Does Emotional Abuse Cause Anxiety

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Does emotional abuse cause anxiety?

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Introduction
Emotional abuse is the use of non-physical actions intended to intimidate, isolate or control
someone. This can manifest especially in relationships as, among other things, insults,
surveillance, excessive jealousy, manipulation, humiliation, intimidation, and dismissiveness.
Someone may be experiencing emotional abuse if their partner or a family member makes
them feel terrified, bewildered, and unlike themselves, or if someone starts to doubt yourself
when speaking with them.
The aim of an emotional abuser is to damage the victim's sense of independence and self-
worth. Domestic and family violence includes emotional abuse, which can affect anyone at
any age, whether they are a kid, adolescent, or adult. Research and studies have linked
emotional abuse to anxiety.
Emotional abuse causes anxiety argument 1
The development of social anxiety disorder (SAD) is thought to be influenced by early
childhood trauma, according to etiological hypotheses. The relationship between various
types of childhood trauma and adult clinical symptoms of SAD is, however, surprisingly
poorly understood. In this study, levels of childhood trauma were compared between adults
with generalized SAD and healthy controls (HCs), and the association between particular
forms of childhood trauma and adult clinical symptoms of SAD was also investigated. 102
people with widespread SAD and 30 HCs participated in the study and filled out
questionnaires about their self-worth, social anxiety, trait anxiety, depression, and childhood
trauma.
People with SAD reported more emotional abuse and neglect as children than HCs did, (Kuo
et al., 2011). Childhood emotional abuse and neglect were linked to the degree of social
anxiety, trait anxiety, depression, and self-esteem in the SAD group, but not sexual abuse,
physical abuse, or physical neglect.
Limitations of this study
Because this study was cross-sectional, causal conclusions cannot be drawn. If childhood
emotional abuse and neglect are causal variables in the later development of SAD and other
psychiatric consequences, further research using a longitudinal prospective design would be
required. The validity of the results may be hampered by the current study's reliance on
retrospective self-report, which is constrained by recall bias and social desirability effects. It
would be ideal to include additional assessment techniques, such as organized interviews
with the participants and their primary careers.

Key implication points from the study


 Compared to healthy controls, people with social anxiety disorder (SAD) experience
more emotional abuse and neglect as children (HC). There are no intergroup
disparities in the prevalence of child physical, sexual, or sexual neglect.
 Childhood emotional abuse and neglect are linked to adult social anxiety severity,
general anxiety, depression (just neglect), and self-esteem in those with SAD.
 Adult social anxiety severity, general anxiety, depression, and self-esteem are not
related with childhood sexual abuse, physical abuse, or physical neglect in people
with SAD.
According to study results, those with SAD report emotional abuse and emotional neglect as
childhood trauma more frequently than HCs do. Additionally, social anxiety, trait anxiety,
depression (neglect alone), and self-esteem in those with SAD were linked to emotional
abuse and neglect in childhood.

Emotional abuse causes anxiety argument 2


Previous studies have demonstrated a strong correlation between emotional abuse and neglect
and the symptoms of social anxiety.
Study of the link between childhood trauma, shame-proneness, self-criticism and social
anxiety
In one model, (Shahar et al., 2014), researchers found out that early experiences of abuse and
neglect lead to painful shame emotions that eventually internalize into a steadfast cognitive-
affective shame schema.
Self-criticism is viewed as a defense mechanism meant to hide shortcomings and stop further
feelings of humiliation. Self-criticism, however, perpetuates unfavorable self-perceptions and
social uneasiness. A nonclinical community sample of 219 individuals from Israel (110
females, mean age = 38.7) completed assessments of childhood trauma, shame-proneness,
self-criticism, and social anxiety symptoms in order to give preliminary, cross-sectional
support for this model. A sequential mediational model demonstrated that shame-proneness
was predicted by emotional maltreatment which in turn predicted self-criticism which in turn
predicted social anxiety symptoms.
Limitations of this study
Less apparent are the ways by which these linkages function, according to this study. Future
study is also required to examine potential patient moderators like comorbidity, SAD
subtypes, and other individual differences (e.g., coping mechanisms, personality), as this
approach may help identify individuals for whom childhood trauma will negatively affect
adult psychological functioning. Studies uncovering psychological mechanisms that may
mediate the link between emotional abuse/neglect in childhood and adult psychological
functioning could help us comprehend the fundamental mechanisms behind this association
Implications of the study
According to prior studies, social anxiety symptoms are predicted by emotional abuse and
neglect histories, although the mechanisms behind these connections are unclear. The results
of the current study reveal that shame and self-criticism play a significant role in social
anxiety and may buffer the relationship between emotional abuse and symptoms using
psycho-evolutionary and emotion-focused perspectives. These results also imply that
treatments for social anxiety, particularly for patients with a history of abuse, should include
therapy interventions that specifically target shame and self-criticism.

Emotional abuse does not cause anxiety but raises the risk of it
While other studies have tried to show emotional abuse as a root cause of anxiety in
individuals, this study has a different view. It does not entirely agree with emotional abuse
causing anxiety.
The significant overlap between depression and anxiety has prompted researchers to look for
both individual risk factors as well as common ones. In a sample of teenagers from a racially
diverse population. This study, (Hamilton et al., 2013), prospectively assessed the specificity
of three interpersonal stressors (emotional abuse, emotional neglect, and relationally focused
peer victimization) as predictors of depressive vs anxious symptoms. By investigating
hopelessness as a mediator of the links between these interpersonal stressors and symptoms,
other studies were built. Participants were 225 teenagers who completed baseline (Time 1)
and two follow-up assessments (55% African Americans, 59% female, and M age = 12.84
years) (Times 2 and 3). At Time 1 and Time 3, depression and anxiety symptoms (social,
physical, total) were evaluated, while intervening emotional abuse, peer victimization, and
hopelessness were evaluated at time 2.
Limitations of this study
According to hierarchical linear regressions, relationally oriented peer victimization
particularly predicted depressive symptoms, whereas emotional abuse was a nonspecific
predictor of increases in both depressive symptoms and feelings of social, physical, and
overall anxiety making it hard to specify the link between the two.
Neglecting one's emotions did not indicate increased anxiety or depressed symptoms. In
addition, hopelessness acted as a mediator between increases in depressive and social anxiety
symptoms and emotional abuse.

Implications of the study


These findings imply that interpersonal stressors such as emotional abuse and relationally
focused peer victimization are important for the emergence of internalizing symptoms in
adolescence and that hopelessness may be one way in which emotional abuse raises the risk
of depression and social anxiety.

‌Conclusion
The question whether emotional abuse causes anxiety is one that can never be fully answered
without studies and research. Some studies have proved that emotional abuse, especially on
children, can indeed cause social anxiety disorder on them when they are adults. Other
studies are however, against the idea. These studies state that emotional abuse just increases
the risk of anxiety rather than causing it.

According to modern conceptions of SAD, the condition arises as a result of a biological


sensitivity and unfavorable social learning experiences (Clark & Wells, 1995; Heimberg,
Brozovich, & Rapee, 2010; Rapee & Heimberg, 1997). According to family study findings,
social anxiety runs in families (Bögels, Oosten, Muris, & Smulders, 2001; Lieb et al., 2000),
and temperament studies imply a connection between an inhibited temperament as a child
and the emergence of social anxiety in adolescence (Biederman et al., 2001; Schwartz,
Snidman, & Kagan, 1999).

The impact of social learning experiences has drawn a lot of empirical attention and has been
proposed as a major environmental component influencing the development of the disease
(Rapee & Heimberg, 1997). Prospective research has discovered a link between (parental
coldness, rejection, and overprotection) and SAD in children (Knappe, Beesdo, Fehm, Hofler,
et al., 2009; Knappe, Beesdo, Fehm, Lieb, & Wittchen, 2009; Lieb et al., 2000).

References

Kuo, J. R., Goldin, P. R., Werner, K., Heimberg, R. G., & Gross, J. J. (2011). Childhood

trauma and current psychological functioning in adults with social anxiety

disorder. Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 25(4), 467–473.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.janxdis.2010.11.011

‌Shahar, B., Doron, G., & Szepsenwol, O. (2014). Childhood Maltreatment, Shame-

Proneness and Self-Criticism in Social Anxiety Disorder: A Sequential Mediational

Model. Clinical Psychology & Psychotherapy, 22(6), 570–579.

https://doi.org/10.1002/cpp.1918

Hamilton, J. L., Shapero, B. G., Stange, J. P., Hamlat, E. J., Abramson, L. Y., & Alloy, L. B.

(2013). Emotional Maltreatment, Peer Victimization, and Depressive versus Anxiety

Symptoms During Adolescence: Hopelessness as a Mediator. Journal of Clinical Child

& Adolescent Psychology, 42(3), 332–347.

https://doi.org/10.1080/15374416.2013.777916

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