada Mogollon cultural region culminate with the large El Paso phase pueblos between AD 1300

and 1450. These are the terminal occupations within the region archaeologically (Carmichael 1990;

Kirkpatrick and Duran 1998; Upham 1984; and others). Prior to regional abandonment, large pueblos

such as those at Burton Bead, Cedar Well, Cottonwood Spring, Fleck Draw, Fleck Ranch, and Indian

Tank were occupied along the west side of the San Andres Mountains (Duran 1982; Kurota, Dello-

Russo, Sternberg, and Kay 2016) (see Figure 1). Each pueblo is in an area with no present source of

perennial stream water.

The El Paso Phase

During the El Paso phase, AD 1300 to 1450, large pueblo villages are found on alluvial

fans in proximity to streams and arroyos or playa lake water sources. This is also reflected in

Figure 5. El Paso Phase Pueblos and Agricultural Sites in the Jornada.

(After Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay 2016, Figure 7)
land use patterns and agricultural specialization within the region (Miller and Kenmotsu 2005: 236-

240). Carmichael (1990: 129) noted that in the southern Tularosa Basin habitations are clustered in

parts of the basin having the greatest agricultural potential in terms of soil and available water.

Kirkpatrick and Duran (1998) agree that in the El Paso phase there are fewer sites and this may reflect

more intense land-use patterns and the availability of suitable arable agricultural space.

Lehmer (1948) contends that El Paso phase structures were always surface room blocks that

were either grouped around a plaza or long, linear rows in an east to west alignment. Kirkpatrick and

Duran (1998) assert that, during the early El Paso phase, architecture in the western Jornada consists

of adobe masonry versus the small room blocks of stone masonry construction found in the Mimbres

region. Kirkpatrick and Duran (1998) note that some early El Paso phase sites have masonry or adobe

construction, some were singular large room blocks, or several multilinear room blocks, and that some

room blocks had enclose plazas – some locations contain kivas. Additionally, architecture in both the

Jornada del Muerto and Tularosa Basins show similar evolutionary changes as the phase progresses

(Carmichael 1990; Kirkpatrick and Duran 1998; Miller and Kenmotsu 2004).

Near the end of the El Paso phase Kirkpatrick and Duran (1998) comment that some room

blocks were constructed of coursed adobe and there was often an enclosed plaza. Kirkpatrick and
Duran conclude comments on the El Paso phase by saying: “Later El Paso phase habitation sites are

located at or near point-specific resources. These include alluvial fans for domestic and agricultural

water use, along the foothills of the San Andres Mountains, and other locations where water can be

controlled” (1998: 44). Most locations are found at the edges of

ecotones between the bolson and the piedmont of the mountains (Kirkpatrick and Duran 1998).

The last important issue that many archaeologists writing on the El Paso phase agree upon is

the obvious mobility, and in many cases, temporary or seasonal use of many pueblo sites in either the

Jornada del Muerto or the Tularosa Basin (Carmichael 1990; Kirkpatrick and Duran 1998; Miller and

Kenmotsu 2004; Stuart and Gauthier 1984; Upham 1984). Carmichael (1990) pointed out that trade

wares, ceramic styles, modest trash middens, and pithouses are found temporally with room block

pueblos. He concluded that continual residence for room block pueblos is lacking and that regionally

not all pueblos were occupied throughout the period.

The mobility versus sedentism argument has played a major role in the consensus for

understanding Jornada Mogollon cultural phases. Upham asserts that mobility within the Jornada

reflects “adaptive shifts to more areally [sic] extensive and efficient strategies” (1984; 250). This

correlates to perceptions “that abandonments derive from a recognition of major discontinuities in the

occupational history of a region” (Upham 1984: 245). Meanwhile, Carmichael (1990); Duff (1998);

and Stuart and Gauthier (1984) noted that occupational patterns (site locations) fluctuate temporally

with altitude.

Carmichael posits: “early clusters are found on alluvial fans and canyon mouths and later

clusters occur at the base of fans and around playas in lower basin elevations” (1990:132).

Commenting on Jornada mobility versus sedentism Carmichael concludes saying: “It is suggested that

in the Jornada such factors may include climate changes that favor either intensive farming or hunting

and gathering at different times” (1990: 133). Stuart and Gauthier (1984) see seasonal shifts in

rainfall and rainfall reliability as reasons for mobile populations. Not enough data has been recorded

at Cottonwood Pueblo to ether support or deny these suppositions.

 THE RESEARCH SETTING

Regional Context

Geographically, the Jornada del Muerto and the Tularosa Basin occupy the west-central

portion of the greater Jornada cultural region. This area is part of the southern Basin and Range of the

Rocky Mountains and the northern extent of the Chihuahuan Desert of Mexico. The west side of the

Rio Grande River Valley is considered the western boundary of the Jornada cultural area (Lehmer

1948; Stuart and Gauthier 1984) (see Figure 6).

The basin portion of the Jornada del Muerto is today covered with large areas of creosote

scrub, wind-blown dune fields, low-ground mesquite, and numerous instances of arroyo channel

down-cutting. Additionally, ancient Pleistocene playa lake bed remnants still retain some water

seasonally. The Jornada del Muerto and Tularosa basins are divided by mountains that reach 2,850

meters along the San Andres Mountains and 2,740 meters in the Organ Mountains. In the San Andres

Mountains, there are no perennial streams flowing into either the Jornada del Muerto or the Tularosa

Basin. Some CRM work within the Jornada del Muerto and projects for the U. S.

Figure 6. Jornada Mogollon Cultural Boundary in the western Jornada del Muerto
(Stuart and Gautier 1984, Map V.4)

Government at White Sands Missile Range (WSMR) in the Tularosa Basin have highlighted springs,

agricultural features, and reservoirs (Brethauer et al. 1978; Duran 1982; Kurota, Dello-Russo,

Sternberg, and Kay 2016; Kurota, Kemrer, and Sandor 2016; Scarborough 1988). There are several
widely-scattered springs along both sides of the San Andres Mountains however, their flow is meager

to non-existent today.

Even as the pueblo residents were growing crops, they still needed water to drink. Large, late

El Paso phase occupation sites would have required substantial amounts of water for domestic and

agricultural purposes. The Jornada del Muerto is a harsh environment that underwent significant

fluctuations in climate and rainfall amounts (Stuart and Gauthier 1984, and others). Historical annual

rain and snow fall averages for the Las Cruces area today are only, 9.7 inches of rain, and 2 inches of

snow.

Cottonwood Pueblos’ isolated location in the semi-arid Jornada del Muerto appears out of

place as a harbor for a large pueblo occupation in unpredictable environmental times. So how did the

occupants of Cottonwood Pueblo manage to secure and sustain their water requirements? No earlier

or current literature has directly discussed this question and that is why I chose to research this vital

and important resource issue – how water sustained the Cottonwood Pueblo occupation site in the

west-central Jornada del Muerto between AD 1300 and 1450.

The Research Setting

Cottonwood Pueblo is situated in an eco-zone on the lower third of the western piedmont of

the San Andres Mountains near the mouth of Cottonwood Draw. There are two primary channels in

the Cottonwood drainage with several smaller feeder arroyos further up slope in both drainages. The

Cottonwood Pueblo site location is at the confluence of both major drainages of Cottonwood Draw

(see Figure 7). The Cottonwood Spring is in the southern drainage and just east of the pueblo site.

Present day vegetation is predominately creosote bush scrub, acacia, low-ground mesquite, and some

grasses. Seasonal rains and thunderstorms cause arroyo down-cutting in both channels of the

Cottonwood Draw.

Figure 7. Cottonwood Spring Pueblo Location.

(USGS Topographic [Map] – 7.5 Minute Series, 1981)
Previous Archaeological Investigations

As Lehmer (1948: 91) noted there were some investigations in the Jornada area in the late

1800s prior to Bandelier’s visit in 1895. Lehmer (1948; 91-93) documented more than a few

investigations particularly those in 1914, 1922, 1926, 1928, 1931, 1932, 1934-1938, 1940, and he also

noted many undocumented visits by amateur archaeologists and pot hunters throughout the 1920-

1940s. No single area of the Jornada received the bulk of archaeological investigation (Lehmer

1948). Since Lehmers 1948 publication of the volume: The Jornada Branch of the Mogollon, other

archaeologists have examined numerous sites across the Jornada; notably, in the 1950s Yeo, and

various others from the 1960s through the present; Carmichael 1984, 1990; Duran 1982; Kirkpatrick

and Duran 1998; Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay 2016; Kurota, Kemrer, and Sandor 2016;

Lekson and Rorex 1987; Scarborough 1988; Stuart and Gauthier 1984; and Upham 1984.

Today, many sites now only receive mandated CRM salvage investigation after large portions

of the Tularosa Basin were annexed by the U.S. Government at the start of World War II. No single

theme or area of archaeological investigation predominates, with architecture, agriculture, mobility,

and artifacts still receiving the bulk of attention. Water management technology investigations are

primarily discussed solely in association with agricultural features.

What Are the Gaps In Knowledge?

The persistent and obvious lack of investigation and documentation of domestic water

technologies in the Jornada Mogollon region should be apparent after the many discussions noted
above. With minor exceptions, current research has lagged in documenting agricultural water

management techniques in the Jornada (see Kurota, Kemrer, and Sandor 2016; and others). There has

been a complete disregard for domestic water use and management in part because it

may be easier to observe and record agricultural features, or just overlook them altogether because

they are not recognized as a cultural feature. Further, inferring that a feature was used for domestic

purposes may be extremely difficult without finding obvious man-made enhancements that would

blatantly imply domestic use.

Additionally, no known investigations have used a viewshed or a landscape approach to

locate agricultural features or water transport features along or near either channel of the Cottonwood

drainage. Each of these approaches may provide insight into how residents routed water and made it

more available for domestic and agricultural uses. And, finally, although many architectural features

have been mapped and recorded near the pueblo, there has been no attempt to make spatial

connections or behavioral inferences to see if there are water technology/management feature

relationships that supported pueblo occupation.

What Do I Expect to Find?

While researching water management features at Cottonwood Pueblo I expect to find

evidence of: check dams, Ak-chin farming, dry-farming, flood-water farming, diversion channels,

grid plot farming, reservoirs or water storage features, enhancements to the spring, historic

modifications to the spring, terrace agricultural plots, spring domes, canals, and ditches. Typically,

check dams, dry farming, flood-water farming, mesa-top farming, Ak-chin farming at arroyo mouths,

rock pile agriculture, plots near playas, gridded and mulched gardens and plots have all been found at

Jornada Mogollon sites (Brethauer et al. 1978; Duran 1982; Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay

2016; Kurota, Kemrer, and Sandor 2016; Scarborough 1986). Pre-Columbian people were astute

observers and manipulators of the natural environment and that allowed them to live in ecological

margins that today are poorly suited for human habitation. Due to the arid environment within the

Jornada del Muerto, water management techniques appear to involve mostly harvesting of springs,

surface slope flow, and arroyo overflow runoff (Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay 2016;
Kurota, Kemrer, and Sandor 2016).

Reservoirs appear across the southwest and despite the labor involved, people went to great

lengths to construct and maintain them (Crown 1987; Scarborough 1988; Wheat 1952). In the

Tularosa Basin, Scarborough (1988) found a hand dug reservoir that also had cistern like pits in the

bottom. At Creekside Village, there is a reservoir that was fed either by a canal that siphoned water

from Tularosa creek or it trapped surface run-off and spring water flow from adjacent ground seeps.

At the Jarilla Site, on the northwestern side of the Jarilla Mountains, residents made use of a

series of check dams set perpendicular to shallow drainages (Kurota Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay

2016). Archaeological evidence also suggests that these check dams were used in conjunction with

gird gardens. Both types of features used in combination slowed runoff, retained surface water,

diverted surface flow into gardens, and increased soil sedimentation (Kurota Dello-Russo, Sternberg,

and Kay 2016: 20-24) (see Figures 8).

Figure 8. Shallow Drainage Check Dams

(Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay 2016, Figure 2b)

During preliminary investigations along the Cottonwood Wash and in the immediate vicinity

of the pueblo several probable canals, ditches, check dams, and agricultural terraces were found (see

Figure 9). Additionally, a canal, several prehistoric hoes, a check dam were

Figure 9. Probable Water and Agricultural Feature Locations at Cottonwood Pueblo

(USGS Topographic [Map] – 7.5 Minute Series, 1981)
found on the periphery and next to both the pueblo site and the water features mentioned above (see

Figures 10, 11, and 12). Additional surface surveys and the tracing of existing features along

topographic margins should provide additional evidence of the extent and dimension of theses canals,

ditches, and agricultural terraces.

Figure 10. Probable Prehistoric Canal South of the Cottonwood Pueblo

(Photograph by Dale Frost © 2018)

Figure 11. Prehistoric Hoe Found on the East Side of Cottonwood Pueblo
(Photograph Dale Frost © 2018)
 Figure 12. Deflated Check Dam Crossing a Prehistoric Canal, Cottonwood Pueblo
(Photograph Dale Frost © 2018

Purpose of My Research

How did the inhabitants of Cottonwood Pueblo satisfy their domestic and agricultural water

requirements? That is the thrust of my research; finding, and documenting, local water management

techniques and features at Cottonwood Pueblo. My hypothesis is that Jornada Mogollon residents

living at Cottonwood Pueblo efficiently employed water harvesting and management techniques like

other cultural groups living across the American Southwest, and the Jornada Mogollon region, in
particular (see Figures 13a, and 13b).

From the literature review it is obvious, that although the Cottonwood Pueblo location was

isolated, Jornada Mogollon residents did not live in a technical or cultural vacuum. Like other

cultural groups within the southwest, I expect that Jornada Cottonwood residents employed diverse,

yet simple, effective, and ubiquitous water management techniques. Discovering just exactly what

those techniques where is worth researching, knowing, understanding, and appreciating.

Figure 13a. Gridded Plots in a Minor Drainage. Figure 13b. Rock Alignments of a Gridded Plot.
(Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and Kay (Kurota, Dello-Russo, Sternberg, and
Kay 2016, Figure 3c) 2016, Figure 3d)

a b

In many areas of the Jornada, streams, natural springs, and seeps that once flowed perennially

are now either dry or are only seasonal (Brethauer et al. 1978; Duran 1982; Greenwald, personal

communication 2018). It is reported that Cottonwood Spring was more vibrant and productive in the

early 1900s and that is today, and this was also likely true when the pueblo was occupied. Today, the

Cottonwood Spring is soil choked and filled with alluvial sediment – it does not flow. By examining

water resource features, their morphology, topographic locations, and probable routes of water

movement to agricultural terraces across the landscape it may be possible to show how Cottonwood

Pueblo occupants sustained themselves. It may also be possible to show a behavioral relationship

between artifacts, agriculture, water technology, and population at Cottonwood Spring Pueblo.

My Research Questions

My research will seek to answer these questions:

 1) What were the principal technical water management methods used by pre-Columbian

residents at Cottonwood Pueblo?

2) How did Cottonwood Pueblo residents use the landscape to access, direct, and disperse

the available water sources for domestic and agricultural use?

3) Is there evidence of any feature(s) like others reported in the western and central

Jornada Mogollon regions, such as a well, an enhanced spring, a canal, or a reservoir for

water storage?

4) What are the similarities, if any, in construction, use of terrain, and the complexity of

system of water management technologies found at Cottonwood versus others found

across the southwest?

5) How did Cottonwood pueblo residents obtain their drinking water?

6) Are there any satellite or isolated features that were man-made that have a spatial or

landscape relationship with the Cottonwood occupation – as Scarborough (1988) noted in his

investigations near the Hot Wells Pueblo?

7) Is it possible to show the depletion of arable agricultural land or the inability to bring

water to arable locations because of changes in rainfall patterns and arroyo down-cutting?

8) Can behavioral changes in water management techniques be noted by detecting

temporal changes or adjustments to technical water features at Cottonwood Pueblo?

DATA COLLECTION

Field Procedures

How will I gather data to support the question: How did the inhabitants of Cottonwood

Pueblo satisfy their domestic and agricultural water requirements? I will establish a physical GPS

grid tied to the existing NMSU site datum(s). A priority for physical research involves a thorough

random surface survey to identify feature locations. While conducting surveys along topographic

elevations I will be looking for: 1) terraces; 2) gridded plots; 3) terraces and canals that were used for

domestic or agricultural water purposes; 4) evidence of arroyo dry-farming; 5) exploration of springs

for Pre-Columbian man-made feature improvements; 6) any canals or ditches that may have been

used to siphon water away from the spring or those that routed water from surface runoff or the arroyo

to other locations; 7) check dams; and, 8) other surface features that would suggest that they were

used for domestic water and agricultural use.

Site mapping will provide spatial and behavioral relationships that will present a clearer

picture of water related resources and their possible use and relationship to the pueblo occupation site.

Archaeological features and artifacts found in association with check dams, rock alignments, gridded

plots or terraces, canals, wells, and springs, will be described and recorded for spatial relationships to

the site in general. Cross-section profiles, stratigraphic drawings, and photographs will show the

technical construction styles of canals, ditches, reservoirs, and other water features for a clarity of

understanding. I will collect and record all cultural materials and artifacts found in association with

any feature that I investigate or excavate. If found, ceramic artifacts and lithics can be diagnostic thus

offering temporal validation for the construction and use, or terminal date of use for a water feature.

It is important to take random samples of 14C, and soil, especially from soils found in water

technology/management features for flotation analysis.

What About Human Remains?

Finding human remains during feature excavations is a distinct possibility. I am unaware of

NMSU’s permit permissions. However, State of New Mexico requirements dictate that: under the

New Mexico Cultural Properties Act, Statute 18-6-11.2; sections A through I apply and must be

followed. Further, Cottonwood Pueblo is located on federally managed property so NAGPRA

regulations must also be complied with. I will not intentionally disturb any human remains and if I

unintentionally find them, I will cease work immediately and notify Dr. Walker.

Collection Procedures

Methods for collection and analysis of artifacts I find will depend upon the type, feature,

location, and amount of the specific artifact materials discovered. For instance, large amounts of fire-

cracked rock may not yield much analytical information when compared to numerous types of

ceramics found at a given location. Field specimens will be bagged and the cataloging of each item

will be recorded. New Mexico State University standard bagging procedures, and cataloging forms
will be used, and all materials will be preserved for future reference in compliance with department

policies following the advice of the, Dr. Walker.

Typological identification and cataloging of both ceramic and lithic materials will be done

statistically and in table form. Appropriate logs, sketches, and records will be compiled and all data

will be presented via the use of spread sheet, tables, charts, and maps and stored in hard-copy and in

digital format. Use of laboratory time will be dedicated to the cataloging and preservation of all

artifacts excavated in preparation for archival preservation.

How Much Will I Collect?

Presently, I plan to only collect soil samples from features such as canals, agricultural

terraces, and intact grid plots that contain sufficient soil stratigraphy to make reasonable temporal and

morphological inferences. Soil samples from water management features for flotation and pollen

analysis should allow me to determine trends in plant use preferences or availability over time. I will

collect all lithic and ceramic artifacts found in association with water technology features and record

their stratigraphic context. I do not intend to collect fire-cracked rock (FCR), however, if I find any

FCR in terraces or grid plots I will photograph and document feature morphology, location, shape,

and size. In part, curation concerns are a factor in the recovery of all artifacts, so artifact recovery and

curation will be discussed and agreed upon with Dr. Walker prior to going to the field.

METHODOLOGY AND ANALYTICAL PROCEDURES

Methods for Field Work

During every phase of my research investigation the use of drone photography will be

employed. Both still photographs and video will be taken and transcribed onto DVD-R discs for

preservation and distribution as necessary. DVD copies will be included with my thesis.

I will survey other nearby, off-site agricultural features if it appears that they have a temporal

relationship to those found at the pueblo. Although not relevant to my research I will document

obvious historical features for possible previous impacts on the pre-Columbian archaeology.

Flagging and other identifiable material will be used to source plot features for recording. All features

will be tied to the existing NMSU grid system for each locus and area of Cottonwood Pueblo where
the feature is found.

Features identified for excavation will be shown to Dr. Walker for evaluation, discussion, and

review prior to starting any excavation work. If approved, I will excavate a trench across every ditch,

canal, or terrace to record the cross-section profile of the feature to demonstrate construction

techniques unique to that feature(s). Drawings and photographic records will be kept of every feature,

not just those excavated. Field data will be recorded in a field notebook daily. Record keeping will

be done on NMSU Anthropology Department forms for uniformity and transparency for those within

the department, and for other archaeologists who may desire access to the research findings later.

Sampling Methods

A random sample surface survey, aerial drone, and conventional photography will supplement

topographic mapping of features. The spatial location of gridded plots, mulched terraces, ak-chin

arroyo dry-farming features, flood-water farming plots, canals, wells, and reservoirs will provide

analytical insight into the technical ingenuity of the construction and management of water use/flow

around the pueblo. The discovery of specific individual features, their location, type, and the

relationship to the pueblo or agricultural features also offers insight into the behavioral processes for

water distribution, planning, management, and domestic availability for residents.

Supplemental Investigations – Time Permitting

If possible, I will to visit other nearby Jornada pueblo sites to observe site layout, record site

elevations, observe nearby water sources, and determine if there are any obvious water management

features visible on the surface. Every pueblo found along the west side of the San Andres Mountains

was contemporaneous so there should be obvious similarities of water related features at, or near,

every site. Although not directly related to my research, the insights gained by doing this may help

me identify similar features at Cottonwood Pueblo.

PLAN OF WORK AND TIMETABLE

The Research Schedule

My research schedule began in September 2018 with a preliminary, albeit, cursory surface

survey around the Cottonwood Pueblo proper. Additional data collection, artifact and feature

analysis, aerial and still photography, etc., will be determined with the approval of my thesis research
proposal during the Fall 2018 semester and after discussions with Dr. Walker and my thesis

committee.

Prior To Going to The Field

Prior to starting my field research, I will review all relevant literature sources, available aerial

photographs, USGS topographic maps, and maps found in literature sources that show Jornada

Mogollon occupation locations along the west side of the San Andres Mountains. A thorough review

will allow me to become familiar with the local landscape, terrain, and probable preferred topographic

location of features. Research insights may offer clues as to how residents of the pueblo might have

developed and manipulated the available water resources.

Before arrival at the site I will construct a grid using GPS coordinates tied onto the existing

NMSU site datum(s) and plot this grid onto topographic maps to aid my physical grid layout at the

site. Gridding the site will allow me and other researchers to see site spatial relationships to water

resources, landscape, and behavioral aspects of site geography already under investigation – (time

table 3-5 days).

On Site Investigations

Photography and Landscape Analysis

(timetable unknown at present)

Feature Excavation, Artifact Collection, and Data Recording

(timetable unknown at present)

Report Writing, Presentations, And Community Outreach

I will accomplish a thorough documentation of artifacts and data recovered during my field

work. I will include notes, maps, photographs, GPS data, and descriptions of my methods and logic

for collecting specific information. All data collected will be used to support my Master’s thesis.

Additionally, because archaeological investigation is a shared intellectual effort I will write papers

and reports as necessary so that others may have access to my data. In keeping with my professional

responsibilities, I will make timely presentations to outside groups in order to make others aware of
my research findings within the Jornada Mogollon region.

CONCLUSION

Little archaeological attention was given to the Jornada Mogollon at least through 1948 when

Lehmer published The Jornada Branch of the Mogollon. Even when Jornada sites were investigated,

the primary attention was focused on either pithouses, adobe architecture, pueblo layout, the presence

of a kiva or plaza, ceramic typologies to show periods of occupation, and site locations on the

landscape (Lehmer 1948; and others). Locally, in the Jornada del Muerto, many ranchers, artifact

hunters, and amateur archaeologists knew of the large sites scattered across the landscape while only

sporadic professional investigation was given to these Jornada Mogollon late El Paso period pueblo

occupations.

The extensive chronicle of, and ubiquity of, water manipulation techniques across the greater

southwest speaks of the inventiveness, skill, and perseverance that pre-Columbian cultures employed

to supply adequate domestic and agricultural water. Water resource research investigations at

Cottonwood Spring Pueblo will help shed light on how several large, late El Paso phase communities

were able to survive for over 150 years in an area without seemingly perennial sources of water –

except for the, now, several isolated springs within the Cottonwood drainage. Adequate water supply

at these occupation sites is a piece of a regional occupation puzzle that has evaded archaeologists –

one that is still slowly and grudgingly giving up its story.

By finding and describing water management and technology features used by the El Paso

phase occupants of Cottonwood Pueblo land managers at WSMR and the Jornada Research Station

may have a greater appreciation for the richness of those archaeological sites along the west side of

the San Andres Mountains. Further, for those interested in Mogollon and Jornada archaeology this

research may offer new insights into regional migration, mobility versus permanent pueblo

occupation, and site choice. The importance of my research into exactly how Jornada Mogollon

residents at Cottonwood Spring Pueblo obtained and managed water resources is worth knowing and

sharing.
APPENDICES
 APPENDIX A:

RESEARCH PROPOSAL BUDGET

 Until I can resolve issues like the driving distance, surface areas to be surveyed, and other

logistical factors including site access, etc. it would seem unreasonable to try to project either time or

monetary costs. Further, 14C, and soil sample analysis costs will have to be determined dependent

upon the number of samples taken. Therefore, at this time, it is impossible to make a fair budget

assessment.
 APPENDIX B:

CURRICULUM VITAE
 Curriculum Vitae

Dale Frost
7008 Desert Canyon Drive
El Paso, Texas 79912
Phone: 915.543.0915
atmachone@yahoo.com

Education:

New Mexico State University

Master of Arts in Anthropology
January 2017 – Present

The University of Texas at El Paso

Master of Arts in Interdisciplinary Studies
No Degree

The University of Texas at El Paso

Bachelor of Arts, Anthropology, Second Bachelors

El Paso Community College

Anthropology, Spanish for non-Spanish Speakers, and Transfer Courses
No Degree

Webster University
Master of Arts, Management

Northern Arizona University

Bachelor of Science, Forest Land Management

Hudson Valley Community College

Civil Engineering Technology, and Transfer Courses
No Degree

Awards

Anthropology Book Scholarship – March 2018, from the Anthropology General Scholarship Fund
and Friends of Anthropology, New Mexico State University, Department of Anthropology. For
achievements and progress towards your degree in Anthropology.

Outstanding Achievement in Anthropology – Top Graduate, May 2015, The University of Texas
at El Paso, Spring 2015 Liberal Arts Awards and Hooding Ceremony

Certificate in Cultural Heritage Management – The University of Texas at El Paso, Department of

Sociology and Anthropology, Spring 2015
Top Crew Chief – June – July 2014, The University of Texas at El Paso, Field School

Publication:

Transactions of the 50th Regional Archaeological Symposium for Southeastern New Mexico and
Western Texas, May 2015
  An Analysis of the Lithic Materials Found at Sierra Diablo Cave, Hudspeth
County,
Texas

Professional Presentations:

Poster and Presentation, April 2014: An Analysis of the Lithic Materials Found at Sierra Diablo
Cave, Hudspeth County, Texas

 The UTEP 100th Anniversary, Anthropology Department Open House

Presentation, May 2014: An Analysis of the Lithic Materials Found at Sierra Diablo Cave, Hudspeth
County, Texas

 The Southwestern Federation of Archaeological Societies 50th Annual Symposium,

Canyon, Texas

Other Professional Experience:

Crew Chief, 29 May – 29 June 2018, New Mexico State University, Field School conducted at
Cottonwood Spring Pueblo (LA 175).

Project Manager, Creekside Village (LA 146443) Pit Structure (Feature 11) Excavation,
April 2015 – Present

 Responsible for the planning, coordination, and overall management of the

excavation process of feature 11. Responsible for the research plan, site
preparation, crew management, logistics, report review, final report writing and
submission.

Continuing Professional Education – Lower Pecos Canyonlands Academy, 14 – 15 Jan 2017, at

Langtry Texas.

 A 12-hour course sponsored by the Texas Archaeological Society and certified by

SBEC (#500647). Investigations into Paleo-Indian and Archaic site rock shelters
in Eagle Nest Canyon, Langtry, Texas.

Pedestrian Surface Survey Member, 26 through 30 September 2016, with Passport in Time and the
Bureau of Land Management, at Pena Blanca, Las Cruces, New Mexico.

 Assisted with artifact identification, feature recording, and the mapping of 4,700
acres of the Pena Blanca archaeological sites for preservation and protection.

Independent Contractor – with Northland Research Inc., November 2014 through March 2015, and
December 2015 through April 2016

 The Cultural Resource Monitor of U.S. Government bridge construction

projects for the U.S. Border Patrol along the International Border with Mexico.

Crew Chief – June – July 2014, The University of Texas at El Paso, Field School

Field school conducted at Chilicote Ranch, Valentine, TX, and The University of Texas’ Indio Ranch,
southwest of Van Horn, Texas.

Professional Affiliations:

Member, American Anthropological Association

Member, Archaeology Southwest
Member, Center for the Study of the First Americans
Member, El Paso Archaeological Society
Member, Jornada Research Institute
Member, New Mexico Archaeological Society
Member, Society for American Anthropology
Member, The Archaeological Conservancy
Member, Texas Archaeological Society
Participant, Passport in Time, Archaeological Preservation Projects
Life Member, Daedalians (Professional Military Flying Organization)
Life Member, Rocky Mountain Elk Foundation

Research Interests:

Late Archaic and Pre-historic cultures, occupations, lithics, and domestic water technologies in
the American Southwest, southern New Mexico, and the Trans-Pecos Region of Texas

Language:

Two semesters of Spanish for non-Spanish speakers

Graduate Advisor:

Dr. William Walker, Professor

Anthropology Department
New Mexico State University

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