Project Muse 26954-987882
Project Muse 26954-987882
Project Muse 26954-987882
Eliezer D. Oren
Oren, Eliezer D.
The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment.
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013.
Project MUSE.muse.jhu.edu/book/26954.
Lucia Vagnetti
Instituto per gli Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici, Rome
The supposed association of some of the "Sea Peo- focusing on the geographical and cultural diversity of
ples"-namely the Sherden, the Shekelesh and the the area and its interconnections and relationships
Tursha-with Sardinia, Sicily and the Tyrrhenian with the eastern Mediterranean, particularly the
area (Etruria of the historical period) respectively oc- Aegean and Cyprus. This background-correspond-
curs often in older and more recent studies and must ing generally to the "High Barbary" chapter in San-
be addressed in a general reappraisal of the Sea Peo- dars' classic book (Sandars 1978:81-103)-thus shall
ples and the Western Mediterranean. The aim of this focus on the archaeological evidence that provides
paper is to summarize the available data on the the proper setting for the Sea Peoples in the Western
Bronze Age sequence in the western Mediterranean, Mediterranean.
Chronological Framework
The Sherden are first mentioned in the Amarna Libyans in attacking Egypt and were defeated. The
Letters (14th centuryB.C.E.) as mercenaries stationed same peoples as well as the Tjekker were defeated
in Egyptian garrisons in the Levant. In the 13th cen- again in the fifth regnal year ofRamesses III, ca. 1180
tury B.C.E., various references to Sherden occur in in- B.C.E.
scriptions from the long reign of Ramesses II The records from Egypt, Anatolia and Ugarit pro-
(1279-1213 B.C.E.). The Sherden and the Tursha are vide the textual evidence for the groups of Sea Peo-
likewise referred to in contemporary Ugaritic and ples that scholars connect with the western Mediter-
Hittite texts. During the reign of Merneptah ranean and thus establish the chronological frame-
(1213-1203 B.C.E.), the Sherden, Tursha, and Sheke- work for a discussion of the western Mediterranean
lesh, alongside other Sea Peoples, were allied with between ca. 1350 and 1150 B.C.E. (Barnett 1975; San-
306 SEA PEOPLES
dars 1978:203, table I; for more recent summaries ranean, the Nora stone that was found near Cagliari
specific to the west, Gras 1985:43-57; Tykot 1994: in southern Sardinia. Scholarly opinions on the date
62-66). of this important inscription vary between the 9th
Later references to the Sherden and the Tjekker century B.C.E. (Cross 1986) to the 8th century B.C.E.
appear in the Tale ofWenamun and in the Onomas- (Amadasi Guzzo and Guzzo 1986).
ticon of Amenope, both dated to the 11th century The following study will focus on the period from
B.C.E. (Breasted 1906:557-591; Gardiner 1947:192). c. 1350-1150 B.C.E.; for the sake of completion, we
The Sherden are also mentioned in one of the earli- will deal with the periods before and after as well.
est Phoenician inscriptions in the central Mediter-
Geographic Background
Peninsular Italy, over 1000 kms long, extends from tent culturally related to the peninsula. Sicily has sev-
the natural barrier of the Alps in the north to the Io- eral good harbors and mooring points. The huge Mt.
nian Sea in the south. It is characterized by a long, Etna volcano to the east, and the mountains in the
indented coastline that is rich in mooring points and center and along the north coast divide the region
harbors, the wide alluvial plain of the Po Valley in into separate areas. In contrast, Sardinia is more iso-
the north, and the high Apennine mountain range lated and has a highly individual cultural characteri-
that forms the north-south spine of the central and zation. Sardinia's wealth of raw materials, including
southern part of the peninsula as well as the high wa- obsidian and metals, was known as early as the Ne-
tershed between the Adriatic and the Tyrrhenian olithic Age. As a consequence, maritime connections
Seas (Fig. 16.1). developed with other areas making good use of the
The Tyrrhenian Sea, central to our discussion, is natural harbors and waterways-routes of antiquity
bordered on the east by the western coast of peninsu- that are still in use (LoSchiavo 1986; 1989a).
lar Italy (Etruria, Latium, Campania, Calabria), on Without resorting to an argument based on geo-
the south by Sicily, and by Sardinia and Corsica on graphical determinism, one must admit that the geo-
the west. Several minor islands, such as the Aeolian graphical and physical features did influence, to
or Lipari Islands and the Phlegrean Islands, were im- some extent, the cultural fragmentation that is dis-
portant for navigation throughout the prehistoric pe- played by the archaeological record from peninsular
riod, though in the Bronze Age they became of pri- Italy. In particular, the northern part of the peninsu-
mary importance for their interconnections with the la, including the Alps and the Po Valley, is more
Aegean (Marazzi 1988). closely linked to the archaeological sequence of Con-
The two large islands, Sicily and Sardinia, consti- tinental Europe and the Balkans, while central and
tute different geographic units. The close proximity southern Italy, with the adjacent islands, are deeply
of Sicily to the peninsula, with only the Messina involved in Mediterranean developments (Peroni
Straits separating them, makes the island to some ex- 1989; 1994).
Figure 16.1. Map of Italy. Shaded areas are more than 200 m above sea level.
Black dots indicate some important Bronze Age sites (drawing by A. Mancini).
1. Peschiera. 2. Villabartolomea. 3. Frattesina. 4. Luni sul Mignone. 5. Vivara. 6. La Starza. 7. Coppa N evigata.
8. Scoglio del Ton no. 9. Broglio di Trebisacce. 10. Torre Mordillo. 11. Praia. 12. Lipari. 13. Thapsos. 14. Pantalica.
15. Milena. 16. Antigori. 17. Orroli. 18. Barumini. 19. Torralba.
308 SEA PEOPLES
Apennine cultures. The Milazzese culture came to an over, the many small settlements that were densely
abrupt end sometime during the 13th century B.C.E. distributed in the territory during the Middle Bronze
and was replaced on Lipari by a variety of the penin- Age tend to increase in size and decrease in number
sular Subapennine culture, known locally as Auson- during the Late Bronze Age. In the Final Bronze
ian (Bernabo Brea 1957; Bernabo Brea and Cavalier Age, some of the major settlements can be defined as
1980; Peroni 1994). "proto-urban" centers. This phenomenon has been
In the 16th century, Sardinia developed the so- well studied in peninsular Italy, such as in the region
called Nuragic culture, the hallmarks of which are of ancient Sybaris in northern Calabria (Peroni and
the outstanding megalithic towers (Fig. 16.2) scat- Trucco 1994) and the region to the north of Rome,
tered all over the island (Atzeni et al. 1981; Lilliu where Etruscan civilization developed in the first mil-
1982). The multitude of new discoveries in the last lennium B.C.E. (DiGennaro 1986). In the latter area,
20 years, coupled with intensive research on old and in particular, some major sites of the Final Bronze
new finds, makes it very difficult to keep up-to-date Age later became great urban centers such as Veii,
with the island's most recent developments (Balmuth Tarquinia, Cerveteri, to mention only the more fa-
1992, for a summary of recent discoveries with ample mous places.
bibliography). Furthermore, beginning in the Middle Bronze
In the following pages we shall outline briefly some Age, the coastal settlements that become increasingly
of the regional characteristics, while keeping in mind common display a new openness toward external
the uneven nature, both in quantity and quality, of contacts. Settlements located on small peninsulas
the primary data as well as the present level of their with two anchorages, each suitable for mooring with
interpretation. In particular, we shall focus on the in- different winds, characterize the coasts of the penin-
crease in social and economic complexity and the sular Italy and Sicily.
steady development of certain aspects of material cul- The architecture of the Bronze Age villages in pen-
ture, such as settlement patterns, funerary customs, insular Italy and Sicily is not particularly outstanding.
and the emergence of highly specialized craft pro- Dwellings consisted of huts, usually made of perish-
duction (Figs. 16.3-4). able materials, supported by wooden posts, some-
Settlements in key locations, including modern ur- times constructed on stone foundations; occasionally
ban centers such as Rome, Bari, and Taranto, had these dwellings had underground cavities (Mc-
their origin in the Middle Bronze Age. From that Connell 1992). This architectural tradition contin-
point onwards one can observe, as a general guide- ues, with few exceptions, in the Western Mediter-
line, a tendency toward continuity and stabilization ranean during the Late and Final Bronze Ages and
of settlements, a preference for their location on top well into the Early Iron Age. In Late Bronze Age Sici-
of small hills with steep slopes, the use of defensive ly, multi-roomed buildings of rectangular shape are
devices and, in some cases, real fortifications. More- known at Thapsos (Fig. 16.5) and Pantalica. Only in
rc_-:_-.::::::::.::r\
' J
''
''
'
''
Figure 16.2. Nuraghe Santu Antine at Torralba in northern Sardinia (after Contu 1981).
VAGNETII 309
2 3
\~··.·
.. ··.···.)
.
11
,, 6
!I
i!
I
~:0 ~
P==~:::=c==~-~--1 ~
' > p 8
\ /'(..
I' ij.
'. l!·
"+•·:
: •,'
2
,·,,.,f
-:-:rJ
•'-'rt:_f:
'•.
, ~~
I
'
I
.I
I
j..
I t,
i ·i·
I~.
I I
I,;r.j,
~
·. ....i 16 • 11
;,"
Figure 16. 4. Selection of local bronzes and Mycenaean pottery from Scaglia del Ton no (after Muller-Karpe 1959).
VAGNETTI 311
- I,
y
I,
.")
0
25 &Om
Sardinia had monumental stone architecture devel- the above exception, inhumation remained common
oped from as early as the Middle Bronze Age, and in southern Italy and exclusive in Sicily and Sardinia
the building of Nuragic towers continued at least un- (Peroni 1994).
til the end of the Bronze Age (Fig. 16.2). Generally, The development of metallurgy in general and
the organization of space within settlements does not bronze manufacture in particular is an especially well
seem to follow a specific plan, at least until the Late researched subject. It is important to emphasize how-
Bronze Age. At present, the sophisticated planning ever, that in the Late Bronze Age a large number of
of Thapsos in Sicily appears to be an exception (see bronze objects that are at home in the central
Fig. 16.5). Mediterranean display features in common with both
Despite the regional variations in funerary cus- central Europe and with the Aegean. This phenome-
toms, from at least the Middle Bronze Age on, multi- non is usually explained as the result of itinerant
ple inhumations in caves, dolmens and rock-cut craftsmen who transmitted the techniques and
tombs are most common in peninsular Italy (Cipol- shapes across vast territories (Bietti Sestieri 1973).
loni Sampo 1987). In Sicily some of the tombs have a Itinerant craftsmen were not limited to metalsmiths,
tholos-like profile (Tusa 1983; Tomasello 1986). On but probably also included the potters who intro-
the other hand, in Sardinia monumental chambered duced the use of the wheel to the central Mediter-
tombs with architectural fac;:ades-the so-called ranean (Jones and Vagnetti 1991). Another special-
"Tombe dei Giganti"-are the peculiar tomb-type ized activity that emerged in the Po Valley during the
characteristic ofNuragic society (Contu 1981). In ad- Final Bronze Age is the production of glass which
dition to inhumation, cremation occasionally ap- could have been introduced through a similar
pears in the Middle Bronze Age and is even more fre- process (Bietti Sestieri 1975; 1981; Brill 1992). The
quent in the Late Bronze Age. In north and central development of some of the craft production is best
Italy, cremation is typical of the so-called Protovil- considered against the general background of for-
lanovan Urnfields of the Final Bronze Age and is also eign contacts between the central Mediterranean
attested at several sites in southern Italy, in the north- and the Aegean during the period under considera-
east corner of Sicily, and on Lipari. However, with tion.
the turn of the 16th century B.C.E., when Mycenaean and Cyprus, there are many sherds of locally made
civilization on the Greek mainland began to emerge, vessels of diagnostic Aegean types (Ferrarese Ceruti
is limited to the Late Helladic I and II pottery that 1981; 1982; 1986; Ferrarese Ceruti et al. 1987; Jones
was recorded at several coastal sites and on small is- and Day 1987).
lands (Taylour 1958; 1980; Vagnetti 1991; Castellana The large number of analyses in progress Uones
1993-94; Marazzi and Tusa 1994). The Late Helladic 1993) will most likely provide us with proper data for
IliA and IIIB phases in the 14th-13th century B.C.E. reconstructing the impact of Aegean crafts and pot-
marked maximal extension of the Mycenaean pala- tery technology on the central Mediterranean in the
tial organization on the Greek mainland and the Late Bronze Age. As a working hypothesis we may
greatest expansion of Mycenaean civilization within suggest that the local production of Aegean-type pot-
the Aegean, especially to Crete, to the Dodecanese, tery, at least in its initial phase, implies a movement
and to the coast of Asia Minor. This period also wit- of specialized craftsmen, possibly on a seasonal or
nessed the peak of Mycenaean trade with the central temporary basis, from the Aegean to peripheral areas
Mediterranean. in the Mediterranean basin Uones and Vagnetti
Our main sources of information for the contacts 1991). The archeometric characterization of the pot-
with Mycenaean Greece during the 14th century tery from the sites mentioned above and from some
B.C.E. come from the settlement at Scoglio del Tonno others points to intra-site exchange, albeit of a limit-
near Taranto in Apulia (see Fig. 16.4) (Biancofiore ed scale, and clearly indicates that several production
1967) as well as from many sites around Syracuse and centers were active simultaneously Uones and Vag-
Agrigento in Sicily (Taylour 1958; La Rosa 1993-94; netti 1991; Vagnetti and Jones 1993). Indeed, the
De Miro and Deorsola 1993), some of the Aeolian vil- number of new workshops apparently increased fol-
lages (Taylour 1958; 1980), and some recent discov- lowing the first wave of destruction that affected
eries in Sardinia (LoSchiavo and Vagnetti 1993). Ex- some of the Mycenaean palatial sites during the LH
cavations carried out in the central Mediterranean IIIB (Kilian 1988) .
during the last 15 years have greatly increased the The site of Broglio represents a case study for as-
quantity of 13th century material recovered and, at sessing the Aegean influence on local pottery manu-
the same time, have highlighted the problems in- facture in the 13th century and later. In fact, apart
volved in determining the nature of the connections. from the painted pottery of Aegean type, excavations
To the material long known from Apulia, such as yielded two other classes of locally produced pottery
that from Scoglio del Tonno and other nearby sites that evidence certain foreign influence. The first is
(Biancofiore 1967; Lo Porto 1963; 1964), one can the gray wheel-made pottery that, in technique, re-
now add the abundant evidence from Termitito in calls the Minyan pottery of the Middle Helladic peri-
Basilicata (Bianco and De Siena 1982; De Siena od. This pottery, however, belongs to the Late
1986), Broglio di Trebisacce in northern Calabria Bronze Age and features a range of shapes that in
(Vagnetti and Panichelli 1994), Cannatello in Sicily part reproduces the Mycenaean repertoire and in
(De Miro 1996), and Nuraghe Antigori in Sardinia part the local Italian pottery (Bergonzi 1985; Be-
(Ferrarese Ceruti 1981; 1982; 1986; Ferrarese Ceruti lardelli 1994). The second class of Aegean-derived
et al. 1987). pottery is the locally manufactured huge pithoi of
Of particular importance for understanding the re- fine buff ware which resemble, in form and technolo-
lations with Mycenaean Greece during the 14th and gy, the pithoi ubiquitous in the Aegean for food stor-
13th centuries is the pottery from Italian sites that ex- age. These pithoi were produced at Broglio from the
hibits Aegean technology and style but was manufac- 13th century B.C.E. Groups of such pithoi have been
tured with local clays. Archeometric research has found broken in situ in certain areas of the site that
greatly helped in the analysis of these ceramics were possibly designated as store-rooms. Develop-
Uones 1986;Jones and Day 1987;Jones and Vagnetti ments in agrotechnology most likely resulted in an
1991; 1992; Jones, Lazzarini, Mariottini, and Orvini increase in crop variety (e.g., olives and, as an end
1994; Vagnetti andJones 1988; Vagnetti 1994). Rep- product, olive oil) and quantity. The need for large
resentative sites for the study of the locally made ce- containers for storage probably spurred the produc-
ramics in southern Italy are Porto Perone, Satyrion tion of the new specialized vessels that were inspired
(Lo Porto 1963; 1964), Termitito (Bianco and Siena by Aegean models (Bergonzi 1985; Tenaglia 1994;
1982; De Siena 1986) and Broglio di Trebisacce Peroni and Trucco 1994; Peroni and Vanzetti 1992).
(Vagnetti and Panichelli 1994). To date no systemat- As is well known, it is often difficult to distinguish
ic archeometric research has been carried out on between LHIIIB and LHIIIC sherds in a foreign con-
samples from Sicily, although there are a few indica- text. For this reason the identification of LHIIIC ma-
tions of a distinction between imported and locally terial in Italy has always been less accurate than the
made pottery Uones and Vagnetti 1991:135; 1992: attribution of finds of earlier date. Nevertheless, even
234). At Nuraghe Antigori in Sardinia, in addition to in the study of locally produced material we can see a
a variety of imports from mainland Greece, Crete, development in styles similar to that in the Aegean,
VAGNETTI 313
thus implying a continuing contact in the 12th centu- derivative pottery in the eastern Mediterranean with
ry B.C.E. (Fig. 16.6). Evidently, the existence of local the movement of people coming from the Aegean.
workshops producing Aegean-type pottery did not In the central Mediterranean, by contrast, the situa-
preclude the importation of containers from the Ae- tion is quite different. In the central Mediterranean,
gean, although from the 12th century B.C.E. on (Late and in southern Italy in particular, there is no evi-
Helladic III C), imports appear to decrease. Among dence for new settlements of substantial groups com-
the LHIIIC imports we may cite a Rhodian stirrup jar ing from the Aegean. At all sites, imported Aegean
from Scoglio del Tonno (Taylour 1958: pl. 14, pottery and the local imitations were as a rule part of
12-14), a few sherds from Broglio di Trebisacce local contexts and represent a small percentage (not
(Vagnetti and Panichelli 1994: pl. 72: 3,5), and exceeding 10%) of the ceramic assemblage. In the
sherds from Antigori (Ferrarese Ceruti et al. 1987: central Mediterranean there were no settlements of
fig. 2.4). "Mycenaean foundation" and the tombs, which con-
A comparative study of the nature of imported Ae- tain local and Aegean grave goods, are all of a local
gean ceramics and locally manufactured Aegean in- type (Vagnetti 1982). The possibility of Aegean influ-
spired pottery in the eastern Mediterranean indicates ence on settlement planning, architecture and tomb
a similar increase during the LH IIIB period of local- types in Sicily (e.g., the Thapsos settlement; the mon-
ly made Aegean-type pottery. This is best manifested umental building at Pantalical; the tholos profile for
in the development of the so-called Levanto-Helladic rock-cut tombs) needs further study before a defini-
pottery which became popular, especially in Cyprus, tive interpretation can be proposed (Voza 1985) .
yet it did not replace the traditional local pottery With few exceptions, the most significant changes are
(Cadogan 1991; 1993; Sherratt and Sherrat 1991; confined to technological developments and craft
Leonard 1994). specialization in aspects such as pottery, metalwork
Concerning the appearance of the Mycenaean and glass production. Mention should be made of
III C: 1 b in the eastern Mediterranean, it should be the introduction of the lost-wax technique in bronze-
pointed out that this distinctive phenomenon has no work which, especially in Sardinia, produced very so-
analogy in the central Mediterranean (T. Dothan phisticated objects such as tripod-stands and fig-
1982; M. Dothan 1988; M. Dothan and T. Dothan urines of Cypriote and possibly Levantine derivation
1992; Kling 1989; Stager 1994). As is well known, (Fig. 16.8: 4-5) (Macnamara et al. 1984; Lo Schiavo
many scholars connect the appearance of LH IIIC et al. 1985; Vagnetti and Lo Schiavo 1989).
./
4
Figu.re 16.6. Selection ofLH Il!Cpottcry imported (3 and 7) and locally imitated {1-2, 4-6).
1-2, 4 from Leuca in Apulia; 3, 5 from Broglio di Trebisacce in Calabria; 5 from Nuraghe Antigori in Sardinia;
?from Scoglio del Ton no in Apulia.
VAGNETTI 315
-~
~- 2
o._....;2===::•-.:•-
·::·:;.- ?-~
.
-:,
.:·:· ; :,.
.-;.::· ~ :--j,.,=
- 3
•.__1;:.,....,;:4;.......;.....
Figure 16. 7. Copper ox-hide ingots from Sardinia (after Vagnetti and LoSchiavo 1989).
316 SEA PEOPLES
1 0 ~
I! \
(: ((j)
\ :
\\ l
3
0 2 ~ 6 8 10 em
Figure 16. 8. Tools for metallurgical work (1-3), tripod stand (4) and figurine (5) from Sardinia
(after La Schiavo et al. 1985).
VAGNETTI 317
of non-utilitarian metal objects, both imported and near Sciacca (Bisi 1968) belongs to a well-known class
locally manufactured (e.g., mirrors, vessels, and tri- of 14th-12th century B.C.E. Levantine Bronze Age fig-
pod stands) found in both Sicily and Sardinia show urines (Negbi 1976:29-40; Seeden 1980). Other fig-
strong similarities to Aegean and Cypriote examples. urines of pre-Phoenician date from Sardinia (Fig.
Of these, the tripod stands represent the most im- 16.8: 5) differ stylistically from the characteristic Sar-
pressive evidence for a close connection between dinian bronzetti of the Final Bronze Age and Iron
Cypriote and Sardinian metalwork in the Final Age (Lilliu 1966; 1981) and relate closer to eastern
Bronze Age (Fig. 16.8:4) (Macnamara et al. 1984; Lo Mediterranean types (Lo Schiavo et al. 1985).
Schiavo et al. 1985). It is also possible that the tripod The archaeological record outlined above includes
stand fragments of Cypriote type found in peninsular a variety of objects-utilitarian and non-utilitarian
Italy travelled via Sardinia (Vagnetti and Lo Schiavo alike-that support a picture of intensive and system-
1989). atic exchange between the eastern and western Medi-
Metal figurines deserve special mention. A bronze terranean, including the trade in raw material which
Reshef figure from the seabed off the Sicilian coast is more difficult to detect.
0
'·0
•J
.l
·.r
2
Figure 16. 9. Sword from Ugarit (1) compared to Late Bronze Age types from Italy: 2, type A reo; 3, type Pepin ville; 4, type
Terontola (after Schaeffer 1956 and Bianco Peroni 1970).
VAGNETTI 319
who, in later times, wears the same headgear). which, as we have already stressed, indicates neither
Thus, I find the evidence stronger that the three "colonial" activity nor new settlements.
groups, and in particular the Sherden, were the peo- In general, it appears that whichever explanation
ple who brought to the West the toponyms attached one prefers for the origin and identity of the Sher-
to the two islands and to a part of peninsular Italy. den, Shekelesh and Tursha is based not only on
Perhaps it was the ancient mariners, in particular his/her careful evaluation of the archaeological and
the Phoenicians, who, already familiar with these textual sources, but also on one's personal inclina-
tribes in the Levant, gave the names to the areas that tion. Also, it is important to recognize in the end,
were the landing places for groups of Sherden, She- that the entire problem of the Sea Peoples is compli-
kelesh, and Tursha (M. Dothan 1986). In this con- cated by the fact that the nature of the evidence for
nection it is interesting to note the literary tradition these groups in the Eastern and Western Mediter-
which connects the name Sardinia to Sardos, a Lib- ranean is not comparable: for the East, we have ar-
yan hero who guided a group of people to the island chaeology and contemporaneous texts, while for the
''without establishing new settlements, but mixing West, we have archaeology and late written sources.
with local people" (Nicosia 1981:423). This situation This divergence makes it likely that the debate be-
is evocative of the archaeological data from the Late tween opposing positions will continue for many
and Final Bronze Ages in the central Mediterranean years to come.
VAGNETTI 321
Acknowledgments
I am particularly grateful to A. Mancini, technician Studies in Rome, for preparing the illustrations.
in the Institute for Mycenaean and Aegeo-Anatolian
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