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(Q1) ‘It is true that because of behavioral approach the status of the discipline of political
science was revived, yet overemphasis on quantification of data made it sterile &
irrelevant’. Critically examine.
• During 1950s, the exponents of the ‘new’ political science, such as David Easton,
began to question the continued relevance of the traditional normative approach to
politics. A/Q to David Easton, in his work ‘political system: An enquiry into the state
of political science (1953)’, argued that while economists and sociologists have
produced a systematic behavior of human in their spheres, political scientists have
lagged behind.
• A/Q to David Easton, the study of politics by employing traditional normative
(value-laden approaches), has divorced it from the contemporary issues such
Fascism. Moreover, being a value-laden approach, the study of politics became
biased in favour of certain values. Therefore, Easton called for building up a
‘behavioral’ political science, closer to other social sciences, to make the subject
matter more relevant & authentic.
• Behaviouralism started as methodological revolution to address the loopholes of
traditional approach, but it also impacted the substantive or subject area of political
science. It was an attempt primarily to scienticize the discipline of political science.
• To make the study of political science scientific, the focus of study has to be shifted
from the study of values to the study of processes and systems. Hence, it was
important to understand how people actually behave (political behavior) rather
than what they think (ideas/philosophy). This resulted into behaviouralism
promoting the value-free study of political science. This approach, therefore,
overlooked the normative issues of justice, liberty, equality, democracy etc. It
maintained its emphasis on the scientific study of political behavior. It studies
people as voters, revolutionaries, leaders, party members etc. To quote Lipson, ‘the
behavioural approach records the details of what men do, seeking to explain why
they do’.
• However, in an attempt to revive the importance of political science in decision-
making process, behavioural approach resulted into a ‘mad craze for scienticism’
and as such, led to estrangement of political science from the social issues. David
Easton criticized that due to over-emphasis on empirical method, politic science

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looked more of a discipline of mathematics rather than social science. By placing

over-emphasis on study of human behaviour and overlooking importance of values,
ideas and philosophy, study of politics lost its ability to evaluate & prescribe rule of
conduct.
• For eg- when democratic political system is explained in terms of number of voters,
question whether the electoral system is conducive to the spirit of democracy is
neglected.
• It is in this context, David Easton launched ‘Post-behavioral’ revolution to convert
political science from a ‘pure science’ to ‘applied science’. He held that unlike
natural scientists, social scientists have bigger responsibility as they’re not only
concerned with ‘what is’ but should also suggest ‘what should be’.
• Post-behaviouralism emerged as a reform movement to oppose the efforts of the
behavioual approach to make political science a ‘value-free’ science. It is a future-
oriented approach aimed at solving the social problems of both present & future. In
this way, by inter-linking the empirical & normative study of political science, to
include all realities of politics, social change, values etc, post-behaviouralism in
instrumental in revival of political science by making it more relevant to the society.
(Q2). ‘The Rawlsian conception of justice as fairness seeks to identify the kernel of
‘overlapping consensus’ that is shared intuitive ideas sufficient to underwrite a just
constitutional regime’. Elucidate.
• A/Q to Tom Campbell, ‘justice’ is the central and commanding concept of current
mainstream normative political philosophy. Rawls’ book ‘A Theory of Justice’ has
started what has been rightly called as ‘the golden age in theorizing not only
scholarly interest, but also popular interest in the conception of justice.
• Rawls is his second book on justice ‘political liberalism (1993)’, propounded the
‘political conception of justice’. It means that his conception rests on a political
conception of the person and not comprehensive doctrine. It is a free standing idea
not based on any comprehensive doctrine or compromise b/w different worldviews.
• Rawls has propounded the ‘political conception of justice’ as a response to the
fundamental feature of modern liberal democratic society. In such societies, people
follow different comprehensive doctrine, resulting in a diversity of views & ideas.

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This is because only a liberal society provides freedom, such as freedom of speech
& expression, resulting into a plurality of reasons/worldviews, which may even be
incompatible. This poses a challenge that how stability can be ensured in a society
where people are adhering to different comprehensive doctrine.
• A/Q to Rawls, in such situations, imposition of a unified law on a diverse citizenry
raises two fundamental challenges----
(i) Issue of legitimacy:- In a democracy, political power is always the power of
people as a collective body. Hence, it raises a question of legitimacy for
democratic people to coerce all citizens to follow just one law, given that
people have different worldviews.
(ii) Issue of stability:- It is an issue from the point of political power, which raises
question about stability in society which depends upon the willingness of the
citizens to follow the unified law.
• In order to overcome these challenges emerging out of ‘Reasonable Pluralism’ in
society, Rawls places his hopes on an ‘overlapping consensus’. Rawls argued that
people living in societies with democratic political culture can develop an
overlapping or overarching consensus over the political conception of justice. In an
overlapping consensus, people endorse a core set of laws for different reasons
internal to his own comprehensive doctrine. In other words, citizens support the
same basic laws, but for different reasons. In this way, the conception of justice will
fit as a ‘module’ into various comprehensive reasonable doctrines that exists in a
society, thus ensuring stability in the society.
• Rawls sees an overlapping consensus as the feasible basis of democratic stability.
Stability through an overlapping consensus is superior to mere balance of views
among citizens. Any balance of power (i.e ‘Modus vivendi’) might shift and social
stability then be lost. On the contrary, in an overlapping consensus people/citizens
affirms a political conception whole heartedly from within their own perspective and
so will continue to do so even when their group gain or lose political power.
• However, Rawls doesn’t assert that an overlapping consensus is achievable in every
liberal society. Citizens, in some societies, have too little in common to converge on
a political conception of justice and, in other societies, unreasonable doctrines may
spread until they over whelm liberal institutions.

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Therefore, Rawls claims that where an overlapping consensus is possible, it is the

best option for social stability that a free liberal society can hope to attain.
(Q3) ‘Though Marx is best known for his passionate attack on capitalism he also presents
us with serious philosophical and cultural arguments’. Discuss.
• In the entire history of political thought, both in influence and in criticisms, few
political theorists & thinkers can match Karl Marx. His ideas have acquired the
status of a powerful ideology (Marxism). His writings are so voluminous and his
themes are so wide-ranging that Marx has come to mean different things to different
people.
For eg:- There’re studies which seek to distinguish b/w ‘early’ and ‘later’ Marx.
While ‘early’ Marx is projected as a humanist philosopher interested in redemption
of mankind from alienation, the ‘later’ Marx is viewed as an economist & a
revolutionary interested in abolishing exploitation under the capitalist system.
• Marx’s vision of a new social order in which there will be neither alienation nor
exploitation is highly philosophical and fascinating and because of this attraction,
Sabine called Marxism an utopia, but a generous and a humane one. Borrowing the
concept of ‘alienation’ from Hegal, Marx propounded his theory of alienation, with
an aim to abolish it and ensuring freedom of the mankind.
• Marx’s theory on alienation and his idea of human nature are contingent upon a
mutual acceptance. One cannot fully defend Marx’s theory of alienation without
accepting his theory of human nature, and vice versa.
• A/Q to Marx, the essential features of human nature includes---
(i) Man is social in nature – It is a natural requirement of human nature to be in
company of others.
(ii) Man is creative by nature- Man feds pleasure in the process of creation & by
the product he creates.
• A/Q to Karl Marx, capitalism has resulted into alienation of man. He argues that
capitalism is in human. It doesn’t allow human beings to realize their true nature. It
is market that dominates in capitalist societies and thus, leads to alienation.
• A/Q to Marx, alienation can be seen as having four basic forms—
(i) Alienation from the object produced

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The estrangement occurs because the workers relates to the product of his work
as an object alien to him. The product of worker’s labour strengthen the capitalist
order because capitalists control the profit of the firms they own and are enriched
by it.
(ii) Alienation of workers from the act of labour or activity of production
In a capitalist system, the work that workers perform doesn’t belong to the
workers, but is a means of survival that the workers are forced to perform for
capitalists. As such, his working activity doesn’t spring simultaneously from
within as a natural ‘act of credibility’ but rather exists outside of him and
signifies a loss of his self. A/Q to Marx, the activity of workers is degraded to a
necessity for self-survival.
(iii) Alienation from society
Being alienated from the capitalist system, the proletariats see other human
beings as their competition. This produces a sense of alienation & estrangement
from the whole society.
(iv) Alienation from himself or human identity.
The cumulative effect of all forms of alienation is that man is alienated from
essential source of human identify or ‘species-being’. This is evident in the lack
of development of many sides of man’s personality owing to the social
antagonism of the capitalist system.
• A/Q to Marx, end of alienation couldn’t be achieved only by coming out of religious
influence as religion is just a part of the superstructure. Thus, in order to end
alienation, Marx prescribes a revolutionary overthrow of the capitalist system aimed
at socio-economic transformation, resulting into establishment of socialism, which
would ultimately leads to the emergence of communism. As communism will give
freedom from necessities, it will result into end of man’s alienation.
(Q4) What do you understand by ‘Public-Private’ debate? Identify the ambiguities that
prevails in the understanding of feminist perception of politics?
• The separation b/w ‘personal’ and ‘political’ i.e ‘public-private dichotomy’ has
always been a center of attraction for political theorists, not merely in academic
context, but also considering its practical importance. Traditional notion of

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‘political’ locate politics in the arena of ‘public sphere’ of government institutions,

public debate etc. on the contrary, family life & personal relationships have been
located in ‘private sphere’ and therefore considered to be ‘non-political’. This
dichotomy or separation b/w personal & political is considered to be important for
liberals, in the light of individual freedom and reed for restraining state power. In
this context, J. S. Mill’s classification of individual activities into ‘self-regarding’
(personal) and ‘others-regarding’ (public) is one of the best illustration of public-
private dichotomy which attempts at persuading that the private sphere is completely
independent & irrelevant to the public sphere.
• On the contrary, Feminists are against the public-private dichotomy as considered
by the mainstream theorists Radical feminists have been the keenest opponents of the
idea that ‘politics stops where private starts’, proclaiming instead that the ‘personal
is political’. They argue that gender inequality, men’s power and patriarchal
relations are not confined to public world alone, but characterizes all relationships
b/w sexes from the private to public sphere. Female oppression and subordination
are thus, considered to be ‘normal’ because of patriarchal values intrinsically linked
to private and public life.
• A/Q to Feminists, if politics takes place only within the public sphere, the role of
women and question of sexual equality are reduced to be of minimal political
importance. Thus, feminists emphasize on the intrinsic relationship b/w ‘personal’
and ‘political’ and it is in this spirit they challenge the traditional divide b/w ‘public
man’ and ‘private women’.
• A/Q to Susan Moller Okin, in her book ‘Gender, Justice & family’, there’re 4
meanings associated with the idea that ‘personal is political’---
(i) Family life & personal relationships to be subjected to normative scrutiny.
(ii) Family creates psychological conditions which govern public life.
(iii) State must enter into the family to regulate marriage, divorce, inhertence etc.
(iv) It points towards the gendered division of labour.
• However, the idea that the personal experiences of women are rooted in their
political situation, has been objected to for its strong totalitarian implications
since it suggests that there’s no aspect of life that can be free from political
influences and scrutiny. In this context, liberal feminists warn against the dangers

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of politicization of private sphere, which is a realm of personal choice &

individual freedom.
• In-Feminism stands for the concern with the status and role of women in society
in relation to men. The feminists have a different perspective of looking at politics
and their understanding of political concepts, which apparently is ‘woman-
centric’. The invisibility of women in political theory caught their eye and it
became their main theses. Traditionally, political philosophy and international
politics has been most ‘masculinistic’ discipline. With the exception of Plato and
Mill no conventional political scholars have ever sought for the better status of
women. On the other side of coin, certain political scholars have not only
neglected the concerns of women in society. Aristotle explicitly denies citizenship
to women on the ground that they lacked deliberative capacity. The same line of
thought was followed and articulated by Rousseau also. Nietzche regarded women
participation in public sphere as the commencement of fall of society. As a result
of these, feminists look at the traditional concepts and theories of political
philosophy with suspicion. They argue that the gender-based injustice and inferior
status accorded to women are nothing but the reflection of instrumentalities
employed by mainstream political theory in order to maintain the masculinist
nature of theory. Thus, feminists have criticized conventional theories for
harboring patriarchal attitudes and assumptions.
• Therefore, feminists tend to redefine the ‘political’ to construct an unconventional
base towards understanding women issues. In this context, feminists have sought
to challenge the divide b/w ‘PUBLIC MAN’ and ‘PRIVATE WOMEN’. Radical
feminists have proclaimed that ‘the personal is the political’, referring that female
oppression, that operates in all walks of life, originates in the family itself.
Therefore, they have been concerned to analyze what has been called as ‘politics
of everyday life’.
Social feminists have also viewed the private sphere as political, in that they have
linked women’s roles within conventional family to maintenance of the capitalist
economic system.
• However, in this context, liberal feminists favours the conventional politics with a
view that it diminishes the dangers of politicization of private sphere.

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(Q5) ‘Fixing Indian Judicial System’s problem is ‘truly monumental’. It is deeply

systematic, with many stakeholders and divergent interests. Discuss.
• A/Q to Lord Bryce, there’s no better test of the excellence of the government than
the performance of its judicial system. Judiciary in a democratic set-up like India,
acts as an institution that checks any attempt or tendency to convert democracy
into ‘tyranny of the majority’ by ensuring ‘rule of law’. In addition, judiciary is
integral to the concept of ‘good governance’, which is a pre-requisite for
development of a nation.
• In the Indian context, the constitution of India envisages a ‘fiercely independent
judiciary’, which allows it to act as an active participant in India’s social
revolution endeavor. A/Q to Madhav Khosla and Ananth Padmanabhan, the
Supreme Court of India has a dual identity- a court of law that has appellate &
constitutional powers-and a public institution that is required to engage with,
respond to, and negotiate with the political pressure & social expectations that
surround it. Kalpana Kannabiran argues that Indian judiciary is witnessing fall
of age of literal legalism and advent of age of judicial activism, where court is
seen as a public institution that can solve social disagreement.
• However, scholars like Pratap Bhanu Mehta, while evaluating the performance of
Indian judiciary, are extremely critical of the status of the Indian judiciary. In his
article, ‘Indian Judiciary and the promise of uncertainty’, he has mentioned
Indian judiciary as a self-perpetuating, paradoxical and highly politicized
institution’. A/Q to him, judicial decisions in India are not based on any
overarching principles, rather they’re artefacts of individual judges. He argues
that judiciary in India attempts at ‘delicate political balancing’ rather than
working on high ideals.
• In addition, there are certain institutional and administrative challenges that are
threatening the legitimacy and credibility of the independent judicial system of
India. These includes—
(i) Tussle b/w government and judiciary on the issue of appointment of judges,
resulting in administrative issues such as increasing number of pending
cases.

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(ii)Lack of a systematic mechanism to deal with allegations of corruption in

the higher judiciary.
• While acknowledging the fact that the judiciary’s intervention has done
remarkable good in many instances, Pratap Bhanu Mehta argue that the
representative institutions are the essence of the democracy and judiciary do not
stand in the same relation. He reject the idea that the guardianship exercised by
courts ever policy is synonymous with democracy.
• For Bhikhu Parekh, India has become a special case of ‘judicial sovereignty’ and
in the words of Lavanya Rajmani, Indian judiciary plays the task it is less equipped
to perform.
• Therefore, the importance of a legitimitate & credible judiciary, that is not only
committed to constitutionalism but also is democratically accountable, makes
judicial reforms a necessity.
Areas of judicial reforms
(i) Speedy and qualitative disposal of pending cases.
(ii) A systematic mechanism to address the issue of corruption.
(iii) Institutional reforms such as a transparent collegium system for appointment of
judges; capacity building of judges; national court of appeal.
(iv) Internal function and discipline of judges
(v) Role of government in judicial reforms—
(a) Institutionalization of efficient judicial impact assessment system.
(b) Reform of criminal justice system, which includes implementation of
Malimath Committee recommendations such as plea bargaing in criminal
cases.
(c) Introduction of alternative dispute redressal mechanism like Lokayukta.
(d) Promotion of legal literacy.
(vi) Role of civil society—
(a) Legal awareness
(b) Legal aid
(c) Facilitate alternative dispute resolution.
(vii) Judiciary itself is a stakeholder—

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(a) Shouldn’t try to insulate itself from public scrutiny rather should attempt for
bringing transparency.
(b) It should also take steps to enforce discipline among judges and need to take
effective & strict actions against corruptions.
(c) Judges should go for optimum utilization of time and infrastructure.
(d) Should work with government to reduce the number of vacations of judges
and system of evening courts should start in all states so as effectively reduce
the backlogs.
(Q6) Discuss the ‘median voter theory’ given by Anthony Downs. On the basis of the
recent elections in Rajasthan, MP and Chhattisgarh, explain the key determinants of
electoral behavior in India.
• The ‘Median Voter Theorem’, as developed by Anthony Down’s in his book ‘An
Economic Theory of Democracy’ (1959), is an attempt to explain why politicians
on both ends of the spectrum tend to gravitate towards the philosophical center.
Downs, as well as economist Duncan Black, who proposed the theory in 1998,
argue that politicians take political positions near the center, as far as possible, in
order to appeal to as many potential voters as possible.
• The median voter theorem states that a majority rule voting system/mechanism will
select the outcome that is preferred by the median voter. Any politician who strays
too far from the voters at the philosophical/ ideological center will soon be out of
the office. A significant move to either the left ar the right of the ideological
spectrum would open the door for a rival to take a more moderate stance or the
preferences of the ‘median’ voter, who sits squarely in the middle of public opinion.
A/Q to this theorem, politicians should respond to this dynamic whether they’re
power-seeking demagogues or more benevolent types who use elected office to help
world.
• The median voter theorem rests on two main assumptions
(i) The assumption that voters can easily place themselves and the candidates
on a single-dimensional political spectrum (left-center-right) is fundamental
to the model.
(ii) The theorem assumes that voters preferences are ‘single-peaked’, which
means that voters have one alternative that they favour more than any other.

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Strengths of the median voter theorem

The theorem seems to explain the following things that happen in majoritarian voting
systems—
(i) It explain why politicians tend to adopt similar campaign rhetoric that is
consistent with policy preferences of the median voter.
(ii) The theorem reflects that radical candidates or parties rarely get elected.
For eg:-a politician or party which is at an extreme end of the political spectrum
will usually not get nearly as many voters as a more moderate party.
(iii) The theorem explain why two major political parties tend to emerge in
majoritarian voting systems (Duverger’s law). The major parties tend to co-opt
the platforms of the minor parties in order to secure more votes.
Weaknesses
The assumptions, on which the median voter theorem, are being criticized for being
wrongly conceived—
(i) The assumption that voter can easily place themselves candidates on a single-
dimensional political spectrum is flawed. In reality, voters may be liberal on
issues related to individual rights but conservative on some economic policies.
Candidates may also have different ideologies for different issues.
(ii) The model assumes that there’s only two main candidates running for office.
However, when a third party comes into the race, the center may no longer be
the equilibrium point because it matters where each candidate stands on the
ideology spectrum.
(iii) The theorem doesn’t explain the rise of parties with no clear-cut ideological
preferences.
For eg:- AAP (Aam Asdmi Party) which is a movement based party with no strict
ideological attachment.
Assessment of electoral behavior on the basis of recent Assembly elections (based on
outlook-Lokniti-CSDS analysis)

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• Out of 5 states, while 4 states (Chhattisgarh, MP, Rajasthan and Mizoram) saw
their incumbent state governments being voted out, on the contrary, in Telangana,
the citizens had voted back the ruling party with an even greater majority.
• These results reflected 3 important trends---
(i) The Public perception of whether a government has delivered on key issues
of governance does matter in deciding the electoral verdict.
A crucial factor in the defeat of the BJP governments in Chhattisgarh, MP
and Rajasthan was the high levels of dissatisfaction of the voters primarily
with the state government. On the other hand, Telangana government was
rated quite positively in terms of performance.
(ii) A supplementary factor is the ‘cycle of anti-incumbency’, over time, caught
up with the ruling governments as evident in MP and Chhattisgarh where
BJP was completing its third term in office.
(iii) While central and state governments are often elected as per distinctly
different mandates, the ‘context’ of each election has invariably factors of
both national importance as well as specific local/regional sentiments at
play.
For eg:-A little higher level of satisfaction in Rajasthan with the central
government (as compared to MP) was able to reduce the margin of defeat
of BJP in Rajasthan, given the high level of dissatisfaction with the state
government of Rajasthan.
• In the three states of North India (Chhattisgarh, MP & Rajasthan) poor and the
economically marginalized favoured the congress more than the BJP.
In Rajasthan & Chhattisgarh, the congress secured 2—4 % votes more than BJP,
while in MP, this gap stood at 4%.
• The ruling BJP saw a sharp decline in the support it enjoyed among Dalits & tribals
in the three states of North India where it was voted out.
Among tribal voters, the BJP was 14% ahead of the congress in the 2014 Lok Sabha
Polls, but in the recent Assembly elections the BJP has fallen behind the congress
by 10%.

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• ‘Rural distress’ appeared to be a critical factor in the three states of North India
that went to the polls. In Rajasthan and Chhatisgarh, the congress secured a higher
percentage of the farmers vote as compared to the BJP.
However, despite plying a critical role, agricultural distress wasn’t a decisive issue
in the elections. A/Q to Lokniti survey, farmers were found divided on the class lines
when it came to their voting preferences. More landed formers voted BJP (40%)
and more landless farmers voted congress (45%).
• A/Q to Milan Vaishnav, apart from rural votes, the congress also decisively won
urban voters usually dedicated to the BJP.
For eg:-Congress won 75% of seat in both categories-rural & urban-in
Chhattisgarh.
(Q7) Critically examine the performance of the National Commission for Scheduled
castes, towards empowerment of the member of the community.
• The National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) is a constitutional body as
it is directly established by Art 338 of the constitution. The NCSC is an institution
embedded in a complex constellation of laws, policies & institutions designed to
address social inequality. While its creation was mandated by the constitution,
neither the responsibility of promoting the welfare of the SCs nor that of protecting
them against injustices has been vested exclusively in this institution.
Role and Mandate
• The mandated responsibility of the NCSC is to investigate and monitor matters
relating to the safeguards for the SCs in the constitution and law, to evaluate the
working of such safeguards, to inquire into specific complaints relation to the
deprivation of rights and safeguards, to participate in the planning process of socio-
economic development, and to submit annual reports to the President on all these.
Evaluation
• Of the four core areas of the commission’s functioning –Viz, service safeguards,
education, economic development and atrocities- the service safeguards wing is the
most active. In this area of its functioning, the commission’s inquiry into complaints
are on the whole effective, and its recommendations specific, pointing out exactly
where the violations are occurring. However, there’s a perception that the wing

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caters primarily to the needs of the new elites of the SC & ST groups, who have
already overcome certain barriers and gained access.
• The commission also monitors the level of literacy and educational development of
the SCs. It has shown sensitivity to the internal differentiations, relative levels of
deprivation and marginalization within the SCs, along the gender and community
lines. It has taken special interest in female literacy rates. It marks the tendencies
in enrolment at the primary level and dropout rates at successive tiers of the
educational ladder. Most complaints received by the NCSC in this area relate to the
denial of reservation policy. The key problem in the commission’s approach in
dealing with this area is that it lacks a general philosophy of education, and the role
that education can play in the betterment of these communities.
• The commission’s competence in dealing with service related grievances may be
contrasted with its inability to significantly address the incidences of atrocities a
violence against dalits, or to effectively fight the persistent scourge of
untouchability. A/Q to NCRB-2016 data, crimes against SCs have increased one
percent overall, although there was a steep rise of 5.5% in 2016. As per the 2016
statistics up accounts for over a quarter of these crimes in 2016, followed by Bihar
& Rajasthan. In 2016, a total of 39629 cases were filed by SCs.
• Even though the commission has extensive powers of investigation & inquiry in
cases of atrocities against SCs, its recommendations are not binding. There’re,
delays in conducting the inquiry & in delivering judgments. Moreover, there’s a
perception the commission tends to confirm the government’s position on most
cases.
• There’re other concerns related to the working of the commission—
(i) The lack of institutionalization in the procedures of appointment to the
commission has meant that competent and committed members are less likely
to be appointed.
(ii) The annual reports are often tabled two or more years after they have been
submitted to the president as the constitution doesn’t fix any period within
which the Report must be discussed in Parliament even when reports are
tabled in Parliament, they are frequently not discussed.

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(iii) In many policy sectors, as in the case of the SCs, the proliferation or
duplication of institutions has created an institutional jungle in which the
roles and powers of each are obfuscated.
(Q8) ‘Though prophet of Indian nationalism, Aurobindo introduced religious
obscurantism & mysticism in politics, thus attacked the secular nature of the movement’.
Critically examine.
• The idea of ‘India as a nation’ has remained contested. Colonial administrators and
historians have always challenged the legitimacy of Indian National Movement. A/Q
to them, India is nothing, but merely a geographical expression. The response of
early nationalists to the British claim was too mild. They accepted that India is not
a nation, rather, as Surendra Nath Banerjee held, India is a ‘nation-in-the-making’.
The moderates believed that under the influence of modernization, India will emerge
as a nation. Therefore, they looked at the British rule as ‘Blessing-in-disguise’.
• On the other hand, Aurobindo Ghosh, being influenced by the ideas of Herder’s
‘cultural nationalism’, along with the idea of ‘Bharat Mata’ by B.C. Chatterjee and
‘Neo-Vedantism’ of Vivekananda gave a romantic touch to the idea of Indian
nationalism. It was a part of his endeavor to provide a bold theory of nationalism.
• Aurobindo’s idea of nationalism with a cultural touch was mainly articulated to
reject the prevailing conception of nationalism as propagated by colonial
administrators and mildly modified by moderates. He believed that India is not just
a piece of land or a mass of human being, rather a ‘spiritual entity’. Aurobindo
opposed the moderates’ conception of Indian nation and held that ‘Bharat Mata’ is
a concrete manifestation of India being a natural and living/ existing entity and thus
Indian nationalism is in-built.
• Aurobindo’s idea of nationalism is based on the conception that India was a spiritual
entity that was destined to lead the entire world to human unity. He held that
considering nationalism as a mere political programme is a mistake committed by
the moderates as it can only lead to certain political outcomes. But, as India is
destined to be the leader of the spiritual world and humanity, nationalism must be
considered as a way of life like religion. Therefore, Aurobindo equated nationalism
with religion so that people get connected to it with the same spirit as they’re

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PSIR Test 11 Model Answers

connected to their religion. However, he held that nationalism is not a religion in the
sense of an inactive contemplative life, rather it is a religion as an active type.
• Aurobindo’s interpretation of nationalism is very much important in the context of
Indian national movement because the cultural element energized the masses to rise
above the British ‘Chauvinism’ as propagated by the moderates. Therefore,
Aurobindo, by rejecting the liberal nationalism & attaching a cultural sanctity to the
concept of nationalism, provided the much needed boost to the freedom struggle at
a time when different confused notion of nationalism was prevailing in the country.

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