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The Sea Peoples and Their World

Eliezer D. Oren

Published by University of Pennsylvania Press

Oren, Eliezer D.
The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment.
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013.
Project MUSE.muse.jhu.edu/book/26954.

For additional information about this book


https://muse.jhu.edu/book/26954

Access provided at 1 Apr 2020 02:40 GMT with no institutional affiliation


16

Western Mediterranean Overview:


Peninsular Italy, Sicily and Sardinia
at the Time of the Sea Peoples

Lucia Vagnetti
Instituto per gli Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici, Rome

The supposed association of some of the "Sea Peo- focusing on the geographical and cultural diversity of
ples"-namely the Sherden, the Shekelesh and the the area and its interconnections and relationships
Tursha-with Sardinia, Sicily and the Tyrrhenian with the eastern Mediterranean, particularly the
area (Etruria of the historical period) respectively oc- Aegean and Cyprus. This background-correspond-
curs often in older and more recent studies and must ing generally to the "High Barbary" chapter in San-
be addressed in a general reappraisal of the Sea Peo- dars' classic book (Sandars 1978:81-103)-thus shall
ples and the Western Mediterranean. The aim of this focus on the archaeological evidence that provides
paper is to summarize the available data on the the proper setting for the Sea Peoples in the Western
Bronze Age sequence in the western Mediterranean, Mediterranean.

Chronological Framework
The Sherden are first mentioned in the Amarna Libyans in attacking Egypt and were defeated. The
Letters (14th centuryB.C.E.) as mercenaries stationed same peoples as well as the Tjekker were defeated
in Egyptian garrisons in the Levant. In the 13th cen- again in the fifth regnal year ofRamesses III, ca. 1180
tury B.C.E., various references to Sherden occur in in- B.C.E.
scriptions from the long reign of Ramesses II The records from Egypt, Anatolia and Ugarit pro-
(1279-1213 B.C.E.). The Sherden and the Tursha are vide the textual evidence for the groups of Sea Peo-
likewise referred to in contemporary Ugaritic and ples that scholars connect with the western Mediter-
Hittite texts. During the reign of Merneptah ranean and thus establish the chronological frame-
(1213-1203 B.C.E.), the Sherden, Tursha, and Sheke- work for a discussion of the western Mediterranean
lesh, alongside other Sea Peoples, were allied with between ca. 1350 and 1150 B.C.E. (Barnett 1975; San-
306 SEA PEOPLES

dars 1978:203, table I; for more recent summaries ranean, the Nora stone that was found near Cagliari
specific to the west, Gras 1985:43-57; Tykot 1994: in southern Sardinia. Scholarly opinions on the date
62-66). of this important inscription vary between the 9th
Later references to the Sherden and the Tjekker century B.C.E. (Cross 1986) to the 8th century B.C.E.
appear in the Tale ofWenamun and in the Onomas- (Amadasi Guzzo and Guzzo 1986).
ticon of Amenope, both dated to the 11th century The following study will focus on the period from
B.C.E. (Breasted 1906:557-591; Gardiner 1947:192). c. 1350-1150 B.C.E.; for the sake of completion, we
The Sherden are also mentioned in one of the earli- will deal with the periods before and after as well.
est Phoenician inscriptions in the central Mediter-

Geographic Background
Peninsular Italy, over 1000 kms long, extends from tent culturally related to the peninsula. Sicily has sev-
the natural barrier of the Alps in the north to the Io- eral good harbors and mooring points. The huge Mt.
nian Sea in the south. It is characterized by a long, Etna volcano to the east, and the mountains in the
indented coastline that is rich in mooring points and center and along the north coast divide the region
harbors, the wide alluvial plain of the Po Valley in into separate areas. In contrast, Sardinia is more iso-
the north, and the high Apennine mountain range lated and has a highly individual cultural characteri-
that forms the north-south spine of the central and zation. Sardinia's wealth of raw materials, including
southern part of the peninsula as well as the high wa- obsidian and metals, was known as early as the Ne-
tershed between the Adriatic and the Tyrrhenian olithic Age. As a consequence, maritime connections
Seas (Fig. 16.1). developed with other areas making good use of the
The Tyrrhenian Sea, central to our discussion, is natural harbors and waterways-routes of antiquity
bordered on the east by the western coast of peninsu- that are still in use (LoSchiavo 1986; 1989a).
lar Italy (Etruria, Latium, Campania, Calabria), on Without resorting to an argument based on geo-
the south by Sicily, and by Sardinia and Corsica on graphical determinism, one must admit that the geo-
the west. Several minor islands, such as the Aeolian graphical and physical features did influence, to
or Lipari Islands and the Phlegrean Islands, were im- some extent, the cultural fragmentation that is dis-
portant for navigation throughout the prehistoric pe- played by the archaeological record from peninsular
riod, though in the Bronze Age they became of pri- Italy. In particular, the northern part of the peninsu-
mary importance for their interconnections with the la, including the Alps and the Po Valley, is more
Aegean (Marazzi 1988). closely linked to the archaeological sequence of Con-
The two large islands, Sicily and Sardinia, consti- tinental Europe and the Balkans, while central and
tute different geographic units. The close proximity southern Italy, with the adjacent islands, are deeply
of Sicily to the peninsula, with only the Messina involved in Mediterranean developments (Peroni
Straits separating them, makes the island to some ex- 1989; 1994).

Cultural Development zn the Main Areas


The chronological range defined above (14th-9th Apennine (last phase of the Middle Bronze Age),
centuries B.C.E.) corresponds in local terms to the last Subapennine (Late Bronze Age), Protovillanovan
phase of the Middle Bronze Age (14th century (Final Bronze Age) and Villanovan (Early Iron Age)
B.C.E.), the entire Late (13th century) and Final cultures (Peroni 1989). In Sicily, the Thapsos culture
Bronze Ages (12th-11th centuries) and Iron Age I (latest part of the Middle and beginning of the Late
(1Oth-9th centuries B.C.E.). Absolute dates are re- Bronze Age) is followed by the Pantalica Nord and
vised according to the recent dendrochronological Cassibile cultures (Late and Final Bronze Age and
analyses that seem to push back the transition from Early Iron Age) (Bernabo Brea 1957; La Rosa 1989;
the Bronze to the Iron Age, traditionally set around Tusa 1992). The Aeolian Islands, representing the vi-
900 B.C.E. (Peroni 1994: figs. 79-80). tal bridge between Sicily and peninsular Italy, are
The various archaeological facies of peninsular characterized in the Middle Bronze Age by the Milaz-
Italy are characterized by the cultural units of the zese culture, which is related to the Thapsos and
VAGNETTI 307

Figure 16.1. Map of Italy. Shaded areas are more than 200 m above sea level.
Black dots indicate some important Bronze Age sites (drawing by A. Mancini).
1. Peschiera. 2. Villabartolomea. 3. Frattesina. 4. Luni sul Mignone. 5. Vivara. 6. La Starza. 7. Coppa N evigata.
8. Scoglio del Ton no. 9. Broglio di Trebisacce. 10. Torre Mordillo. 11. Praia. 12. Lipari. 13. Thapsos. 14. Pantalica.
15. Milena. 16. Antigori. 17. Orroli. 18. Barumini. 19. Torralba.
308 SEA PEOPLES

Apennine cultures. The Milazzese culture came to an over, the many small settlements that were densely
abrupt end sometime during the 13th century B.C.E. distributed in the territory during the Middle Bronze
and was replaced on Lipari by a variety of the penin- Age tend to increase in size and decrease in number
sular Subapennine culture, known locally as Auson- during the Late Bronze Age. In the Final Bronze
ian (Bernabo Brea 1957; Bernabo Brea and Cavalier Age, some of the major settlements can be defined as
1980; Peroni 1994). "proto-urban" centers. This phenomenon has been
In the 16th century, Sardinia developed the so- well studied in peninsular Italy, such as in the region
called Nuragic culture, the hallmarks of which are of ancient Sybaris in northern Calabria (Peroni and
the outstanding megalithic towers (Fig. 16.2) scat- Trucco 1994) and the region to the north of Rome,
tered all over the island (Atzeni et al. 1981; Lilliu where Etruscan civilization developed in the first mil-
1982). The multitude of new discoveries in the last lennium B.C.E. (DiGennaro 1986). In the latter area,
20 years, coupled with intensive research on old and in particular, some major sites of the Final Bronze
new finds, makes it very difficult to keep up-to-date Age later became great urban centers such as Veii,
with the island's most recent developments (Balmuth Tarquinia, Cerveteri, to mention only the more fa-
1992, for a summary of recent discoveries with ample mous places.
bibliography). Furthermore, beginning in the Middle Bronze
In the following pages we shall outline briefly some Age, the coastal settlements that become increasingly
of the regional characteristics, while keeping in mind common display a new openness toward external
the uneven nature, both in quantity and quality, of contacts. Settlements located on small peninsulas
the primary data as well as the present level of their with two anchorages, each suitable for mooring with
interpretation. In particular, we shall focus on the in- different winds, characterize the coasts of the penin-
crease in social and economic complexity and the sular Italy and Sicily.
steady development of certain aspects of material cul- The architecture of the Bronze Age villages in pen-
ture, such as settlement patterns, funerary customs, insular Italy and Sicily is not particularly outstanding.
and the emergence of highly specialized craft pro- Dwellings consisted of huts, usually made of perish-
duction (Figs. 16.3-4). able materials, supported by wooden posts, some-
Settlements in key locations, including modern ur- times constructed on stone foundations; occasionally
ban centers such as Rome, Bari, and Taranto, had these dwellings had underground cavities (Mc-
their origin in the Middle Bronze Age. From that Connell 1992). This architectural tradition contin-
point onwards one can observe, as a general guide- ues, with few exceptions, in the Western Mediter-
line, a tendency toward continuity and stabilization ranean during the Late and Final Bronze Ages and
of settlements, a preference for their location on top well into the Early Iron Age. In Late Bronze Age Sici-
of small hills with steep slopes, the use of defensive ly, multi-roomed buildings of rectangular shape are
devices and, in some cases, real fortifications. More- known at Thapsos (Fig. 16.5) and Pantalica. Only in

rc_-:_-.::::::::.::r\
' J
''
''
'
''

Figure 16.2. Nuraghe Santu Antine at Torralba in northern Sardinia (after Contu 1981).
VAGNETII 309

2 3

\~··.·
.. ··.···.)
.

11

Figure 16.3. Ceramic types of Bronze Age Italy.


1-2, 5-8, 10, 13 from peninsular Italy; 3, 9 from Sardinia; 4, ll-12from Sicily (after Peroni 1994).
310 SEA PEOPLES

--· -- -·------ -----~----- -------------- -------~-·--------,

,, 6
!I
i!
I

~:0 ~

P==~:::=c==~-~--1 ~
' > p 8
\ /'(..
I' ij.
'. l!·
"+•·:
: •,'
2
,·,,.,f
-:-:rJ
•'-'rt:_f:
'•.
, ~~

I
'
I
.I

I
j..
I t,

i ·i·

I~.
I I
I,;r.j,

~
·. ....i 16 • 11

;,"

Figure 16. 4. Selection of local bronzes and Mycenaean pottery from Scaglia del Ton no (after Muller-Karpe 1959).
VAGNETTI 311

- I,
y
I,
.")
0

25 &Om

Figure 16.5. The settlement at Thapsos in Sicily (after Voza 1985).

Sardinia had monumental stone architecture devel- the above exception, inhumation remained common
oped from as early as the Middle Bronze Age, and in southern Italy and exclusive in Sicily and Sardinia
the building of Nuragic towers continued at least un- (Peroni 1994).
til the end of the Bronze Age (Fig. 16.2). Generally, The development of metallurgy in general and
the organization of space within settlements does not bronze manufacture in particular is an especially well
seem to follow a specific plan, at least until the Late researched subject. It is important to emphasize how-
Bronze Age. At present, the sophisticated planning ever, that in the Late Bronze Age a large number of
of Thapsos in Sicily appears to be an exception (see bronze objects that are at home in the central
Fig. 16.5). Mediterranean display features in common with both
Despite the regional variations in funerary cus- central Europe and with the Aegean. This phenome-
toms, from at least the Middle Bronze Age on, multi- non is usually explained as the result of itinerant
ple inhumations in caves, dolmens and rock-cut craftsmen who transmitted the techniques and
tombs are most common in peninsular Italy (Cipol- shapes across vast territories (Bietti Sestieri 1973).
loni Sampo 1987). In Sicily some of the tombs have a Itinerant craftsmen were not limited to metalsmiths,
tholos-like profile (Tusa 1983; Tomasello 1986). On but probably also included the potters who intro-
the other hand, in Sardinia monumental chambered duced the use of the wheel to the central Mediter-
tombs with architectural fac;:ades-the so-called ranean (Jones and Vagnetti 1991). Another special-
"Tombe dei Giganti"-are the peculiar tomb-type ized activity that emerged in the Po Valley during the
characteristic ofNuragic society (Contu 1981). In ad- Final Bronze Age is the production of glass which
dition to inhumation, cremation occasionally ap- could have been introduced through a similar
pears in the Middle Bronze Age and is even more fre- process (Bietti Sestieri 1975; 1981; Brill 1992). The
quent in the Late Bronze Age. In north and central development of some of the craft production is best
Italy, cremation is typical of the so-called Protovil- considered against the general background of for-
lanovan Urnfields of the Final Bronze Age and is also eign contacts between the central Mediterranean
attested at several sites in southern Italy, in the north- and the Aegean during the period under considera-
east corner of Sicily, and on Lipari. However, with tion.

Eastern Mediterranean Interconnections


The Italian Bronze Age is characterized by continu- 1991) to more pervasive contacts that might have
ous and systematic interaction with the eastern Medi- stimulated changes in various aspects of social orga-
terranean, including the Aegean, Cyprus, and, to a nization and economy.
limited extent, the Levant (Vagnetti 1982; 1993). Mycenaean Greece played the most important role
From the archaeological evidence one can surmise in establishing and consolidating systematic long-dis-
different levels of exchange ranging from trade in tance interrelations in the Mediterranean basin. The
raw materials and luxury items (Sherratt and Sherratt archaeological evidence for Aegean connections at
312 SEA PEOPLES

the turn of the 16th century B.C.E., when Mycenaean and Cyprus, there are many sherds of locally made
civilization on the Greek mainland began to emerge, vessels of diagnostic Aegean types (Ferrarese Ceruti
is limited to the Late Helladic I and II pottery that 1981; 1982; 1986; Ferrarese Ceruti et al. 1987; Jones
was recorded at several coastal sites and on small is- and Day 1987).
lands (Taylour 1958; 1980; Vagnetti 1991; Castellana The large number of analyses in progress Uones
1993-94; Marazzi and Tusa 1994). The Late Helladic 1993) will most likely provide us with proper data for
IliA and IIIB phases in the 14th-13th century B.C.E. reconstructing the impact of Aegean crafts and pot-
marked maximal extension of the Mycenaean pala- tery technology on the central Mediterranean in the
tial organization on the Greek mainland and the Late Bronze Age. As a working hypothesis we may
greatest expansion of Mycenaean civilization within suggest that the local production of Aegean-type pot-
the Aegean, especially to Crete, to the Dodecanese, tery, at least in its initial phase, implies a movement
and to the coast of Asia Minor. This period also wit- of specialized craftsmen, possibly on a seasonal or
nessed the peak of Mycenaean trade with the central temporary basis, from the Aegean to peripheral areas
Mediterranean. in the Mediterranean basin Uones and Vagnetti
Our main sources of information for the contacts 1991). The archeometric characterization of the pot-
with Mycenaean Greece during the 14th century tery from the sites mentioned above and from some
B.C.E. come from the settlement at Scoglio del Tonno others points to intra-site exchange, albeit of a limit-
near Taranto in Apulia (see Fig. 16.4) (Biancofiore ed scale, and clearly indicates that several production
1967) as well as from many sites around Syracuse and centers were active simultaneously Uones and Vag-
Agrigento in Sicily (Taylour 1958; La Rosa 1993-94; netti 1991; Vagnetti and Jones 1993). Indeed, the
De Miro and Deorsola 1993), some of the Aeolian vil- number of new workshops apparently increased fol-
lages (Taylour 1958; 1980), and some recent discov- lowing the first wave of destruction that affected
eries in Sardinia (LoSchiavo and Vagnetti 1993). Ex- some of the Mycenaean palatial sites during the LH
cavations carried out in the central Mediterranean IIIB (Kilian 1988) .
during the last 15 years have greatly increased the The site of Broglio represents a case study for as-
quantity of 13th century material recovered and, at sessing the Aegean influence on local pottery manu-
the same time, have highlighted the problems in- facture in the 13th century and later. In fact, apart
volved in determining the nature of the connections. from the painted pottery of Aegean type, excavations
To the material long known from Apulia, such as yielded two other classes of locally produced pottery
that from Scoglio del Tonno and other nearby sites that evidence certain foreign influence. The first is
(Biancofiore 1967; Lo Porto 1963; 1964), one can the gray wheel-made pottery that, in technique, re-
now add the abundant evidence from Termitito in calls the Minyan pottery of the Middle Helladic peri-
Basilicata (Bianco and De Siena 1982; De Siena od. This pottery, however, belongs to the Late
1986), Broglio di Trebisacce in northern Calabria Bronze Age and features a range of shapes that in
(Vagnetti and Panichelli 1994), Cannatello in Sicily part reproduces the Mycenaean repertoire and in
(De Miro 1996), and Nuraghe Antigori in Sardinia part the local Italian pottery (Bergonzi 1985; Be-
(Ferrarese Ceruti 1981; 1982; 1986; Ferrarese Ceruti lardelli 1994). The second class of Aegean-derived
et al. 1987). pottery is the locally manufactured huge pithoi of
Of particular importance for understanding the re- fine buff ware which resemble, in form and technolo-
lations with Mycenaean Greece during the 14th and gy, the pithoi ubiquitous in the Aegean for food stor-
13th centuries is the pottery from Italian sites that ex- age. These pithoi were produced at Broglio from the
hibits Aegean technology and style but was manufac- 13th century B.C.E. Groups of such pithoi have been
tured with local clays. Archeometric research has found broken in situ in certain areas of the site that
greatly helped in the analysis of these ceramics were possibly designated as store-rooms. Develop-
Uones 1986;Jones and Day 1987;Jones and Vagnetti ments in agrotechnology most likely resulted in an
1991; 1992; Jones, Lazzarini, Mariottini, and Orvini increase in crop variety (e.g., olives and, as an end
1994; Vagnetti andJones 1988; Vagnetti 1994). Rep- product, olive oil) and quantity. The need for large
resentative sites for the study of the locally made ce- containers for storage probably spurred the produc-
ramics in southern Italy are Porto Perone, Satyrion tion of the new specialized vessels that were inspired
(Lo Porto 1963; 1964), Termitito (Bianco and Siena by Aegean models (Bergonzi 1985; Tenaglia 1994;
1982; De Siena 1986) and Broglio di Trebisacce Peroni and Trucco 1994; Peroni and Vanzetti 1992).
(Vagnetti and Panichelli 1994). To date no systemat- As is well known, it is often difficult to distinguish
ic archeometric research has been carried out on between LHIIIB and LHIIIC sherds in a foreign con-
samples from Sicily, although there are a few indica- text. For this reason the identification of LHIIIC ma-
tions of a distinction between imported and locally terial in Italy has always been less accurate than the
made pottery Uones and Vagnetti 1991:135; 1992: attribution of finds of earlier date. Nevertheless, even
234). At Nuraghe Antigori in Sardinia, in addition to in the study of locally produced material we can see a
a variety of imports from mainland Greece, Crete, development in styles similar to that in the Aegean,
VAGNETTI 313

thus implying a continuing contact in the 12th centu- derivative pottery in the eastern Mediterranean with
ry B.C.E. (Fig. 16.6). Evidently, the existence of local the movement of people coming from the Aegean.
workshops producing Aegean-type pottery did not In the central Mediterranean, by contrast, the situa-
preclude the importation of containers from the Ae- tion is quite different. In the central Mediterranean,
gean, although from the 12th century B.C.E. on (Late and in southern Italy in particular, there is no evi-
Helladic III C), imports appear to decrease. Among dence for new settlements of substantial groups com-
the LHIIIC imports we may cite a Rhodian stirrup jar ing from the Aegean. At all sites, imported Aegean
from Scoglio del Tonno (Taylour 1958: pl. 14, pottery and the local imitations were as a rule part of
12-14), a few sherds from Broglio di Trebisacce local contexts and represent a small percentage (not
(Vagnetti and Panichelli 1994: pl. 72: 3,5), and exceeding 10%) of the ceramic assemblage. In the
sherds from Antigori (Ferrarese Ceruti et al. 1987: central Mediterranean there were no settlements of
fig. 2.4). "Mycenaean foundation" and the tombs, which con-
A comparative study of the nature of imported Ae- tain local and Aegean grave goods, are all of a local
gean ceramics and locally manufactured Aegean in- type (Vagnetti 1982). The possibility of Aegean influ-
spired pottery in the eastern Mediterranean indicates ence on settlement planning, architecture and tomb
a similar increase during the LH IIIB period of local- types in Sicily (e.g., the Thapsos settlement; the mon-
ly made Aegean-type pottery. This is best manifested umental building at Pantalical; the tholos profile for
in the development of the so-called Levanto-Helladic rock-cut tombs) needs further study before a defini-
pottery which became popular, especially in Cyprus, tive interpretation can be proposed (Voza 1985) .
yet it did not replace the traditional local pottery With few exceptions, the most significant changes are
(Cadogan 1991; 1993; Sherratt and Sherrat 1991; confined to technological developments and craft
Leonard 1994). specialization in aspects such as pottery, metalwork
Concerning the appearance of the Mycenaean and glass production. Mention should be made of
III C: 1 b in the eastern Mediterranean, it should be the introduction of the lost-wax technique in bronze-
pointed out that this distinctive phenomenon has no work which, especially in Sardinia, produced very so-
analogy in the central Mediterranean (T. Dothan phisticated objects such as tripod-stands and fig-
1982; M. Dothan 1988; M. Dothan and T. Dothan urines of Cypriote and possibly Levantine derivation
1992; Kling 1989; Stager 1994). As is well known, (Fig. 16.8: 4-5) (Macnamara et al. 1984; Lo Schiavo
many scholars connect the appearance of LH IIIC et al. 1985; Vagnetti and Lo Schiavo 1989).

The Role of Cyprus


As early as the 13th century B.C.E., Cypriote imports natello on Sicily (Bernabo Brea and Cavalier 1980:
along with Aegean material were recorded in Sicily pls. 319-322). Some scholars argue that the Sardin-
and Sardinia (Lo Schiavo et al. 1985; Ferrarese ian examples were produced locally under Cypriote
Ceruti et al. 1987; Karageorghis 1993; 1995). Cypri- influence (Lo Schiavo et al. 1985). Since the results
ote involvement becomes more apparent in the 12th of archeometric research on this matter are still am-
century, especially in regard to metallurgical activity biguous (Lo Schiavo et al. 1990; Gale and Stos-Gale
in Sardinia (Lo Schiavo et al. 1985; Vagnetti 1986; 1987; Gale 1991) the issue must wait for more con-
Vagnetti and LoSchiavo 1989). clusive results.
Bronze ox-hide ingots constitute the most reveal- Additional evidence for the Cyprus-Sardinia con-
ing element for evaluating Cypriote contact. Large nection includes tools for metal production, such as
numbers of ox-hide ingots turned up in the central sledgehammers, tongs and charcoal shovels (Fig.
Mediterranean, especially in Sardinia where com- 16.8: 1-3) (LoSchiavo et al. 1985; Vagnetti 1986).
plete and fragmentary ingots have been recorded at The close similarity between the complete sets of
no less than 26 Bronze Age sites (Fig.16. 7). The ma- smithing tools in Cyprus and in Sardinia, coupled
jority of the ox-hide ingots can be dated within the with the absence of similar objects in the Aegean,
Final Bronze Age, although some examples could be make it unlikely that the tool kits used on the two is-
as early as the local Middle Bronze Age (Lo Schiavo lands-both regions of intense mining activity-
1989b). Oxhide ingot fragments are also known from were the result of contemporary, but independent in-
Lipari, where they comprise part of a hoard that was ventions. In addition, the few distinctive Cypriote im-
probably deposited before the end ofthe 12th centu- ports in Sardinia also argue against this interpreta-
ry B.C.E., as well as at sites such as Thapsos and Can- tion of the archaeological data. Similarly, the group
314 SEA PEOPLES

./
4

Figu.re 16.6. Selection ofLH Il!Cpottcry imported (3 and 7) and locally imitated {1-2, 4-6).
1-2, 4 from Leuca in Apulia; 3, 5 from Broglio di Trebisacce in Calabria; 5 from Nuraghe Antigori in Sardinia;
?from Scoglio del Ton no in Apulia.
VAGNETTI 315

-~­
~- 2

o._....;2===::•-.:•-

·::·:;.- ?-~
.
-:,
.:·:· ; :,.
.-;.::· ~ :--j,.,=

- 3

•.__1;:.,....,;:4;.......;.....

Figure 16. 7. Copper ox-hide ingots from Sardinia (after Vagnetti and LoSchiavo 1989).
316 SEA PEOPLES

1 0 ~
I! \

(: ((j)
\ :

\\ l
3

0 2 ~ 6 8 10 em

Figure 16. 8. Tools for metallurgical work (1-3), tripod stand (4) and figurine (5) from Sardinia
(after La Schiavo et al. 1985).
VAGNETTI 317

of non-utilitarian metal objects, both imported and near Sciacca (Bisi 1968) belongs to a well-known class
locally manufactured (e.g., mirrors, vessels, and tri- of 14th-12th century B.C.E. Levantine Bronze Age fig-
pod stands) found in both Sicily and Sardinia show urines (Negbi 1976:29-40; Seeden 1980). Other fig-
strong similarities to Aegean and Cypriote examples. urines of pre-Phoenician date from Sardinia (Fig.
Of these, the tripod stands represent the most im- 16.8: 5) differ stylistically from the characteristic Sar-
pressive evidence for a close connection between dinian bronzetti of the Final Bronze Age and Iron
Cypriote and Sardinian metalwork in the Final Age (Lilliu 1966; 1981) and relate closer to eastern
Bronze Age (Fig. 16.8:4) (Macnamara et al. 1984; Lo Mediterranean types (Lo Schiavo et al. 1985).
Schiavo et al. 1985). It is also possible that the tripod The archaeological record outlined above includes
stand fragments of Cypriote type found in peninsular a variety of objects-utilitarian and non-utilitarian
Italy travelled via Sardinia (Vagnetti and Lo Schiavo alike-that support a picture of intensive and system-
1989). atic exchange between the eastern and western Medi-
Metal figurines deserve special mention. A bronze terranean, including the trade in raw material which
Reshef figure from the seabed off the Sicilian coast is more difficult to detect.

From West to East


Our overview would not be complete without a In addition, certain eastern Mediterranean ceram-
brief account of the Middle and Late Bronze Age ar- ics exhibit the influence of the central Mediter-
tifacts from the central Mediterranean found in the ranean pottery repertoire. For instance, although
Aegean, Cyprus and other sites in the eastern Medi- "Barbarian Ware" pottery from the Aegean and Cy-
terranean. The earliest such object is a bronze sword prus is generally different in shape and type from
of the Thapsos/Pertosa type recovered from the car- central Mediterranean wares, a number of examples
go of the Ulu Burun shipwreck. This sword type is at are certainly very close to Subapennine types (Kilian
home in Sicily and southern Italy in the late 14th and 1988; Pili des 1994; Bettelli 1995). Also, a group of
early 13th centuries B.C.E. (Pulak 1988; Vagnetti and odd dark burnished sherds from the harbor site of
Lo Schiavo 1989: fig. 28:2). Also dating to the 13th Kommos in southern Crete display close similarities
century B.C.E. are the Peschiera daggers (Fig. 16.4: 2) to Nuragic Sardinia. The stratified examples from
that have been found in the Aegean and in Cyprus; this sites can be dated to the 13th century B.C.E. (Wa-
this type originates in northern Italy and other parts trous 1989; 1992).
of the peninsula (Matthaus 1980). Hints for the connection with Cyprus may be
The famous sword from Ugarit (Fig. 16.9: 1) in- found in an ivory comb from an LC III tomb at Enko-
scribed with the cartouche of Merneptah (Schaeffer mi. Identical combs are well known in peninsular
1956: 169-178, figs. 123-124, pl. VIII) displays a gen- Italy where they have local Late Bronze Age an-
eral typological affinity with central European tecedents (Bietti Sestieri 1981; Vagnetti 1986). Also,
bronzework known also from northern Italy, in par- a two-piece spit found at Amathus in a context data-
ticular the Pepinville, Arco, and Terontola types (Fig. ble to the transition between the 2nd and the 1st mil-
16.9:2-4) (Bianco Peroni 1970:33-35, pls. 9-11). lennia B.C.E. belongs to a well-known western type.
However, features such as the grooved blade and the One fragmentary example comes from the Monte Sa
royal cartouche imply Near Eastern production Idda hoard in Sardinia which was most likely a stop
based on a foreign model. on the sea route to Cyprus (Karageorghis and Lo
The circulation of models may also be due to the Schiavo 1989). Central Mediterranean objects found
activity of itinerant bronzesmiths as evidenced by the their way to the east in the 1st millennium B.C.E. as
famous mold for a winged ax-a characteristic Italian well. For example, a Sardinianjuglet was recorded in
Late/Final Bronze Age class-found in the House of the Tekke tomb near Knossos and dated to the ninth
the Oil Merchant at Mycenae (Stubbings 1954; Bietti century B.C.E. (Vagnetti 1989).
Sestieri 1973).
318 SEA PEOPLES

0
'·0

•J
.l
·.r
2

Figure 16. 9. Sword from Ugarit (1) compared to Late Bronze Age types from Italy: 2, type A reo; 3, type Pepin ville; 4, type
Terontola (after Schaeffer 1956 and Bianco Peroni 1970).
VAGNETTI 319

The Sea Peoples and the Western Mediterranean


The summary above presents the development of zle that must be worked on equally by philologists,
East-West interconnections from a trade relationship historians, and other specialists. I cannot help but
in the 16th-13th centuries to the period following observe, however, that whereas the archaeological ev-
the collapse of the Aegean palatial economy when idence outlined points to regular exchange between
trade was less flourishing and specialized craftsmen East and West throughout the Bronze Age, it does
(potters and metalsmiths) moved around the Medi- not indicate that in the 14th century, the date of the
terranean. The evidence does not show any kind of references to the Sherden in the Amarna Letters, the
recognizable settlement or "colonization" of the cen- western ethnic groups were warriors. Moreover, in re-
tral Mediterranean by groups coming from the gard to the identification of the Sherden with war-
Aegean, Cyprus, or the Levant. Rather, the local cul- riors of Sardinian origin, a further difficulty arises
tures continued to develop, albeit under the occa- from the almost complete lack of evidence for armor
sional influences of foreign technologies and ideas, and weapons in Sardinia in the local Middle and Late
without the breaks or radical transformations that Bronze Ages. Although this is admittedly an argu-
are detectable in the Aegean, Cyprus and the Levant. mentum ex silentio, it is rather surprising that, if the
Thus, in the West, the period after 1200 B.C.E., the Fi- Sardinians of the 14th century were renowned war-
nal Bronze Age, is certainly not a time of crises, de- riors enlisted in the service of Egypt, no trace of
structions, or major changes (Holloway 1992); in- weaponry has been preserved in their supposed area
stead, with few exceptions, this is a period of flourish- of origin. If the warrior status had a particular impor-
ing sites, well developed metallurgy, experimentation tance for the Nuragic people, it should be visible in
in sophisticated technologies, improvements in agri- tombs.
cultural techniques, and systematic interconnections Furthermore, if we examine the main (or only)
with various areas, among which central Europe and connection of the Sherden (Srdn), Shekelesh (Skrs),
the western Mediterranean play significant roles (Lo and Tursha (Trs) with the Central Mediterranean,
Schiavo 1990). namely the similarity of those names with Sardinia,
What was the possible role of the Sea Peoples in Sicily and Tyrrhenian area, we find further difficul-
the western and central Mediterranean? Is it possibile ties. First, that Greek sources are agreed that the
in some way that the Sherden, Shekelesh, and Tursha original name of the island was Ichnussa (RE, IA.2:
mentioned in the Egyptian and Near Eastern texts as 2482-84 [1920] s.v. Sardinia; Nicosia 1981:423-26).
organized mercenaries, with their distinctive armor From other sources we learn that the "Sikeloi" were
and weaponry and, presumably also, three separate, not the original inhabitants of Sicily, but migrated
recognizable ethnic identities, originated from the there from peninsular Italy (RE, IIA.2:2482-91
West, as was first proposed by De Rouge in 1867? Or, [1920] s.v. Sikelia), while the Etruscans called them-
does the available evidence support the inverse hy- selves "Rasenna" (RE, IA.1:253-54 [1914], s.v. Rasen-
pothesis-advocated by Maspero already in 1873- nas). Thus the combination of the archaeological evi-
that these three groups, like all other Sea Peoples, dence with the traditions of the place-name makes it
were of western Anatolian or eastern Mediterranean difficult to conclude that Sherden, Shekelesh and
origin, and arrived in the West during the "Dark Tursha, were of western origin. Moreover, when
Age" that followed the disruption of the great em- these three groups are listed together with other Sea
pires and preceded the Phoenician and Greek colo- Peoples, whose origin is generally put in Western An-
nization in the West? atolia or in the Aegean, there is no differentiation.
Both hypotheses have enjoyed popularity in the In discussions of the Sherden homeland, scholars
vast literature produced on the subject ever since, often point to similarities in the iconography of the
and still continue to have their respective devoted Sherden in Egyptian art and some Sardinian bronze
supporters. Sandars (1978) and more recently Tykot figurines with the typical horned helmet (Fig.
(1994), for example, side with Maspero. Gras (1985: 16.10:2). Yet such comparisons are at best mislead-
43-57) elaborates a more original view, attributing to ing, for the Sardinian figurines are probably not ear-
the Sherden a Sardinian identity and suggesting that lier than the Final Bronze Age (Lilliu 1966:58-97;
they first served under the Mycenaeans. More recent- 1981: figs. 177-185). Moreover, the iconographic
ly, Drews (1993:218) put forward a rather simplistic characteristics attributed to various groups depicted
view concerning the western origin of some groups, on the Medinet Habu reliefs are themselves impre-
and hypothesized ways they might have been enlisted cise; indeed, there is a Sardinian bronze figurine who
as mercenaries in the pharaoh's army (see Liverani's wears the feathered headdress of the Peleset (Fig.
review, 1994). 16.10:1) (Lilliu 1966: 100, no. 44; 1981:187), but no
This paper cannot fully address this problem, for one to my knowledge has ever seriously related the
the archaeological evidence is but one piece in a puz- Peleset to Sardinia (and to the origin of Sardus Pater,
320 SEA PEOPLES

Figure 16.1 0. Heads of bronze figurines from Sardinia (drawing A. Mancini).

who, in later times, wears the same headgear). which, as we have already stressed, indicates neither
Thus, I find the evidence stronger that the three "colonial" activity nor new settlements.
groups, and in particular the Sherden, were the peo- In general, it appears that whichever explanation
ple who brought to the West the toponyms attached one prefers for the origin and identity of the Sher-
to the two islands and to a part of peninsular Italy. den, Shekelesh and Tursha is based not only on
Perhaps it was the ancient mariners, in particular his/her careful evaluation of the archaeological and
the Phoenicians, who, already familiar with these textual sources, but also on one's personal inclina-
tribes in the Levant, gave the names to the areas that tion. Also, it is important to recognize in the end,
were the landing places for groups of Sherden, She- that the entire problem of the Sea Peoples is compli-
kelesh, and Tursha (M. Dothan 1986). In this con- cated by the fact that the nature of the evidence for
nection it is interesting to note the literary tradition these groups in the Eastern and Western Mediter-
which connects the name Sardinia to Sardos, a Lib- ranean is not comparable: for the East, we have ar-
yan hero who guided a group of people to the island chaeology and contemporaneous texts, while for the
''without establishing new settlements, but mixing West, we have archaeology and late written sources.
with local people" (Nicosia 1981:423). This situation This divergence makes it likely that the debate be-
is evocative of the archaeological data from the Late tween opposing positions will continue for many
and Final Bronze Ages in the central Mediterranean years to come.
VAGNETTI 321

Acknowledgments
I am particularly grateful to A. Mancini, technician Studies in Rome, for preparing the illustrations.
in the Institute for Mycenaean and Aegeo-Anatolian

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