History of Trade Union in Bangladesh: Sramik Karmachari Oikya Parishad
History of Trade Union in Bangladesh: Sramik Karmachari Oikya Parishad
One of a trade union's main aims is to protect and advance the interests of its members
in the workplace.
Most trade unions are independent of any employer. However, trade unions try to
develop close working relationships with employers. This can sometimes take the form
of a partnership agreement between the employer and the trade union which identifies
their common interests and objectives.
Trade unions:
In the early 1980s, the military government of Bangladesh banned all trade union activities in the
country. Then an alliance of the National Federation of Trade Unions (NFTUs) emerged in the name
of SRAMIK KARMACHARI OIKYA PARISHAD (SKOP) to establish the democratic rights of workers
as well as to fulfil their economic demands. Most NFTUs were in SKOP and since 1983, most trade
union movements in Bangladesh have been organised under the leadership of SKOP.
The opportunism and lenient attitude of the trade union leaders including SKOP gave the ruling
regimes a chance to disregard the agreements signed between the government and the trade union
leaders. At present, the leaders of nineteen of the twenty three NFTUs are included in the SKOP.
After its formation, SKOP submitted a 5-point charter of demands for establishing their democratic
rights and higher wages through rallies, torch processions, demonstrations, strikes, HARTALS,
blockades etc.
Ironically, SKOP failed to yield any tangible results for the working class people of the country. The
effectiveness of the trade union movement under the leadership of SKOP gradually weakened
because most SKOP leaders have political affiliations and therefore, cannot escape the influence of
their respective political parties. Moreover, lack of active support by the major political parties to
SKOP's programmes, excessive pressures on government by the private employers and donor
agencies to disregard SKOP's demands using repressive measures to disrupt the trade union
movement, forcible occupation of unions, bribing of trade union leaders, opportunistic and
compromising attitude of the union leadership rendered the SKOP demands ineffective. In fact,
SKOP has become a moribund forum of the working class with little to offer to the country's future
trade union movements. [Abdul Awal Khan]
4.job security.
6.safer workplace.
relations. In Bangladesh, the extent of democracy is very poor. It is surprising to note that after independence,
the frequent changes in government and emergence of military rule during 1975-1979 and 1982-1990 hampered
the democratic environment for industrial relations in general and trade unionism in particular.
The level of industrialization in Bangladesh is very poor. The level of employment is very poor too.
Here the supply of labour is always much higher than that of the demand for labour. So the labour cost is low.
Out of a total civilian labour force of 70 million about 2 millions are unemployed. Here the industrial workers
are not at all class conscious. Due to very poor literacy level, workers of Bangladesh are completely in the dark
about their rights and obligations. The labour force participation rate in trade unionism is only 12%. Due to
improper physical fitness and lack of sufficient skill the productivity of our workers is very low. As a result,
they cannot contribute towards the higher level of profitability to the employers, thereby causing their level of
wages to remain low. Till now the Government of Bangladesh could not ensure a satisfactory level of minimum
Multiplicity of trade unions is one of the great weaknesses of labour politics in Bangladesh. As a result
of weak strength, trade unions in Bangladesh is facing a number of problems like increasing political influence,
inter and intra-union rivalries, unhealthy competition in Collective Bargaining Agreement (CBA) election,
employers, tendency to avoid CBA process, etc. The opportunistic nature of trade union leadership has been
responsible for poor labour movements. Most of the time, the trade union leaders acted as agents of employers
and of the political governments. Another major hindrance to good industrial relations is the politicization of
labour unions by outside political leaders. This leads to multiple unions on the one hand and inter-union rivalry
on the other. Inter-union rivalry depresses both a union‟s membership and its finance. The final result is that a
union finds itself unable to carry out constructive activities or to play an effective role in collective bargaining.
Speaking of those procedures, unions make it easier for workers to handle disputes and complaints with
management and other workers. Members, regardless of status, are able to use the processes to raise grievances. In
some unions, members will see the organization subsidize legal fees on disputes related to discrimination and
wrongful terminations.
Through collective bargaining, unions are able to secure higher wages and better benefits. That said, unionized
workers are not the only ones to benefit from this. Employers have also raised wages for non-unionized workers in
order to compete for talent.
Before unions, weekends and provisions for workers did not really exist. Even though the U.S. workforce has not
been 100% unionized, unions do impact trends that benefit all workers. Other examples include the minimum wage,
OSHA guidelines, and overtime rules.
Unions are able to amplify and advance political causes the working class supports. This doesn’t necessarily mean
unionized workers always support the political agenda of their union, but generally speaking, unions help keep
candidates focused on issues that matter to the American worker, unionized or non-unionized.
Cons
Con 1: Unions require dues and fees that some workers don’t want to pay.
Workplaces with unions fall into two categories: open and closed. What’s the difference between the two? Open
shops don’t require employees to pay dues or fees to the union. In a closed environment, employees have to be
union members in order to apply for a job. Some will allow candidates to apply for the job as a non-unionized
candidate, but if the candidate is hired, the non-member must become a member. Some allow employees to work as
non-members, but those workers are required to pay agency fees, which contribute to the work the union is doing.
Opponents say closed environments are unfair to those individuals who have valid reasons for not supporting the
work of the union.
Another reason for this particular con is that union dues are deducted from a worker’s paycheck. In most
circumstances, that can translate to a deduction of 1.5%-2.5% in their pay. These fees can reduce or wipe out any
pay gain the employee would have had in moving from a previous job to another.
Workers are bound by the decisions of the union even if they disagree with the decision. In some instances, they
only way a unionized employee can get out of the situation is to resign, which isn’t always an option.
Also, working in groups encourages “group think” situations, which in turn discourages individual creativity.
Unions focus a lot on the seniority of the worker. This often translates into the lack of advancement for new and
high performing employees to advance. Similarly, it is difficult to demote those employees who are not performing
at high levels.
Going a step further, unions can discount worker education and experience. Because of seniority, the perfect
employee may not get the job because they have not been with the company/union a specific amount of time.
Though it is a pro that unions can often get higher compensation for their members, it can likewise be stated that
hiring unionized workers can be more expensive than hiring non-unionized workers. It also comes with added
safeguards and rules and regulations that can lead to hire litigation and negotiation costs should issues be taken to
arbitration or put through a grievance process.
The global garment and textile (G&T) industry is one of the most significant industries
for developing countries. This is particularly the case in Bangladesh, both in terms of
contribution to the economy and generating employment. According to 2018–19
data, total export earnings of this industry reached around US$ 34.13 billion
(approximately 84.21 per cent of total exports of the country). This is a contribution of
13 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (Centre for Policy Dialogue [CPD],
2019). The G&T industry in Bangladesh provides 3.6 million jobs, and it is estimated
that 53 per cent of employees are women (CPD, 2019). These female workers have
largely migrated from rural areas to industrial conurbations such as Dhaka, Gazipur,
Narayangonj and Chittagong. These workers have little knowledge or experience of
human resource management (HRM)/industrial relations (IR)-related issues such as
health and safety as they have both limited educational qualifications and almost no
previous experience of industrial/factory working practices.
The aftermath of the collapse of the eight-storey building that killed over 1,100
people raised the profile of health and safety in the Bangladeshi G&T industry.
Arguably, the Rana Plaza building collapse was a catalyst, ushering in a new era of
IR/health and safety within the Bangladeshi G&T environment. It is true that several
international organisations such as Accord, Alliance and the International Labour
Organisation (ILO) have galvanised their activity within Bangladesh. They now
provide support and continuously apply pressure upon the Bangladeshi government
with a view to improve the working environment, with a particular focus on health and
safety issues. It is also accurate to state that regarding health and safety, the
government of Bangladesh has provided a variety of public commitments to
international organisations and buyers. In addition, as part of these commitments, the
industry has launched a number of initiatives designed to improve health and safety
in the workplace. Consequently, there is a case upon which it can be argued that, to
date, this has facilitated a safer working environment for more than four million
workers, albeit an environment that is still rife with dangers. However, the realpolitik
is that although the profile of health and safety in the Bangladesh textile industry rose
up the agenda on the international stage, the reality of daily life for the poorest and
most insecure in its workforce did not significantly improve.
The focus of this research is trade unions, and health and safety in environments,
which feature international managers. The findings suggest that the majority of MNCs
do not have any trade unions but a few companies have WPCs. This is because (a)
international managers are highly aware of HRM/IR-related issues such as health
and safety, (b) trade union officials do not have sufficient knowledge of these issues
as they have only primary or secondary education, and (c) MNCs do not want a trade
union presence within their Bangladeshi factories. This limited educational
qualification may impact on the understanding of the government regulations such as
health and safety. The findings also suggest that the trade union officials are mainly
focused on specific issues, which include increasing the minimum wage, reducing
working hours, holidays and other benefits. As previously explained, the inability of
trade unions to engage in local wage negotiations provides them with an imperative
to pursue these ambitions via the political sphere. This one-dimensional approach to
collective bargaining (little interest in health & safety for example) forces trade unions
to develop links with the influential actors, for example the government. As a result,
HRM/IR involves the interaction between political parties and trade unions rather
than management, employers or employers’ association. In several instances,
employers have taken the initiative to resolve industrial disputes, enabling unions and
management to cooperate at the company level and avoid government intervention.
Employers and employees both view this as a positive step, because the earlier
tripartite nature of the conflict resolution process seems to have been ineffective
owing to government involvement and concealed political motives. Therefore, the
employer’s associations which are BGMEA (Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and
Exporters Association) and BKMEA (Bangladesh Knitwear Manufacturers and
Exporters Association) have driven the formation of WPCs at a company level to
avoid political influence, and these participation committees are working better than
trade unions. Moreover, the findings suggest that the trade union officials do not
have any interaction with international managers as the local managers are engaged
in daily operational issues. Additionally, trade union officials have less proficiency in
English, and this further contributes to cultural barriers, particularly in communication
with international managers. International managers do appear to have had a
positive impact on working conditions, however, they encounter a variety of cultural
impediments. The G&T industry provides for over 83 per cent of total exports, and
therefore is crucial for both the economic and political environments. It is this
importance that has contributed to laws, which inhibit trade union activities and
unenforced workplace safety legislation. The owners of factories within the G&T
industry are inveigled with political elite, and this contributes complexity and enables
the perpetuation of recidivist companies. International managers are unaccustomed
to this cultural norm. Similarly, the direct influence of national political parties in the
workplace adds a cultural dimension, which is often new for international managers.
In addition, trade union’s apparent “lack of interest” in safety in factories might seem
like an anathema. These different factors contribute to the construction of a culture
that provides an obstacle for the understanding and effectiveness of international
managers.
The article offers a view of the economic, political and social lot of working men and
women within the G&T industry of Bangladesh. It is not the job of a researcher to
claim to be an oracle of future events that are to be. However, it is not unreasonable
to observe that, given the ongoing status quo in this industry, any meaningful
improvement in the lives of the working poor is based on hope rather than any
discernible trend or action. To draw upon the words of Walter Benjamin: “It is only for
the sake of those without hope that hope is given to us.”