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High~riseResidential Development in Dhaka City:

Evolution of the New Form

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Department of Architecture
Faculty of Archrtecture and Planning
8<lngladesh Unwerslty of Eng;neering and Technology, Onaka

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High-rise Residential Development in Dhaka City: f.
Evolution of the New Form

Ziaullslam

THIS IS A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITEcnJRE, BANGlADESH UN1VERSrTY

OF ENGINEERING ANDTEQ-INOLCKiY, Dt-IAKA BANGLADESH IN PARTIAL FULALMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF ARCHITECTURE

November :lO03
 f. ,

,Department of Architecture
Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology

Oha""

The thesis ti~ed "High-rise Residential DevelDpment in Dhaka city- Evolullon of the new
F<lfm" submitted by Z1aul Islam Roll Number 9501006, session 1994-95-96 has been
accepted as satisfactory In partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of
Arcfutectureon this day,3alIi:of __f.lO~ ..._........... ,2003

BOARD OF EXAMINjERS:

ChIlinnan:
Mr. Khairul Enam, Prole,..,... Depar!mont of Ardlite<tu",

Member (Internal):
Dr. Faruque A.U. Kl1 ,Prof ••.• or,De montof Ar1:M.et"'"

Member (Internal):
Dr. Md. Shahidul Ameen, Prof""or, Depil' tolAlS"teeture

Member (Ex-officio):
Professor Kl1airul Enam, Hoad. [lop"rlment of ArctVl<t<:tu",

Member (External):
"'" -.Q I~~ %,V""'I::V

,
Dr K.M.Maniruzzama~;V;'~DePMmeotofURP
 Candidates Declaration

I hereby declare that thls thesis or any part of It has not been submitted elsewhere for the
award of any degree or diploma.

~90~
Signature of the candidate

Name of the candidate

Ziaullslam
candidate's Declaration

It IS hereby ded~red that thiS the51Sor ~ny p;lrt of it has not been 5lIbmitted elsewhere for
the award of any degree or diplomo.

N~me of the Candidate

Z1aul Islam
 Abstract

High-rise ResidentialDevelopment in Dhaka City - Evolution of the New Form

ZlauJ Islam

The h~h-rise residential development in Dhaka city ls a phenomenon that has been changing
the skyline of the city for over a decade and a haif. Dhak.ahils a kmg tradition of urbanization
_and urban dwellings. The new form has been an outtome of a long graduai process where
the oontext and its ch~nging forces played an importont role in its course of making. The
study probes into these contextual backgrounds of this evolving fot1Tlto identify the gradual
process of transfot1Tlation of this development. Therefore the continuity between the
developments of the past and the present has been thoroughly investigated and links
between oontextual forces and the formal deveiopment has been established. The study
shows that the high-rise residential development in Dhaka City is very much ~n outtome of
the need of our oontext and time; further analysis of the built fot1Tlreveais that the very
organizational aspects of the bUilt fot1Tlhas evolved from the past developments of the urban
residential fot1Tlsof Dhaka city. Though it is rooted to the past forms and organiUltion, the
sheer VOlumeof this new form also has other dimensions unp~rallei to any old forms. It is
simultaneously a bUlit form and a neighbourhood. This new dimenSion of the fot1Tlhas also
been focused on this study.

The form again, from its very initiation till date, has been subjected to various forces; and
changed had occurred even within its decade old existence. The Inner organization of the
fot1Tlof high-rise residential development has, therefore, been subject of investigation, which
led to a classification of this development.

The study can also be considered as a documentation of some urban reSidential forms in
Dhaka's context. The gUidelines established in the process may help future studies In this
field. The inner vitality of the high-rise residential built fot1Tlhas made It phenomenal in our
context, which if dealt wIth oomprehension, can be a new solution to our need for dwellings
in Dhakacity.

ii
Acknowledgement

I express my sincere gratihrde to my thesis supervisor Professor Khalrul Enam, Head,

Department of Architecture, for his generalIS guidance and constructive suggestions all aiang
the process of my study. His continuing support was a source of inspiration for me. I am
really grateful to him. My gratitude goes to Professor Shaheedul Ameen, Dean, Faculty of
Architecture and Planning, BUEr whose active support has made this attempt possible. My
thanks to Ar. Bilshlrul Huq, Ar. Uttam SilhiI, Ar. Nahas Khalil, Ar. A.Q.M. Musa, Ar.
Rashldul Hasan, Ar. Quazi Azlzul Mowla, AT. Md. Ali Naql and Ar. Farida Nilufar for
their continuing support and encouragement in my research.

lowe a deep sense of gratitude to Mrs. Nasrin, Mr. Khokon, Mr. and Mrs. Bilri, Mr.
Arman, Mr. ShlbJl and Mrs. Sonia Huq, whose active co-<lperation in the apartment
survey is unforgettable. There were also many wiiilng people whO assisted me in this
research. It will not be possible to recall everybody by name but I thank them for their
support. I am also thankful to my colleagues In Asia PadfICUniversity, especially to Dr. Abu
Sayeed M. Ahmed and Ar. Shoeb Bhuylan for their timely and unconditional support. I
also thank my ex--allieagues In Khulna University whose encouragement has made this work
possible.

I am grateful to my family for their supportive role. My wife Ar. Tania Haque, who has
given wholehearted support in the overaU study process, and son Rudro, were always a
source of inspiration. They shared my difficult times and have been patient and helpful over
the years of this research.

Finally, I gratefully acknowledge the encouragement of my parents for their overaUsupport

extended to me over the years. I am grateful to them.

Ziaul Islam

iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
_. -
••.•.,,'
Candidate's Declaration

Admowfedgemt!nt
•
Iii

Table of contents

List of Dl"ilwings ilnd tables

"'~
Cb.plerOI
PROLOGUE
"'~
1.1 Introduction
1.2 The resean;h topic
"'
1.2.1 statement of the problem "'
U.2 Obj..mves of the Study "'"'
1.3 The sbJdy proc::ess
1.3.1 Bltef Review of related Uteralure
1.3.2 SCope 01 work
1.3.3 Orgilnizalion of the Study
1.3.4 Umitation of tl1e Study
1.3.5 Frameworil of the [ljssettatiorl

A. BACKDROP OF THE RESEARCH

Cbapterll2
CONTEXT: DHAKA U•.•••nizlotion and Urban Dwelling

2.1 Introduction

2.2 UrtJanization: _g •••••••••

and Qt'GWth of llhIb CIty H

2.2.1 Natural context H

2.2.2 A histOOcaloverview H
2.2.3 Urban area in the context of Bangladesh
2.2.4
2.2.5
Contemporary trends, size and patterns of urbanization of Dhaka City
Ur1:lansettlement pattern in our rontext
""
"
2.3 Urban Dwelling: In contextand tlme
'"
2.3.1 Urban dwelling and the archetype 'Bengali House'
2.3.2 Historical overview of Dhaka's set:tIement pattern and urban dwellJngs '"
2.4 Discussion
'"
"
Chapter 03
DHAKA'S HOUSING SCENARIO: Changes and impact nn hullt form 244Q

3.1 IntI'oduction

3.2 Pilst Inltliltlves Inn the housing sector

3.3 Pl'e5ent context of urban housing

3.4 Housing need and effective demand

"
3.5 Housing delivery system

3.6 Housing finance

3.7 Housing policy

3.8 The pretext of shift: In tenureshlp of urban housing

3.9 The emergence and role of real estate sector In Dhaka's housing

3.9.1 The emergence of real estate sector

3.9.2 The role of real estate sector In present context

3.10 Discussion

~hapter {)4
CONTEXT: DHAKA SodlH:ullural determinants and mOdirying faelors of house form 41.57

IntI'oduction ,

Culture as a genet'iltor of form

4.' Determinants and modifying fadDrs of Urban House Form

4.3.1 Culture and the value structure

4.3.2 Family arnposition
4.3.3 Space use ilnd activity pattern
4.3.4 Socio-5Piltial structure
4.3.5 Zoning within the built fonn
4.3.6 Securtty and hullt form
4.3.7 Olmatic considerations
4.3.8 TechnologiCilI considerations
4.3.9 Urban utilities and services
4.3.10 legal framework: the prescribed house

4A Discussion
/
Cbapter 05
CONTEXT; DHAKA Urb~n land economIcs and hnuse fnrm

5.' Introduction ~

5.2 Topography and land formation in Dhaka City ~

5.' Land use pattern within Dhaka City

5.4 Land ownership pattern in Dhaka City

"
~

5.5 Land Value In Dhaka City

"
5.6 Urban Land flux and societal shift in Dhaka City ~

5.7 Discussion .,

B. THE EVOLUTIONARY PROCESS

Cbapter IJ(i
Evolution nftlJ.e Higb-rise Residentlat built form 67.78

6.' Introduction

6.2 T1Ie PJ'OCE!S$

of change and its impact on urban house form

6.2.1 Urbanizationand house form

"
6.2.2 Context of housing and ctiange in urban house form
6.2.3 Transformation in the determinant and modifiers of house form In Dhaka Gty
6.2.4 Transformation of urban land and its impact on blJilt form

6.' T1Ie evolutfonary path of High-rise Residential development

C. THE ANALYSIS OF FORM

Chapkr07
HIGII-RISE RESIDENTIAL DI!:VI[LOPMENT IN DHAKA CITY: analysis nfth. rorm

'"
7.1 Introduction ~

7.' Defining High-rise Residential Development eo

7.' The study area and the case studies
"'n,
7.' General aspects of High-rise Residential built form In Dhaka City

7.4.1 Extern",1hiefilrchy of pl",n and access no

7.4.2 Internal hierarchy of pl",n and access m
Cultural content in the 5p;:1tialorganization
7.4.3
7.4.4 Climatic response ,,.
m

7.4.S Membrane analysis m

7.4.6 Structural analysis m

7.' The morphology and dassification

'"
7.' Discussion no

Chapter 08

CONCLUSION 132.
m

Bibliography iX-x
Glossary >o-,ii
Appendix I >oiH,,,
Appendix II X'J1-X\Ili

AppendixID xviih:<1

vii
List of Drawings and Tables

Figures
Fig. 1.1 Cooo:mlration of developer built residential development In Dhalol City
Fog. 2.1a Map: 1000bng Dhalol District In Bangladesh
FIg.2.1b Dhalol City and Its surroondlng
Fig. 2,2 Dhaka City land use (1700)
Fig. 2.3 land use map of Dhaka City (1910 arid 1945)
Fig. 2.4 land use map of Dhalol City (1995)
Fig. 2.Sa Location of different settlement patterns within Dhaka City
Fig.2.5b settlement patterns In Dhaka City
Fig. 2.6 Shanl<han PattI: reminiscent of the indigenous pattern
Fig. 2.7 Dhaka: eaf1y 19"' C. houses
Fig. 2.8 Dhaka: CoJonial Bungalows at Ramna [late 19"' --eaf1y 20"' C. AD)
Fig. 2.9 The transformabon of the urMn house
Fog.3.1 Mode!s of need hierard1y
FIg. 3.2 Rise In construction oomPOrJellt Index
Fig. 4.1 DrganizaborlOl model of oontempo<ory Berlgall House
Fig. 4.2<1 Hoosehold Composluoo
Fig.4.2b Different stages of family Cycle
Fig. 4.3 Hierarctw of spores In settlements
Fig. 5.1 Rood planes surrounding Dhaka Oty
Fig 6.1 Changes in Dhaka City: Indlgenoos settlements
Fig. 6.2 Changes In Dhaka City: formal settlements
Fig. 6.3 EvolEJ!Jooof built form in the Informal part of the city
Fig. 6.4 Traditional process of hOUSingsupply in prillote sector
Fig. 6.5 Contemporary process of hot.tSing supply in pri""te sector developer hOUSln9
Fig. 6.6 lnformal settlement pattern I transition
Fig. 7.1 High-rise in DMka'S conteJ<t
Fig. 7.2 Site loc:obon and built form
Fig. 7.3 Site-built form reation before 1996
Ftg.7.4 Site-bullt form relation alter 1996
Fig. 7.5 Community space-built form relationship
Fig. 7.6 Transformation of spabal OI'ganlzation In early and OOntempol<lry urban hooses
Fig. 7.7 O1anges in the organizational model in Olntemporary developer buIlt apartments
Fig. 7.8 _ ""labon between structure, pari<m9 and residential spares
Fig. 7.9 Response of built forms to the city and the streels
Fig. 7.10 Transitioo of form from abstract geometry to site geometry
Tables
Table 1.1 Preliminary SUNe)' and findirlg5
Table 2.1 Population Increase in Dhaka City by decades
Table 2.2 The <DIIlponents of urban growth by country! region
Table 2.3 PQpulabOlldensrty in Dl1aka Crty
Table 3.2 Housmg need in Dhaka Oty
Table 3.3 Residenbal space standards for government officers and employees
Table 3.4 Housir.g dellveJ)' system in Bangladesh
Table 3.5 Loan schemes in the 1980's
Table 3,6 Loan schemes in the 1990'5
Table 3.7 Loan schemes tn the 2002
Table 4.1 Family compoSltlOll in Our context
Table 5.1 Land vaili!' in Dhaka Oty
Table 5.2 Trends in Govemment allocation

Charts
Chart 3.1 Tenure type in Dhaka aty In comparison to other abes of A.sia-Padfic reglOll
Chart 5.1 Land ownership and occupation pattem: Dhaka Oty
O1art 5,2 Land ownership distribution pattern: Dl1aka Crty

>,
"""',..,.. c.>., ..•.
.•..•~, -

Chapter 01

PROLOGUE

1.1 IntroductIon

1.2 Theresearchtopic

1.2.1 Statement of the problem

1.2.2 Objectives of the Study

1.3 Thestudy process

1.3.1 Brief Review of retated lirerature
1.3.2 SCopeofwork
1.3.3 Org.nlZillJoo of the Study
1.3.<4 Umitaticm of the Study
1.3.S Frameworlc of l11eDi=rllltion

1
•
!"
 Chapter 01

PROLOGUE

1.1 INTRODUcnON

Dhaka embodies a long history of urbanization influenced by various phases of cultural, social

and political transformation. The inner vitality of these changes had Its obvious effect on

people and al50, on their basic concept of living, life-style and dwelling. Through its long

history of growth, the dty has become an agglol1'lel"iltion of complex urban forms rooted In a

rich variety of contexts. The recent trend of urbanization has added more to this diversity of

urban forms.

The formal and spatial concept of dwelling Is not a static singularistic entity. It is a product of

a complex flux of society. economy, culture, politics, technology, environment and more.

An urban dwelling responds to each and every major change of soclo""£ulturalj political shift,

and thus, changes Its formal and spatial organization according to the need of each new

, system. Therefore, to understand the inner dynamics of changes of built forms, a historical

understanding of context IS needed.

Urban dwelling, in a greater oontext of housing, demonstrates peoples' pre-disposition and at

the same time ambivalence in a given context and time. The issue of housing by Its

complexity and magnitude is multi-dimensional. An urban house In this context Implies a

varied idea of the relationship between a dwelling and Its oommunlty. This relationship, often

evocative of .forms, gives us an underrylng rapport of soclo--spatial dimension of the built

form. The emerging housing solutions always offer a new Insight In this aspect .

1
•
 ,
1.2 THE RESEARCHTOPIC

1.2.1 Statement of the problem

High-rise residential building is a recent phenomenon in our arrnltectural scenario. In the last
one and a half decades It flourished side by side with the growth of developer built
apartments in Dhaka Oty. High-rise residential buildings in our context Is considered to be a
response to the urbanization process of Dhaka city characterized by high population growth
and density, unplanned use and limited availability of land resource, overall development in
the construction industry, shortage of housing supply etc. All such factors need a deeper
probe to actually ascertain their ~ationship to high-rise residential development.

The unfamiliarity of the high-rise residential bullt-fonn Is often attributed to the sheer scale
and volume of Ftsmass. Although city dwellers have been getting familiar with high-rises
since the end of 1970'5, the type of development then was purely of commercial nature
located In the CBDs, far from the residential environment. The present high-rise residential
fonn, In this context, needs an In-depth analysis so that the inner dynamics -of its
organization and physical characteristics can be discerned. A fonn therefore should be
understood in terms of the formal and spatial orders Inlaid within It.

Again an uncertainty prevails about the origin of the high-rise living pattern. Some consider it
as a development alien to our culture and traditional way of living, and are critical of tts
relevance to us, some are more optimistic to consider it as a posslbTlityfor the Megapolis of
Dhaka. The question of relevance of the form with respect to our traditional way of living has
much greater implication.

•
1.2.2 Objectives of the Study

The study alms to establish tI.~ changing mechanism emerging from the sodo-ecoroomic
context that guided the development of the formal and spatial evolutkln of the current high-
rise apartments.

The specific objectives can be listed as follows:

a. to identify the forces that produce the need for high-rise residential development

2
 b. to searchfor the fonnal and spatial order of the new form
c. to establish the growth processand Its relationship to the antecedent

To attain these objectives a more focused enquiry on the very nature of the investigation
needsto be conducted. The specifICenquiries this study tries to investigate will be as follows-

a. What is a High-rise?
b. What are the forces that encouraged the emergence of high-rise residential
development In Dhaka City?
c. What was the processthrough which this particular development emerged?
d. What is the nature and organization of high-rise residential built-form in Dhaka
City?
e. What is the relationship between this development and the other forms of urwn
dwellings in Dhaka City?

1.3 THE STUDYPROCESS

1.3.1 BriefReviewof •••rated Literature

Studies on high-rise residential apartment in our context are rare. One of the major reasons
is that the high-rise apartment culture Is quite a recent phenomenon. The limited literature
available on the nature of high-rise housing can be characterized by their disagreement. The
ambiguous status of high-rise housing on issues like sodal aa:eptance, adaptability, rel€vam:e
to age groups, contribution to high-densitY accommodation and so on, is partly related to the
fact that the purpose and functions of this kind of residential buildings have varied from
region to region and within specific countries both at any point In time and over long periods.

Md. Soadulfah (1991)',

The study focuses more on environmental aspects of high'rise residential buildings. It gives a
general overview of the context of high-rise apartments In Dhaka dty during the late 1980's
and early 1990's. Discussion on policy and building construction rule (in 1991) helped to
understand the legal and fonnal guidelines in the said time frame.

KhalrulAnllm(1984)',
The dissertation Investlgates the emerging phenomena of multl-<lwnership housing in
comparison to the established patterns of single and multl-ownership issues with special

I UnpublishedM.URPThesis:EnvITorunenlaletr.ctof High-riseresidentialbuildings
, Thesharingproblemof Multi-ownershipflats,UnpublisbedM.Arch. DissertaliOll,SUET, Dhaka

3
 emphasis on background C1lUses,policy matters and formulates a policy proposal to guide the
future growth. High-rise apartments, being essentialry a multi-ownership venture, needs to be
understood with this concept of sharing that l5 relatively a new phenomena for our context.

NalrUl Warn (2003)':

The author discusseson the basic issues of Urbanization In Dhakil dty's context. The whole
range of articles covers a wide spectrum including the C1lUsesof urbanization in COOk<!city,
its present trend, housing situation of Dhaka dty, urban admini5tr.ltion, urban aesthetics etc.

Rito Msar (2000)',

Here the author presents elaborate facts and data from recent studies, defining urban places
in Bangladesh, distinguIshing the migratory trend and the natural trend of urban population
growth, discussing urban land issues, depicting 5tr.Itegic and socio-importlnt importance of
Dhakil city.

1ltekhar M. Khan(I982)':

The study focuses on understanding the underrylng forces behind a socia-morphological

structure, identifying the change pattern within the community and built form and finally
SlJ99estingsocially adaptive processof self-renewal as the tool for redeveiopment in the older
part of Dhakil city. The study also sheds light on the development of the first generation
urban houses In our context.

Abu H. Jmamucldln (1982)",

The author probes into the existing urban housing situation to make an in-depth
understanding of the context that produces it. The study reveals the inner socia-spatial
domains that exists in a Bengali house and establishes an archetype for an urban dwelling in
our OJlture. The focus of the study on urban dwelling, especially in the context of Dhakil,
discernsthe earry trends of evolU'tionof urban dwellings In the dty.

zebun Nasreen Ahmed (2000-2001)',

The article Identifies some forces in the 1990'5, which one instrumental In changing
architecture of tile decade and of the 21"- century. Though elaborated In general terms, the

l 'Unnayone Nagarayan', Mowla Brothers. Dhaka

• Rural-Urban migration io Bangladesh_ causes, cOllSequenc", and chalJengcs. UPL, Dhaka
, Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation: An alternative approach to the redevelopment of old Dhaka, KU,
Loven
• A sltIdy on Urban housing - in the context of Dacca, Bangladesh, Unpublished M.Arch Dissettalion.
KU. Lnven
'. 'Archite<:tllre for the ,new Mill.nnium' - Theoretical Perspectives. vol. ? & 8, 143_159

4
 specific focus remains on the changing nature and dimensions of the contemporary urban
forms In our context.

Md. Mahbubuc Rahman (1990)',

The study focuses more on Issues and means of affordability of urban lowel'-middle and

middle-income groups by redudng the housing cost. However an elaborate picture of the

housing scenario during the mid 1990's has been depicted here, with detailed discussion on

housjng need and delivery system, which are quite relevant to thts study.

1.3.2 Scopeof work

In this study, the goal of the works done on the topic of evoIl.Jtion of high-rise residential

form has been the study of the background of evolutIon in historical context along with listing

and describing the socio-spatial aspects and organization of the buHt form. A comparative

analysis with the previously established mcxlels of urban dwelling is also done to discern the

origin of thts new development. Lrttle attempt has been made to link these forms to the

Issues Iil:e environment, belief, desires etc., although, form ts dlff\a.Jlt to understand outside

the context of its setting, culture and the way of life it shelters. When these issues have been

discussed, it has been In general rather than spedflc terms, with flO attempt made to

discover whld1 of the forces acting on house form could be regarded as primary and whiCh
could be regarded as secondary.

The studies so far made In the field of Dhaka's urban dwellJngs provide sources of material

for this study. In the review of the antecedents, studies will be focused on to grasp the
insjght of how and why the form is created, rather than simply listing or classifying the vast

volume of material. This way of approach presents particular problem in this case sinc:e the

amount of material is vast and is not recorded in any uniform W<Pj. It is often diversified in

nature and does not deal with the same aspects of built form, therefore cannot easily be

directly compared.

At this point, Amos Rapoport's' approach to investigate built forms seems more relevant

where the attempt for description or classification is not based on the differences of house

forms, their material and parts, rather It focuses on 'whatIiJese

d~ couldbe
attributed to'and the form is related more to sodal organization, conc:epts of territoriality, the

link between the dwelling and the settlement pattern, the image of good life and so forth •

• Urban lower middle and middle income housing: an icvesligation inlo affordability and options,
Dhaka, Bangladesh, Unpublisbed Doctoral dlssertalion, University ofNottiogbam, UK
, Rapoport, A. (l969): House Form and Cultrne, Prenti<»HaIllnc., N.J., USA

5
Furthermore a cautious line of allalysis is followed to descnt>ethe 'comadental relatlonship'of
form and forces rather than determining the' CfJI.ISi!!relalions'between form alld forces, sloce
the complexity and multiplidty of forces precludes us of being able to attribute form to given
forces or variabJes,

The organization of the study Involves both literature and physfcal survey.
Through literature survey a theoretical understanding of the context is attempted first, In thiS
effort literary sources have been analyzed on the follOWing basic issues:
a. Uri;lanlzation in Dhaka's conte><l:
b. Dhaka's housing scenario
c. Determinants of Urban house form
d. Land-builtform relationship In Urban context

This formulates the historical and contextual i;laci<dropof the study. Relevant publications of
dtfferent literary sources h<Webeen consulted in the pro~55.

In physical survey, the first task was to

idenbfy and select the area of study. Sin~
high-risE' residential developments have
evolved for almost a decade and a half, such
developments are visible in many parts of the
city now-a-days (fig. 1.1). However the degree
of concentration of the bUilt form varies
substantially from area to area.

(SOlJfa!: SeRJ] and A"m 1991)

fill, 1,1 Con•••ntration ordevelop"r built ••••••••
ntilll_IOpnlont In D"'~ dty

To select the study area, therefore, a preliminary survey (Table 1.1) was conducted on
(jjflt!rent locations of Dhaka city with ClJI"IOe!1tration
of high-rise residential buildings taking
the following three aspects Into consideration: use, form and perIOd of development. This

6
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The study shlws that lte locally of Par1bag, Esbtol~ ShIdl'oe$hWMllind Shlmtlrmgar hokls
lte ITIilldmumuo••::elballo •• of liIgl'Ht$e ~ and allllllins an the VlIr1etleslh8t the
l!l:'odlp"et un:ter IlI:JUtIny1M)' hM!. Tlll"Sl!de..elup;,O"lIts have eo err",,1I"'d tlnlugh II
long span of time thlll might helP In reveallnglhe lmlCl of ~ at \tie 00IIt rOffl\.In INs

•
 •

context, the area covered by Paribag, Eskilton, Shldheshwilri and Shantinagar are chosen as
the study area.

11'1
the beginning of the second phase, project selection for case study has been done based
on representation of each category mentioned above. For proper representauOIl, a high
percentage of each category has been selected (as referred by the shaded projects in the
above chart). In this phase, the study concentrates on fonnal and spatial organization
through ana~ts of drawings and physical survey.

The last phase was conducted by a physical survey aimed to reveal the SOCia-spatial
organization of each apartment complex and their way of interaction and space use. This
gives insight to the community-dwelling relationship and reflects its relevancy to our context.

1.3.4 umil;;ltlon of the Study

The SOJpeof this study limits its investfgation within the spatial and formal aspect of the
high-rise residential development In Dhaka city. Since form is a derivative of culture and
society, the formal manifestation of social events and the places where it takes place are
Identified. Beyond it the greater arena of cultural edif= e.g. belief, religion, image etc. has
been little investigated. Whenever these terms come in, they are used in a rather general
~=.

It is not possible to survey all the High-rise apartment Buildings In Dhaka dty. Therefore a
representative volume of such buildings have been studied. This .>eJectionof a representative
volume aiways posessome uncertainty, which was unavoidable.

Shortage of study material on the developer-buHt low-rise apartments sometime makes it

diffICult to compare the high-rise with law-rise versions.

Inaccessibility to the complex premise sometimes restricts the study on analysis of plan and
organization.

I~
1.3.5 framework of the Dissertation

The dissertation is organized and presented In three parts. The first part accumulates
relevant information and data to formulate the factual basis fO( the conceptual trends of the
research. This part focuses more on historical understanding of the context In different
dimension.

The second part reveals the conceptual understanding of the evolutionary process or 'how
did it evolve'based on the oontextual anatyslsof the first part. Here priority has been foree!on
!he processof transformation and 'Is relationship to the emerging built form.

The third part examines the fonn and its inherent orders to understand 'why It Is so~ Since
form is inseparable from space, the investigation also focuses on the socio-spatial order in
each form.

And finally, the supportfng information, maps and studies are enclosed as Appendices for
col1'fflnoenceof cross-referencing and further study.

I
A. BACKDROP OF THE RESEARCH

Chap~c02

CONTEXT: DHAKA U.han;",.;,," and Uchan Dwcllin~

2.1 Introduction

2.2 Urbanization: Iladcgl'<lUnd and growt:ll of DhakaCity

2.2.1 N~tural context

2.2.2 A historical O'IeJVlew
2.2.3 Urbanarea In the context of Bangladesh
2,2.4 Contemporarytrends, size ~nd patterns of
urbaniz"tioo of Dhaka Oty
2.2.5 Urbansettlement pattern In our rontext

2.3 Urban Dwelling: In context and time

2.3.1 Urban dwelling ~nd the ~rc~etype'Beng~li

H~'
2.3.2 Historical overview of Oh~ka'ssettlement pattern
and urban dwellings

2.4 DiSC\lssion
A. BACKDROP OF THE RESEARCH

Chapter 02

CONTEXT: DHAKA Urbanization and Urban Dwelling

2.1 INTRODUCTION

The process of urbanization has a long history of 6000 years. Yet in the last 50 years, the

world has seen a phenomenal growth in the urban centers globally. Studies reflect that this

trend of urbanization will continue in decades to come and by 2025 the predfcted urban

population in the world will be 51% of the total population. By 20se the percentage will be as

high as 75%.'

In Bangladesh, 25% of the total population2lives in the urban centers at present. In the post

independence period, one of the most notable changes occurred in the last three decades 1$

Urbanization. Here, in each decade, the urban population almost doubled.

In comparison to the population growth, the perimeter of the cfty area did not stretch at the

same pace. So the city is growing within a limited boundary and the densfty is increasing

rapidly. Multl-storled (often six or more storied) apartments are replacing the single or double

storied buiidings of different residential areas developed in the 1950's and 60's'. Residential

areas are converting fast Into mix-uses, Intruded by schools, coileges, hospitals, business

centers, shopping malls etc. SCope of entertainment is curbed day by day- open spaces, play-

fields, lake, parks, heritage srtes are gettin9 encroached. Basic services like gas, electridty,

water supply etc. has failed to meet the increased demand of this seemingly ever-growing

population. The under nourishment of different service sectors and the Internal politfcs In
largest bodies have weakened !he organizational integrfty and effidency considerably. Lack of

co-ordination and governance also adds to this misery of the citizens.

1 Islam N. : Unnoyo"" Nagarayan, MowIa brother.;, Dbaka(2003), pp_16-17

, Ibid
'Islam N.: Unnoyone Nagarnyan, Mowla brother.;, Dhaka(2003), pp-50

10
2.2 URBANIZATION: BACKGROUND AND GROWTH OF DHAKA OTY

2.2.1 Natural contut

The People's Republic of Bangladesh is an Independent South Asian nation located between

20' 34' and 26' 38' North latitude and 68' 01' and 92' 41' East longitude with the tropic of

cancer running almost through the center of the country.

The surface rock of Dhaka is composed of Madhupur day and it is part of the Madhupur

terrace of the pre-ostacian age. The thickness of the clay bed Is nearly 30m, it overlies a

thick. sand bed which is known as Diprtila sandstone (iayer thickness 100m)'. The bearing

capaaty of Madhupur clay is not suitable at all places for taking the load of high-rise buildings

of conventional foundation systems, on the other hand, the sandstone bed is very appropriate

for the purpose. But transferring the load of a building to this sandstone bed is economically

viable only for very tall buildings',

The Gee-physical context and the aimate of the land always have a profound effect on its

architecture and settlement pettem. The fact is more evident in our country, as the people

are accustomed to live with nature and deploy as far as possible passive means of comfort

controls'. The climate of the region is warm-humid. Shade and ventilation is, therefore, an

important consideration fOl' achieving comfort in the built environment' and shaping people's

living habits.

Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh, is positioned at 23' 43' North Latitude and 90' 24' East

LongltlJde. The city Is located on the northern bank of river Buriganga and is almost at the

heart of the nabon (Fig 2.1). Before the completion of greater Dhaka fiood protection

embankment In 1992, floods were regular natural phenomena for the dty proper, which

caused devastation to property and lives almost every year.

4 BBS; Bangladesh_ Ssalistical Y.a. Book' 1993, GOB. Dh""a.

S Mowl •• Q.A (1997): Evolution of Dhaka'. U,b"" Morphology, Unpublished Ph D. D;=rtario~ University of
Liva- Pool, UK, w-03
6Mow1a, Q A (19&6): An t>ppr4al a/ ArcM<ctwe. in Diwka with ufimmee fa it> ,hermal fMif"'mtlnce. in Powell,
R (Ed) &g;analism in A""hflecm,.., Published by tho Concept Media SingOj>Ore.On behalf of AKAA, Gonevs-
SwilZ<,I""d' 19&6.
7 Mowla, Q.A. (1985): S.n Md lito B.iit Form .-with ,poeml reftr'r!nce 'a Dhako. • &nglad •• h, unpublishod M.
Aroh. d,sscrtlWCU, 1985, Department of Architeetnre ""d PI"""iJlg. Univernty ofRoork<:c. India.

1l

,••
 k-;
J

FIg 2.1 a. Map'Ioo::ating

Dhakadistlict In Ila"lll_ a
b. Dhakacity " Its surrounding

2.2.2 It historical overview

Historians attribute the eariiest trace of settlement in

Dhaka to the sen Dynasty, referring it as a defense out
post for the then capital Bikrampur. In the 16'" c. AD Dhaka had a fort (the present central
Jail) developed during the reign of Sher Shah". But the actual boundaries, size, and
population of Dhaka Oty refere 1604 are relatively undocumented and unclear.

8 Mow] •• Q,A (19\17). Evolution of Dhaka's UrbWl MorphOlogy, Unpublished Ph,D. Dl;;CrtlltiOU, University of
Uver Pool. UK, pp.28

12
 ...
_-,.
Historical accounts show that the city thrived
DHAKA CITY LAND USE. 1700
Into prosperity in between 1604 to 1754, as the

provincial captl:al of the Mughals', due to the

", -,
commercial activitie5, needs for administration

and defense, which led the growth of Dhaka

from a small town to a metropolis. During this

period, major growth of the existing old city

1 '-'-'- ..
'_"M'
•.•...
_n"~_
M'''.,.•__
• •
••,
•
oa:urred to the north towards Phulbaria, and to

the west along the rrverbank. The areas to the

• •, . • • " ' ..
south and southwest grew in accommodation of

commerc:ial activitles, while residential areas

sprouted in the north and oortheast edges of the

city. During this era, Dhaka flourished as a large

manufacturing

composed of
center

artisans,
with a

craftsmen
populace

and
. , ~.
manufacturers".
Fllt 2.2 01>0"" city land use (1700)

source: http://Www,people,vrfglnla.edu/-emw6t/fUtUre

Dutch, Portuguese, French, English, and Al111enlal15were among those wtlo established trading houses in

the 17'" century, The physical size of Dhaka at this time was approximately SO sq, !un housing a population
of around 900,000': In 1704-5, Dhaka faced a major blow when the provincial capital was shifted to

Murshidabad. Half century later, Rennel " reported that the estimated population of the city core was
4,50,000.

In 1757, the British East India Company gained political control of Bengal. The British Colonial nllers,

purdlased the Diwanl of Subah Bangia in 1765 and calcutta became the new seat of power adding

more to the decline of Dhaka, Between 1800-1833, the city experienced negative growth as many

previously densery populared area of the c<ty were abandoned. During this period the city populabon
drastically reduced from 2,00,000 to 68,000'.'

, Mamuo, M. (1993): Dhaka 8mril! BiSlllrilir Nagar;, Batlgla Academy, pp-89-%

10 Ahmed, S.U.(l986): Dacca. A study In urbatl history & development, London Sludies in Soulh Asia no.4,

Curz.onPross,Rivordalc Co., PI'" lJ

II Taish Quoled by Alunod (1986). Ibid, pp-13

"Rennel, QuOlodby Mowl., Q.A. (1991): Evolullon ofDhakft's Urban Morphology, Unpublished
Ph.D. Dissortation, University of Liver Pool, UK, pp-28
"Afsar, R. (2000): Ru,:,1 UTbanmigration in Batlgladesh, causes,consequoncosand challenges. pp-62
 Gradually, Dhaka lost its importance to the elites and the city's housing stock had fallen from 44,000
"
houses in 1807 to 16,2.73 in 1830 and 10,830 in 1838. 6y 1640, jungle encroached to sud1 an
extent that the physical boundaries actually shrunk from 50 sq. km to 8 sq. km as did the population
from 900,000 to 200,000 . "
The situation improved around 1664, with the establishment of Dhaka Municipality. This clearly marks
a shift In policy on Dhaka by the colonial rulers followed by the scheme of construction of
embankment along the river Buriganga. Water supply and electricity on the streets came almost in
tandem. The revival of the city began with these new initiatives.

PIIAKA CITY LANJ) USE. 1910 PHAKA. CITY LAND USE. I~S

----
.•._--
-~--
1-
"'=-

Fig 2.3 !.and""" ""'P of Dbob city (1\110 6. 1945)

SlJUn:e: http://WIWI.peopIe.\Oirglnla.e<iJI-emw6tlfuturLo1iesldtlal<alhome.html
This was further strengthened with the East Bengal Presidency Act, 1905, with Dhaka gaining the status
of provincia) capital again. In the following years the Ramna Green, previous garden area of the Mughals,
was converted into dvilline. Dhaka-NarnyanganJ railway linkwas established in 18B5 . "
In 1947, Dhaka became the provinclal capital of the then East Paltistan. The city in the following two
decades gained Importance as an induslJial one. Along with it the tendency of urbanization also gained
pace. Areas along fringes developed at a good pace; marshes and swampsofMotijheel becamethe

" Mowl., Q.A. (1991): ibid, pp-30

,,http://www.people. virginia.edul-emw6t1future _ciliesldbakal!lome.hll1ll.
"Islam, N. (2003): Unnoyonc Nagarayan, Mowl. Bro!hers, Dhak •• pp-47
Growth of DIIaka cfty 1eo&=

-,
-- '-~---.-
__
-~---.-
------
'R__ ._

- .... - _._.
- =:::='~--
.
commercial area In 1954. The Dhaka Improvement Trust (DfT) was established in 1956,
taking authority of the planning and development of the crty. By 1981, the area of Dhaka
(62.4 sq.km.) surpassed the area of Mughal Capital period (50 sq. km.) by 12.4 sq. km.
Population also had tripled to 3,440,147. The 2001 census recorded 9,912,908 inhabitants".

After 1971, In the post-independence era, the dty experienced an unprecedented increase In
urban population and Urbanization. In the first decade after Independence (1971-1981) the
populatioll of Dhaka city increased 2.5 times (from 5,00,000 to 13,56,0(0). In the following
decades, the populatioo increase continued at a rate of approximately 5.5%. At the early

_.
decades. topography has dictated the terms and direction of growth of the city. Population
pressures have resulted in slum communities on vacant lands, floating dwellers, and high-

2.2.3 Urbanarea in the context of Bilngladesh

Since the study focuses on a built form, which has been a product of urban situation in our
context, the issue of urbanity and its connection to this particular built form needs to be
ascertained. Therefore, an understanding of urban area is needed to create a better
understanding of the overall situation. Defining an uroan arre demonstrates a 'perplexing
variety of notion' since the ooncept of 'urban' Is often explained In reference to its context. In
oountries like Bangladesh,Cambodia, China, Hong Kong, Iran and Malaysia urban population
is defined on the basis of political ailEna, but in countries like India, Indonesia and Japan the
definition includes both poUticaland functional basis. III

In our context, a wooong definition of urban areas may be followed as per censuses of
Bangladesh between the periods 1951-1974. According to this definition, an urban area
includes the municipality, eMl lines, cantonment and any continuous oollectlon of houses
inhabited by not less than 5000 persons. certain other areas' are also treated as urban,
il'Te5pectiveof the population size and the aiter i~
are;

a. Areas administered by town committees

"BBS; Statistic"l Pockotbook,2000, pp-lOl

to Afsar. R. _ mral urban migration in Bangladesh, causes, consequences and challenges (2000), pp-24

15
 b. Centers of trade and commerce having concentration of non-agricultural labour,

high literacy rate and where communities maintain public utilities, such as, roads,

water supply and streetlights.

However, In an attempt to decentralization, urban places were redefined in 1981-84. In this

period all existing thiJoo headquarters were upgraded Into Upzllas and declared urban

regardless of the size and character of their population. Major bilzaarand hatswith electricity

were also included as urban areas. Even after abolishment of the Upzitas, this definition still

remains valid". For this particular study, the area administered by Dhaka city Corporation can

be considered as the urban area.

2.2.4 Contemporary trends, size and patterns of urbanization of Dhaka city

In the last three decades Dhaka city has experienced an upsurge of population unmatched by

any other contemporary cities In the world.

-
Table 2.1

pop"I.~on
Population In=-
1951
276033
1961
556712
in Dha"" ~itv by d""""'"
1974
1955951 ""
2930170
1991*
7000000
Sootr;e; complied from social foImalIoo of 0haIra ClIy(1991), 'IJnnoY'Ofll' NagatayM(21X13) /I '*BBS-LWU'
2001**
9912000

The increase of the population along with ITmited expansion of the city boundary (Rg 2..4) has
created a tremendous pressure on the existing urban fabric and facilities. "The physical growth

possibility of Dhaka city is largely restricted by Its topographical feature, with huge flood

plains In and around the city. The shortage of buildable land and the over grown population

has resulted In an upward direction of growth for the city in the last few decades.

" Afsar, R. (2000) - rural urban migration in Banglade,h, cause" consequence, and challenge., pp-25
" BBg, Statistical Pocket book 2000 (2002J-enumeraled population of Dhaka SMA, pp-94

16
The rise of DhIIklI's urbI!n ~ Is prIm.'lr1Iycre:nted to the mig,8tio" factor. ArMrlg the
bad:ground (2Iuses, lilck.of polity for Oecet,t181ilatloo Is 8 major f8ctor that makes Ohlll:2l
cen~ for lin IIdMl:les In the poOtlc:zIl,Ildmhdsb8t1ve, cco""e,wl, lncIustrlal, educ8tlon,
IeglstatlY'elind In other sectors.. Bef~ going In the Issues of OMl:2I's urban IlousIng, II de!lr
u,deistll~ng ofttlls populatlon cnmposItIorI81ld their growth pattern nel!ds to be gained.

NatuRll Ii•••ease lind net mlgmIon of population togetIltI with ,edassiflClltlon of urban 1lrea:5
constitute the three ba5Ic OOl11poltel,tsof \Il'b.!In ~, wtJere- I. Nabmll Ir'Icre3se Is
expIlIlned lIS the = of births over delIths, n. Tlie net m1gnrtlol' (2In simply be destrIbed

17
 as a process characterized by the excess of in-migratfon (from rural or any other part of the

country or abroad) over out-migration and III. Reclassification of existing urban areas refers to

the changes in urban boundary by the addition of new areas, declassmcation of the existing

urban are<lS and alterations In the territorial jurisdiction of urban areas2'.

T~blel,~ Thecamponentsof urt>ongrowth by cauntryf region ('II,of Urb;>nGrowth}:

"""'~=~~!1!"
",~,,"''''''.'''''l'''••••_ ••..•'
'1980'85
"""'It:. ,_'''J<1o:;;:,~r.ti."~_f"
1990-95 e'ol«=
... 2OOn.200S (p~onr'"
,iM__
"''''"",'.,il(j?~
Countryl Natural Mlg•.••
tlon &. NalJJral Migratl.... &. _ ••• 1 Mignotion a
Ion l~ redasslflcatlon Incre.ase redasslftcatlon Increase recr.asslftcatlon
Soultl-east 49.1 50.9 44.9 55.1 ~1.7 58.3
~
BanglOdesl1 37.6 62.01 41.9 .,
So<Jrce: AfSat; 1995

The study shows that the trend of natural increase is rising gradually in comparison to

migration and expansion factor. Within Dhaka, the distribution of the population rlse also

varies according to time and context: (table 2.3).

The pattern shows a tendency of concentration and densiflcation of people in areas that are

more central than peripheral. This creates tremendous pressure on existing services and
utilities (e.g. roads, electricity, water supply, sewerage, gas etc.) as well as on the existing

housing stvck(discussed ~aborately in chapter-03). The problem Is multiplied by the, lack of

governance, limited supply of land and skewed land-use pattern (discussed elaborately In

chapter-05).

Projections show that the trend of population rise will continue. "The present rate of growth Is

approximately 5%. If the growth continues, within next 14 years the urban population will be

doubled (60 million)"'.

21 Afsar, R. (2000)" ibid, pp-35

"Mam N.: Unnoyooe Nagarayan, Mowla brothers, Dhaka(2003), pp-52

18
 Tabr" 2.3

.,,~,~.,~
~"
canlanmenr
.~_
~
.. ~.
191000 261000
"."
"

,-
~~

DhanmOl1di "'
no
Gulshan " 202000 275000

"-
1Cotw.I, ," 2S1000
,,- 28Sooo "0
28,59
5"16

• ".~ ,~
""""" ~02ooo 17S,£7

,.-
Mirpur
Mollammodpur " 33S000 ~"OO 75.11 103.11

,
H 316000 435000
,~OO
105.33
'"
, 224000 179.1 :/44.S

-~
~~ _00 W,
ShabuJbag
195000
'"
" 355000 4S7000 78.89 108.22

• 307000 421000
,- '" m
Tejgoon
~,
Pa~abl

~:
•
••
"
B8S,_Pocket
221000
,-
265000

0001< 2IJ()(}
(2002~
,-
'"-
{XJfJ<iMtJon
98.22
.W
6,.35

of 0!IiJkiJ
(/J1iJniI
lJ2-8~
13.12
85.65

wiseJ pp-iO!

The city i5 growing faster than the capacity of the economy to support it. The city does not
generate enough surpluses to invest in basic urban services, such as, housing, transportation,
water supply, sanitation, solid waste control and management etc. Naturally it has serious
implications for the level of productiVity, state of urban infrastructure and environmental
condrtions. A concerted effort &. policy is a priory to deal with the situation.

2.2.5 Urbansetllt>ml!ntpattl!m In our a>ntext

studies show three dlstlnctJve patterns of urban settlements in Dhaka ::it? at present-
Indigenous, formal and Informal settlements (fig. 2.5). The indigenous settfement is
characteri2ed by Its hlgh-density mixed land use pattern, typically giving the outer layer to
the commercial purpose and retaining the inner part for residential &. manufacturing purpose.
The formal settlement, on the other hand, is very much use-speciflc (separate zone for
residential/oommercial/industrial/instituOOnal etc.) and compartmentalized. The inlOJmal
seltfement Hes In between the two, which ranges from a formal variation to indigenous
variation according to the need of lime and place.

2]Imamuddin, A.H.(l982): A ,Iudy on Um"" Housing- in the contexi of Dacca, Bangladesh,

Unpubli,b.d Masle,,' thesis Dissertation, KU, Luven, PI>-1.27

19
2.Sb settlement patterns of OhilU dty '",."1,,,,",1 I"'nut in S ••• LJh,~,
~ _~(lQ<lT/
2.3 URBANDWELUNG: IN CONTEXTAND TIME

2.3.1 Urban dwelling and the Archetype 'Bengali House'

The primordial urban house, as defined by Khan24, is the mere demarcation of the house fOlTll

- the high boundary walls. With it the pre~ssential quality for urban living is attained- privacy

vi" a vi!>the "ulTDIlnding;;. This act of self-suffidency was devised to attain an archetype
(roral) house within this setting in an urban area. The apparent simplistic organization around
an inner court strongly biased towards a single plane (as is the case in rural house) and

horizontal distribution of functions characterized the internal order of this early urban fonns.

In its spirit, the dwelling transforms the traditional way of living of a rurai house, which is

essentiaily ours (i3engaIJ) in character, to a living pattem suited to its new context. In the

very early developments, It generated a prototype urban dwelling of KutdIiJ or seml-puo:a

nature identified as the 'Introvert typology' (see appendix 01). This typology, giving rise to

two basic organization of det<K:hed and enclo!ied house fonn, is a direct outcome of the

influence of the soclo-spatial organization of a traditional rural house of our context. However

the house fonn remained dynamic to accommodate the later generation urban needs and

transformed accordingly to give rise to the other urban forms in different parts of the dty.

This idea of these later generation urban houses was further Investigated to reveal their bi-

polarity of formal and spatial arrangements by Imamuddln'" and was approptiately termed as

the 'Benga/i Hw!ie'(dtscussed elaborately on Chapter 04).

2.3.2 HlstDrlCilI
overview of Dhak.a'sSettlement Pattern &. Urban Dwellings

Uke any other city, the settlement pattern of different IocaHties and the residential built-fonn

shows a close link in Dhaka.

The settlement pattern of the 'Mughal Dhaka' was unique in its characteristics. The dty was

built along the river and linked by watelWay with other settlements. A canal (Oho/al KhiJIj

,. Khan, Iftekhar M. (1982): Unpublished Doctorate dlssertatlou- An alternative approach to the

redevelopment of old Dacca, KU. Luven, Belgium, pp-6.11
2l Imamuddin, A.H.(1982): ibid

20
served as a major communication element dunng the period. The only available land route

was a north-south elongated route towards Tongi from the city center. A pathway parallel to

the river connected the eastern part of the city wfth the west. The city layout shows three

distinctive zones keeping the bazaar at the center. Mohoffas of different casts determined the

form of the dwellings and settlement, reminiscent of which can still be traced in some older

part (tanti ba.aa" shankhad bazaar) of the city (fig 2.6).

th th
In the late 18 and early 19 century. the British rulers found the city at Its low (referred in

2.2.2). Dhaka's urban dwellings for the rommoners, by this period, were nothing more than a

rural hut (fig 2.7). Dhaka between 1816-1827, had such dwellings as depicted by Charies
Doyle In his book 'Antiquities of Dacr.a''".

In their first 100 years' rule, the European colonial rulers developed a new proto-type

popularly termed as 'bungalow'. This brought up a change in the DVeI1lIi planning scheme in

Dhaka's settlement and dwelling pattern. In thiS period a new roncept of 'Bungalow and

compound' was introduced (fig 2.8). These bungalows were placed, often on a large

compound, in a picturesque selling and with some service structures placed afar. The built

form ought to be oriented to catch the prevailing breeze, flanked by two vel1lndahs, in the

longer direction the rooms were arranged side by side, with doors and windows opposite

each other so that the breeze blows throughout. fl.s "stairs were a seriolls fatigue to the

Europeans in a hot dimateffbuildings of many storeys were not common, This new form,

derived from a mis-interpretation of the traditional 'bang/a ghar' (the out house), reflected
more of a European attitude than our local ones, As A.D. King referred- ''your iife in an Indian

btJngaiow (or hOilse) is public to a degree that would seem strange here~v Later, with the
estabilshment of PWD (Public Works Department) in 1854, this newly devised form found a

great impetus through construction of many dak and inspection bungaiows through out the

country,

The impact of this form was fur readling on Dhaka's urban elites. This Influence led to the

development of a new composite eXlrcMorf' building type, which served as a basic prototype

for elite Dhakaites In the following years. This was evident in the newly deveioped residential

areas like Wari during the coionial era. Dhaka in this period has also expanded in the north

(the Ramna green) and the new civil line demarcated by the I1IHway track divided the city into

the older (native) and the newer section. This was the period when Dhaka experfenced a new

U Mamun, M. (1993): Dhaka Smriti Bismritir Nagar;, BllIlgla Academy, pp-94-94

21King, A. D. (l9lM):The bungalow, pp-47
il1mamuddin, A.H.(I982): ibid

21
 - -

I,""""
": "
, T,"",'
" t ,I'
<~
-- ...•
•••••• -

;'.- '" ',";':~;': .

.'
.•••

!".>,; .
~,.. "

___ ~M

--

Flg.1.11 ll!'Oa C<lloriaI fIuV*;lw> alllt<Tro

I';:tO I Qln - «I>( 20:1'1ceINV 1D

_Urbon.DweIlIogs..olDbal:a..c.lly~.CQ'.fed~ _
_ ot7n.A" __ " •• ii_
 typology of settlement pattern, that is, the planned '(annal'dty. Apart from the original
'indegenous'pattern of the city, a third type 'infDtmal'pattem was also In emergence In many
parts of the cit?'. The Ramna area with its Bungalows In the beautiful natural setting was
unparallel between 1908-1925 30.

Among the commoners In the dty, the Introvert spatial arrangement of traditional Bengali
house built with more permanent material was still popular and resulted in a type termed as
'introvert enclosed!] (FIg 2.9-2.11). This form of development is stili evident in the
indigenous part of the dty. This trend COIltinueduntil recently when O\I€r-eommerdalizatlon
forced the traditional systems to break down.

After 1947, mass migration between India and Pakistan made a major demogrnphic shift in
the urban composition of Dhaka city. Rehabilitation of the migrant population was an urgent
issue and a new directorate of Housing & Settlement was formed to deal with the situation.
In 1958, as part of this scheme, two planned townships were proposed at the outskirt of the
dty- Mohammadpur & Mirpur. The proposed house form here was a low-rise back-tfr-back
'rote hcuse'(Fig 2.12) with a central court".

Parallel to this, P.W.D. was the responsible organization for major building actIVIties In the
Public sector. AJreadyequipped with the experience of designing 'dak btJl1!Ji!towS all over
India, the organization was prompt to introduce a new model 'the colonies', for housing
government servants. This new solution, often multistoried, evolved into a new typology
termed as tile 'consolidated type» (fig 2.13). In the 1950s and 60s, with continued
Institutional support (discussed later on chapter-OJ) thIs form was widely popularized among
the cittzens of Dhaka, especially in the new part (both formal and informal) of the ety. Due to
growing pressure on urban land, this form (consolidated type) was seen as an opportunity to
non-(amity rental lI5eS"and quickly became an option for Dhaka's private sector housing.

The unprece:lented Urbanization of Dhaka dty, after liberation, made the housing situation
wors,: and the gap between 'demand' and supply of housing stock widened day by day. In

1'jImamuddin, A.H.(1982): A ,tudy 00 Urban Housing_ in the context of Dacca, Bangladesh,

Unpublished Masters' the,is Di,sertation, KU, Luven
'" Maroun, M. (I 9'93): Dhaka Smriti Bi,mritir Nagan, Bangia Academy, pp- 252
" Iman:tuddin, A.H.(i 982); ibid, pp-2.11
"Khan, A.H. (1982):Two core ,chemes io Dacca- Mohammadpur& Mirpur, published in-Urban
Housiog, The Aga khan program for Islamic Architecture, MIT, pp-27-35
"bnamuddin, A.H.(1982): ibid, pp-2.16
,. Khan, Iftekhar M. (1982): An a1ternaJive approach to the redevelopmeot of old Dacca- DOClorale
dissertation, KU, Loven, pp-4.21

22
 CorTYroriy used form; 1<;<
tha e<rtv deYaroprnents In tha
I~partmlhaclty

~-~
m,I!J''I~", '\ II

,
t="
".. ,
'<~ ~
1I
-
t:'~;
,,- !
' '._
.~
, " -',-

i
"
T " ' ! 60sIc model fortrle ""'"
"Ii, F :'-: . :. ements In !he city
'I

'~'"
---_.--
\-"-0:::------
Cansoli<l<\
-
1947 era
rrptiy!Ourdatthak>irr<llorv;llnformol

Ga.terrYnsr1t low-rise 1MlI'-<JPAportrnen!> (Ctl<nlBsl

pittIOIy source Cf iiSpIrolIon for nsxt generotIc<1
pMlte secta wofk,'-P <e!i<len1lal ~

Fig. 2.9 The transformation of the Urban Ho.us_e _

In DhOka city "'""'"" ~ A" 11002]
this 5Cenario,the developer-bum: housing emerged as an economically viable option for the
dty dwellers In the last two decades (elaborated in chapter 03). The high-rise residential
development is a recent addition to this trend. The viability of the fonn in our context is stili a
matter of investlgation.

2.4 DISCUSSION

In this chapter, the trend of urbanization and urban residential buift fOJTl1s
are discussed in
the historical as well as present contexts. This reveals some Interesting facts about the
popuiation distribution within the city, its growth pattern, definition and transformation of
urban housesin Dhaka'scontext.

The demographic pattern wrthin the city shows that till 1980's, the Indigel70lJS settlemenfof
the dty had experienced more density Increase than the Informal and formiil settlements.
Only in the 90's, the density in the'foJTl1alareas began to rise almost at the same pace with
the surrounding informal areas. Which indicates that these well facilitated but under-
popularized areas are now becoming accessible to different sections of the urban ITIiISSnow.
However the rate of increases of density in some of the infonnal part of the dty especially
those nearer to the dty center is much higher than many fonnal and informal settlements.

Along wfth this increased pressure of population a change has occurred in the fonn of urban
dwellings in Dhaka's context. The historical overview of the urban dwellings reveals the
emergence of new typologies with the chilnging urban 5Cenario.In the case of emergence of
new settlement patterns within the city, the dlapter also establishes the links between
different settlement patterns and their residential built fOJTl1s.

23
 Chaptor1l3

DHAKA'S HOUSING SCENARIO, Chong., ond impact on built fonn

3.1 Introdl>Ction

3.2 Past initilltives inn the housing sector

3.3 Present context of urban housIng

3.4 Housing need and effective demllnd

3.5 Housing delivery 5'{Stem

3.6 Housing fil1llnce

3.7 Housing policy

3.8 The pretext of shift In tenureshlp of urban

housing

3.9 The emergence lind n;ll'"of real estiIte

sector In Dhllka's housing

3.9.1 The emergenceof real estate sector

3.9.2 The roleof real estate sector Inpresent

"""'"
3.10 Discussion
 Chapter 03

DHAKA'SHOUSING SCENARIO: Changes and Impact on bulltfonn

3.1 INTRODUCTION

Urban housing situation in Bangladesh, especialty the housing situation In Dhaka City had
long been unsatisfactory, both qualitatively and quantitatively, Despite of various measures
taken by the government at various times, the situation did not improve mud1. The supply of
housing stock was never sufficient to meet the demand of the rapidly growing city population
in different urban areas of Bangladesh including Dhaka City. SOCialdisparity, misuse, under
utill<ation of limited resources, speculation and scardty of land, high price of construction
materials, lack of consolidated policy and legal framework are considered as the main reasons
for accumulation of housing backlog in Dhaka'scontext.

3.2 PAST INITIATIVES IN THE HOUSING SECTOR

In the post:Colonial era, government effort in providing housing was limited In tw<l sectors, a.
acaNTImodations for govemment employees and b. rehabIlitation of the mlgriJnt population In

the aftennath of the 1947 partition. The earliest response in our public housing sector was
seen in the post 1947 era when the Government established the Housing & Settlement
Directorate (HSD) to deal with the problem of rehabilitation and relocation of the migrant
people. The same situation was repeated in 1971 again, when around 10,000 one- room
houses were built In various sectJonsof Mirpur for resettlement. Since then, except some
futile attempts to relocate the squatters from the city proper to the fringes, very little has
been done for housing the urban have-nol5 by the public sector. Although attempts to
provide housing to public sector employees of all classes were taken time to time. The other
attempts of developing serviced lands (as in Ohanmondl, Barldhara, Bananl, Gulshan etc.)
and offering them to the middle-class at a moderate price (lower than the market value) fell
into the grab of the high and higher mlddie-income groups.

For rehabilitation purpose, maInly two development plans were adopted, one In
Mohammadpur and the other In Mlrpur, where a mixed-plot size with a scheme of a few
detached and large number of semi-detached and core houses were allotted to the settlers',
For the GoV€rnment employees' housing, the typology of the colonIal public housing

, Khan,A.H. (1982),'Two ooreHo,,-,ing"nome, ie D""",,' - Moha:mmadpur

andMirpur, Seminar
p.per OnUrbanHousing,Aga Khanprogramfor IslamicArchitectureandMIT. MosS<lchusetts, USA

24
•
(Bungalow type) was taken, as a source of Inspiration and a modified V€rslon (extroV€rt

consolidated type) was prepared that was able to accommodate a large number of people In

smaller lots - thllS creating the walkup multi-storied colony typology (discussed in chapter

02).

The private sector initiative can be traced back as early as In the mid 60's, when responding

to the huge backlog of housing need, a new generation of real estate entrepreneurs emerged

in the urban housing context. In the 60's, Eastern Housing Ltd., now a leading developer In

the housing sector, developed the first developer built housing at Pailabi, Mlrpur; the

construction began after signing an agreement and receiving an initial payment from the

buyeri'. The funding of the project Wils largely organized through loan from a finandng

agency, disbursed directly to the developer who, on behalf of its dientele, completed the

scheme of nearly 1000 houses on 2.5 ksJtha to 5 katha plots]. Despite of Its relativ€ success

in comparison to its contemporary public sector Initiatives" the Pallabi scheme got little

appreciation or institutional support from the Government policy makers. In the post

liberation period, the focus of the developer built housing shifted completely from the middle-

Income to the higher income group. The remittance of the expatriate Bangladeshis played an

Important role In this development". CO-operative and condominium housings followed

through the later decades. However, the ventures of housing co-operatives, though

successful In developing and ilCCumulating lands, was often dispersedly located in the

peripheral areas and have failed substantially to relieve the OV€r-erowdlng of the city proper.

Apart from the infra-structural inadequacy e.g. lack of policy and Instltutkm1ll support,

inadequate communication and utility facilities to the co-operative sites, this phenomena of

slow growth of pelipheral co-operatJves along with the high-dens1ty concentration of

population in the central city areas, expresses a tendency of people to IIV€ nearer to the city
center.

The late 1970's and early 1900's was marked by a continuollS flow of remfttance from ,

abroad by the overseas workers. Lack of artemative investment opportunity made land and

housing market the easiest dlolce for these wage earners". In recent decades, increasing

tand price and scarcity of urban tand (discussed in chapter 04) have resulted In developmen[

, Contemporary Architecture, Bangladesh- 00. zahiruddin, Imomuddin & Khan, In.tiMe of Architects,
Dhaka (1990)
, ibid
• Kabir, A (1986): 'Role of private sector in hOU$ingde.elopment in Banglade.h', Seminar paper on
World Habitat Day, HBRl, October 06,1986. p-<i.1
'Contemporary Arcbhecturt:, Bangladesh_ed. zahiruddin, Imamuddin & Khan, Institut. of Archit.c!S,
Dhaka (1990)

, Khan, A (1988): SUNey of privately supplied Apartments in New Dhaka area- UnpubUshOOresearch
report, CUS, Department ofOeogmphy, University of Dhaka, Dbaka, pp 7-17

25

,
 of a new typology in our housing rontext- the developer built multi-ownership apartments.
The prestige, social security and rollVenience attached to the ownership of a house or a flat
within the city proper also led to the generation of demand of residential flats in the city.
Under this situation real estate developers came forward to meet the demand and paved the
way for large-scale growth of residential flats or apartments including high-rise apartment
housing'. For such developments, the private developers, either procuring or jointly
developing a serviced iand with the iandowner in a city location, prepares a project and gets
necessary approval from the authority; bllYers are then approached through public
advertisements in both electronic and print medias. The financing of such projects is
accumulated through the advance payments of the interested buyers disbursing either in
successive installments or through a full payment at a concessional rate. Along with the
foreign remittance, it is beiieved that black money had also played an Important role In
supporting this private-sector initiative for housing, by opening up a channel for investment.
In the early 1990's, Introduction of bank loans to buyers of apartments and rondominiums
have made considerable impact in this regard; flrstiy, for the deveiopers, it created the
opportunity to undertake projects with low initial capital investment and secondly, for buyers
with moderate savings, it created an opportunity to make a property in a prime city location.

On the other hand, the government initiative in different periods of providing with serviced
plots to meet the housing demand time to time, fell Into the hands of the affluent classes of
Dhaka aty. Until mid 1990's, most of these areas (Dhanmondi, Gulshan, Bananl, Baridhara,
Uttara etc.) served the purpose of high-class Iowoodensityaccommodation and contributed
little to solve the problem of accommodation of the middle and low-Income population, which
constitute the bulk of the dty population. However, during the 1970's and 1980's private
landowners converting large portion of their houses into tenancy properties largely met the
housing demand of the city. The large serviced piots of both fonnal and infoonal settlements
are also in the process of ronversion (discussed in chapter 04) for the past few years
contributing in the increase of density for the areas.

3.3 PRESENT CONTEXT OF URBAN HOUSING

The present situation of housing environment In Bangladesh is far from achieving acceptable
standards. In the major cities like Dhaka the situation is even worse. The population In a
household In many areas of the city is far beyond the comfortabJe range. This may be
understood by the availability of floor area per person for residential use in the city. In the
low income range the area availabie is sometimes as low as 10 to 15 sftIperson who are

, Anam, K. (1984): Sharing Problems In multi-<lmlership flat" M. Arch. Di"""rtalion. BUET

26
 ----
living in a subst<lndardsituation. Around 60 to 70% of the urban population In Bangladesh is
from low-income group and among them, 30 to 40% live in 8astees (local term for squatter).
Most of these settlements lack minimum standards In terms of adequacy of space, hygiene,
security and dilTl1llic protection- in essence, the environment of a minimum standard housing
is totally missing. The early attempts In public sector of rehabilit:lting these 5ettlers have
proven unsuccessful.At present, some private sector N.G.O.s are working with an approach
of incremental development of the overall housing environment in the tiastees with limited
success. However, this solutIon Is only partial in the overall perspective of the major problems
of rural-urban migration of landless peopie, increased Inflation and joblessness, lack of
politiall will and many more socio-economlc and polltiall imbalances.

The population of Dhaka City has a heterogeneous distribution within its urtlan setting. Study
shows (table 2.3 in OJapter 02) that, in 1999, some of the areas of the Inner core city e.g.
Kotowali P.S. (area 2 sq. km.) had a population density as high as S76 persons per acre,
whereas some posh residential areas like Gutshan P.S, (area S4 sq. km.) had a very low
density of only 29 persons per acre". This skewed distribution of land and population is
common in the whole dty.

A 1981 study" shows that the need of new housing stock for the year 2000 was enumerated
as 14.3 million for the whole country (supposing that the population will be 128 million). An
UNDPreport also suggests that to keep pace wIth nattJral growth of population only the rural
sector needs 3 million housing units/year. Afterwards (1993) the need was further revised
and the shortage of housingwas estimated more than 5 million In the year 2000'0.

The developers In this scenario have focused mainly on satisfying the housing need for the
upper and upper-middle Income groups. The contribution of the deveiopers in the housing
ITI1Irketof Dhaka aty was around 3,000 units/year in the early half of the 1990'5. However,
the present supply of housing units has been reduced to 2000 units/year indialling a 30%
slump in the supply chain". The a1use for this downfall is attributed to economic downsllde,
global recessionand pool' law and order situation of the country. However, new trends in the
real estate business with lower floor space per apartment Indicates a shift In the buying
population aOd that the developers are now targeting more on fixed and middle-Income
populatJonalong with the high-income groups.

• BBS, Statistical Pocket book 2000 (2002)-enumerated populatioo of Dhaka (thana wise), pp-101
• Islam, N. (2003); Unnoyon-.e Nagamyan. Mowla Brothers. Dhaka, pp-l 14
,. Ameen, S. (2002); Apartment culture in Bangladesh- the future. The da~y Star. 08102102, pp. 08

" Paper on - 'StrengtiienIng the role of private sector housing in Bangladesb economy_the polley
challenge', CPO-REHAB dialogue, March II. 2003, Dbaka

27
••
 3.4 HOUSING NEED &. EFFECTIVE DEMAND
•

For an urban context like Dhaka City, a dilemma is always present in assessing the actual
shortage in housing. The criteria of what is the basic requirement for a house, creates this

dilemma. This basic house might be determined on two basis- I. whdt a house should bear Ii.

What its inhabitant am afford. Among the issues, tile first one sets a basic standard for
housing and leads to the assessment of the actual need of housing where substandan1
houses are exduded. The second equates the demand of housing with the availability of
hou~ng in ex&ence and the additional demand according to the affotdability of its user.
Therefore a certain standan1 of iiving along With the affordabilityof the user plays a pivotal
ro~ in determining the effectiVe demand ofhousing for a given context.

Again, human needs are often non-quantifiable and varied In dimensions and issues. The
need of a human may vary from person to person within the same soclo-physlcal and
economic sphere, which frequentfy go beyond our control. Determination of housing need is
also su~ptible to this unpredictability. Disparity in income, scarcity of resources, varying
degree of socio-physical and psychological needs, difference in value stn.Jcturesetc. make
the process of need assessment more vulnerable. In this context sociologists like Maslow
(1954) and Cooper (1975) have gerrerated a few modeis of hierarchy that can be helpful to
set priority in hOusingneed" (fig. 3.1).

HIERARCHY OF NEEDS HOUSING NEED

(Maslow) (Cooper)
._. Ooopo.'''''I

" RAhman. M. (1990), Urban Lower.middI. and middJ.,.income housing_ an inv.SligatiOll into
.ffordabiJity and opliOlls. Dhaka, B""gl.desh, Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, UK

28
 •
Housing need, therefore, has to be understood in tenns of priorities (as referred in the
models). The need for housing and lifestyle changes even for a family, as It moves along the
socio--economicladder through time. Thus a single family at the different stages of Its
development may and probably will have varying needs for housing units. Therefore issues
like renewability, dliinge and adaptability should also be given due importance in assessing
the need of a housing.

T.ble3.2

Avoll.ble no. of dWelling

197351 (1981) 367513 (1991)
unitS

Required 00. 01 unlles/yeor 4.000

5aufm: mtnpI/ffJ from lmatmKidln, A.H. (1M2)" B8$-1991

So far, data available on housing need concentrates on the defdt of housing units for the
population who do not have enough means to lead a certain standard of living in Dhaka City
(tabJe 3.2). However the data do not reflect the condItions of the already existing houses
which are nearly obsolete owing to different causes.

3.5 HOUSING DEUVERY SYSl'EM

A large segment of G~mment effort In housing delivery system Is focused to the housing
for the g~mment employees, Introdudng the colony mcdeI(discussed In chapter-2) In the
very early attempts to provide housing in our context. Still only a small section of G~mment
employees get ~Ir share of housing depending upon their category of employment, pay
scale and most of all availability of the flats in the colonfes (table 3.3).

710ll--lm 1500
5500.7099 ,~,
.850.S'l99 ,~
a•••U.lII 122$-26'19 'M
1125-1725 ~
a_" 105ll--l915 ~
.lWm': Rdlkf,H. (1001)

29

•
, ,
The other efforts in public sector include the rehabiiitation schemes for both refugeeS' and
squatter-dwellers, and suppfy of serviced plots for the upper-middle income population within
the city.

In the private sector, the delivery system can be broadly categorized into two sub-sectors-
one fonnaf and the other informal. The early fOllTlal private sector initlatille5 of ro-operative
housing at different pl<lc:es,mainfy at the outskirts of Dhaka cfly took long delivery periodS";
thus suffered a setback of slow growth In the early decades of 1970's and 80's. Obscured
legal framework regarding land transfer, lack of adequate management and technical skills,
lack of instJtutional and finandal support etc. are also considered as some of the major
causes behind this setback. However the mid 80'5 are marked through the revival of this
sector with a new model of hOusing altemative, which is multi-<lWnership apartment.
However, the infollTlal private sector in the post independence era has played a greater role
in the housing deiiYery system of Dhaka aty. Table 3.4 summar~es the organization of the
housing delivery system in Bangladesh.

Ownedhoose
Hou,; common tena
Housiagby mess

Tenement hOll'Sing

!le'Jelopor!)"'~
housmg

,-~
5eMced plot for h;gh & higher-rroddl.

H<J<IeI<
InstlMional I>Jwng
100_ ecfutational anlzatlon.1
Popular sector Squatters' Shanbes of l;emP<JlOrymoteriols (Kutd1a

Temporary laM ten"", (con<tructionsite TomP<JlOry~1JI.ICUsiogle storied

"'ed/leased land) strudlJ",

However the informal popular sector housing remained as the most unhindered phenomena

" The term "reftgee'iIl our oont.><I,ref.rs to the population of two great migrations, one during ilie
post 1947 era ofbinh of iIldepond.nt nations of India & Pakistan and lb. olber during the post 1971 era
of our independenoe to Bangladesh
,. Enam, K. (1984): The Sharing problem< of mulli-ownt=hip flats, Unpublished M.Arch, Dissrtalion,
BUET, Dhaka.

30
 .' "119""""''''--
in the urban housing delivery system though supplying a major bulk of housing espeaally
during tIu= post independence era. The establishment of House Bulidlng Finance Corporation
(HBFe) in 1973 and introduction of drfferent loan schemes for multi-storied construction was
successful in giving the private Infonnal sector more mobility. But the advantages of this loan
scheme haY!! basically served the interest of the upper dass people of society since Its
initiation.

The institutions involved in the housing sectors are many (tabie 3.8). But often there is lack
of co-ordination and planning. SOmetimesthe responsibility of the organization is not dearly
demarcated from other supporting or parallel organizations. As in the case of Dhaka Oty,
there are three organizations that share responsibility for different development projects in
different parts of the city, namely-RAJUK,Dhaka City Corporation and cantonment Board. A
consolidated effort is almost impossible due to their disagreement on the issue of authority In
city planning among these organizations. Other than these three Ofganlzations some other •
organizations are also connected to the de'~ry process of urban housing sector. These are
Urban Development Directorate (UDD), now defunct Housing and Settlement Directorate
(HSO), Public Works Department (PWD), House Building Finance Corporation (HBFC), Dhaka
Electric Supply Authority (DESA), Dhaka WASA, l1tas Gas Transmission and Distribution
Authority etc.

3.6 HOUSING FINANCE" INSTITUTlONAl SUPPORTS IN DHAKACITY

At the very early stage the Government-owned House Building Finance Corporation (HBFe)
was the main institution that mainly operated in the residential arena. Financial incentives in
the fonn of loan for housing development has only promoted construction of high standard
multi storied houses with pennanent material. The policy of the early loan schemes (table
3.5) also supported this notjon where soft loans were available mainly for the multi-stoned
residential developments. The loan fadllties provided by HBFC has been Instrumental in
developing the muiti-storied residential buildings in Dhaka and other major cities In
Bangladesh In the post liberatIon perfod since it had offered long term loan with higher
ceiling and a modet<lte interest rate. WIth the ~mergence of the real estate sector, the HBFC
schemes have been revised to make it more competittve against the private sector
Institutions.

Jl

-~'
 Housing filWlCe U% 3,00,000.00

Gene". loan Sdl.rne n% 20 years 2,10,000.00

Multi-storied loan '><I1.m. 5% 8,46,000.00

Soorce: Inwnuddln, A,H. (lOIn)

H~ver, in ~ 90's some private sector initiatives have made some considerable changes in
the situation. New institutions like Delta-Brae, National Housing Finance COmpany etc. are
offering competitive loan schemes to the potential investors now. The comparative loan
schemes (table 3.6) shows that contrary to the previous bank policfes the agencies are now
offering moderate term loan fadlities with much higher ceiling. However these schemes are
again directed to the upper income group of society.

1S.75% 15Y"'rs ~O.OO,OOO.Oor 70% of 111.

ap.rtment val"" or 80% of
the housm9 cost- whichever
Is less
Geoeralloan scheme 13% for 111. 1" 11<. 2Sy""rs 6,00,000.00
i,OO,ooo.OO and 16%
on bal.nce
Mulbstorled loan 5% 30 ye:ars 8,46,000.00
scheme

The booming trend of the uman housing market however has had its impact on the schemes
provided by the HBFC, which intrtxluced new schemes e.g. loan schemes for buying
aPi"rtments and also brought substantial changes in Its old schemes. The recent restructuring
of the loan schemesattempts to address more to the contemporary needs with a new ceiling
of Tk. 25,00,000.00 depending on the location of the housing scheme. In the Dhaka and
Chittagong Metro~itan city areas, the rate of Interest for loans up to Tk. 15,00,000.00 is
13% and beyond this the interest rate is 15%. However poor recovery of housing loan and
irreguiarities in management caused a long-term (12 Years) suspension of housing loans in
different parts of the counby. Very recently, the suspension was withdrawn and loans are
sanctioned In all other parts of the counby at a flat rate of interest of 10% Irrespective of
ceilings. Repayment periOOfor all HBFCloans is 15 years, though it may be relaxed to 20
years in the case of small size apartment schemes for the low and middie-income peopie.

32
 Generalloansdleme
(equated monthly
Installmenlsdleme
HDUSiI'lg
fina""" 15.75% \5 yeo'" 40,00.000.0or 70% of the
(equated monthly apartmenlvalueor 80% of
installmentscheme) 1110
OOU5lllg
cost-I'/llId1ever

"~ F<Jrthe w!>olew,Jntry 10%fi.1 rale 15yeo'" ''"

25,00,000.00
~" •
Olittagong
Dhaka

ltan"' •• ,

"" •
~ ,,% (ro, milXimum 15yea", \5,00,000.00
Olittagong Ian .mom! 01Th. 15
metropolitan.""'" ". • ""
(;% (" 15years 25,00,001).00
amount 01more lIlan
11<.15lakh

~:
htIp'/fWr,w;biIngIadesh.neViNIjde
"""
/:IiJooIadesNeconomic /Tend!iI= 13 OOme !Jufldjnq tju;mCII htm
(2001) & DeJr3.Brac brrx1IIlre(1OfJl)

In the rural areas, the Grameen Bank and some other micro credit NGOs have extended

some housing loans only for low cost basic shelters. Hmvever very recently, the Government

has came up with the ide,Lof the 'Gn'hayan Tahbil' of Taka 0.5 billion that provides some

refinance support for shelter housing loans through NGOs. In spite of these efforts, the

housing activities in our context, both in private and public sectors are largely concentrated in

the urban areas, epecially In the large metropolitan citle.

3.7 HOUSING POUCY

In 1981, the first attempt for making a hoU51ng policy in Bangladesh Wa5 taken and a draft

was submitted In 1982. for approval. This was never implemented. In 1993, in the wake of

emer<:)ing private sector Initiatives, the mlnlstry approved the draft of -National Hrn.;sing

Policy, 1993. The policy stretches on the role of the Government in housing sector and states

that the Government will act as a tad/itator- rather than a supplier.

Thi5 n,'VII role of govemment suggests that the housing supply or construction will primarily

be done through the plivate sector. In a market economy, the issues like supply of habitable

land, housing finance, market control med1anism for building materials and the legal

instruments (e.g. approval of plan, enforcement of master plan etc.) must therefore be

regulated and facilitated by the Government. So far very little effort on government's behalf

ha5 been made In this regard.

33
The policy, however, has its limitation in addressing the issues like multi-ownership housing
situation and its complexity, multistoried apartment blocks etc, The relevant ruies and polides
for constructing apartment complexes in Dhaka aty are-

a. Building construction Act, 1951

b. Town Improvement Act, 1953
c. Dhaka Master Pian, 1959
d. Dhaka Metropolitan Development Plan, 1995
e. Building COnstructionRules, 1996
f. Nationai Housing PoHcy,1993

However, the legal framework for multi-ownership/co-operative housing 15 still obscure in

these rules and policies. The need for such policy has already initiated awareness at both
public and private sector level, and two draft policies - 'Prwate Housing Policy-lOOl' and
'MultJ-storied Building Construction Policy-2002' are In the process of making to address to
these needs.

Another problem in this issue is the absence of a contemporary land pclicy. One of the main
causes of the acute shortage of housing In urban areas 15the limited supply of land. The
need in reality is fett through the attempts of filling up the low-lying areas within tile dty
often causing environmental disaster for the city. Therefore, a consolidated housing and land
policy 15necessaryto ensure the future growth in this sector.

3.8 THE PRETEXT OF SHIFT IN TENURESHIP OF URBAN HOUSING

In rural Bangiadesh,the owners for their own use predominantly build houses only. Here tile
U!ie villuedthe development gets the priority, where as in urban context, especialty In large
dtles like Dhaka, a large portion of a hOUse15built for some form of exchange- rent or sell.
Therefore, in these houses, the exchange vaJuegets due importance parallel to its vse-value.
It is the exchange value that determines the characteristics of the ;10uslng.The context of
Dhaka city's housing, therefore, extends beyond the issue of accommodation to encompass
the socio-econornicreality present in a society in our particular time.

In the dty areas of Bangladesh, 64.3% of the houses are owner-occupled". For Dhaka this
percentage will be far less (Chart 3.1). The following chart shows that in contrast to other
contemporary dties in the wor1d, Dhaka has a large volume of population who do not have

"lsl81t1, N (2003), ibid

34
any ~p right to the dweIImgsthey live In.
---.-
llOllUN type In DhakI <fty 1ft-m-'-_-.-, 'to _ <ftIeo ." AsIa-Padlk rev\oIl

.•-
,
T••••••l,.,.

••
••
••
••
••
•
••
••
•
•••
'.' \. ",","
Ib~or>:lP,"d d - __
, ""iOCIIIl1tMOy Of_I

In Inner city lIleaS, where most 0( the people lire some fum1 of tenants, the ac:commodllllon
egalflst the rent gIVenshows II dlspartty. This I'0ppens largely bealuse of two reasons- iI. the
terdellC)' of people to live Mllrer to the dty renter & b. the shorti!ge of housing wIth!nthe
metropoIiUlndty arca5. As /I result the Inc:reaseIn rent In OI'0~ city In the last two c\eQw1es
was unpoece;lelltrd (mille 3.8).

In this sc:::er0rioof ac:ute houslng slDltage, the role of the Inform!llprivate builders serm to
WInk wfth the wrp rise of mllterlal, labour 8nd constructlon oosts (1l!iJ3.2) "long wIlh
l~ IiIndVlIlue(referred In ~pter 05) lind deterloratlotl of laWlind onSer situation in
the last decCldcs

" {
 , ., TIle consequence of thiS 5ltlJ~tlon
was the reduced ability of the
potential oWrJers as well as more
dependency on institutional or
,
.' government support for housing
sector!', This apparently

contradictory situation has

I""
paved the way for the developer
built housing, whid1 "11th
-g~~ Increased Institutional support has
come up to generate a ~ew solution
of 'multi- ownership' hOU51r,gduring
the late 1980's and early 1990's
coinciding with the curve of incrmse

"""'", B8S(l!J89)-T_'~32 _
Fig.", 3.2
as "'_ by R_"- (1990)
Ri•• In <O<Ift",tt1on mmpo ••• rt1 i_
of construction cost.

(1969/10_100)

3.9 TIlE EMERGENCE AND ROLE OF REAL-ESTATE SECfOR IN DHAKA'S

HOUSING

3.9.1 Thl!"mergence of real estate sector

The real estate sectD', in our context, attempts to fulfill the demarICI for housing through
supply of two basic foclillies- land arid apartment:;. The earliest attempt in th,s sector <;<Inbe
traced In the 1960's when Eastern Housing, one of countries lead'rJg developers, offered the
land development project at Pallabl, Mirpur. It was a project of some 1000 VIII" type
independent houses With neces5ilry planned services and reqUirements where customers
could own the house by paying monthly installments on cert<lin terms". The 1960's have
eJ<Pelienced" lot more housing initiatives In the re<ll estate housing sector, as referred by

" Rahman. M. (1990); Urban Lower-mlddl. and middle_income housing- an invesligation into
afford.bili!)' and oplioo,. Dhaka. Bangl.de,h, Unpublished Ph.D. Di".rtation, Uni,,,dt)' of
Noningh.m. UK
L' hnp:i/ww"'.aitbd.netli g/hlm [felli/index.hlmi

36

b:
experts, when the Hafizabad Housing (1965) at New Eskaton area of Dhaka city was

developed. The change that occurred here was devised In the land-building relationship. Here

the ownership of ead1 building blod: was separnte (slngle-ownership), where as the total

land area, unlike the conventklnal way of demarcating the land in plot5 with boundary walls

for ead1 building, remained in a joint ownership (tenancy In common)"'. In the JXlst liberntJon

ern (1972), a new form of ownership is evident in the Hasanabad housing where the total

housing was brought under a co-operative'" scheme. The global recession in the 1970's and

the economic depression of the new!}' libernted country brought a virtual halt in this sector

for almost a decade. In 1960, the trend revived with the development of Shiddheshwari

Ispahani Housing (condominium)20. In quick succession, Eastern housing (1982) & Aziz Co-

operntive (1984), two leading developer organization In the country, attempted to build more

housing projects to meet the market demand. Among them, the Aziz CO-operatlve project

was conceived as two 8 storied blocks, beyond the conventional walk-up trend, and equipped

with a single elevator for each biock. The organizational aspect of apartments, largely owing

to the models of the public housings, however deviated gradually in formal expression In the

following decades. Despite their shortcomings, these trends of the ear!}' housing initiativeS

show an Interesting pattern in formal and spatial evolution In the later two decades, from

1964 to 1964. The essential organizational aspects evolved in this way became the bask:

mode/for later generation private sector housing.

3.9.2 The role or real estate sector in present context

The actual percentage of housing of the total housing stock supplied by the sector is yet to

be investigated. However the REHAB daims the number of housing supplied by the sector,

from beginning till 2002, were nearly alxlut 20,000 units in total". By now REHAB has more

than 75 members. According to REHAB the trend of apartment market is recently

experiencing a shift as there is a huge gap between (he numbers of delivered flat (less) and

the construction of new flats (more) in the current years. So far, the sector has supplied

housing stock for the upper and upper-middie class group of the Dhaka city.

" Anam, K. (19&4): The ,haring Problerru;of Multi -ownership flats, Unpublished M.Arcb.
Dissertation, BUET, Dilaka
,. Allam, K. (1984); The sharing Problems ofMulli-own=hip flats, Unpublished M.Arch.
Dissertation, SUET, DI!aka, 1'47
In thl. dissertation, diff<:rent fonn of ownership patterns were identified & disoussed.For developer
built housi~g two types of ownersbip (CO-Op"""live & Condomi~;um) was dlsoussed.
'.( C<HJpeT"(llwe homeawner. as discussed by the author. is a stockholder that ollows him 10 OCCl'PY a
certain unit <l the land. and Ihe building is usualiy held by a CiHJperalWe orga~izallon. A
Condominium. is de[",.d agai~, as multifamily building which has individual awnership offhe single
unit and an u~dMded ow~ership of the common oreas andfacilities serving the ./rUcture such as halls,
stairs. devalOrs, lobbies, driveways and so forth'.
"Anam, K. (1984): ibid, 1'47
" Sthapotyo 0 Ninnan, l,,ue-09, July-September, 2002, p-06

37
However the contribution of the sector in the country's oY€rall economy Is notable. In fiscal

year 2002, the construction, real estate and housing sectors' share in the GOP was 15.3%.

The growth rate of construction sector was 7.9% in the same fiscal yea""'. The real estate

sector is working along with the financial sector to fudHtate the Public (HBFe) and Private

sector (delta-BRAG National Housing Finance/ IDLe) loan fadlrtfes to the buyers. The Private

sector (delta-BRAG National Housing Financej IDLe) interest rate in housing loan Is 15% in

comparison to the HBFC interest rate of 15%"'.

After having an economic boost up in the 90's, the real estate sector grew in a huge

proportion and now employs about 1 million people directly or indirectly as well as supports

linkage industries like cement, tiles, aluminium, ceramics, painting, furniture and lighting.

Despite the Increased demand, Bangladesh is now self~ufficient In cement production for the

first time In history"'.

3.10 DISCUSSION

This chapter focuses on understanding of the overall housing situatiOns in the present Dhaka

city. The most noticeable change in the last few decades in this sector has happened in the

housing delivery system. The government role as the key provider for housing stocks has
iargely been ceased and the responsibility has been released to the emerging private sector

developers, especially in the case of Dhaka city. This is also dearly visible at the policy level

shift: during the formulation of National Housing Policy, 1993.

The study shows that the uneven distribution of resourres (land, aa:ess to finance etc.) along

with poor urban management and policy are the background causes for the housing deficit of

the city in recent years. Housing Int:lcalors e.g. house rent reflects the increase in demand of

housing. The sharp increase in construction cost along with the deterioration of the law and

order situation has dearly redvced the ability of potential prfvate informal sector, giving way

to the emergence of the real estate sector In the housing supply market.

12 The daily star: businessreport, March 12,2003, Dhaka. page.()6

" The daily star, ibid
,. The daily star: ibid

38
Though working since 1960'5, the real-estate sector had a re-birth in the 1980'5. This time
the tendency and needs of the people to stay nearer to dty center as well as the popular
vision of standard living (the flat typology has become widely popular and accepted by now)
has been addressed by the developers, converting the need and resources of Indivlduals1nto
material tel1T15
of a house form. The emergence of the real estate sector has played a pivotal
role in organizing the IndMdual demands into m/Iective demand. The high land value, hazard
and length of time involved in the process of constructing a house, insecurity due to socio-
political unrest, corruption and the limited scope of supporting flnances- all contributed to
change the once popular atI:Jtudeof making own houses to a renewed dependency on the
deveIopef!ias supplier of the housing units.

In early 1990'5 the emergence of some finandal Institutions has also contributed in
propagating this formal private sector initiatives by the developers. Studies in our context
reveal an Interesting fact about the service-consumer relatlonshlp. Sharing of services
increase with the decrease of economic capability. In reversal, the exclusivity of the services
increaseswith the increasedaffordability of the user groups, as can be seen in the colonies of
Government housing (appendix-VII). The early Initiatives In real estate sector in the late
1980's were quick to identify their target groups and their speciflc needs. The target groups
were understandaMy the high-income groups (Bangladeshi expatriates, local businessmen,
black money holders etc.) with substantial capital in hands and less Investment opportunity.
The physical form therefore responded more to the requirements of this class (adequate
par1dngspace, elaborate service facilities e.g. security, uninterrupted power suppty, servant's
accommodation, garbage disposill system etc.). This attempt of providing each owner with at
least one par1<ingspace and elaborate service faalities has brought a signiftcant change in the
formal and spatial organization of developer built apartments (discussed elaboratety in
chapter 07) and was wldety accepted by the user group.

39
 Chl't.rll4

CONTEXT: DHAKA
Soci•••cn1tn•.••1 d.fcnninanls and modifying factol"Sof hon •• fonn

4.1 Introduction

4.2 Culture as a generator of form

4.3 Detenninants and modifying f••.::torsof

Urban House Form

4.3.1 CUlture and the value structure

4.3.2 Family oomposition
4.3.3 Space IJSeand activity pattern
4.3.4 Socia-spatial structure
4.3.5 Zoning within the built form
4.3.6 Security and bUilt form
4.3.7 Oimatic considerations
4.3.8 TedmologicalOlllsiderations
4.3.9 Urban utilities and services
4.3.10 Legal frameworl<.: the prescribed house

4.4 Discussion
 Chapter 04

CONTEXT: DHAKA
Socio-eultnnll determinants and modifying facton oChouse fonn

4.1 INTRODUcnON

Study on the socio-QJlturaldimension of house form should, by default, investigate the vel'f
nature of culture, since It covers a broader spectrum of every aspect of a society and its
expressions. The dassical definition of culture as stated by Sir Edward Burnett Taylor' Is-
''Culture... is thot romplex whole which inchides knowfedge, belief, art- morals, law; custom
and any other abiiities and habits acquired by man iJS a member of scctety. ~ A more
contemporal'f definition by anthropologist Bates' refers to 'Culture' as the system of shared
beilefs, values, customs, behaviours, and artifacts that the members of society use to cope
with their world and with one another, and that are transmitted from generation to
generation through learning. The basic characteristics of 'culture' Is that it must be-

I. Learned: there is no inbom c1IariJderis~ culture must be iearned..

II. Shared: culture must be shared by the members of a society, there is no
individual's culture
iii. Patterned; people in a society five and think fn Wif% that tonn definite patterns
lv. Mutually constructed; through a ofcrmstant process ofsodai interaction
v. Symbolic: culture, fifnguage and thought are based on symbols and symboiic
meam"ngs
vi. Arbitral'f: not based on "naturo/ 1iIws" extErnal to humans, but created by
humans acrording to the "whims" of the soctety, e.g. standards of beauty.
llii. Internaliled: it becomes habftuat taken-for-gronted, perceivecJas "naturor.n

A built form in any society, as a mode of expression of its culture, responds to alilhese basic
characteristics of culture. Thus, every human society has its own sodo-oJltural expression
that determines Its physlcal as well as Ideological onus In a particular time and context. The
physical manifestation of sodo-QJltural expression always embed5 the meaning assodatille

j Taylor. E. B. (1871):Primitive Culrure-Vol. l,p I.

, Prof. Bates, Departmeot of Aothropology, University of Manitoba, USA
http://www.wnanitoba.calfacultieslartslaothropology/cour=;.! 122lmodule l/symbolic l.btml

41
 and expressive of the basic wncepts of /Mngof that very culture. It is the valiety of meaning
that gives the cultural lfariability to the forms of dffferent culture.

Hlstolically this region of Bengal, now known as Bangladesh, Is a melting pot of diversified
cultures and Influences.The present day socio-curtural events In the regkJnare supportive of
this fact and reflect a lich cultural m05ilic of different religious and social entities within a
common boundary. Buift form, as a product of our socio-t:ultural discOUrse,shows this lich
lfariety and meaning embedded in its very organization and expression that is unique to this
sodety only.

4.2 CULTURE AS A GENERATOR OF FORM

In formulating the basic hypothesis for his book 'House form and culture', Amos Rapoport
sees the socio-f:llitura/ factors as primary forces in determining the 'house form~. According
to Rapoport people shape their spaces as well as forms to attain their 'coIlectNe vision of
idea/life:
'Culture', through a shared, learned, symbolic system of values, beliefs and attitudes shapes
and Influences our perception and behavior - and thus constructs an abstract "mental
blueprint" or "mental code". Therefore soda-cultural influence on the matelial curture
(buildings, artifacts) are often subject to interpretation and must be studied "indirectly" by
studying value structure, social and family composition, behavior, habits, customs, artifacts,
tools, technology, language, etc.

4.3 DETERMINANTS AND MODIFYING FACTORS OF URBAN HOUSE FORM

A house form is a compiex phenomenon, which represents the vitality of a society with all its
extemal and internal forces mutating through a long path of tradition. The undemanding of
house form therefore needs careful unfolding and comprehension of layer.; of influences and
their pliorltles as primary or secondary forces on the built form. Rdpoport's understanding of
'cufture' as the primary determinant of house form, in this context, must be taken as a
guideline. Since the relationship between house form and culture is often non-linear and
subjected to interpretation investigation will be done in the socio"Ulltural arena of house
forms focusing on factors e.g. family composition, value structure, sodal meaning of space
and so on. However other modffying factors of house form e.g. climate, technology, legal

, Rapoport, A. (1969); House form and Culture, Preruice-Hall Inc., London, pp-47

42

I
 -'
aspects should also I>e given due collSlderallons as their role In shap'rIg the forms are

undeniable.

4.3.1 CulNre • tile value structure

At the 00'" of eorn rulture is - shared 1/iJ1ue5.Same of these vallJes are embedded in the
artifacts prodlJCed by that very culture. A built form can also be considered as an artifact for
any given rulture. Therefore f'Nery built form, In parallel to Its phYSical structure, has a
shared value srructure. This value stmcture sets the specificity and ~evance of any bUilt
fonn tQ Its orlglnatJng culture. Thus the social practice of this value strurnJre, evolved

through orne, leads to the creabon of 'a~tn>e'fora Pi'rticular culture.

The study of house form, in -1.11.1,

context, therefore must be invesligatBd for the inherent
value-strl.lcture IY'rJg at its very core. Imamuddin4, in his studies (1982) for the
'Contemporary Bengali House' focusing mainly on the public sector walk-up apartments of
tilat period, sCorosSlIme light an a few aspeers of our value structure In reference to our
space organizatioo (fig. 4.1).

'_P'''''''TE ':;-

Organizlllional model of oontemporary bengali house

_: _ (1982), A st1Jt1yonIlrtJ.imI>otlslng_In the contexl of Dhaw, Bongladesh

Fig 4.1 OrpniOlillion.11II<>RI of am!<Omp",-a,y D""""li 1>0••••

, Im.muddin, i\.H. (1982): 'A "udy on Urb3n Hou'ing- in llIe context of Dh.ka, 113l1glod•• h'-
unpublished M.Areh. di"ertolion, K1llholic University of Luven, Belgium.

43
The bi-polarlty of this structure reveals the inner complexities of such an organization in our
context. This is the characteristic feature of the Bengali house, whid1 makes it unique from
the houses of other wltures. Any housing attempt, which fails to recognize this unique
characteristic feature of our local house form, is destined to fall to satisfy the need of il5

~".

4.3.2 Family compositiDn

Family, being the basic module of society, Is the ground for learning where the vaiues and
cultures get their expression and meaning through practice. Our perception of society, culture
and their expression gets shaped within this environment. The very concept of'house' and its
use is therefore, highly connected to this baslc social unit of family and its composition.

The composition of the urbanite population in Dhaka has gone through a process of
transformation through ages. Traditionally the family composition In our context was that of
the joint family, extended famify or nuclear famify structure. However the family composition
and the physical manifestation of its needs through space and forms are far more compiex In
the urban settings. With time, the social compositions of the urbanite population have
produced quite a variety offamilial structures. Although

GoreS, in classifying Joint family as a social system, stresses on the following important
aspects of family characteristics: the process of decision making within the family, attitude
towards family composition, position of women in the family and Intra family bondage and
relationship. The following organization (table 4.1) attempts to organize the family
compositions a~ailable in Dhaka'scontext.

, Gore, M.S. (1990): 'Urbanization and family change in India', Popular prakash private Ltd., Bombay,
india.

44
Table 4.1 Family composition In our context"

1::'-
Nod•• r
Sub-type

Purl!n"dear
Family composition/
housd>old "'"
H_,
'
need of

wtfe and unmamed d'llld","

Family structure

family Single ho....,hold

.-.
,--,---.
Nodear family Husband, wife, unmanied ch,ld",n aoo

••
dependents
mmamed (and un-eoming)
brotIlm/"stm/ widowedmother or
other dependent< who a", not m-
.ame",
Slnll. household
",M
.... ,
~-,
lineal HU'<band,wife aM manied/unmanied
Family earrung children /
.Ja/I1t~ajolnlfy~_ /... I •• J ,I.",
:•• n/ Lo
Slnlle/multlple ho •••••hold \ ._//

Husband, wife and mamed/unmarned

d'llldrEnand .amlJ'Igbrother"s
Joint ~ &joInt1y operated kJldIen
Sil'>llie/muitiple household
Extended HU'<band,wifeand marrled{unmanied
family chllcYenand •• mlng
brnltlEr</rnuSin<!
""phews
NmiIies wittI separatebudget&
separatelyoperated-
Multiple _hold

The relationship between the 'family structure' ~nd the 'spatial structure' is quite evident in

our rural homesteads where exterJdedor joint forms of families raise new structures on the

same piece of IiInd (vaa) usu~l~ as ~ response to the new familial bandages (e.g.
matrimony).

However in an urban context, where nudear families represent ~ good volume of urbanite

populiltion, the response is quite different. The traditional form of joint faml;( structure and

the flexibility of the built form are often diffICUlt to attain here; stili, study shows that the

obligation to the (paternal) faml~ remains a major criteria in our social context. Our iiVing,

• The table is prepared with the help of two studies: a. Imamuddin A.H. (1982)- •A study on Urban
Housing- in the context of Dhaka, Bangladesh' - unpoblished M.Arcil. dissertation, Katholic University
ofLuven, Beigium. & b. Gore, M.S. (l990): 'Urbanization and fumiiy change', Popular prakash private
Lid., Bombay. India.

45
here, '5 ~Ioo sh~ped by this ~ttitude of sodal and familial bondage. This unique characteristic
of our SOd~1bondage creates ~ hierarchy of rela~onshlp within the socl~1spheres (Ag. 4.Za).

, ~ ..
I
I Eii"''''''''''' """"",l"""
~ Imarnut1din, A.H. (1982) & RasIiKi, M. (21J/J(})

fig 4.201 Hou •• lIOld ~on

That Is why a large number of urban houses In our context have been ammged with the
proYlS1onfor relatives, guests or people ViSitingfrom \lillages.

Another Important Issue on the

relatioilShlp between the 'family
structure' and 'spatial structure' is the
transforrwtlon of family and its changing
need in aJlJrse of time (Fig. 4.Zb). A
family, since its initiation through the
different stages of life cycle, is subjected
to varying composition, sometimes_
expanding and sometimes contracting In
Size. These pheoomena of expanSion
and contractIOn bemme Important
elements on the famlty's part In their
choice of rwking change, modification or
extenSion of their dwellings.

~: Adiipted from • n:port on !Jang/a<k5h Bank Hoosmg by Ii c.t., se<: 1tr1df71iiUfMn, A.H. (198.Z)
Flg4.211_nl.tag_ offllrnilr <ydoI

46
 -
4.3.3 Space use and activity pattern

Activities within a household is very much culture specific. Although the basic activities
performed In a house (e.g. working, cooking, eating, sleeping, leisure etc.) are same in many
cultures, it's the way that the activities are performed and their associated values that differ.
The actMty pattern guides the preferential use of aoy space and its connectivity with the
other spaces within the household. Many activities e.g. cooking, cleaning, e<lting, relaxing etc.
have undergone considerable changes in our urban context in comparison to our rural
lifestyle.

The fOlT11allivingspace, once known as 'fuithak-Kt'7ana'(meetlng place), still remains as the

primary introduction of the hOUseand its inhabitants to the outsiders. As front of the hOUsein
the traditional homesteads has important social connotation, the living in urban house is very
much representational of the house and the members in the urban context. Though In houses
with large household members, this space often serves multi-purpose functions in different
tlme zone, but W€lcoming guests gels predominance over any other function at any time of
the day or night.

Cooking, a daiiy household activity, in urban context rests between a JXlsltJonwhere both
traditional and modem (western) Ideas of space organization co-exists. Although the process
of preparation of food (e.g. using floor for preparing raw vegetable, fish and meat) and the
attitude about maintenance of kitchen (often the walls remain greasy) remains traditional, a
notable change has come in organizing storage spaces provided as base and o~rhead
cabinets within the kitchen. The necessity of a seml-outdoor area for the activities reiated to
preparation has often led to create a kitchen ~randa as a utility space. However the
traditional values regarding kitchen tends to create a certain degree of isolation

Eating has come a long way in urban context from the traditional posture of sitting on a floor
mat. The undefined space for dining in rural homestead kept it as an open-ended function
conventionally done In kitchen and soll.~times on 'diJwi1'(~randah) when accompanying
guests. However, In the urban context, the dining table has become an Increasingly popular
option defining the place for eating as dining space. Being located at the central l<X3tion of
the house within the family zone the space often serves for multi-functional activities (e.g.
studying, family gathering etc.). ,,'"

47
Traditionally, bedrooms were multi-functional spaces serving more than one function (e.g.
sleeping, storage etc.). In early urban households this attitude was still present. However
with change In time, the bedrooms have become more and more uni-functional (only for
sleeping), hardly accommodating any room for other activities except some leisurely actMty
e.g. TV Viewing. However, TV In bedrooms has become a highly personalized entertainment,
which is often inaccessible to other members of the fami~ for all time use. aimaticai~,
bedrooms ought to be given the best available c1imatl<:(preferab~ south and south-.east)
location in our context.

Verandah, a necessity in our climatic and cultural context, has had experienced a huge
change in the last few decades. The urban house till 70's had defined use and purpose for
this spaces as evident in the early multi-storied attempts in Dhaka city. When placed in the
front of the house this was the place for leisure, relaxation and sodallzatlon~ whereas in the
backyard, it provided the necessary support as a service area (supporting kitchen actiVities,
drying clothes etc.). At present, it retains Its utility status and is on the verge of extinction as
a place for relaxation as stated by Kamal' in his appropriate~ titled article 'Death of the
Veranda'.

The activity regarding leisure seems to have changed a lot in the last few decades.
Introductfon of cable network connections to the households at Dhaka city have made
considerable impact on this ground. TV, once valued as a prestige symbol, has taken its place
in the private zone from the pulJllc zone and consumes most of the leisurely hours of the
household occupants. Other leisurely habits e.g. reading books, socializing with the
neighbors. listening to musIc etc. seem to take the back seat with the advent of the dfsh..
culture. With the leisurely activities focusing on a single trad<.(lV viewing at any hour of day
or night) the need for a space accessilJ~ to all the family members without hampering other
household activities is increasing.

In overall perspective, [n an urban house, the spacesare getting more and more specific with
time and need.

, Kamal, M.1. (1995): 'Death of the Veranda', Article on Earth, Issue 05, December, 1995

48
Itilller ard Hanson' n tteIr bo::Ic*'tt"f!!mal k:lQIcof sp.xe' terms human sodetles as spa~
p1eo"eha. The study 5how5 th!It e"ch Sl:Idety ac:qU~ Its own definite and ,eoogttrable
spatW c>'tt'r by' means of whll:h we ~ the e>d$ll!IlCeof the (lJ!tunl1 dlll"ee ICl5
between 0I"le~ fornIMIonand anr:bw.~'~ this lll1ellOlTlellOl'
of s;lBtlm
order In a more CllIISlllIdatl"dW1lY 'KDg' illIl9 sp;la!S lIS rf'SOU'Ot! and klertltvtng the
r$tIaol'ihip ~"e~,!hI! soda! /Wnrrfly offlibactb,and ~ use In !hi! mntext of Indla
(~ 4.3).

,-,

,
~-
$:un>:t:brrH(J!II!SrlN_'" •••
flg 4.3 II-mp til ~ InOEttM',",1ti

In our tIltltext, study shows th!It this ~ of b",3aIon and bad')!tlll:b'Jcy of sodiIJmd
fJ/rtSiC8f ~wlttIIn the society ¥artes (l)I~ lItAll(ll9 to the settlt:i'lelit jRltte'lS". In
the ~ settlt:i'eitS, the placrs r:J social hltt:ilIdb , within a mohoIIa were trad;tiona'ly
dellned by the hltnrthy of soOO-$patJallRts Uk.ehousesIt1rhavrts(uthm), ~ tNwks
and finally tMza8rs. 1'hIs 'epl 6 a 5lrOng spatial order within the society In the past.
Atltough the ~ degradation has eaused iTIUChd~UTIllgl!tll !hi! Int!lgrtfy of
rrdIoIla, stln now, the degree of sodo-aJ!tUrlll h'lBadlun and social respunslveness is mud'l
~ within ~ ~ based cummunttIes In !hi! uIdeTpart r:J dty than lhlrt at the rllfTMl
and Informal ~

The Informal setdeue,ls, uwIrlg la'l/dY tll their urvanlutlun, have different llIeIa,d'Iy of
roads. Thls gave an added ~ to the areas, wtler"esome j21tS at thr2 ~ or
tMJary rtIllds art! u!le'l LB!d fllr mal llUfPUSl'5e.g, ldd's play ll!eIl, \IlIlhertng splICe fllr
IKIIJts, soda! adMtIes IJU attunll prugr3ms and meetlng5 etc. SOCIal10 lte••;IepelldellCy and
lnterlctlUn In these IUalUtiestal:es pIaO!iat a certain level, t!IoUg/I not at rht! ~ of rht!

• HilI;,,-, II. &. Ibnmn, J. (l9Ml: 'ThI:..,w kIJ;i<:of >{lIII:O:',c.mllrid;< Unlunlly Pr=. Cambridgt.
, c •••••••••C. (198'): ' '1M new 1."<1•••••<', 1M Ilool< Sc<icIy <>fInd"••• llcn'I>boy
It McjUllldel',S.A. &. Il~ F. (1'l9S): 'CCIlXfYlIIicc cfooci:l inter-<k, ••••lt••" ond....,', JIIIpc:r
~t«! in SnniMt.~ 1""'""l1< 1IIIur<',IIllb", IJoi'IDbI

49
fndigenolJs settfementS'. The 'formal settlements, on the other hand, lack the social
interdependency and soda-spatial hierarchy. COmmunal activities e.g. chTidren's pfay,
recreation, and sodal gatherings have moved Inside the private lot in these planned
settlements because of socially unsympathetic planning and lack of common and safe
neighborhood spacesll. The traditional lineage of home-eommunity has been severed In
these formal settlements. Another reason for the anonymity of these planned settlements is
thought to be its lack of demographic diversity,3. In fact a sodal Interdependency between
diversified sodal entities enrid1es the inter-eommunity ties. It is through these social
grouping and Interaction that a hierarchical family of characteristic spatial themes is
reproduced and through its reproductlon we recognize the on:terin space.

4.3.5 ZOning within the bunt form

Zoning within a built form is a notion directly linked to the concept of privacy and therefore
varies considerablyfrom Q1lture to Q1lture. Privacy may be defined as the dalm of Individuals,
groups or institutions to control access to themselves and to determine themsetves 'Nhen,
how and to what extent infonnation about themselves would be communicated. In a'spatial
framework of a dwelling It creates certain realms and thresholds defining the degree of the
privacy needed at different realms by the society prIvate, semi-private, semi-public and public
spheres of interaction.

The early colony type public housings had a highly compartmental plan ensuring privacy of
the inner domains from the public sphere. Corridor as a separating tool for different zones
especially at the entry (as It did In the 60's) Is losing Its position since then to a more open
version of foyer. The 80's and 90's have gone through a phase of transformation In sodal
values as reflected in the change In the spatial organization where the traditional barrier
between the public and semi-public spheres has been redefined. The degree of exposure
between living and dinning has become more and more exposed in the last three decades.

Traditionally, activities related to services are considered dirty and are kept in Isolation.
However In the last few decades in many uroan households, the service activities have
become more elaborate than before. With the Introduction of modem appliances {cabinets,

11 Ibid
"Mowla, Q.A. (1997):Evolutlonof Dbaka', UrbanMorphology,Unpubli,bedPh.D.dissertation,
Uni~rsit)l of Liverpool,UK, pp-87
IJ Ibid

50
sinks etc.), the kitchen is a cleaner place than before an~ometlmes places for housemaIds,
in a more remote location from the major family actrvitles, are becoming a popular choire.

4.3.6 Securityand built form

One of the primordial purposes of hOusewas providing security. Although the tradition of
building house came a long way since then, the need to protect its dwellers from external
interference nevertheless remain the same. However it is the nature of this external
interference that changed with context, society and time. The response to these changes
often gives a unique character to the house form.

In an urban context, the term security is synonymous with the context of social security
situation of that particuiar city or region. In the case of Dhaka, the need for security and
protection is very mud! evident in the way we make our houses. Most of the multistoried
residential buildings have a 'colfapsib!e gate' at the entry to the staircases in addition to the
gate at the boundary wall. All windows and often the 1Ief1lndahsare elaborately secured with
gn7ts. In a posh neighbourhood, there are guards and guardrooms at the entry point of the
site. These are the general responsesgenerated from the sense of insecurity of the people of
this mega!opolls.The deterioration of law and order situation in the past decade is appalling.
The failure of the state mechanism and highly politicized publTc Instftutfons gives no
assuranceto the commoners of the city. Thus security has become a major concern for these
urban dwellers In the past decade.

4.3.7 Climatic Consideration

Oimate In the context of housing should Include tw<l layers of considerations- a. regional
(macro) climate and b. local (micro) dlmate. Grossly regional climate refers to series of mean
data that Includes winter and summer direction of wind, sun angle, average humidity In a
specific time of the year, wind ferre, annual rainfall etc. Micro- climate, on the other hand, Is
site specifIC. The landform, gmund awer, flora and fauna, Identification of temperature
variants (e.g. heat islands) etc. falls into this category.

Regionally, the climate of Dhaka can be categorized as tropical 'hot-humid'. During summer
season, the daytfme temperature remains high and the sun path stays just O\I€mead (the
Tropic of cancer passes through Bangladesh). The rainy season has a very high degree of
monsoon rainfall often causing inundation to a major part of the region for quite a substantial

51
time of a year. The relative humidity remains very high duril19 this period. The winter is mild
with some exceptions when certain cold speils continue from the northern Himalayan Ranges
causing uncomfortable chiiis for few days. The prevailing wind direction during the summer
season Is primarily from 50uth and southeast (see appendix V).

These IlliIcro-dimatic factors have traditionally played a decisive role in determining the
climatic front (south) of the house. Traditionally large overhangs were the dlmatic defense
against huge annual rainfall as evident in our rural house forms. These forms of roof are still
evident in the urban areas primarily In klltdla and semi-ptJCCa category; however in
multistorled ptJCU1houses, the roof largely remains fiat. Except the winter, the high-humidity
during the year in[tlates the need for high degree of air change and therefore cross
ventilation remains a primary necessjty in the built forms of our context.

4.3.8 Technological considerations

Ted1nology helps us to build. That's how we make our buildings. But a house does always go
beyond the mere act of building and probes Into the world of meaning. Thus the technology
becomes subservi€nt to a culture. It acts as a tool, which to the users end, can be
maneuvered to get a culture-specific expression. Dependll19 upon the processof constructkln
and use of material our built forms are termed as 'ptJCU1; 'semi ptJCU1'or 'I(/Itdla~ However a
certain social vallres are also added to these terms (and their generates) even In our rural
context where the affordability of the owner Is expressed through the built form. In the
Urban context, the 'pucca' dwellings are considered as the most desired forms though
economic and other shortcomings makes a huge population to live In the other two forms.

TIll the mid 80'5, the most widely used construction system for 'pucca'structures In the
housing sector of Dhaka City was the load bearing IlliIsonry walls. The cause probably lies In
the nature of deveiopment and in Its economy; brick structures W€re obViously cheaper than
R.C.C. structures and the buildings were mostly within walk-up ranges. However the more
upward trend of dweliings in the later periocl have made the choice of R.C.C. structure a
viable one; the flexibility of future alteraljon in such structures have added more to this
choice. Construction methods are manual tabour oriented, mostly because of the avaliability
of cheap labour In the city areas. However, wfth the expansion of construction Industry more
specializedand skilled tabours are needed now. For more specialized construction, e.g. high-
rise, the construction.industry depends iargely on labour oriented process. However, the need
for repeatability of formworks, has made steel shuttering a viable option for high-rise

construction.

In the last few decades, industrial materials (e.g. aluminium windows, flush door, metal door

etc.) are getting popularized in Dhaka City replacing the older standard materials for doors

and windows gradually. sensitivity In use of material, both local and foreign, often helps to

attain sophisticated expressions in built forms and the attempts to attain so has been on the

rise In the last few decades.

4.3.9 Urban utilities !Lservlces

Dhaka City Corporation (previously Dhaka Munidpality) was established in 1864. Dhaka aty

was first equipped with the sup~y of electricity in 1878 lTIOstly by the generosity of the dty

elite and piped water supply began to be offered to the residents on 187414. Since then the
basic amenity and utility services of the city Is running under direct Government control.

some of the services have not been upgraded over time since their inception and has become

obsolete" by modern needs and standards. Now-a-days, Dhaka Electric Supply Authority

(DESA), a government agency, is responsible for providing the city dwellers with electricity.

However the consumption of electrical power and Its rate varies according to the nature of

use (resldentiai/ commerdai/ industrial). For an average residential development within walk-

up range the consumption is unlikely to exceed 5 I<W. Up to this range, DESA supplies the
,
infra-structural support e.g. JXIles, transformers, cables etc on public land. However for

greater consumptions in residential uses, an electrical sub-statlon needs to be Installed Within

the site where the consumers share certain costs of the developlTl<!nt. However there is a

great difference in the demand and supply of electrical load resuftfng in unsatisfactory power

situation. The huge 5y!item toss between the generation of electricity and its consumptfon has

made the situation worse.

Titas Gas Transmission and Distribution (TGT & D), another GovernlTl<!nt agency, is the sole

distributor of plpellned gas for household and other (Industrial, commercial etc.) uses. Gas is

a very appropriate source of energy for this huge urban population mainly because of its

comparatively lower cost and environmental compatibIlity. The distribution lInes are usually

" Haider, A. (1966): 'A city aud ilS civic My', Dhaka Municipality publicalion.
" Courier, C. (1989): Urban bousing supplement: vol. 5, Issue 47, June 30, 1989, Dhaka-

53
along the road system within the ctty and are still In the process of expansion. Many areas,
especially peripheral and some inner city areas are still waiting to get this service.

Dhaka Water and Sewerage Authortty (DWASA) is another government a<jencyIn charge of
providing the citizens of Dhaka with safe potable water and proper sewerage facilities.
Though the water distribution network has expanded In the last few decades it still falls to
fulfill the demand of the population in different localities. The inadequacy and irregularity of
suppiy has made underground water reseJVOlra common fe3ture in many of the pucca
households within the city. The services of this facility, mostly done through underground
pipelines along the roads, vary cnnsiderably from locality to locality. The system of sewerage
disposal is even worse. A 1997 study reports that the sewerage system of contemporary
Dhaka covers only about 18% of the local population of the city; alternatiVe sanitation system
e.g. septic tank and sanitary pit latrines covers 40% and 15% population respectively; the

,
remaining 27% of the city population doesn't have any access to any standard sanitation
system".

Along with the services mentioned above, the solid waste management Is a major service
sector for any urban context. In rural household there are plenty of spaces surrounding a
homestead that decomposes the blo-degradable household wastes without causing any
environmental concem. In a metropolitan area, however, disposal of this household wastes
olten becomes a nulsance to the surroundIng environment. Dhaka Ctty Corporation Is the
concerned authority that keeps the ctty clean by dearing these wastes from certain marked
points (dustbins) In and around the neighbouhoods of the city. The system of disposal of
waste from the household to the dustbin was cumbersome for a long perloo. However, In
recent days these civic facilities are gradually getting organized by some joint ventures
between public and private sectors, where communfty sweepers are collecting these wastes
from individual householdsand delivering it to the dustbin for oominal service charges.

This gives a picture of incompetence of the urban service sectors (especially water supply and
sanitation) of Dhaka aty and their Infra-structural inadequacy. Most of these service lines are
along the road system. The infra""5tructuralsupport Is better available in the new part of the
city rather than Old Dhaka. In New Dhaka, the formal settlements enjoy the full benefits of all
the services available In our context. In the Informal part, ail the major circulation artetie5
are serviced with these mooem urban utilities; in most cases the secondary roads a!so have

•• Saadi, M.L.K. (1997): Quoted UNDPM'B. UNICEF 1994 in' City pollution rises unehueked',
m1ekly Holiday

54
 this service infrastructure, how€ver most of the peripheral fringe areas and areas of disputed

ownership are inadequately serviced. It is the indigenous part of the settlement where many

localities lack adequate services and utilities (especialry water and sewerage). This disparity

of utility services in different parts of the city has a direct influeoce in determining the future

growth pattern of settlements and urban house forms (ref. Chapter 06).

4.3.10 legal f",me-work: the prescrlbed house

The term prescribed house' has been chosen here to describe the guidelines of what to build

in a piece of land according to the by-laws of building construction as regulated by RAJUK in

comparison with the actually built house. At the beginning of the 20"' century, In the colonial

era, the municipality was the sole organiZation responsible for development of civic facilities

and discerning guidelines for constructing buildings in towns and dties.

In Bangladesh, the East Bengal Building Construction Act, 1952 was the basic guideline for

constructions in the urban areas. Although this was the very basic rule for the construction

work of the next three and a half decades, the act stated very little about the construction,

setback, building to building and road to buiiding relationship etc. Rather it focused more on

implementation of a master plan. The merits and demerits of the law appears to be academic

in nature since it was universally ignored because many a times it was a technical

Impossibility to build as per by-laws especially in the infol1Tl1lland organic part of the city".

For Dhaka City, Town Improvement Act (1953) was passed which dearly states that the

proposed use and design must be approved by the then D.i.T. (Dhaka Improvement Trust)

belbre the construction. The Dhaka Master Plan was prepared in 1959 for an anticipated

future population of 2 million" covering an area, which is some 40% of the built-up area2ll of
the contem'porary Dhaka City.

L7 The term 'prescribed house' is firstly & very appropriately devised by lflekhar M Khan, (1982) in

his doctorate diss"r1IItiOll-Alternative approach to the redevelopment of old Dacca.

lOKhan, T.M. (1982): Allemative ,,!,proach 10the redevelopment of old Dacca. Unpublished Ph.D.
Dissertation, Katholic University, Luven,BeIgium.
" Minoprio, Spencely and Macfarlane (1959): Repon and plan on the DlT Master Plan for Dacea,
RajUK, Dhaka
" Mowla. Q.A. (1997): Evolmion of Dhaka's Urban Morphology, Unpublished Ph.D. di"ertlltion,
University ofLiverpoo~ UK, Appendix-4.0 xx

55
 In 1977 arid 1984, two pouroshabha ordinances were passed to give authority to the
pouroshabhasto formulate their own laws. Also in 1984, lmarat Nirman Bidhlmala or Building
Construction Rules (1984) were enacted according to the existing Ad (1952). By this time,
the need for new guidelines for separate settlement patterns of the dty was felt but
unfortunateiy the law for residential land use this time focused more on ''site developments
for modeISllburbs"l. However, in lmar.Jt Nirman Bidhimala (1996), more elaboration of the
existin9 laws has been attempted making changes In both positive and negative direction
(see annexure I).

The basic guidelines, which modify the built fonns in our context, are the rules regarding
5elback, open and buift area r.JUo and the height restrfcttons for a locaiity or site. The lmar.Jt

Nirman Bidhimala (1996) has made a notable change for residential developments regarding

the open area and buiit area ratio by abolishing the previous rule for keeping at least one
third of the site area open. This had a direct influence on the later residential developments
where iarger plots enjoyed the benefits of developing more built areas than before. The
modifications of setback rules had on the other hand reduced the buildable area for smaller
plot size (e.g. 2 kiJthas). As for height restrictfons, there are two policies- zonal and local. The
lanai policy Is not set by the building laws rather it is imposed by the respective authority
which restricts built forms of certain zones to go beyond certain heights. In Dhaka's context
RajUK imposes height restriction (maximum buildable height of six stories) in all residential
plots of the formal settlements. However there are other authorities concerning the height of
the building, namely Ovil Aviation Authority of Bangladesh (eMB) and Authority concerning
Key Point Installations (KPI). The CAASmainly restricts height to keep the air traffIC way out
of risk on take-off or landing approach zone whereas the other authority looks after to avoid
electronic interference of radiol other signals of KPIs. However the Iocitl factor of building
height, is dearly stated in the by laws, focusing on two specific points- width of the adjoining
road of the site and setback of built form from the edge of the site. In this context, plots
beside wJderroads or very deep plots (perpendicular to the road) only can get the permission
for high-rise developments.

The complexity of urban forms in a dty like Dhaka which has a long history of building and
settlements, needs to be seen from a greater viewpoint, recognizing the inner vitality of the
process of development and giving legitimate aid to such attempts. The law regarding
constructfon within the city has failed to recognize this inner dynamics, so far. However

II Khan,Ift.khar M.(l982): doctoratedissertat;on-Alternativeapproachto the",developmentof old

Dacca, pp-5.8

56
increased concern and environmental awareness may lead us to a policy more appropriate for
a historic city like Dhaka in years to come.

4.4 DISCUSSION

TIle chapter focu5es on discerning the socKrcultural forces acting upon our life-style and
house fonn. Along with the understanding of different socio-cultural factors and their relation
to our spatial and formal organizatioo, the discussion also identifies and elaborates the role of
modifying factors in urban house fonns in our context:.

The outcome of the discussion shows that the urban living, though crossed a long way from
the traditional rural context, have been subjected to different modifications and changes
through dec<ldes. Adaptation with the emerging urban situations and evolving needs has
transfonned the organization of spaces, usability and their meaning. However the basic
organization in most of the urban dWellingsin Dhaka's context:still conforms to our culturally
determined sodetal values, life style, sodo'physlcal needs as well as to the climatic and
technologIcalaspects of our present context.

The study also reveals the technical impossibility of building legally in some parts of the
indigenous settlement. However the residenbal built fonns in the fonnal and Infonnal part of
the city is more or less guided by the setback rules of the construction by-laws. The disparity
of urban utilities and amenities within Dhaka dty has prioritized some parts of the dty over
the others. The legal aspect of height restriction (by RajUK, Ovil Aviation Authority or Key
point Installation Authority) has also restricted the vertical growth potentials In some parts
(mainly fonnal and some informal) of the dty thus gMng advantages to the freehold
properties in the infonnal part of the city.

57
•

ChoptcrllS

COI\TEXT, DHAKA Urban !anti ."onomic' aod hODs, form

5.1 Introduction

5.2 Topog•.••
phy and land fannation in Dhaka
City

5.3 Land use pattern within Dhaka City

5.4 Land ownership pattern in Dhaka City

5.5 Land Value in Dhaka City

5.6 Urban Land flux and 50Cietaishift In

Dhaka City

5.7 DiSOJssion
 Chapter 05

CONTEXT: DHAKA Urban land economic. and hou"" form

5,1 INTRODUrnON

Land is a primary component of housing. Therefore any change in this component directly
affects the context of hous.fng.Topographical characteristics of the land, location of land
within the city, supply or shortage of urban land, increase or decrease in land price, land
policy, land banking, land speculation all such factors have substantial Influence on the
overall housfng scenario.

In Dhaka ctty, where supply of habitable land Is apparently inadequate, a dear understanding
of the d1aracteli5tics of such lands are essential to identify and comprehend the parameters
that control the land and lts economics in and around the dty.

5.2 TOPOGRAPHY AND LAND FORMAnON IN DHAKA CITY

The dermic land of Bangladesh Is a huge flood plane Which experiences a cycle of floods
almost ~ery year. "The dty of Dhaka is no exception. It is enclrded by the three mighty
rivers- Burhiganga in the south, Balu River on the north-east and Turag on the west.

Flood plain" lurroundlng Dhaka city

The average elevation of the oidest part of
the (Mughal) dty was suitable for
esta~lshment of settlements, however. later
expansion of the colonial era needed
artificial measure (Buckland
embankment/LaMh) to protect the urban
land from flooding. Most of the areas in and
around the dty were low lying and flood
prone till the late 1980's untll the
development of a new embankment to
protect the dty from recurring flood.
~: K1IiJn.I."'. (J982)

58
The conventional approach of the locai population against this flooding was the enhancement
of the elevation of homestead above the flood plane. This is a typical response of the people
of this soil to the nature of this deltaic region as also evident in our rural homesteads
(Appendix. V). Even the post-colonial Govemment initiatives of creating fonnal settlements
(ref. chapter 02) e.g. Dhanmondi, Gulshan etc. have taken the same path elevating the
ground level above flood plane creating large lakesj wat€r bodies within the heart of the
locality. In the infonnal areas of Dhaka city, the act of construction in most places involved
earth-filling coming from the low lands under flood planes, in and around the city, during the
dry seasons. This is a fact that often makes multi-storied venture difficult and expensive due
to unsettled soil condition In many parts of the city; only a few city areas that are naturally
high and have good bearing capacity of soil offers a more economic choice for further
developments. The uncontrolled and unplanned InltJathiesof indisaiminat€ earth filling often
resu!ts in environmental ha~ards blocking the natural drainage system of the city and causing
water-logging. For the last few decades the dty has expanded to the north, towards the
nearest high land- the flood free region of Joydevpur tract. The rest of the lands surrounding
the city are low lying.

This topographical limitation has posed great obstacles to the city's growth pian where
further expansion possibility was always sought in the fonn of satellite townships like 5aVar,
Tongl etc. The idea of creating satellite townships has succeeded little in reducing the
pressure on the main city. The inadequacy of supply of urban land has taken its toll by
increasing congestion and density in different parts of the city (ref. chapter 02).

5.3 LAND USE PATTERN WITHIN THE OTY

The characteristic that differentiates an urban settlement from rural one In our context is that
the urban settlements are more serviced than their rural counterparts. Here the tenn
'serviced' refers to the infra-structural facilities (e.g. road network, utility lines like gas,
electricity, water supply, sewerage etc.), which are essential for urban living. However, the
infra-structural facilities TnDhaka City reveal a complex set of phenomena. The road coverage
of the city is only 8 to 10% compared to the required standard of 25"%1.Most of the roads In
New Dhaka have a width between 6m to 4Om.The road width in many parts of the oider city

, Meena" M.M.R. (1999): Traffic conge<tion of Dhaka city_ Is rickshaw only to be blamed, The d.i1y
Star, Dh<lka, Novembor 05, T999

59
falls below 6m making rt inaccessibleto modern modes of transportation2. A iarge part of the
old city is also inaccessibleto many utility supporl5 like water supply and sewerage f;;cilities
(ref. Chapter 04).

This renders some urban land superior to other parl5 of the city. Such land, mostly
concentrated in the new part of the city, offers better accessibility to communication and
other services to its users.

The Dhaka City land use pattern coincides with the historical development of three distinctwe
phases largely described in chaprer02 (fannal inforrrlal and organic'). Although the pattern
described as such are focused more on the formal aspect of urban mass, rt gives an initial
Impression of the city built-up area in the time context. Dhaka is in the process of rapid
utbanlZ(ltion for the last few decades and throughout this time many new forces have acted
upon the urban land creating substantial impact in its use and economics. The map (Fig 5.1)
shows the use pattern of contemporary Dhaka city lands. This map is sometimes misleading
since each of the city areas are subjected to constant and rapid change, thus residential
areas giving way to more commercial12ed use pattern, mix-used areas sometimes take
industrial use and so on.

5.4 LAND OWNERSHIP PATTERN IN DHAKA CITY

The area of the Dhaka City Corporation is only 150 sq. mile, but its population is
approximately 5 million. This gives a density of nearly 33,000 inhabitants per sq. mile. Most
of this population are tenants and probably landless (see chart. 01) J. The density varies from
locality to locality; the population density in Mirpur, Purana Paltan, Lalbagh and Jurain are
2.,2.99, 17,687,8,705 and 8,066 person! sq. mile respectlveil. R.esearchshows that density
also varies considerably in Dhaka dty depending upon the income of the inhabitants of the
locality. In some bastees(1oca1name of squatters), the density Is as high as 2.000inhabitants
per acre; on the other hand, in many posh areas, It Is less than 200 per acre (see table 2.3).
Another interesting characteristic of the ownership of land in Dhaka city In comparison to
some other Asian dtles Osthat, the freehofd iiJnd awner.;hip has a relatively high percentage
within the city area than the public or leasehold lands.

2 Ibid
l I,Jam N., Unnoyone Nagarayan, Mowla brothers. Dhaka(2003), pp_J08_109
4 AliIar, R. 2000, Rural_urban migration in Bangladesh; oau.es, consequenc"$ and challenge, UPL,
Dhaka, pp-81

60
 Dhaka aty Corporation estimated that as mud! as about 75 per cent of land planned

for residential, commercial and industrial use has freehold tenure and a further 15 per cent

has leaseholds with duration longer than 50 years'. Regarding Dhaka, it should also be noted

that the tenure of about 3,000 hectares (13% of the total land area) was reported to be

disputed'.

CI1artOl. Landownership and occupationp_m: Dhakadty

Income range % in _I population land po.-..ion
140", !han T1c 20,000 2% Owns15% oftl>erotlilarld
Between 11<.20,000-3,000 18% Oo;w'e. 6S% 0( tI1e tolal land
less tllan Tl:. 3,000 70% DmJp;•• 10% of tI1e tolall.nd

Even among the owned lands, the land size varies considerably and shows a skewed

distribution among the owners (see chart.02l. The distribution shows that only 7% of the

population in the cfty owns about 51% of the habitable land and the size of their owned piece

of land is 10 kathiJor above.

Chart 02. Landownership distribution pattern: Dha"" city

% of population Plot size % of dty's land
1% pop<JI.~on 2l>gllaor more 12% ortlle lOOl11and
7% popu",~on 10 katlla or more 51% of tl>etotilllalld
S<N.Jrre' Dilily Jona kOllIt>o,Ji'" matdI, 1995

This distribution of iand has many implications. It indicates that the larger iand properties are
owned by the higher iocome groups who are interested more in making low-density housing

for themselves and in reserving the land for future use and speculation. Here the pressure

comes to the low and middle-Inoome groups whO are almost 80% of the urbanite population
to reside in a very high-denslty sltuatfon.

5.5 LANDVAWE IN DH"'KACITY

Uke population, the land value in Dhaka city has increased many folds and is still on rise. This

hike of land price is even more than many of the contemporary large dties in the world.

Inadequacy of habitabje land, skewed land ownership pattern, a major focus of Investment

'UNESCAP srudy on Municipal iand man.gement inAsia, htrp:/lwww.un""",p.org

, ibid
 for black money, land speculation and tendency of the wage-earners to invest mainly In
7
urban lands are ascertained as the prime cause of !his land price hike .

The value of land in Dhaka City, between 1974-1989, increased approximately 25 times In
8
general and In some areas the increase is more !han 100 times , whereas the cost of living
9
during the period in Dhaka increased only four folds. For the same piece of land in Dhaka

dty, study reveals the foliowing statistics:

Table 5.1

~ -,'." ., ~ ,"" ." -, .•.

-Area;jE1«~"'{,<l.'ti%<
~'" "Compa,,"l1~PrtCllofland
,,""-~._~-~<- -(8D.JkI_a)t;;&;"fr~':',;~"i'i;\)J~:;(i';';jl\.:r'1
,.- ~. "'.. ,... ,,,...,,",.
Year 1974 Year2000
""'mpur 17,500 16,00,000

~"'
Bananl
<000
25,000
6,00,000
20,00,000 .
8andllilra 25,000 25,00,000
Bashabe 2,000 8,00,000
cantoom.nt Tha"" 20,000 10,00,000
D.O.H.S. 20,000 16,00,000
_co ',~ 6,00,000
Dhanmondl 25,000 22,00,000
Gandarla 10,000 7,00,000

~" 4,000 6,00,000

Gul,han :15,000 1<,00,000
l<ild1ukhet 10,000 8,00,000
I<illyonpur 17,500 B,OO,OOO
KaMan Bazar CIA 41,500 25,00,000
Koml.pu, 17,500 8,00,000
Mlrpur 10,000 7,00,000
Moha~11

Moh.khall CjA
" 25,000
33,500
18,00,000
25,00,000
Mohammadpur 25,000 12,00,000
Motljh ••• CjA ~,~ 35,00,000
-Saldabad 17,500 a,on,OOO
Shan~""ga, :l0,lJ()() lS,OO,Doo
5I1y""""1 17,500 10,00,000
Uttora model town 20,000 10,00,000

'Semj, T.M. & Afsana Morshed, 1990, Urban developmenl in Dhaka city and its effect on housing,
Journal of Bangladesh InstllUte of Planners, va!.! Nos, I ,2 pp-83-94
• Seraj T.M. and Alam, M.S. 1991: "Housing problem and Apartment deve!oprnern in Dhaka city", in
Dhaka: Past Present Future, S.U. Ahmed (Ed.), Dhaka: the A,iatic Society of Bangladesh.
, Afsar, R. 2000: Rural_urban rnigrnlion in Bangladesh: causes, consequences and ch1l11""ge,UPL,
Dhaka.

62
The price increase, when ptaced in the dty map, shows that the land price profile of Dhaka
city is not uniformly sloped (e.g. the land price Is !lOt a!ways inversely proportIonate with the
distance from tile dty center). Studies also show that tand price also vary in accordance to
their relative location to the major city arteries.

Inadequate land, faulty land realrd system, poor and corrupt admln~ratlon In addition to
lack of transparency in the land transactJon has made the total process of land purchase
risky. The case of selling the same piece of land to more than one buyer Is not very
uncommon. legal entangles assocratedwith purchase of land discourage many urbanites to
invest in this sector.

5.6 URBAN LAND FLUX &. SOCIETAL SHIFT IN DHAKA CITY

In tile later half of the last century, the land-community relationship in Dhaka dty has gone
through a major shift. The shift: is evident in two very specific patterns evolved dul1ng this
era:
a. the degeneration of the roohollas
b. shift of large private lands & urban elites

Lorge urban lands which are located besides secondary or feeder toads are less likely to
emerge as commercially potential sites. The only option left to these lands Is higher density
residential use.

Trends In Government AnacmlDn: relat>onshipbetween iocol;ty, nme and plot ~ze

,~,
TDblD 5.2

~'''' Minimum PIol. •••••

Alter Wood W", II (Pn! 19'17) Shequn 6agldla 40 katl1a
PoslI947 Ohanmondl .0 1Co1;tl.
Gul5llan, Bon,." 10 katl1.
Ilandhora 6 katl1a
~ ICotl1a

Table S.2 defines more accurately !he cause of presence of iG'rgeurban lands in the study
zone. In fact the concept of 'liirge /ilnd'in Dhaka's context is very much time spedrlC. In the
Colonial part e.g. civil line and Ramna green of the dty and Its adjoining areas the urban
well-offs had large land properties since recently. History shows the predominance of large
gardens of the NdV/iJbs and Hindu cast centlic settlements in which are now, infonnal

63

•
 settfementsof Dhaka City failing between the indigenous and formal settlements. By the end
of the oolonial era,'following the abolition of the permanent settlement system or Jamlndarf
Protha (19SS) and the influx of migrant population due to partition (1947), these areas
experienced changes in ownership pattern, both legal and illegal (occupation). However the
areas still possessedbig chunk of undeveloped lands. For the following few decades the state
didn't change much. The cause behind the unchanged state of these lands are atbibuted to
two main factors; one Is that the land transferred In the process were largely owned by the
affluent class who fujt little need for further development for decades and the other is the
dubious ownership of some lands restricting further investment opportunities to these lands.
However with the development of formal new city the notion of large lands have changed
and serviced fol1Tl1lllandtook priority over the Informal area lands.

In his research on ~alternative approach to the redevelopment of old Dacca", Dr. Iftekhar M.
Khan (1982) has shown that in the Mohollas of the indigenous settlements, the tie between
'liInd and commr.mity'is of primary importance. In fact it is a prime indicator of the integrity
of the mohollas. Land and its use, in this social oontext, are framed within a socially
compatible limit and within the moholia framework the change in the use pattern Is often
reversible. Here, the community does not become sulrsefvient to oommercial pressure or
IO
external forces.

ThiS scenario changes as a oonsequenceof sooal destabilization where this land-community

tie becomes anonymous. This is the beginning of the degeneration of the mo~la-system.
This new land-oommunity relationship opens the moholla up to the vulnerability of forces e.g.
over-G)mmercialilation and other new growths. As a result, infiltration and changes occur
and anonymous commerce claims part or sometimes whale of the moholia. This same pattern
is also evident in the new part of the city where this anonymity to land and community
results in encroachment of public open spaces like parks, lakes etc. Land under private
ownership in Dhaka constitutes a major share of land supply for the ongoing developer built
apartment culbJre in Dhaka Oty.

" Khan, LM. (1982), AII.mative approach to rhe redevelopment of old Dacca- Unpublished Ph.D.
Dissertation, KU, Luven. Belgium, p_3.1

64
,
5.1 DISCUSSION

The transformation of urban land shows a distinctive shift In the post liberation war period in

some of the major residential areas of the city. This particular shift, in the context of housing

and increase of urban pressure, Is very significant as it may be Indicative of the supply of

certain lands to the housing market which was inaccessible before hand.

The size and the prospect of further divisibility of urban residential land seem to be an

important issue in determining its marketability. With the growth of the city, larger lands near

the dty center claims greater importance and brings greater economic prospects for its

owners.

The shift shows an interesting pattern of physical as well as sodal transformation in the

predominantly residential urban areas where the ownership of land shifts from one economic

class (usually the high income group) to the next economic dass (the higher-middle income

group) resulting in denser urban fabric as well as the loss of serenity and dignity that these

areas once possessed.

The land-road relationship is the key determinant to ascertain the commerdal potentiality of

any urban land. Thus a plot located besides a secondary or feeder road becomes fully

residential, whereas those besides primary roads are often mix-use (commerdal plus

residential).

In the 70's many of the large residential plots of the formal areas were divided and sold, thus

creating greater iand subdivisions and Increase in population densityll. In the informal
ll
settlements the land divisions through times is dearly vislble (Appendix-N), as the

increased pressure on urban land can be felt more at these piaces than the formal
lJ
settlements. Rashid has shown the gradu~I change In the ratio of the land and built form

(Chapter 06), where the open land within a plot is getting reduced by time and the vertical

11Mowl. Q.A (J997):Evolutio. of Dhaka'. UrMn Morphology.UnpublishedPh,D.Dlssert3lion,Univorsityof

Liver
Pool. UK. pp-03
12Mahtab, Q.M. & Lau, S. (2000), City expansion policy versuscompact city demand, tho case of
Dhaka, Compact citios- sustainable urban form< for developing countries, Jenks & Burgess (ed.),
SPON pross, UK
"Rashid, M. (2000): Contempornry walk-up house form in Dhaka-evolution afthe bullt form.
Unpublished M.Arclt- Di'urtalion, BUET, Dhaka.

65
heights are on rise dire to the extreme housing demand. However, the increased supply of

these housing stocks was inadeqlJilte as reflected in house rent structure in the overall city

(discussed in chapter 04), which kept on rising during all these changes.

From this chapter the following aspects of land-built form relationship may be ascertalned-

a. the traditional attachment of land-owner relationship is on the verge of collapse with

the increased commercial and urban pressure especially In urban society

b. limited supply of urban land has caused vertical rather than horizontal expansion of

~ settlements and built form

c. better services and accessibility and lesser zoning restrictions has set priority to some

freehold urban lands over the others

d. the societal tendency on investing excess capital on freehold land of the fringe areas

has created the opportunity for the later oonverslon from low density to high-density

areas.

• •

66
 -_.
8. THE EVOLUTIONARY PROCESS

Cbapler 06

Evolnlion "fthe IIigb-rl'e Rosidential built fonn

6.1 Introduction

6.2 The processof etoilnge ilnd Its Impact on

urban house form

6.2.1 Urb<lnization and house from

6.2.2 Context of housing and change In urb;,;n house
f~
6.2.3 Transformation in the determinant arid
modifiers of house form in Dhaka City
6.2.4 TransfOffi1ation of urban land and Its Impact
on built form

6.3 The evolutionary patfl of High-rise

Residential development
B. THE EVOLUTIONARY PROCESS

Chapter (l6

EVOLUTION OF THE IDGH-RiSE RESIDENTIAL BUILT FORM

6.1 INTRODUCTlON

From this chapter onward, attempts have been made to create a collective picture of different
forces (d&ussed in Chapters 2,3,4 and 5) acting upon the issue of emergence of the new
form. This chapter focuses back to establish a link between the previously de5Cribedcontexts.
and alms to establish the process of transformation of the residential built form in present
day Dhaka City focusing on the area of the study. The focus will be more on the reiationshlp
between this evolutionary p;;th and the high-rise residential development. As in our context,
high-rise residential buildings are invariably a prodlJd: of dev€loper built housings the
evolution of the developer built housing will also be critically examined.

6.2 THE PROCESS OF CHANGE AND ITS IMPACT ON URBAN HOUSE FORM

6.2.1 UrblIniution and house fonn

Dhaka Oty, in the face of rapid urbanization, had gone through a major change in the last
two decades. The impact of urbanization has affected the growth pattem of indigenous,
formal and Infonnal part of the dty differently.

In the inner (indigenous) dty core, the aid system of mohoIfa-based'indigenous'settlements

(referred in chapter 02) has been suffering due to over-commerdalization, over-population,
high density and poor infrastructural facilities for long. In this scenario, the traditionally
residential community lost its integrity and with growing economic demands non.famlly rental
uses creeped In'. This was the process of degeneration of the early mohoIla based
settlements. The change created an impact on the residential built forms as well. The
maximum utilization of the available re50Urcesgenerated the upward trend of multi-storied
buildings (Fig. 6.1).

LKhan, I.M. (1982); doctorate dissertation- Al'ernative approach to lhe redevelopment of old Dacca,
KU, Luv.n.

67
 In !he Formal settlements, the changes are bl-dlrecti<malvarying according to the size of the
plots of the settlements. For the larger plot settlements (e.g. Dhanmondi RIA), the 1960's
scenario can be compared with the setting of a model suburb house. Many of the plots, then,
were left: vacant The few plots deY€loped In the 'wnsolidated'twe residentiai form with
large verandahl, predominantly single 5totied, with large lawns and separate service forms
(garages/servants' quarter), reminiscent of the luxury of the 'bungalow-cvmpound'model. In
subsequent phases, maximum one to two more storeys were added retaining the single-
famiiy character of these residences. The impact of urbanization was felt in the 70's when
many of the large plots were dMded and sold. Although, till early 80's most of these formal
settlements retained !heir residential character, predominantly with single-family houses, the
process of commercialil:iltion gradually took over. In the 80's and 90'5 the increased demand
of urbanization forced initially the external membrane and then the inner parts of these
residential areas to submit to commerdal pressure (shops/community
centers/banks/institutions etc). The advantage of the wider roads and greater accessibility
made these settlements a prime location for later commerdal encroachment. TIle early
commerdalil:ation trend in the Inner part of these areas show simple conversion of function
where the old form with little modifICationsserved for the new demand. By the early 90'5,
with accelerated housing and commerdal demand for the dty, the developers seized this
opportunity and infiltrated in !he larger plots typically with six-storied walk-up apartments
preferably In the inner part and with CIlmmercialdeY€lopment in the outer edge. The height
restriction [maximum 6 storey) of such areas provided little restraint on such conversion (Fig.
6.2.).

For the other group of formal settlements, with a mixed plot sb:e (e.g. Mohammadpur &
Mirpur), the built form was completely different. Here the iarger plots were placed at the
outer layer of the settlements [with detached twe houses), endrcling the Inner smaller plot
seml-detached or core housings. Subsequent studies show that the Inner CIlre areas fell
susceptible to re-development very fast,. whereas the outer layer retained its original
character of single family use for long'. The trend shows that In inner smaller plots, the
nature of earty deY€lopments, were compact In solution; these types of development were
quick to respond to !he demand for higher density which was both physicaily and
economically compatibje to the existing nature of development. The deY€lopment process

, Ra;hid,M. (2000), Evolution Low-rise walkup residential forrru;, Uopublished M.Arch. Dissertation,
BUET,Dhaka
'Khan, A.H. (1981): Two core Housing ,ch.mes in Dacca: Mohammadpur aod MiJpur, Seminar paper
on Urban Housing, The Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture. (Ed.) Sevec.nko, M.B., M:I.T.

68
Dha

".,.",,=<In>c"'"
='m,,,"'"

~d~

~. --
-
Ohanmondl (1990's)

-
m::fldI----'!I8.11974
m1lneQn:'!:O) __ I '" I, '"
,."".-,.
-
"" II co4'
01
". "'

",~""""og, GES IN DHA KA CITY'S

'-, CHAN
formal se tHemen
t (Dhanmandl)
 •
'"
b
0-
0-

I
1

."..--,
.~ ~
_ .(;:.;a~
L.:.:.: •..•. -'. ,- .....,
:
~ - .,-
_":'W"~

~-

~.~. -

•
here was gradual but Incremental. Here !he early wre houses of !he 60's grew vertJcalfy
much before its outer ring.

The informal settlements, in a scenarkl of over-.jensified indigenous settlements and

inaccessibilityof the urban mass to the posh low-.jensity formal settlements, abSorbeda huge
pressure of the urbanization. TIll 1980's, these are !he settlements, alon9 with indigenous
settlements, which served to accommodate the urban influx of people (the formal part
contributed a little). The first two decades of the post-liber<ition er<i has transformed these
areas (e.g. Mogbazar, Shidheshwari, Shobujbag, Kala bagan etc.) from low to moder<ite-
density areas (ref. Chapter 02). Unlike the indigenous pattern, these areas often have better
infra-structure and provide better accessibility to different services and institutions than the
indigenous pattern for redevelopment. During this period, the residentiai built form of these
areas flourished from iarge one-unit houses to smaller multi-unit multip~ floor flats' (see
appendix VI). This was obviously a product of over-.jensiflcation of urb~n population
concentrating to a certain localities. This phenomenon of denslfication acceler<itedin the late
1980's and early 90'5, with the rise of the real estate companies, who utilized' these better
accessible locations and welHnfrastructured lands as potential Sites for development of
housing projects. With proper development potentials and no height restrictions, these
became the breeding ground for the first generation of residential high-rise development in
Dhaka City (Fig. 6.3).

6.2.2 Con_of housing &change In Urban Ho"••• form

An investment in housing always involves high cost. The tangibility of such properties and its
long life make them associated with the notion of an 'asset'. In Dhaka, with the increased
exchange Vi'Jlf.Ie(discussed in chapter 03) of land as well as housing units, it is now
conSideredas a productwhere the value (sale/rental) of a unit is determined by the demand
and suppiy condition of the housing market. In addition to that, as a capital good, Its value is
determined by its cost and as well as by the price of its services. With the rise of the real
estate sector, urban housing in Dhaka aty is facing this .'ew reality of market economy. The
servicesoffered by the developers in the developer built housings are now more consolidated
and ITI<Irketingoriented. More has been added to the traditional way of conceiving a house as
a shelter and asset only; it has become a consumer product and a rommodlty now.
Billboards, TV and newspaper advertisements, housing fairs all are publicizing this notion.
Financial institutions are also becoming part of this campaign.

'Rashid, M. (2000):ibid, fig.-7.2-7.3

69
Fig. 6.4 T",dltlonal Pl"Ocess of IIouslng supply in private sector

,, ,,
, ,
__
!~!!!~!'il!_l p.r:~<:;,,:~~ ~__Jl!"_'!_l!'!"_! __

I,.,- I
I'''''''',

f1nanClai instiutions

The role of fin(lnci(ll institutions (ref chapter-3) as lending agency has also been modified
since early 1980's. Now they are working jointly with the developers and the process of
financing is more user-friendly than it traditionally was. Thus the total process of housing
supply has experienced a J1€W system of housing delivery where the roles of land owner,
home owner (Ind financier has been re-defined (Fig. 6.4 & 6.5). At the buyer's end, the
choice becomes wkJeopen. People, having little hope to claim a piece of land In the city now,
are taking this as an opportunity to possessan apartment In a prime location. The faciljties,
when compared to a general private household, lures people to go for apartment living as
well. The emergence of the real estate sector this time has played a pivotal role in organizing
the individilal demands Into collective demand, redefining the pnxess of owing a house
freeing it from the wditional roie of owner as a builder. This also suites the present socio-
political reality of the present day Dhaka dwellers who are facing increased social InsecUrity
and destabiilty.

70
Fig.6.5 Contempor;rryprocessof ~l>llSingsupplvin private•.•ctI>ldevelo"","housing

: !
_
~'!~!
~~!~~~ ._.
_
p !:~~!
JJ . ~__jl.':.._,!~~!
__
i, ,: I ~'/'- '.
i----.------------------------------------------------L-Lr~7.:1
~':~~rl
.. ~ I L ~

I ,,1 II' I.",~:m: [:;"::1 '."M'" ---------

'---, aro~it.ot I~uyer I '

" 1'__"" A" H '

-. ~ ~
I
I ,,~
"",,'
.f g
t; ___
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---j-;;;;;;~~ ~""IL-'-'
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B~"y.c
-lI
Oo"oc_

1",""",,
I
••1 ~.,
Mo.

I m t

I_I finanoial inshuUons

6,2.3 Transformation In the determln~nt and modifiers of~ouse form In O~aka city

The urban society in Dhaka City Is going through a rapk! transitory phase, where traditional
perspectivesare changing fast and new jdeologles are stepping jn the doorway ~ery day.
The coexistence of tradition and modernity is placing an urban man in a crossroad. A
contrastive perspective may help to get a better understanding of some of the crucial
differences between a traditional and modern man and their consequences in soc~llife.

Traditkmally Dhaka's early developments In urban settlements show that the people of early
mohoIfa ba5ed soaetJes were cast centricj local industry based and economically more
interdependent on each other. This form of jnterdependency often acts as a sodaj control
and maintains the Integrity withjn the society. The contemporary urb3n man, on the other
hand, has more economic freedom than his predecessor and has become independent, free
from traditional ways of thinking and social controL This lack of common Interest causes
indifference In the social behaviour. Lack of good governance, degradation of law and order,
general loss of credibility and social security, degeneration of social institutions and vajues,
exposure to foreign media and rulture adds more to this scenario. Social Interaction jn this
urban scene dispjays more calculative and strategic actions from the city dwellers now.
 •

.I
,
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\

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"IU,
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 .,'lIt',

In the last few decades, the attitude towards sodal rnntrol of spaces reflects such changes
elaborately, The indifference IS evident in the socKrspatial arena where encroachment of
community facilities (e.g. play ground, parks etc.) has little resistance from within the society,
This displays people's confusion about the societal norms of behaviour in semi-public spheres.
Thus the socia-spatial hierarchy (ref. Chapter 04) has been at risk in our urban context. The
tie between the modern man and his society is severed in many a place. People are exJXlsed
and connected directly to the city.

However within his domain (the house) this locally disronnededmodern man Is much more
'globally conneded' (through satellite tv channels, mobile phones, computer and internet
etc.). This phenomenon of being part of a global culture, and lack of soclall!lV<llvement and
re5JXlnslbilltyto the immediate surrounding, is fast changing our traditional value systems.
The change ts far reaching affecting our day-to-day activity pattern, Hfe-style, notion of
privacy and other soclo-wftural imperatives. This has a direct implication on our way of living
and our organization of spaces, These sociaily disconnected urban people are more
vulnerable to social insecurity and therefore emphasize more on need for protection of
indiVidual households. In built forms the need was translated through high boundary walls,
collapsible gates, grills (in windows and even in verandahs) and guard-houses.

Changes are also evident in the realm of space use and internal connectivity of spaces within
the houses. COrridors as a means of connection and simultaneously achieving privacy has
become gradually obsolete, The linkage pattern has changed to connect one space with
another directly, This space-to-space linkage creates certain compactness in organizations
reducing the multipliCity of traditional spaces (e,g. corridor. verandah, dining, living etc.)
adding more specifidty to individual functioning of spaces. This issue of specificity is more
evident in a comparative analysis where the early walk-up organizations show no distinct
center rather each of the rooms had at least one alternative Circulation to access to the rest
of the house, whereas the contemporary organization Is more uni-centric or multi-eentric with
all other rooms connected to those centers only (Fig. 6.2). Still, the arrangement of the
earlier forms never compromised the noti<mof domains ofprivacy, rather a certain degree of
crJfTIpi1rtmenfQlorganizatlon was ensured where IMng was separated by walls and connected
only through a door to the other parts of the house. But now, there are notable changes In
the threshold of public and semi-private spheres within a house, where the connection has
become more transparent. However the domain of privacystill exists within these new forms,
though In a transformed way, where muftlple entry (separate for private and public domains)
and movable screens(replacing the walls) between living and dining ensure it.

72
This specificity of functions makes verandahs loosing their multi-purpose status turning them
into utility spaces onry. This loss of status has resulted in a very basic change in formal
characteristics where in many places verandahs (like an utility e.g. air-conditioner) have
become subsidiary elements loosely attached to the built form often violating the setback
rules in tight urban situatJons.

In deveklper built housing, parallel to these spatial transformations, some of the long felt
social needs have been addressed through organized services, managed through a co"
operatIVe society of flat owners. This represents a new form of institution in emergence when
many of the social platforms are not worl<ingproperly. After the hand over of the project. this
soaety takes over the matters of common interest (e.g. maintenance of common premises,
management of electro-mechanical and plumbing selVlces, management of service-personnel
like security guards. technicians, cleaners etc.) from the developers. For the apartment
projects, which are low or mid-rise, the role of the co-operative rarely goes beyond th€S€
routine responsibiliti€s.

HOW€v€fIn almost every high-rlse apartments, the society actively plays a role in organizing
sooal and cultural functions in occasions like Pohela Boishakh (Bengaii new year's day), New
Year's Day (on 31" December), Victory Day, Ind€pendence Day etc. with positive response
from the flat dW€lIers.The designed community facilities (community hall, pray€r room, kld's
corner €te) 5e€m to facilitate such activities. These facilities also serves the dwellers in
arranging certain family events in this social premise e.g. birthday party, programs for Gaye
HoIud etc. It further contnbutes in addressing the daily need for social interaction especialiy

in the case of the children's play facilities; many of the community areas are equipped with
simple playing aids e.g. swings, sliders, table tennis etc. with good participation of the
children. With more and more decrease of open spaces and increased social insecurity these
secured spaces within the buliding premises have tIl€ potentials to stabilize and support the
much needed social platform form for Its dwellers.

Despite ali these facilities, the high-rise residential developments have a missing link in Its
spatial hi€rarchy; their interaction with the locality is severed. This community (of car
owners) are directly linked to the cities, The forms too responded more to thE' city than they
do to their localities, This is a gradual outcome of our indifferent lite-style alrwdy practiced in
the formal settl€ments where no such hierarchy was intended in the planning process
resulting more and more alienation of people in €very sector of lifE-.

73
 ... '"'"
6.2.4 Tran!ifonnation of Urban Land and Its impact on built form

In the context of Dhaka Oty, two major aspects of transformation of land seems to affect
most the pre.ent development - a. the scarcity of supply of developed urban land, b.
transformation of values attached to land ownership and c. the shift in the notion of large
urban landthrough time and the localized land stocks.

Firstly, the scarcity of land was generated by many factors; lack of high habrtable lands in this
flood plane, Inequitable distribution of available urban land, uncontrolled urbanization and
policy failure in controlling the land market and land speculation are considered as the major
causes (ref chapter OS). In this context, the price of land'shoots up and the maximum
exploitation of the available land resource becomes the only choice left for the city dwellers.
The vertical trend of the urban built forms in Dhaka City is largely an outcome of this
background. The early 80's show these upward trends of urban forms giving birth to the
high-rise residential forms by late 1980's and the trend continued in the following decades to
create later variations within this typology (ref. Chapter 07).

Secondly, study shows (ref chapter 5) that over-<:ommercialization of settlements leads

Initially the community and then the owners to lose attachment with the lands. When the
primary use pattern of iand Is changed from use IIQ/ue to exchange va/lie, the sodety-land
relationship becomes impersonal. As a result, non-family rental use increases gradually
prioritizing the economic vaiue of the land over its social value. This is a phenomenon that
needs strong social and institutional controls (zoning, FARetc.) to retain the social values of
land use intact. In our scenario, this control mechanism has failed causing uncontrolled
development of land in different locations within the city. The development of High-rise
apartments are directly linked to thiS phenomenon as the choice of making a high-rise is no
longer restricted (especially at the informal part of the city) by the social or institutional
regulatory mechanism, rather it solely depends on the motivation of the developers.

And finally, the availability of large under developed or undeveioped lands in certain areas of
the informal settlements has contributed In generating such forms. To understand this
phenomenon we can take a note of the historical background of some of the areas of the city
along with the changing concept of minimum plot size with time (table 5.2) and context. The
subsequent growth of the city towards north and westernized zoning policy, slowly but
effectively changed the center of gravity of the city from the older part and a iarge area
between MotiJheel,Tejgoon and Ramna triangle surfaced as the new residential area for an

74
 •

emerging dass of local Bengali and non-Bengali elites. Till 1980's this area, presently known
as Paribag, Easkaton, Shidheshwari, Segun Bagicha and Shantinagar provided large block of
unde\l€loped or underdeveloped residential lands. The size and the cost of the land was
crucial in making the choice of the nature of development in these lands later on, as only
large plots offers the choice for the vertical rise ec:ollOmically.

6.3 THE EVOLUTlONARYPATH OF HIGH-RISE RfSlDENTIAL DEVELOPMENT

Early studies' show that the most preferred location for apartments by the developers was
Shantinagar, 5egun bagicha, Shiddheshwari, Mogh bazaar, Eskaton and Paribagh belt which
were then basically composed of large undivided land volume of individual or single-family
ownership. The next preferred location was DhanmOndiwith the same characteristics, e.g.
large land and single ownership. However the height restriction imposed on the lands of the
formal areas (e.g. Dhanmondl) limited their potentials to low-rise developments only. Most of
the eariy projects of the developers were built on lands measuring more than one bfgha
(14400 slt).

The late 80's research on apartment IIvmg" shows that till 1988 most of the high-rlse
apartments in the Dhaka City were in the processof making. TIlere was no reference of any
high-rise apartment already in use by then. However, the con5trud:lon of many of the high-
rise apartments e.g. Eastern tower, century Tower, Walsow Tower etc. was reported. An
Interesting fact was that the overall financial involvement in procuring each of the apartments
in these high-rises (average 1100 Tk./ SFT) in comparison to its low-rise (average 700 Tk./
sft) counter part was quite high' hinting that the targeted buyer groups are from the higher
Income group even among the apartment buyers. The most notable feature of this time was
the location of these buildings, which show a greater concentration of high-rise apartment
projects in the Shantinagar, Shiddheshwari, Eskaton and Paribag bet\:, whiCh till then was
considered as the prime residential areas of the city.

For Dhaka city, the re-emergence of the real estate sector activities In early 1980's also
concentrated in these potential areas. The quiCKresponse to the market demand is dearly
visible in the attempts of developer built apartments from the first half of the 1980s. An

, Kban, A (1988): Survey of privately supplied Apartments in New Dhaka orea- Unpublished researc~
report, CDS, Department of Ge<>graphy, Univer.;ily of Dhaka, Dhaka, pp 7-17
, Ibid
, Ibid

75
 Eastern Housing 6 storied apartment project at 37, Pioneer Road, Kakrail (period 1982-1986)
kept maximum aree of the ground floor open for driveway and car park even though they
could manage parking for only SO",1,of !he flats. The rest of the area of ground floor was
arranged for services e.g. guard room, children's play room etc. It marked a dear difference
from fts predecessors in many aspects. This Is the first visible attempt by the developers to
go for a compact form of organization in a relatively tight srte breaking away from the earlier
private colony models (e.g. Hasanabadhousing, Hafizabad hOusingetc.) where ground floors
were always used for residential purpose! flat5. Another important difference of th~ project is
that It was going beyond the previously practiced range of walk.up apartments (usually 4
storied high) without providing any means of mechanical t:ransportalJon{11ft}.Within a couple
of \'<'ars,with increased market demand, apartments with much higher height emerged In the
scene. Aliz co-operative housing at Purana paltln (period 1984-1987), an ei9ht-storied multi
block apartment with provision for lift faclilties (though the 11ftwas not installed then),
emerged in the scenario. This was an attempt to satisfy both the need of the time (for
increased service facilities e.g. parking, security) and the previously established (colony)
models of housing with central open spaces. A more compact situation Is foilowed by a later
8-storied development of Property Enclave (period 1988) at Eskaton with maximum parking
space (49 parking for 56 fiat5) at ground levei and multi core corridor connected double block
solution. sensing the greater market potentials, between 1985 to 1990, three largest
developer companfes- Eastern Housing, Free SChool Street Developer Ltd and Property
Developer Ltd almost sJmultaneouslyundertook three massive high-rise projects; these are
18-stOlied Eastern Tower at Eskaton (1986-1990), IS-storfed Century Tower at
Shlddheshwari (1987-1991) and a 13.stoned (after construction ended up as 9--storled)
Property Heights at R.K. Mission Road respectively. However the approach to the organization
of each of these early high-rises varied substantlaliy from each other. The Century Tower as
part of a greater scheme of Shlddheshwari Ispahanl Housing followed a master plan oriented
scheme with centrally located community spaces for ail the blocks and peripheral vehicular
drculation and parking. The tower has 115community hail and service facilities (e.g. office,
prayer room etc.) at the basement level. Property Height5 on the other hand Introduced
covered parking at ground level and apartmenl.son the upper levels in a single block solution.
One notable change here is the regression of the built form with the rise of height- Initiated
from a response to the existing setback rules. The Eastern Tower, largest among the three,
however opted for a multi-level parking solutJonto accommodate more height and therefore
more apartment5 In three separate blocks connected at the lower levels with large community
fadlities and other services.

76
The early successof these pioneering project5 inspired the developers to propagate high-lise
residential developments in the later years. From 1988 onward, the number of developers
increased manifold and more high-lise apartment projects were on the cards; among them
COncord COndominiumat Bilngla Motor (1989-92), Eskaton Plaza at New Eskaton (1990),
Walsow Tower at Nazrul Islam Avenue (1987-1990), Pliyo Prangan at Palib<l9 (1988-1993)
and Eastern Tower at Shantinagar (1988-94) are major project5 with 16, 18, 18, 16 and 12
storeys of height respectively. The latter two project5, though varied in expression, are very
similar in their schematiCapproach of creating open to sky community spacesjust above the
ground floor parking level between the high-rise blocks. This was a new form in the making
where the setback between the blocks had been given due considerations contributing to the
emergence of a new element - an open to sky platform. For a housing environment this new
form was accepted quickly to Inspire many later generation high-rise apartments, e.g. Vaduri
tower (1995-98), Baily Heights (1994-1998), Pretty Homes, Fairy Homes (1994-1998),
Eastern Tower at Shjddheshwali (1988-1994) etc. Prfyo Prangan had further achieved a
sensjtive scale jnside as well as in city-built fonn relationship with a gradual rise of form from
a moderately Wide road. Mean while the trend of compact single block high-lise solutions
continued paral!elly for developments jn comparatively smaller plots, e.g. Prince tower, Mona
tower [1987-1993) etc.

By the mid 1990's, the choice of location became an important factor in determining the
nature of development of the high-rise apartments. This is the period when substantial area
of the program was being allotted for commerciaj purposes at the lower levels of different
high-rise apartments, especially in the developments aiong the major circuiation arteries of
the cfly. This waS a dedsion onginated from two facts- a. the rate of return in commercial
part of the project Is much higher than that of a residential one and b. past experience
showed that the apartments djrectly adjacent to (major) road at iower levels are unpopuiar,
Although some early project5 (e.g. Eastern Housing at Eskaton) had accommodation for
shops at lower levels, the nature of the shops (hair-dressers, video shops, stationery goOOs,
sweet shops etc.) were largely community oriented. After the unsuccessful attempt at
Walsow Tower to make mixed-use apartment, the earliest recognizable successfulattempt for
mixed-use apartment can be seen in the lO-storied Kamaphull Garden City (1995-1999)
where a large 4 level shopping complex creates the base for the rest 15-storied sirlgfe block
apartment. A sizeable three-tier parking level served separately for the shopping and the
apartments. However, the built form emerged out of the program was unique in many ways.
The formal expression certainly was a new one with distinctly separate masses for the
commerdal and apartment blocks, however achieving a unified expression through the use of

77
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geometry and materials. The apartment block composed at the central location of the project
had probably the largest setback from all sides, creating enough room for natural light and
ventilation and a huge open to sky community a~a at the intermediate level between the
commerdal and residential floors. The high~rlse apartment projects in the secondary/inner
roads remained primarily residential in character. However some of these areas got certain
exclusivity over the others, as can be seen in the case of Paribag developments (Priyo
Prangan, Vadun Tower, pretty Homes, Fairy Homes etc.) where most of the apartment
romplexes are mixture of simplex and duplex units, unmatched to the deveiopment of the
rest of the city.

Thus Developer built housing in our context has given birth to a new generation of urban
house fonns In the last two decades; high-rise residential development is one of them,
Through a decade and a half, It has produced many formal variations addressing to the
changing need of the context.

78
Q
 .-~
C. THE ANALYSIS OF fORM

Cbapt •• 67

HIGH_RTSF.RESIDENTIAL DEVELOPMENT I~ DHAKA CITY: analysis oftbe for~

7.1 Introduction

7.2 Defining High-rise Residential

Development

1.3 The study area and the case studies

7.4 General aspects of High-rise Residential

built form In Dhaka City

7.4.1 External hierardly of plan and acress

7.4.2 Internal hierarchy of plan ilnd access
7.4,3 Cultural content in the spatial organization
7.4.4 Oimatic response
7.4.5 Membrane anaiY5is
7.4.6 Struetu",1 analysis

7.5 The morphology and dassification

1.6 Discussion
 --
C. THE ANALYSISOF FORM

Cbapter07

HIGH-RISE RESIDENTIAL DEVELOPMENT IN DHAKA CITY: Analysisofthe fonn

7.1 INTRODUCTION

The analysis of form in its very initiation needs an understanding of 'Form' itself, since the

term has many Implications and a wide rcmge of use, often olJlside the boundary of

architectural analysis. In a famous passage in the Republic, Plato suggested a sermmticrole

for the Forms- "there is one Form for each set of many things to which we give the same
J
fliJme • Acalrding to him FoI17lS are ideas. However Plato's forms are not mental entities, nor

even mlnd-dependent; rather they are independently existing entities whose existence and

nature are intelligible only by the mind, even though they do not depend on being 50 grasped

in order to exist.

In literary terms FOm1Tsthe phonological or orthographic sound or appearance of a word that

can be used to describe or identify something. Perceptionist theories deduce that Form has a

perceptual structure; a spatial arrangement of something that distinguishes ft from rts

2
substance . However ~II these definftior15 ~re based on ~ more generalized meaning of Form.

For this particular study a more specific understanding of form in terms of architectural

~n~rvsE5is relev~nt. Wong] defines form ~s ~ 'vislJiJlliIng/JiJfle: whiCh has two specific

elements, one is the expression of visual organization and the other is a pre-defined process;

the vislJiJlorganization of form refers to certain princlpies and grammar of the form that can
be analyzed; and the processrefers to a certain predictabmty of such organizations, which

can be evaluated even before rts construction. However this definition of form is very

formalistic in nature and faits to encompass the soci<xurtural dilT1€nsion of the bufitform. This

dilemma is always present in analy.!ing a house form since a 'house form' being essentiaflya

atlturaf phenomenon is difficult to measure through quantitative paralT1€ters Ollly.

Investigation of house forms thus necessitates the need for 'inletpretation'of buHt forms in

I Theories of Form, hnp:/lfaculty.washington.eduismcohenl320tThfonns,hnn

, Defmition of Form; http://cogsci.ptincetOll.eduicgi_binfwebwn

J Wong, W. (1998): 'Principles of2dimensional design'. Poblisher. John Wailey & Sons. Inc., NY, Ch.
02, p-09

79
terms of physical as _II as socia-cultural realities. Thus a simpl~ boundary wall can be
expressive of the soclo-cultural status of Its owner as well as an Indicator to the state of
social security in a given context. This chapter therefore will discuss the essential formal
aspects of a high-rlse residential built form and will also attempt, when and as necessary, to
identify the social resJXlnses of the built form to its context.

For such analysis Amos RapJXlJXlIt in his book 'house form and rulture' introduced a model
based on analysis of structure, organization, zoning, ciimate along with the events and rituals
that take piace in the social precinct of a house form. However, for the purpose of this study,
a more contemJXlrary model on 'Comparative Critical Analysis of Built Form' by Kenneth
Frampton' has been adopted here WhiCh,apart from encompassing the issues adminlstered
by RapJXlJXlrt, gives a broader spectrum of analysis for built fonn.

7.2 DEFINING HIGH-RISE RESIDENTIAL DEVELOPMENT

The term high-nsecontains an ambiguity since discussion on high-rises reveais that the
perception of high-rise buildings varies from context-to-alnt:ext, even sometimes from
5
person-to--person • However certain agreements are generally observed in characterizing
high-rise buildings, which exclude a few tall buildings such as factories, silos, churches and
some industrial buildings from falling into this category; the essential exterior characteristic of
high-rise buiiding is vertical stackmg of fioors often leading to a fa<;adeorganized In storeys.
The disagreement often focuses on the issue of height, which has to be resolved to reach a
generally acceptable definition of high-rise for the purpose of this study:

The Coundl of Tall Buildings and Urban Habitats (CT8IJH) defines high-rise basically as a
conceptthat expresses a building With a relatively higher height in the skyline.
Here, the term relative height is very much context specific. Suppose in a context where
buiidings often have heights ranging from 80 to 100 storeys (such as, in many western
Cities), a building of 3D-storey height is termed as mid-rise, not high'rise.6 In our context,
however, where the skyiine is predominantly determined by the iow-rise urban masses. the
concept of high-rise can be applicable to a bUliding even if it is only 20 storied high .

• Frampton, K & Smith. C. (2004), study model fur c<>ur.;ework on 'Comparalive Critical Anaiysis of
Built Fonn', University ofCoinrnbIa, USA, hitp://wv.'W,arch.columbja.",lulpapl40901
, Arcggcr, H. & GlaU'J,O. (1967): High-rise Buiidings & Urban Design, Thames & Hudson,;,London,
UK, pp.29
, Eiseie, J. & Kloft, E (Ed.) (2000): High-ri,. Mannual, Birkh!ll-'er, Berlin, Gennlll1Y,W-12

80
A more generalized approach has been tried by taking fire-fightlng standards (maximum

reach of the fire fightlng ladders) as the basis for defining high-rises referring to a building

height of more than 72 feet abov€ th€ ground level. However this was opposed from an

urban design point of view labeling it as too naive for terming a concept like high-rise. A more

workable definition refers to a building which exceeds the height laid down in zonal building

regulation, or in ab5ence of such regulatklns, considerably exceeds the height of the existing

buildings and which depend on artificial means for vertJcal transportation. The concept

therefore contains two aspects-

a. the relative height

b. means of vertical transportation

However this Idea of 'relative height'has also been challenged stating that the conceptof

high-rise does not refer to a relative he!ghtbut to an absolute he!ghtfor any given context'

(since a 6-storied building conforms to the idea of relative height in a predominantly 2-storied

neighborhood and cannot necessarily be termed as high-rise). Considering the fact of this

recognitkln of the absolute height of a building, it is therefore of special importance, to

determine the lower limit of high.rise buildings in our context.

The Building COnstruction Act has not specified on the issues regarding the height of building
3
titl1996 . BUilding Constructlon Rules, 1996 has certain guidelines in this respect. About the

heights of the buiiding, the rule suggests that a building must have elevator If the building is
9
seven or more storeys hlgh . This guideline, aithough fulfilling the technical criteria of

becoming a high-rise, does not satisfy the need for any qualitative change in the built form

that demarcates the high-rise from low-rise. In a developer dominated housing scenario,

eievators are now seen as a service faCliity and are frequent even in low-rise waik-up

apartment buildings. In the same artJcle, the Act further supplements a separate provision for

residential buildings having ten or more stories stating that these buildings must hilV€ 5% of

the tot3l floor area as community spaces. This particular by-law gives a different dimension to

the building having ten or more stories and separates it from the oonventionality of a low-rise

walk-up building, both formally and experientially. Apart from that, the COnvention on High-

, Aregger, H. & Glaus, O. (l967): High_rise Buildings & Urban Design. Thames & Hudsous. Loudou.
UK,pp-3l
• Directory_ InstiMo of Architecls Bangladesh: Building Constructiou Act Chapter, (1990-200 l)
, Building Constnlclion Act, 1996

81
 rise buildings, 1997, held at Dhaka also recommends that buildings having 10 or more storeys
IO
should be referred to as high-rise in Dhaka's conteJct (fig. 7.1).

II
~
~i
0'
-------------------~-
~~i~S"~ ~

I ,",m'T}
I ~i

: I 'I
general definition: hlgh_r1se in Oha~a Clty

FIg. 7.1 High-rise In Dhako's context

This definition of high-rise also seems to be in confonnity with a more generalized definition

of high-rise building in respect to design typology" as well as in urban design conteJctl1.

As for the term 'residential development', the term has been selected to define the high-rise

development under study from high-rises with a wide variety of use e.g. hotels. offices or
other commercial developments.

7.3 THE STUDY AREA AND THE CASE STUDIES

The location described as 'study area' (identified in chapter 01), by the end of 1980's, had the

highest potentiality to be a prime residential area within the city fabric, which offered some

excellent strategic advantages to house the kind of development under soutiny. Arst of all

the area Is known for some excellent institutional facilities in Dhaka City. Vlqarunnessa Noon

SChool, Shldheshwari College, Mogbazar High School are a few among the lot at the heart of

JOSeminar Proce.dings: Convenlion on high-rise buildings, 1997

,. Eisele, J. & Kloft, E (Ed,) (2000): High.lis. Mannl1ll, Birkhauser, Berlin, Germany, p~12
II Aregger, H. & Glaus, O. (1967): High-rue Building' & Urban Design, Thames & Hud,ons, London,

UK, pp-31

82
 ..
the study area, whlle Dhaka Unwerslty, Notre Dame College, Wills Uttle Flower Sct1ool,
Motijheel Boy's and Girl's High $chool, Ideal College are within a short distance. Health
services, both private (Holy Family Hospital, BIRDEM, Rushmono Clinic etc.) and public
(IPGMR, DMC etc.), were within a close proximity. A major market in Mouchak has served for
the need for shopping of the locality for years. And ITlO5timportantly, this i5 the closest area
with resident",; potenti<lls within the New town that is well connected to Motijheel, Dilkhusha,
Pa!tan, Gulistan and Nawabpur Road, the major busirnosshub of the tity. (Survey shows that
a majority of the apartment owners are business people). All these factors along With good
services and accessibility has made this area a prime choice for the buyer groups,

In selecting high-rise resident",; developments Within this area, a general guideline is

followed (as mentioned In chapter 01) to cover all types of developments of this built form. A
proper classification will be attempted in this chapter after the analvsls of the built forms
under study.

83
CENTURY TOWER
EXTERNAL HIERARCHY OF PlAN AND ACCESS (GRAPHIC)

I) Th@volum_cotudyinurtJanmnte1<t

The monolithic block of high-rise apartment has a unique umtext

surrounded by low-rise planned apartments evolved gradually and

creating a rhythm of covered and open spaces. The approach gene<ates

a planned urban layout with distinct outdoor spaces bringing a sudden

change within unplanned and spontaneously grown surroundings.

2) Hierarclllc stnlCtur1ng of this mnte1<t Into Its publiCand private

~"~
In response to the open spaces surrounding the built form, the centrally

located approach level has been elevated and made transparent in both

direction to create a sense of openness and good indoor-outdoor

relationship. The degree of exposure of the entry lobby to front and

back yards makes it a public one. The space also acts as a buffer i
"
between the other public functions (underground)
functions on the same and above levels.
and the residential
,"
"

'" TheprInciplemeans ofaccess

Although the complex is concelYed as a single formal expression th

-
<CE ••••••• l.,
(

separated vertical cores physically detaches the units in each floor into

two parts. The only connection between these two vertical circulation
~,
cores remains at the entry lobby level. Each of these cores contains two
lifts and two stairs where no hierarchy has been set to differentiate

between the primary and secondary circulation (stairs).

4.2INTERNAL HIERARCY OF PLAN AND ACCESS (GRAPHIC)

Although the community space and other community functions (e.g.

mosque, association office etc.) are categoncally public In use, their

positioning in the semi-basement situation does not promote such

activities much. Instead the open-air surface parking area around the

built fann serves better for different community interactions. However

these public activities are restricted to the insiders only as a securrty

check-post at the edge of the site area ensures the control in advance.
(2) 5eml1J<lbllc
space:
• •

In the upper Iev<olsthe total depth of the lift lobbies offers barely

enough light for the circulation and imparts little scope of any kind of

public or semi-public interaction for prolonged time. However the

approaches to the simplexes from this semi-public space has been well

articulated by creating a transitional spacE'on both sides ofth<' lift-core.

(3) Private.p•••••
'

In tErms of space organization the Individual apartments show a

departure from the conventionality of requirement of separate public

and private access, exposure of services to_public area etc. llle

approach to each (simplex) apartment [5 made through the dining

space (lnd leads to the forrnalliving in a I;"ing cum dining s;tuation. Th€

services are located (connected through dining space) conveniently oommu",tv'P'" ,'b,,,,,m,nll...,;
nearer to the entry. Whereas the most private areas e.g. the bedrooms

are organized along a linear corridor connected orthogonally to the

living cum dining space, Although thi5 organization gives certain

flexibility It does not conform to the traditional zoning of male and

female domains within a hOUseresulting in a problem of privacydudng

certain hours.

'0} servicespace: \ ----

The major services are very systematically organized around a vertical

service duct reducing the overall length of service lines, which proves to

be highly efficient for such vertical developments. The services include

1"""''''' cI""""'" strnng
"",II "gen"."" I~ "'""""""
v_, "",Or
," thO"1""" OOJ'"""'IM
elaborate facilities of kitchen, store, veranda, 5ervants' room and toilet
/-11
all well connected <mdorganized in order to maximize effldency.

(5) Tho!fundam@ntall'<lub!lofth@basicorgarri •••tion:

Schematically the parallel vertical risers are the only routes of

connection from the entlY lobby to the apartments. If the bedrooms are

taken as the end of the circulation path, the organization reveals an

intere5ting space-comdor-space-comdor-5pace sequence, adding

variations In experience with the hierarchy of movement.

MEMBRANE ANALYSIS
1) The membsane •••a proportinnill system:

The strict geometric reference of the membrane merges with the

internal layout smoothly suggesting the presence of some

proportioning system in the OIIerall planning of the complex. The shape

of the plan conforms to this argument where an absolutely symmetric

plan has been conceived with strong geometric references In ;(. TIle

shape when vertically projected retains this geometric order in every

aspect of creating this membrane suo:essfu l!y.

• • : " I
~','o:"I,:,-
2) The membrane a. an Indicator of the Internal hierarchy of the
program:

The programmatic variations of simplexes and duplexes are expressed

through groupings of three ~ertlcal elements (dupiexes flanked by the

simplexes on eithe.-side) separated bytwovolumesofdrculations. But

otherwise the multiple level duplex Ii~ing has no expression in the

membrane as such.

~
" Tl1emembrane as an expression orsvppression of the structure:

The membranes ISgenerated by the true expresskln of the structural

"- ~i

system, where the expression of the structural grid generated by

columns and she<lr walls, determines the size and shape of the

openings. The orientation of the building has been a major gUiding

force in determining the expression of the membrane as the building

opens up to the direction of winds and solidifies in the direction of the

solarradiatioo.

4} The membrane as an ""JI""5I5ionor suppression of tbe volumeb1c

"'""rentiallon of the internal volume:

The variation in internal volume has mainly been subsided throvgh

placement of community functions The careful ~ ~mpr., auste"'Y In "''1"es5lDn ~

In the basement.
"h~ th"",h """FUOh,nd'n~
organization of Internal VOlumes also le<lds to an expression where the Of,~"ct",.,,no m,"'"" "p"""'"

services are expressed as more solid volumes in contrast to the greater

transparency oflhe served volumes.

STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS

1) Hlerardlyof the "t"u;n.•••as e _c elemMt

The columns and shear walls in the exterior facades are treated with

glass and wallinfill depending upon their orientation and

functionality, However the thid<ness of the wall intill has always been

derived from that of the structural member. The rest of the partitions

are made mainly with the non-load bearing brick walls.

2) Relation""_n the _c end the mwpholOlllcal

structure

The morphologic.alstrudure here retains a good relationship with

the physical structure in terms of the organization of served and

service spilces. This is due to the early introduction of a

proportioning system that served as a guideline to evoke the rest of

the organization, This relationship is evident even in individual units

where both large and smaller spaces share the same principle in

expressing themseives: large spilces through multiple bay and the :~ I

, :i
smaller spaces through single bay. ,;! I
1 I !
Case study 02. EASTERN TOWER, ESKATON
EXTERNAL HIERARCHY OF PI..M ,\ND ,lCCESS

Thevolumetric study inurn••.•mn,",xt

"
The study on urban context reveals a mixing of both large and small

plots willi hlgh-<lensity developmen15 concentrating in the larger plots.

The nature of dev~opment on the two sides of the road has certain

variations In temlS of open spaces and building density. However the

open spaces on the opposite side of the road are inaccessible for public

use. Except from a few Iow-elensity residential development, the

previous variation of setback from the street Is transforming f<lst and

new developments with minimum setbacks at front ISconverting the '

streetscape to an evenly enclosed channel. The form under study also

f<llis Into this new category.

2)
_.
Hleruchlc stnIcturing of this <_xt into its publio:and prtvate

In organizing the public and private zones Within the complex, vertical

segregation haslleen used as a tool to achieve hierarchy of the program

components. Thus the bottom layers are composed of both oommercial

and supporting functions of the apartmen15 and the residential part is

lifted above to ensure pnvacy. This separation of program is also

evident in the form where three isolated residential tower blocks rlsee

from a broad un interrupted platform comprising support selVlces and

commercial functions.

3) y••••prin<;ip\l!m
•••"" of,""""",

For the resJdentiai part, three separate circulation cores each located at

the center of the vertical towers are the principle means of access to the

apartment floors. Desp1te of a formal entry point with covered drop-off

area and vertic:::aiaccess to community floor, the principle means of

access remains through the parking floors' lift lobbies. Apart from that

no secondary servicel emer<:)ency access has been provided to the

residential volumesofthe project.

The commercial part is directly approached from ~ road and has no

connection with residential functions. A stair located slightly otf-

centered within the commercial layout oonnects ~ double loaded

 -- _._------
corridor in each floor. The function i51imited within walk-up range and

005 no mechanical mean5 of verdC<lItransportation or secondary means

of access.

INTERNAL HIERARCHY OF PLAN AND ACCESS

1) Public~:

The commercial part by its very nature is the mo5l: public part of the

complex. Howeverthe second floor of the residential part has elaborate

facilities of community functions accessible to the residents of the

complex. The functions in this floor, despite of their totally covered

5ltuations. have a 5ense of openness created by the large set back on

the east.

2) 5em1-publlcspace:

The centrnl distribution spaces on each of the floors, which are actually

the lift lobbies, offer the first degree of exposure from private to public
•
space for each apartment. Thus these spaces become the semi-publiC;" \.
spaces, which are typical III each of the floors of the three tow€rs. ~ ~

However the spaces here are inadequate and quite complex in layout

evalvlllg around a stlir and limit the scope of such interaction

considerably.

3) Pr1v.tespace:
'
.1 ('
!
..'-"---

Schell1iltically the planning of indIVidual units 005 high resemblance to

that of the Eastern Tower at Shantinagar. Here, the sil19le entry through

the dining and the private bedrooms aligned parallel to the linear
l;\
,

organization of the living cum dining space, creares much greater

exposure of internal private spaces to the public and semi-public part of

the house. Unlike the previOUSexample of the same developer, the main

axes of both living and dining remains on same direction and creates a
.~
.~
11
-

great€rexposure toeach other. Such organization though offer certain

flexibilities in program, totally ignores the ""lues of the dwellers

regarding male-female zoning within the house.

'J Sorvi"" .""oe: ,,"Ore entry """'9" rom,,,,

>one ,••"",, pr",,,, pnob"'m
Internally, the single space kitchen Is quite spacious. However In

contemporary urban living, the functions and activity pattern of kitchen

demands a degree of separation of functional components to maintlin

maintain tlle hygiene and cleanliness, esped,lIy in larger units like this

one. Thus a kitchen vef<looa has become almost part and parcel of a

kitchen organization. The other aspects of tlle kitchen e.g. easy

accessibility, grouping of services etc. have been properly addressed

here.

5) Thefundllm•••1l!I1
rouboofthobasi<ol"lloni
•• tion:

The fundamental route, although designed to be mainly pedestrian, Is

separated from vehicular access atthe main drop off area In front of the

reception. It then leads through a stair to the upper Ievelliftlobbles via

community space to connect the Individual units above. Functionally It

proves to be little inconvenient for most of the users who instead

regularly use the route through parking spaces accommodating three

separate lift-lobbies that gives access to the upper floors. The

circulation terminates at Independent units accessed via lift lobbies In

typical housing floors, which are centrally located combining four

independent units In a pinwheel arrangement.

MEMBRANE ANALYSIS

1} "'embla"" au proportlonalsystem;
The """,lIIan. 1,'IsID
"'p,esent ~ rnylhmIO
Certain mathematical order imposed by the structural grid could have p"'po";."" 0/ tho allum"
",ruL(,,""-'-0')
been the beginning of an ordering principle of rhythmiC proportkln.; ; .;c.; I

Instead the oomponents (openings, shadings, structural oomponents

-,-a----'-----b c '
L-J t- ---1-! -----'--
lb.

etc.) of each membf<lrle isderWed purely from the need offunctionality 1--1R1- ~ :-r- ~ J --1_ ro; __

and from noothercrtterla like mathematical order as such. 1-,] :1 _ __ . ' 0_~~
I '
wloj-orrr
2) Momb•••"""."n in<!icatorofint"",,,1hier.rrnyofthe pn>gram:

The characteristic features of the lower and upper level membranes . -~ 1- - ~ --~-

indicate the internal hierarchy of the program clearly. Though the ~~. -- ~

I~l""
I

expression gives separate identity to residential and supporting X

functions (including commerdal)

and hierarchy between

in a broader context, tlle separation

the commercial and supporting residential",

_
,.,~.
, ~
'~ ,
_.J-1_ ' """'"
<// ~
L_i

,,,,-,,,,,-,,,,
__ L

functions are not expressed prominently. 00""rIg' ." 'c

3) Membra•.••lOS
an "","",,"on or supp..-.. oftho structure:

A conscious effort to express the stnJctural elements In the external

membranes is clearly evident, altllough tlle attempt ends there as no

other element In the membrane uses this referential order in any way.
The characteristics and interrelationship of openings evolves purely

from functional layout and has no relationship with tl1e structural

expression of the exterior. Thus the expression of tl1e structure in

exterior remains unrelated and superficial falling to generate any

comprehensive Visual order.

4) Membrane IS an expression or suppres.ion of volumetric

dltTerentiationofthe Internalvolume:

The layout reveals two distinct groups of internal volumes in each layer

of the residential blocks- the private segmented volume and the large

uninterrupted public or semi-public volume. Formally this expression of

the internal volumes IS reflected in the membnme through variation of

aperture size ad tl1rough differences in indoor--outdoor relationship.

STRUCTURAL ANAl. YSIS

-,
001"," ''W'" '"" "'" ""
""'<'Oeden''' ntaro """"
0"" o"t€fi "'''''"' "'"
The column grid derived from the parking consideration is piaced on "-",,"0"'"'"'"00'

'~l~i
-lLi
regular interval. In the exterior, the walls are flushed with the inner

edge of the columns to avoid odd corners, However, the shapes and

sizes of internal columns are independent of intemallayout and non-

,-j Yj+:'"
1L'i
1 . .-; t
~JL,
lit
load bearing elements and therefore create odd projections of surfaces
1'" -r~--Ii
in internal spaces. In the plastered and painted surface of ltie structure,

the hierarchy of structure remains suppressed.

2) Relationb_lhe.t.otieandlhe morphologicalstrudu..,
',_.<

[C~
!.bo~"":d",,,,_:
[lj~!,
4 err
tj II
Ii
-

"co
~ I' Si

certain attempt to oo-ordinate between the parking grid and residential _co",," -,__ i",~ooi_
space requirement is evident in the bedroom locations. However in the , , ,
/'--'-1--'-
rest of the organization no such relationship exists, As a resuJl: the un"""Od "'''''''''''"P ;
t>etwoeo "'"crure rnO
! /'
,
structural references do !lOt have any implication In the semi-public arod
~I agar<rohoo
I"'" 0) ,
servICe spaces, rather some time it conflicts with the geometry of
"""""" ,.;"'''''.,.,
ootw..., ""Jc>Jr~ ctlO
,,'o'al "'\lOr",,""n I"n~01
spaces. The issue of internally dealing With the structure (through

adJustment Of grids or reshaping column size) has totally been Ignore:!

here. The static structural lay<lut Is more dominated by the tEchnical

considerations rather than the morphological consideration here.

Case .tudy 03. EASTERN TOWER. SHIDDHESHWARI
EXTERNAl. HlERAROfY OF PLAN AND ACCESS

The form I1ll';been get ltlated \e!IvIng compllian.dy e !Irell1er setback

from ell tile sides. Though the site has smaller e:q)05Ure (than its toeal
ama) to the adjacent road, the smaller sizes of ~ adjacent plots tm<e
resulted Into Iow-rtse sllfT'DUf'(!Jngsthus gMng It 0/19000 PIOJilb1tl1Ce
wllhIn itsmntext.

The ~ has a controlled public: llCCl5Sto Its domo!Iln.HoweYer for

biSldeis II combination of larve'odumeof aJYen!d lind open spaces at
first floor IeYeIhave been deslgntlted fOfCDITIITM1Ily
(public) furdlons.
The prtme ,esk1ei itIllIorga~ then sP"fn95 In vertk;ality (rom this
layer of COiiiitOnly shared functions. Formally. this dIange Is almost
unnotkeable lIS It merqes with the par!dnljj volumes In the DW!rlIn

-_
expessloii of residential toWe'Son lIlarger platform smoothly.

)) n.e •• hnJpie_"'

1hcdrClllatlon
vertbl
•••••••••

here I1asdarlty lind sptIOOusness, whefe the meansof

tnmsportMlon have 9000 expllSlII'e from any mmer of the drop
off zone iIfId plIrldng area mnnectlng to semI-open 1ift..Jobblesin the
---••..•.

upper ~ Ioc:ated tit split ~ from the lIpartment floors. The

tICa5S CDIlidors from tile lift:lobby Is adequately III iIfId ventI.!Itt::d o/I1ld
lI~ spllOO IS enough for ~ng subtle IntertIdlon of the
lmmedlllte neighbours. Apart from the l1lllulardrClllatlon II servIcE stair
mnnects tI1eCOillIDIInllyfloor to the parking IIreM aelIII ng IIsecondary
tICCeSSfor service people who frequents between the community level
o/Indpart;/ng regulMty.llo>.t'\Ier no service sl:alr has been provided to
the high rtses. l1lere Is no Ji"eescape oremelgellcy stair In the high-rise
part though the ~ stafrs on roth skle of the 11ftlobby maintains the
eli ICigenty eYlICUilIlonrequirement r:J net oossh rg the 11ftlobby In Co/ISe
ol"tlny emergency.

"
INTERNAL HIERARCHY Of' PLAN ANDACCESS

1) Publlcspace:

The relatively larger volume of apartment units (160 units) has resutf:e<j

in an elaborate facility of community functions within the complex. The

rest of the public spaces other than community functions too share this

sense of spaciousness and openness in the lower layers of the complex.

The control of the complex remains at the edge adjacent to 1!>"

approach road and the spaces are public to the Insiders only. A lat{

open to sky space at community level, whidl have certain visu

connection with the upper floor apartments, contributes in the chil,

parent Interaction during the play hours.

2) semi-public"""",,:

In creating semi-public spaces (especially lift lobbies) the problem of

higher density leads to an approach of solving the accessibility problem

by Introducing split ievels and creating visibility and access at'two

levels. This also helps to have territorial identity for each of the groups

flanking the lift core. The SpaCIOUSwell-lit open~nded corridors create

scope for localized interaction but the linearity of the space often

restricts it to limited fu netlon s,

3) Privatespace'

W!l:hin the apartments the degree of exposure of the semi-private and

Sh", "'"""
service spaces to the formal one is quite high. Through aligning longer ,lo """t< pc",,<:\,

axis of the dining space to the shorter end of the living space certain

attempt has been made to ;ncrease privacy. The aa:ess through a

corridor parallel to living and dining and the particular relationship of

these two functions leave no room for foyer space. In exchange, this

organization gives a sense of spaciousness and a degl'€e of flexibility of

accommodating variety of internal functions. The shiftofaxis between

the two spaces is deliberate to ensure a certain degree of privacy;

however a curtain between these two spaces is what actually needed to

ensure any kind of privacy practically.

4) SelYic~~:

The main service zone (k!l:chen) of the apartment when compared with

the other developments remains inadequate both In terms of

functionality
_.-
and facility. In contemporary
-
urban iiving, altllough the

kitcnen ha~e become a furnished one with wor1d:ops and stand-on

burners, the traditional habits of working on floors has not been given

up by the users yet. In most apartments this take place at krtchen

~eranda Iooaving the kitchen space cleaner. Apart from that the o~erall

floor area could have been better organized to provide some facilities

for the domestic help who is often part of the family. However the

organization here does notal lOw such f1exibllltles.

5) ThefUndamental ",ute of tile bosleor-ganizalion:

The fundamental route can be schematically shown as a connection of

four vertical rises to four different grouping of apartments from a

common platfonn of circulation at the ground and first fioor levels.

Experientially the sense of openness remains uninterrupted all through

the journey from site-entry to the apartment doors.

MEMBRANE ANAL TSlS

1) Membr.ne as. pl'Ol'O"1:ionalsystem:

The rather matter of fact expression of the membrane is purely derived

from the need of opening in ~arying degrees for different internal

functions. Therefore the membrane is not representati~e of anx other

dimension e.g. a proportioning system.

2) Membr•••• asan indicatOTofintemillhieran:hyofthe Pl'OlIram:

rund.""", •• ' mute of
The repetitive ~ertical stadllng of organization in the apartment floors
'"'''' _n'''Mn
expresses the typicality of the internal organization through the
membrane. For an individual floor varying degree of exposure of

windows and their variations in Size are indicative of the functions

behind the membrane rather than expressing the programmatic layout.

3) Mambra•••as an exp"",sion Orsuppression oflhe stnle:ture:

Unlike most of the high-rise apartments there ISan attempt to express

the structural system (beam-column flame structure) In the

membrane. This has been devised through selection of oolumns of

nearly square sections at periphery and leaving the grid exposed at

exterior by flushing their Inner edge with the extenor walls. However

the openings do not conform to the ",ference; of these grids and are
~ted rMher 1nsensIllYe!y to detrm:t from the ~RIlI mUTe 01
refeetlCeS ge,tenlted by the ~ system. HlIWI!Yl!T
lin ilttempt: Is
trIllde to termlllllte the Yertblity or the volume by U5Ing8 all 'llPI' like
PlJtilpet al1l1round lind by dnswtng dlllgolllli beams (very lnsIgnllbnt
hom the gtOln:I) toNard the center 01elIdl bIod:.

4) MemtllaliOlas an Ulbeosl•••• or OUPP' 'on or ••••

lllllletrlc
_fItlM"'-_:

The membrllne grossly tcIIects the progrlltmliltlc: dJ1fell~licebetween .•.

...•.
the IIp,mment bIod: (upper tloots) lind supporttng services (bottom
•.•.
"""""" .•.
'.
two rloors). Howeoier the bask: organIZatIon of ~ lI;pilrtmelits ....
f1anldng 1I dtcuIatlon PlJth Is lIlso dlsl:Emable In treatlng the '.....
membrlltle5.
:,i-

1) HltiMd', oftl'M! muctunI nUQ1:lcelehlent

The seIectlon d the column size lind Its section retnlllns piotAei,llItlc:In
soMng tl'te Intemallllyool The size of the columns does not match wtth
lillY d the WlIn thickness IltId crelltes odd ccmefS In 5llITIeIntetbr
splICe'). Except the exteb walls (10" bt1d<.walls) lIIl the remaining
WlIIIslire non-lolld be.mng S" WIllis. T11eexte,loo W311sthough not
demlInded by the struetutlll need lire deployed due to them1<Il
endosure lind protectJon lIgiIlnst clfmatlc:r~.

The 5tiltlc structure hlIS been ~ mo<e from the consk!emtlons

regan1fng the pandng layout than the Inner IiOploology of the
8pl1rtment organlzlltlons. The structure ttlus represents 1I i1g1dgrid
syst.em, which the m:u'phOIogk::lll5ttuClureIs certlIlnIy not However the
IIdvllTlt8geof liIfge1"SplIl1Slind less interruption of structural fr.m1e in
Internal layout 1I1lowthese two dl1ferent modes to c:o-edst.

"
caso study 04. PRIYO PRANGAN

The r1gure-ground anatyslsof the bullI form ~Is Its ~ along

II relatively hlgh-denslly comdor 8Ithough the site Itself enjoys rel8tIve
openness since the adjacent (front 8lld b/ldt;) plots remmns
undc.eloped yet. In response lD the slightty CUfVedI"MClthe form ha5
been sbJggeted hori.zontlllly and the relMto'ely$fTIaIIert*'c::ksare placed
alollgskle the ro8d. surrounding conterlls p1f'domlMntIy a =idcntilll
~.
2) Hlc!Iaidllcstructurtngafmntm:t
I_pojlllc:_ "",,","""""

BeIng II pn:OJlIIh OlInt1yreslderttilll deo'elopment, the progrmnme had

11tt\eto offer lDcrwte IIhlera rt:hy or tr:lInsltlonlllllrrllllgel ,let ,ts from the
publk to prtv8te domIIIn. ~ the scheme cre~ II spatial
hlerltrt:hy while rooYing from the outdoor lD indoor situation by
lnstr\lITlentlng the eleYirtcd IntemlII sentl-public pImI w1tllln the
muIU~ bIoc:t.sespedallywhen the ~ t1lItrk:Is CDllLt:l,ted.

1) ThoIjHl,ldpllomsns"'_

The CDrTlplexIs ••••",,""" through 1Isingle point lit the ~ of the!ilte -'-'"
where the pedestrllln IlIId vehlaJ!llr lIpprolICh within the c:om~ ~s
been dlstlnctly sepllRlted lind docs not OYCriap with each other.
However this Is wild for the sepIlr1ltlon of the two modes In the two
IeYet5only. In the plIrking :rone, this separlltlon Is absent lind Is dIlIotIc
sometime. There Is no sepmrte _11, .gemel,t for servkz IICX:eS5Il11d
the
relalMly low Intenslty of services docs not mlIl<cIt rTIiIndlltory.

lHITJlMAi. HIEIUo.ROfY 01' P'I.NI NfD "cnss

The project does not contlIln IlrT'fIDtlIIIypublic 5p«e lIS such. The
lICX:eSS
Is ,e:;tJ lcted to the ,esldt:i,ts lind the vlsltDr5only lind lherertlre
lillYpublic InteRldlon IscontJned within the convnunrty of the ~ts.
How!:Verfor 1Icommunity interaction some p0ces (e.g. the p1aZll)are
ITllIIe lIppropr\l1te lind creates opportunity ror the dwellers to get
togettler on () .l!5b ,slllld even on dlIlly bIIsls. AplIrt:rrom thlII.lifu;, lin
lobbies, parking lot at ground floor etc. arE' places wherE' brief

interaction and courtesy gestUrE'S sometimes take place; however

these place can hardly be tetmed as public spaces since they lacks the

capacity to accommodate real public appearances.

2) Semi-publicSj>a<e:

The semi public spaces in thiS context can be KJentified as the first level

of Interaction where the private and pubiic <ones meet. In this case thiS

IS an Indoor area called formal living where a dual purpose entry

through foyer and an outward looking space has been carE'fully devised

to retain its distinctive non-private character. Although the space has a

large aperture to an Internal space called dining (semi-private), a subtle

but unmistakable separation is always present therE' in the fotm of a

heavy curtain in almost every flats.

3) Pr1vatespace:

The complex offers two distinctively separate arrangements for simplex

and duplexes in organizing the prilli'lte areas within an apartment. In

duplexes the separation of public and private domains has a clear

hierarchy where the semi-public function is directly connected to an

inner semi-prilli'lte grouping of dining, guest bed and services which

finally is connected to the private functions of upper deck (e.g, family

living and family bed rooms). Whereas in simplexes the same hierarchy
Sh,''''_,,'''''''''~
"""",,,tho,,_ ••••

Is achieved in a horizontal fashion where shifting of axis in organizing

these three groups of spaces create a good degree of connectivity as

well as separation among themselves. '

4) Servia,"plIce:

irlmITrC::J::-<l
A major part of service spaces Inside each apartment consists of the

kitchen and its supporting services. The supporting fadiity

kitchen is quiet elaborate with kitchen veranda, servant's room and
of the
\

V~
'"""
':":" 1\
" '" II '
• ;"""... i
toilet. The provision fota garbage chute Within the servant's zone does I~\_\/:"""~,
,/
not wor\< properly and is non-functional at present due to difficulty in '.'~"'_ ./ - ':::;;"1
A/"..
"....
~
operation and maintenance. The Inner arrangements of the kitchen is G~~j".",._
same as in a westem one with marble or tiled work-top and ""'''''''''Itf _
arrangements for cooking in standing position, however the kitchen

veranda serves the more conventional purpose of preparation of raw

foods in traditional manner. Toilets as service spaces follow a distinctive

grouping with bedrooms (be It an attached or detached one) in both

simplex and duplex units.

5) ""'fUndamental routleofthe"'slcorg.m •.•tion:

The primary route can be ascertained as a journey through few nodal

points with mull:iple cimices creating llarying spatial experiences for the

users. This is obvious when a pedestrian user approaches the complex;

once the security clearance is given the pedestrian route guides an user

towards a single directional stair leading to the central open space from

where each of the lift lobbies of four different blocks are easily

approachable. However most of the residents prefer to use the lift

connection from the parking (ground) floor probably because of the

convenience and also to avoid too much exposure to sun or rain.

MEMBRANE ANALYSIS

1) Membraneasaproportlonalsvstem:

The membrane as such does not evolve from any predetermined

proportioning system. Rather it is expressive of the functions

underneath it. However certain conscious efforts of grouping of

functions and openings are evident; the corners of the blocks are

always treated as more solid entities and the openings of multiple

adjacent functfons are grouped together to create a balance betw€en

overall solid and voids within the facades.

2) Membra""a. an indicatorofinternal hieran:hyofthe Pr<l9'"m:

The membrane of each of the blocks is indicative of the functions

behind it. However, it addresses little to the Internal hierarchy of the

progrnm of individual units. On the road side the membrnne indicates

the internal variation in the duplex block quite successfully.

3) Membraneas an expressionOrSIrJllIresslon
ofllle structure:

The structural system (post and lintel frame structure) is rather

suppressed in the overall expression of the membranes. However, the

geometric proportions of the oYe!<l11facades are residual of the use of

the structural references In creating solids and voids in the membrane.

Thus the staggering in the upper edge of each of the masses confirms
to a geometric order and blends well among the components within the
complex.
4) Membraneas an expression or .upp•.••••
lon of the volumol:rit
difl"(,rentiation
ofthe Internalvolume:

The subtle changes Introduced In the volume by staggering the ma5ses

with gradual height gain iS(ll5Oreflective of changes In the requirement
of the upper floor flat unit5 which are basiCillly (lrranged as studio
apartments with large open tenares.

STRUCTURAL ANAlYSIS

An intelligent ploy has been made to maximize the surface area through
structural exterior supports of the tower bl0ck5 thus minimizing the use
of non-load bearing members in the peripheral areas. The attempt
creates a co-Iatterai relationship between the load- bearing and nan
bearing members of the structure and avoids any odd projections in
interior space due to structural members.

2) Relation_thes_and the morpllolOlllcaI

structure

The morphological structure and the static structure have a C€rtain co-
relation between them. The structural grids of two parallel bays are
originated as load bearing elements where one served for the fonnal
and servjC€ zone and the other for the private zone mainly. The buffer
between these two zones (the informal zone) shares both the bays.
Case study 05. KARNAPHULI GARDEN CITY
EXTERNAL HIERARCHY OF PlAH AND ACCESS

1} Thavolumetricotudyin urbancontext

The form was developed within a densely built urban fabric with most of

the surrounding plots containing large built-up areas. There are no

open spaces within the immediate surroundings. The general

development alongside the main artery of circulation is predominantly a

mixed-use pattern but the development along the secondary road is

mainly residential. The built form at the junction responds to both. The

lower ~olume of the form has a chamfered edge to respond to the

Intersection of the roads. Again a certain degree of setback (more than

the usual) has been de~ised as a response to a fmIjor dty artery.

2) Hierarchic stnlcturing of context into public and private '0""11

The form being a mixed-use one has two distinct functions to house-

one public (the shopping) and the other private (the housing). The

formal hierarchy in this context had been achieved by clear separation

""'~ent"rp"""l,
of each Individual function into separate masses and stacking one (the r","o", -""
residential one) above the other (the commercial one), The facades are

even articulated In a manner so that the primary fa~ade gets the more
interactive public shopping where as the secondary fao;ade

(approached from secondary road) receives the aa:ess to pri~ate

residential functions. The n;st two f",ades as in the case of the lower

mass have been treated with solidity and minimum articulation.

, .. f
However the fac;ades of the residential volume, which has greater (""",,,re"l publl/
',,010",
setback from the boundary edges and are more prominent even from a
(OO)merel,1oulolle
distance In city scale, have been articulated equally in all four sides. "'",",m

The ad~antage of being a plot in an intersection of two roads has fully

been exploited her<' by separating the aa:ess to commeraal and

residential activities from primary (commercial access) and secondary

(residential access) roads. This has been the case for both ~ehlcular and \J:
pedestrian access. The ~ehicular access in both cases lead to semi- 0- i;
,,',I
basement (oommercial parking) or basement (re~dential parking) =;(,'.;.~1Ia11
rem,,", tot.'f\' "'L __
Situation. The commercial entry is an elaborate and inviting one while d" Mdlr<lrrl\ /,_
~,re", pai.=
The residential entry gets due controlled exposure to the road and

footpath. In both cases one resemblance Is there that both the entries

are on an elevated le"",1 making the scale of approach and entry quite

grand.

INTERNAL HIERARCH1"OF PlANANDACCESS

1) Publicspace:

The total built form has been organized in vertical zoning creating a

distinct separation of commerdal and residential functions. The

commercial function essentially being" public one remains open to all

(both insiders and outsiders of the complex), whereas the residential

functions h"ve a ~ hierarchy of public to private spaces within its

organlz"tions that "re accessible to the users and the visitors only.

Form"lly this hierarchy remains on vertical sequence beginning from

the entry reception at ground floor level to an intermediate community

space "t 4~ floor level that fin"lIy terminates to the spacious individual

floor lobbies connecting private residenti,,1 units. Experlenti"IIy, this

hierarchy is often by-p"ssed as most of the time the users uses the

short-eut route of entry lobby to floor lobby via lift. However the visual

connection from floor lobbies to the community level restores the

communication gap to" certain extent.

2) 5emi-pul>licspa<e:

The use and organization of public or semi-public spaces in this complex

needs some reflection; the 11ftlobbies In each floor has been spac<ously

el"borated "nd then connected to adjacent three floors with a triple

,,,,,mu",tv :
,
height space to create "n identity of local groupings within this vertical
",",II,."
st;cking. These local groupings cre"te " sense of belonging to its

Surrounding residents and thus have a potential to create an extended

semi-public area beyond the boundary of the indil/idual flat units.

3) PI1""tespae<>:

The internal organization of each of the apartments is divided in public

and pnvate domain with the help of a linear space (foyer) at the entry.

The rel"tionshlp between these two domains is rather indirect in such

context and the foyer acts as both connector and separator of the two

dom"ins. The attempt to concentrate circulation to all the bedroom

WI
 projoctlon from reQ"~' 9"""etry
spaces at one pointCre<ltes more interference than convenience. It also

denies the conventional idea of a guest bedroom located apart from the
~.
t1Sed os seNie< spore;

master bedroom of the house.

4} service •••••ce:

In the overall geometry of each apartment the services are often

arranged Within the projections from the main form. A careful grouping

of services of two adjacent apartments are also evident that minimized

the number and length of service iinesconsiderably which is cruciai for

such a vertically stacked building. The kitchen and servant's zone has a

typical layout where the kitchen vemnda works both as a service space

and as a separatorof thesetwo spa~. t.-'

g"'"plng 10 """'ce<
S) ThefUndamental route of the basicorgani_:

The Idea of creating a hierarchy of spaces from entry to complex upto

each residen~al unit adds a dlfferentdlmenslon to the experience of the

users. The spaces in this context have been separately articulated with

different shapes and scales; such as InstEad of using stair landings as

lift lobbies a large lobby space with mul~ple height volumes have been

created to generatE local groups and thus the circulation spao:'s

become connector and generator of activfties along with their

lJaditional role of distributor.

MEMBRANE ANAl1'5IS

1) Membr.ne •••8 proportional system:

The membrane of the comple~ has two distinctly differente~presslons

•
generated from tile difference of functions and different setback •
requirements. The lower mass derived from the geometry of the site
V
.: .'.'
covers the maximum allowable built area and has little scope to follow 1M 10"" 0"110 ~"'" m>ss
g<n<"tcs rI'OO1
tIlo "to m..en=.
any abslJact proportional system. H~r the upper volume is derived _reos "'e "l'per",Iume
(le,"'" from , more
purely from abstrnct geometric forms where each of the fa~ade shows a
"lS',"", g'o""'""Y
partiOJlar ordering principle In terms of solid and VOidrelationship.

2) Membr. ne as8n Indi<ator oflntem.1 hierarchy of!;h@PI'OlII"a

m:

A general variation of expression of form indicates the internal

hierarchy of the two major functional groupings. Even in the expression

of indNidual functions, the membrane does not conform to an internal

'"'
 hierarchy of the programs; thus the opening of a ~rge formal space like

living lacks properdifferentiation with that of a bed room.

3) Membra•.•••••~n_ion or •••ppressionoflhestructure:

Two different structural systems have been deployed for the two groups
."1"='001 ~ structural g'd
of functions (rommercial and residential) employing the >arne vertical cf tra"", ,tructure
"'" been SUppres500
members. The commercial part was made with the flat slabs where as

the residential part has a column-beam frame stn;cture. Although these

two expressions vary from e<lChother, the true expression of a frame

structure is rather suppressed in the upper volume. Instead large

horizontal bands encompassing the outer membranes are introduced to

reduce the scale of the vertical towers denying the typical grid like

expression of the frame structures.

4} Membr~ne a. an e"l'resslon or .upp •.••••ion of volumetric

dilferenli_n ofthe inteJTlalvolume:
I
The membrane reflects little of the internal volumes through the

arrangements of the openings and solid-void relationship except the

relatively small apertures of service functions. The internal volumetric

differentiation like private and public Sp;:lces is not addressed in the

overnll expression of the volume.

•
STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS tl" 10'11""pan f~'owsthe basx;_,"",,00
cf • flat->J,b 00'$1''''''''" "h ••• ",n"~,,"'"
e;lges of ••.•b P"M'"'' ",,"'mom_em
• 1) H;""""'yoflhestructu •••~nst.ilticelement
"" """""Qs
Since the basic structural member that carries the load to the ground is

column, the walls are tak,ng merely a role of p;:lrtition wall here. Due to

d1matic control and need for better thennal insulation only the exterior

w_s are made with a thidmess that can act as load bearing walls. Each

of the apartment blocks are supported on nine columns conforming to

the parking grid of the basements and though each floor contains four
such apartments of similar structural grids they vary considernbly in

internallayoutto respond to the functional, climatic and other factors.

2) Relationl>etwe•••lhe statlc and the morpholO!P<B1

structure

The morphological organization of the built fonn when superimposed

on the structurnllayout reveals certain conflicting situations espeaally

at the residential floor where the regular layouts of column-to-mlumn

beam lines do not confonn to the room layouts. Apart from that the

shape and placement of columns conflict with the spatial organization

very much.

103
 Case Iludy 1)6. KULSUM TOWER

The r1gU!e"'9round study shows the lrregulality of the stte and the built
form as well es abselce d any ~ (other than the major dly
road) In a densely bullt up dty arm. The setback from the t01ld re'Mlns
almosl SUlIk In an the lldjecenl sites along the t01ld lm5pectt,oe of their
functions, size; lind bufIl forms. The slle being e comer one gets the
Ildvantllge dtwo roads. However thewldth of the secornlery road Is too
nenow to lllXDl'0 ,lOdllll!a ITIIIjcrentIy to such e comple:!(.
1) H",",n:hkotru<:t»ringcf<llntlmt
1_ poilllc_ pr1vate_

In responsetotheconle:dtheprnjeethlls emlxe:l-usechel15eterwhere
the rcsIdentlal flllldlons ere eleYaIe:l eboYe the Cl:II1\lTlerdelone. The
street face of the ground fIoot end the totm e~ of the tim floor iIlI"e
~
~.---
--
--- --

housed wtlh thec:ornmerdal functions end ereepproedled directlyfrom

the street.. Thus the ITIOfepublk: COiinileidal functions et the ground
IIoor create e certtlin de9ree d segrepetlon d the prIv2IIf!resldenlllli
fl/flCtlor1from the busy urban WI ire.t.
" _"••...
~_
••_"'_<Jt_
The dn:ulalkln wtlhln the cornplel: tills complete segregillllon beI\.eel'
prfmiIlryend seo:n;lary (service) drcu1illllons. In hleiaJdi" the prlmery
drcuIetIon has been pIM;:edehMd d the se:zmdiIlryone IIIId lellds toe
centnll IoortJon to serve three unlts In each floor vliIllin. lobbies. The
eltemillllVe service drl::UtiIlIlon~!ZM5 only two epillrtment units

--
In e«h floor end the thtrd one Is deprlYed of eny such filldUties.

lHTElttIAI. HI EIlAROfl' OF I'LAN AnD ACClSS

--
1) Publlc_,

~ on the rooftop and &tCeSS"d by the centr3l prImlIry drcuIatIon \. -.r\~

core. This Iocallon d the cormtunlty fu,lCtlociSopens the scope dthe .,r1[:"'1 I
residents' shere 01 open elr e.= wlthln this tight urban COi>teXt.The ~ _
balanced dislrlbutJon of c:r:wercd end open s;mces In this fIoof offers
good fIexIblllty of functlons to be arranged In such c:onwct The
•

""
connection of the secondary stair to this level adds to this flexibility of

functions more.

Despite of its central 10000tionthe lift lobby has natural lighting and

ventilation. Howe~r the space remains tight and the connection with

the outdoor is so indirect that this space becomes qUite uninspiring for

any activity to be taken place. The Inadequacy of space in front of the

apartment doors reduces the potentials of these semi-public spaces

considerably.

3) Prtvate•••••
ce:

Despite of the complex site ge<:lmetry the internal layouts are qUite _II

solved in terms of zoning and privacy. The introduction of a prwate

access through foyer leads to centre of the family space (dining).

Although the dining has a good exposure to the living area the issue of

visuai privacy of the adjacent bedrooms are otten taken care of.

4} service •••• <e:

The services in the overall organization are grouped in two distinct

locations around the secondary and primary drculatlons. In two

adjacent apartments the secondary stair provides the service access

and is always connected to a common area 50 as to ensure its effJdency

as emergency escape stair as well. However the absence of a service

~randa In most of the apartments IS a draw back for smooth

functioning of the kitchen since the modern worktops In kitchen are not

really the work place for the domestic aids.

5) The fundamental ",ute of!he basl<ol'9'lnlzatlon:

Thevertical drculation at central location, and through entry reception,

facilitates access to each of the individual apartments via a tight Ifft

lobby. The drculation finally terminates in the community space of the

top floor with a large open temlce facing towards the road. The total

upper floor is dedicated to community functions where partly covered

and partly open spaces increases the flexibility of community functions

tremendously.

1IJ5

"
,. ,
M~MBRANE •••rtAL ¥SIS

1) Tt>ernembraneua proportio""lsystem:

The formal expression of the intemal programs gives a certain ordered

impression all through the membrane be It a front or side faYlde. The

solidity of the corners, grouping and hierarchy of openings and solid-

void distribution within the membrane shows a consdous effort to

create certain order on the eKterior.

2) Membraneasan indimtoroflntemal hlerardlyofthep"'ll",m:

Although the built form in its residential part has homogeneity in

expression, the formal hierarchy betWeen the residential and """'-oJ"-"':;'" '-",-., '"",",,1,em
' ' ' ' ' ' ' -'--'' ' '\ ",~ruonrol-.r=

commercial functions are absent resulting in a chaotic disposition of

form (and its membrane) at the bottom. The variation of program

1
Ie .1-'-1 /
within the residential component has been reftectedtoa certain degree

in the form as it staggers back in the top most floor to aa:ommodate the L~t-,,-o-
community facilities

membranes and its openings.

there. The change IS ai>e> evident in the
kl_1 J
Membr'a'"a. an eJq>resslon
orsupp_n of!he stnlcture:
'l
The membrane, thoUgh not evolved as an expression of the structural

system (beam-eolumn frame structure), follows certain references of

the structure In organizing openings. This ISdone by creating r€<:esses

In facades, evolved from the reference of hotill)ntal members of the

structure, irrespective of the size and shape of its openings. This

establishes an order among the elements of the membranes and

creates certain relationship between the structure and the expression.

"J Membr'ane as an exprvsion or .upprellSion of the volumetric

differentiationof!ha intemal voltnle:

Following the internal organization, the division between two indivklual

units of the front fa9lde has been expressed into twovertlcal volumes

enh","cing the vertkalltyoftheoverail organization as well as reducing

the bulk ofthe volume. This has also been done In the side fa~ade when

the expression of two residential units stands side-by-side. Apart from

that the voiumetric differentiation of internal volumes are less apparent

in the expression of membranes.

w,
 STllUCTlJRAL ANALYSIS

1) Hlerardly ortt>esbucture au static 81~mMt

In the outer periphery the structu",1 members ere successfully dealt

w1th the need for depth (for shading devices) and do not pose any

problem to intemallayout5, However in internal situations the relative

difference of size of the load bearing and non-load bearing members

often results in odd corners affecting both functionality and aesthetics.

1) R~lation
_thu_and morpl>ologlcal structure
thI!

The structural grid has evolved more from the considerations of unit

layout than any other factors e.g. parking, structu",1 need etc.
m-
!;I( ~,
jl-COIT C

Therefore the static structu",1 layout fully confonns to the ilL CIT 0

morphological structure of the work. In the OV€rall organiZiltion, the

services are grouped together with the circulations at center which is c;l
j
the location of the structu",1 cores as well, However the irregularity of Ii
•
the Site and the development, do not lead to any geometric<olly defined ,.O",,,lc,,,,,,
(Sheor I'0OI'1
order as such.

,
107
 Cuo .Iudy 07. GREEN AUSTRAL I'"
•II.
••••
•••
-..;-;
fIII1II!'
III- .I!, -.1
, - I~

•.••• 1-:••I
1) Thclvolumo!trlc-,lnum.......- I••• !"_~••
,.;--- ...-.;;;;; ~ '
The flgUre-ground study snows the IIIglHlenslty of buill Up i!lUS and r ~ ••
.
l::'ttI"':'- •••••
Iadr. of open Spi'Ce5 SUITOUI'ldIogthe site. However certain prtvlltely l&"".- - .'1
owned open lando; CDUIdbe tmced lIaOSS the roOO,whld1 ere the ~ .- - ,--
reINllrrs of the previous pMtem of housing deYelopments In the area. ,_
The ske C!;loxata:l directly beside II major dty artery where the f1)rrns
n"nldng the road ~ ple;lomll'llll1t1yd mlxed-use charactEr. Allhough
the tMlt foon Ie8'¥es little space in the sile, the lllljIloent plots iIlrcslm
having some open spaces that o-eate 1IvtsulIl <dIet to the ~ for
the time being.

I
2) til••••cnkIUUttUrtnlI rItDllrItut _ public
_ prtvalol......"

The only lespollSe to this context of mixed-use ~1Ct>ment seenr.; to

be the au:a ,lITlOdationor somerommerdal functions In the lower tIlree 1-"'''' ~
Ie-.els adjacent to the road. The upper Iloofs then are organlled to _
house the residential fu"ctlons. However this cNlnge In program hils
very little effect In the OYe!lInform and are faintly distlngutshllble $InCe __
-
no consdousell'ort Is theretodmla=te them.

The centrally loc:ated core Is the one ond only connectton pn:wIdlng lin
kind of llCCeS:S
to dfl'ferent tiers of the ,esldel ,tIlllPo'rt. 110._11 stair lit
the rood front pmvIdes the access to the eo'dllelWI dc'odopl"ent;s of ,
the 1owertler5. Thecore remairls sealed In the rommerdlll fIoorsand no
C<I'Mu'Oll" __
other means of co"' tt:db, lire provided In between the resldentlalllnd t>acI'I__ ond <UIloo'

m1'lITIeldlll functions. ~ Is neltller lillYemeIgei ••,/ nre-escape exit

(~"'...,-)'-'
In rompUance to the Nlltlonill Bulkllng Rules nor any rne/lr'lS of
seamdllryorservlcemnnalb ,5 between floors.

lHTtlUfAl HlElWtCH"fOF PUNAHDAcass

1) PubllcspKll!:

Apart from the part;lng and drtYeway in the ground lloor and basal lent.
the main area for publlc bite, actloo. wIt!lin the comrmmtty Is ltfted to the
roof level creating a coml:llnatlon d covered as weIIllS operw!lr flIdIitIes
,
'"'
 there. For a single block development that covers the maximum

allowable built up arws all through, this posit1oning of community

space seems to be a i)etter choice in terms of environmental and other

aspects as well; as the facilities are availed by the InSiders only.

However the absence of service connection at this level often bars it to

operate in its full potential.

2) semi-public
""""e:

The well-lit spacious lift lobbies in each floors accommodate the first
lOlling arid organization
level of interaction with the immediate neighbours. However these
.""" ''''',ugh rennol zone
Interactions are very short-lived and the space does not offer anything and d'",GI e:>qlOS"'" to
bed room, does""" "",,"em
more than that. One noticeable aspect of this space is ltle to th, t<,d'l>on,' _on 01
om,,,,,
personalilatlon of the entry pockets in each floor as the layout allows

the owners to Identify a recess for each Individual apertment]ust before

::" '_.~re,
Although the layout plans suggest an Intended segreg<rtion of male and
r ..' ~1\
' ... zon.", ..'... _./) .
•
female domain in each apartment it fails to address to the issue of L,tl\.::,C
\yr"-~""~J
'\'L
separati<m of entries to formal and public areas independently. Instead IC."1.~r:'~,~, ,/

(In~WgrouPing of Internal programs can be observed where the living,

dining and guest bed are grouped together to form the out-house
r:.~.:::::>'" ~v)
1/ ~~~IY
_

I
ill
whereas the kitchen along with the bedrooms and toilets forms the I~ = L~.J I:L,..-
__
private Inner-house situation. This denies a very definite connection \>,.---L ,.---..,1..._./:.1;
. ,_:'
between the kitchen arnl dining and rather makes the isSties of "- -- """ - "-'--'--
circulation, privacy and functions rnther complicated. So""", "''''' ,,"'gl",
""""perl '0" "'k<
., service space:
adoquate space 'n
froot to ,,,,,,,,ct
""'er zon,,, 0'"''''''
"'th

The front and rear units are organized symmetrically, each locating the

service volumes atthe centre, between the public and private zones. An

open-to-sky service duct i5 introduced all through the verttcal height of

the building to fadlrtate the natural ventilation of the toilets located at

the centrnllocation5. The attempt to provide a garbage chute from the

main lilt-iobby remains un-operational and ha5 been shut down to

create better environment.

5) The_m talroub! oftl>o ba<ico,--ganization:

••••

The centralfy located vertkal connection lacks proper exposure from

'".
the entry point and is hidden by a service mass at the ground floor level.

In the upper levels the circulation tErminates at the community level

after connecting each of the lift lobbies in the residential floors. The

termination of the drculation offers a greater exposure to ltle

surrounding skyline and to nature through a terrace that facilitates the .. -1',-:\:117'71
open-air community activities of the dwellers. The termin~tion is '=~','"/"',,:\',,'
',,' '"

particularly suitable for a vertical organization like this one and adds

experientially to the users of it.

t ~C'i,m'r",,,, ,_
~:;
1:= .'. -
'-(~g"
MEMBRANE ANALYSIS
i.",I\J
,'. /',L\.
C /',

"
P4emb~,,"a. ~proportionalsysh!m:
I
,.
; ...Lri II
system as such. The front fac;ade shows some conscious effort. of t~=
-:~",-m~I~(;;;"L-1:
grouping of openings In an attempt to articu~te the solids and the vold5-----, _resLd",,"al
iIC'C«S

in the overall membrane. However the side facades show a complete-

reversal of attrtude and reveal chaotic armngements of openings

without any definlteordenng prindples.

2) Membra""aun Indicatorofjn~al hierord1yofthe P"'9",m:

The duality of commerdal and residential functions within the same

program has been expressed in the external membrane very

.udS g••.•
,ng rol", Impre""""
insignific;mtiy. The transition from the commerdal to the residential "structural momb=, """"'tlng
" tt>e too '" , no n'Onto I """"_
expression has been abrupt and over-simplified. Apart from that,
\
charactelistic of the openings and their expression indicates little about

the intErnal hierarchy of the programs and spaces.

3) Membra""a. an elCI'ressl
••••or .uppressionofthe structu""

The structure of the complex is simple beam-column frame structure,

which is rather suppressed in creating the expression of the

membranes. However in side fucades two column like feawr€s are

often mistaken as structural frames, which are originally ducts for roof-

drainage. There is no conscious attempt to derive to any expression in //

»
response (expressed or suppressed) to the structural system. The froot facade ,hows ,ertoln
,~,m'" of"""",g ",'"",,'"
vt>d, """''" 'h, memb"n., bu'
4) Membrane o. an expression or supp•.••••ion of volumetric "" Sid. ro""des are dNOid cI
dllTerentlaU
••••<Itthe In~al volLme: '''i £OCh ,ttempt.

The volumetric differentiation of the internal volumes is not expressed

in the membrane only except the opening of some service functions

''"
(e.g. toilets). The layering of Internal functions (publlc~erY1ce-private)

in earn apartment also is not reflected in the external membmne in any pll
signifocantway.

STRUCTURAL

1)
ANALYSIS

Hleran:hyofthestrudu",as8
staticelement ~
6
,-1
I

.
The structural members of the column-beam structure of the built form
1fT -:1
1'>< ----<11
•..,
il.....
has not been dealt with care in organizing internal layout, where rest of
I,
the walls are non-load-bearing and often produces odd comers or

protruding frames within the room spaces.

,
,
... ,,--.

2) Relmonb-"'nlhestaticandlhemorphologlcalsbucture

The structural grid generated mainly from the parking ronsideration

dominates the layout and the morphology of traditionally established

urban house has been compromised. In this trade off, certain major

issues e.g. privacy, demarcation between spaces etc. has been

compromised.

'"
 Cnlllliudy 08. CONCORD TWIN TOWER

, m lCP
1) n..~-,.lnurba'lc:ontDt

The flgUre-gl'O\Jnd ~ reveals the highly canmerdal nature or the..

built fonn wtlere maximum buln up lire!! has been crelIted wlthIn the
-Y:
• •.

•••• _ ••

heIMly bunt up sulTOUndings without lIrfy breathing space. The setback

on the roadside Is In no WilYdltferent from the setbal::b of the adjacent
buildings and Is of no notk:e!Ible consequence In the ul1;llln lXlllttlrl

except from the height of the ck:w:tlpment.

2) HionIrd'IIcotru<1UIfnDofc:ontDt
Into publlcandprtyate_

The rnIxecHJsc naturellnd Its hlemrctTy d. publIC"lU'lCIprtvMe zones h3Ve

been dearty e.::pressed III the l3ye1lng and expression of the fllClldes.
The grouping of ccmmercll,1 functions 11M been dearly demarcated
•••
from the residential functions through toUIlly dllfere"lt trmment of

••••••
"
The ~I and UMiiiie,da1 fullCtlorts Ilre oocessed through
different entries loaIted on dilferenl roads. The cal. ,leodill part Is duly
tlCCeSSed tllrough l!!rgf': I!Illry from the prirnmy roIld. tlo'll:.-er the
resldentilll entry has cetllln 11mblgll\tyIn Its approach llrw:lllCXeSSlblUty
to the rear resldenllal block. wtllch needs II joumey through the
• oonvnunlty 5PllCl!llt rt' floor to ra'ldl the IlIlIIn~I drcuIlIllon mre .
The i!rtlfldaDy Ut drculatlon c:orrldor In each l'loor, connected by the
vertlc2IllDI'!5ln eIlId1l:11od<.
8t ~ end, Is unaII11for1llble and imp:lSeS
serIoUs risk In CMe of any err.ege n,:)'sttuatlon. The front block has lin

•• _.
llltemllt1Ye mellflS of vertlclIl drcullllloo n the ronn of el llel gency mIl'
s1tulJted llt the other end of the corrkb, which Is llbsent In the rear

The form!ll segregation of alITIIilei dlI! IInd resiclerlllal functions has also
been physblly ac:hIeYed even In the case of paO<Jng for resIclent0!
functlollS; the parking of the resldenlllli function has been lifted abeJie
the com~1 ~ ea:e5=l through alr-lifts, from the ground 1!:Ne1.

112
 Thus the bottom three "'vers (two p~rking I~yers and one community

functions ~r) located ~bove the commercial floors denote the most

public p~rt of the residential functions. Although the spaces are quite

spacious and elaborate, they lack the variety and hierarchy in spatial

characteristics that such spaces soould h~ve.

2) seml-publjo~e:

The ~pproach corridor in each floor has multiple bends and is rather a

confusing space. It fails to foster anything more than its basic function

as a connecting space for phYSical circulation. For such a larg€ number

of units per fioor the space should have played a greater role for semi-

public interaction and could have contributed more to create a

congenial atmosphere between immediate nelghoours.

3) Priv~te_"":

The spatial organization of int:l!mallayout defies all the conventions of a

residence In terms of lOnlng and privacy in local context. The kitchen

and the living spaces have highest degree of exposure to and from the

private lOnes within the houses. Therefore the conventional idea of

male-female domain within the house has totally been denied. As a

result the plivacy within the house has become a m~jor problem to the

users.

, 5ervloespace'

The conventional idea of considering services as a back of the house

program has been totally ignored here. Instead it becomes one of the

highly exposed areas located besides the main circulation and is often

placed in the ac:ce5Sway towards the fonllallivlng. However services of

different apartments ~re organized together to reduce vertical ducting

and to increase service efficiency, which is quite appropriate to the

nature of high-rise development.

5) Thefund.mentalrOuteoftllebasicorQ.nlntion:

The fundamental routes vary considerably in tenllS of experience for

the two blocks of the twin tower. The appro~ch to the rear block has

certain ambiguity as a shift of movement in the drculation has to be

made at an intenllediate floor through the community space to have

•

, "
 access to the apartment floors. This creates Inconvenience for nearly

half of the u;ers. However the rest of the dwellers get a direct approach

towards the upper level apartment floors. For both the towers, the

residential floor circulation is ;erved by a linear corridor with multiple

berlds. This along with the lack of natural light and air in the circulation

passage makes the circulation qUite complicated and creates

disorientation for any new user in this complex. Even for the older users

this may pose serious risk in case of any emergency.

MEMBRANE ANAL Y5IS

1) M~mbraneasa prnportion.lsystem:

The membrane does not refer to any proportional system as such that

might have been an element of reference for the internal or external

organization of the volume. The elements of the membrane therefore

lacks any abstract geometric or mathematical relationship among the

rather they represent the functions directly in each of the layers of '","00 end /
oem",o"1I\' co"'''''''c"''
organization.

" Memb<anea. onindi<:at<lrof internal hierardly of_ program:

---~""
'I<:<>; '" t::uFto,

and ",,1denIe<
zcre

A vel)' distinctive characteristic of the commerdal and residential part

of the compiex is the difference between the membranes that raps the

two functions. The membrane in the lower commercial part of the

complex even has a separate telTTlination to enhance this segregation

strongly. Thus the major segregation and hierarchy In the program has

got some fOITTlof expression in the membrane.

3) Memb<anea•• n expressionor suppreooionof the structure<

There is no conscious effort to either express or suppress the structural

members In the membrane. In thefmntfacpde, the structural members

are placed a layer behind the extelior surface of projected masses

whereas in other facades the structural members are directly on the

exterior plane. The reason behind such deployment probably comes

from the intention of creating certain variations in the front facpde,

while keeping the other facades relatively flat. This, to a certain degree,

has been achieved. But in overall appearance the structure is rather

suppressed than expressed in the external membranes.

'"
"
 4) Membra••••as an '""Pression or suppression of the volum«rlc
ditrerentialionofthe Internolvolume:

The differentiation of internal volumes has not been reflected in the

expression of the membrane. Although the openings are gener<rted

basically from functional requirements the hierarchy of openings

between large public and private spaces are absent here. However, in

the commerdal partofthe development certain volumetric expression

of internal volumes can be obserted. The commercial part thus

contains large transparent openings representing the Inner multilevel

volumes and the commercial nature of the programme simultaneously.

STROCTURAL ANAL'/SIS

1} HieratchvofthestrucNreas. static element

Structurally, the two tower blocks of the twin tower complex are solved

differently. Among them the rear tower is developed with a central oore
/

and peripheral column structure, whereas the front one is basically

,
developed with column supported flat slab structure where the cnre Is ./
/ ur<ootOO "PJC1\Jral ana
rather a peripheral support to only on comer. Between thetwo systems A rnapmcg:;a 1ay0'11

the reor one offers greater flexibility in terms of organilation. However

;.,
In both cases the non-load bearing partition walls fall to follow the

structural orders and produces odd projections within the rooms.

2) Reloti<Nl
between the s_ and thomorp/lologicolsltuetu re

A highly complex layout of multiple apartments, organized along a more

cnmplex Circulation In each floor, Is in cnntradlction With a relatively

simpler structural layout. The shifts and twists in the Internal layout do

not conform to any gUidelines or grammar of organimtion and arbitrary

in nature; therefore the morphological structure of the programme fells

short to establish any relationship with the structural order.

liS
7.4 General aspects of high-rise residential built form in Dhaka city

In d&ussing the case studies into a summarized form the chronolQgy of development has also

been referred to understand the gradual process of transformation of the built form through out

its phases of development.

7.4.1 external hierarchy of plan and access

The Site - Forni relationship

Buildings define and delimit space to shelter human activities by demarcating a private domain

from the rest of the W(lrJd. In this respect, when the location of a building and its design are

ch05en then the quality of outdoor-environmental condlt1ons surrounding (e.g. overlooking a

nature reserve, ailgning a busy road, or close to a power station) the building should be

considered. However in the case of high-rise residential development in Dhaka City, the

environmental factors were not the key determinants for the choice of the locations, the decision

was rather dominated by the following three factors- a. Large underdeveloped Or undeveloped

land mass and relatively hfgh land value, b. Width of the adjacent road and availability ofuman

services (transportation and utilities) and c. Proximity ofthe land to the city center.

The Imarat Nirman Bidhimala (Building Construction Rules) have an indirect impact in enforang

the second factor, as it states the relationship between the width of the adjacent rwd and the

height of the building elaborately. Another site factor, which seems to affect the nature of the

development of high-rise residential built forms in Dhaka city, is its accessibility from a single road

or its scope of dual accessibility from two different roads (Fig. 7.2).

The developments by the major roads inevitably

~,,,",,,,.'" lead to a certain mixture of residential and

/ --"""'" commercial facilities (Eastern Housing at

Eskaton, Kulsum Tower, Concord Twin Tower,

Kamaphuli Garden city etc.); whereas the high-

Fig. 7.2 Site l«:ation II built fonn determinant for

 •..----.••.•
, "" ""-
• _. '•••...mouall"""""'.-.
fOg. 7.3 5itft.buiI1l'orm matlon _ 1991i

de'.ftlpment Is Its ~lty to utility services due to Its nature d t1fgtl-dens1tymnsumptlon d

such seTVla5ln ccmplIr1son tothe low-rise dev'eIopments. AsInthecasedbullt-up rallo bctween
the site llIld the built form, II tcndencf to bulk! up to the maxlmum 1I!lowab1elimit (or SOllll!tIJlIeS
e:ox:eedlogIt In the form d plojected blIlcon1es, b3y windows etc.) Is 0 pt1eIlOIT.eI
•••••••which
ocrurred aller the w11t'Klrl1wa1of the rules
I'6jJlIrdiogmandatory open &lIrea of If) part of
the sill! (fig. 7.3 I..:! 7.4). As I ~ high-rise
re5ldentilll built forms, In the liter ~ (with
Introductlon d Imam Nlrman Bldhlmllla 1996),
IIave becoiiie more comp,xt iI..:! dense otten
ClIuslng uncomrort/lble living conditlons; In
mntnlsl: IlIilIl'(of the first genCRItlon high-rise
buDtforms otr~ mudl better envlronmenllllond
_ $0 lIo'CK AAEA ~ THE sm;
()PDI TO !>I<YTOlRAe[S AT l.O't\CFl LNELA

TMhltnrcHcstr\JCtllflngof~1nto pubIk_ prtvaterone

The hierarchic: stroeturtng of the context Into bufft form IWlSresutted In three d[1T~
deteIoprnents- iI. hill'f reslcIenlllll deveIoIment (Prtyo PrlIngan. Century Towet; ElIstcm Tower
)
III Shlddhcshwart etc.), b. ph,d•••"lnantly re:slderrtlal~ wtth supporting COilUill!ic01
functlons (ElI5l:em Tower 01 Esbton, Klltsum Tower, Green Auslr.ll etc.) ilnd Co mb<ed-use
de.elopment (KafTlllPlluliGlIrden oty, Coll(l)fd lWIn Tower d:c.) when: both Wllittelwi II..:!
resldential deoelojAttel lISIre equally Im;i3rtlIrIl. This m1xed-use de'odopo Ill!lllis II rellltlYety1lI~
lIddillon Inthe urban scenario.

In the mid 90's, IfIO'elISCdcommen:lal pIl.'$UR: ilt kx:albrs besldt5 mlIjor rOlIds and

'"
 unsuccessful attempt of making apartments in the loW€r levels besides such roads gave way to a

new prototype of mixed-use high-rise apartment blocks where the 10W€rlevels (not more than

four stories) are often used for commercial use while the upper floors are kept exclusively for

residenMI use. This inevitably brought more compiexity in the overall program, because of the

two opposite nature of the components. The need for total segregation of parlting, security and

management are a f<!w of them. This need for segregation and the need for Identity of the two

different functions have resulted In a distinct fol1Tl1ll hierarchy In most of such mixed-use

dev€iopments. The trend of development shows that th~ typology of mixed-use development

has become more popular in recent years.

This ISthe period when the open spaces within the hlgh-rlses reduced largely owing to the profit

motivation ofthedevelopers. Theabolition of the law (in 1996) to keep one third of the plot area

vacant had given impetus to this attitude of profiteering more. The new rule allowed higher

coverage especially In larger plots thus causing greater density and formal compactness. The

later generation high-rises have larger site vs. built up area ratio and less open spaces. A general

criticism for the apartment project Is attributed to the proflt-oriented mari<et attitude of the

developers who are less concerned about the spatial and living environment of the apartments

and more concerned with the maximization of profit through increase in the built area. This

attitude leaves little room for keeping any open space other than specified by the building codes,

the scopeof which often improves the spatial and IiVlng qualities of the apartments.

The pr1ndple means or a<:<:e511

The basic organizational feature of a high-rise residential development can be d€5Cribed as
vertical stacking of houses along a cirrulation core. This expJains the need for effidency of such

organizations because of its high dependency on concentrated services and utilities. Unlike the

low-rise developments, the core in a high-rise thus becomes a much-emphasized part of the

program along with all the services and utilities that remained unhindered in the low-rise version.

The location of core, wtlkh virtually denotes the aa:ess as well as departure point from the

ground, needs to be ascertained carefully in terms of locating maximum number of units, car-

parks, structural stability, circulation and other services etc. to ensure the I.laximum efficiency.

The findings from case studies show that through the decades thls principle means of access has

gradually been burdened with Increasingly higher density and has taken geometrically more

central locations than the early versions of high-rises. However in most of the high-rises,

alternative means of vertical circulation are either absent or not located with adequate saf<!ty

measures.

'"
 .- •

7.4.2 Internal hierarchy of plan and access

I'\lbllcspace
The huge number of occupants in a high-rise apartment adds a different dimension not only in

terms of services (Ind technicalities, but also In terms of its social needs for interactive

environment. However the sodal need of hie",rchical spaces for different degree of social and

public inter<lction often finds itself in a state of di5agreement with the economic and technical

realities of such organizations. In arranging the schematic organization of a high-rise residential

development in our context, the planning of the socia-cultural facilities for the high-rise

community remainsas aneof the most crucial iss.uesIn the deasion making process.

However, for the location and organization of the socKrcultural facilities within a high nse

ap.:lrtment, the lmarnt Nirman Bklhimala, 1996 have certain guidelines stating thatatleast5% of

the total built up <lre<lh<ls to be developed for the purpose of community use (the roof of the
building can not be counted as a community are<!itfurther S<IYS).Although there W<lSno such rule

before 1996, many high-rise residential developments were developed with elaborate community

facilities (Eastern Housing, Priyo Prangan etc.) t<"fleting the upper income group of the society.

Field survey reveals that the location of the community facilities is of cruci<ll imporl:ilnce to the

OI'erall organiZ<l1:ionas this decision has substantive influence In the m<lking of the form of high-

rise apartments (ftg. 7.5). The two most preferred 10000tionsfor such developments are the 1"

floor level (Prlyo Prangan, Vadurl Tower, E<lstern HOUSing,6<lily Heights etc.) and the roof level

(Green Austral, Ku~um Tower etc.). However attempts of locating these functions at under-

ground level or some Intennediate level oltlerthan 1" floor proved less successful (centuryTower,

Rg.7.5

11 Y
 High-rise residential development In the iast decade shows a distinctive shift in its organizational

aspects from the mid 1990's largely because of the changing market attitude of the developers.

Basically the development so far refers to two trends a. the early period of experimentation,

when professionals dominated the developers, and b. the era of profit motivation, when the

developers dominated the professionals. The later era is marked by Increase in built-up area

within the site and reduction of open to sky community spaces especially when located at the
lower layers of the 0l9anization.

5em1-publlc.p",,"

The semi-public spheres of community interaction in these vertically stacked organlZ<ltlons are

supposed to be the iilt lobbies In each floor where first degree of social contac15 takes place.

Except a few exceptions (e.g. Karnaphuli Garden Oty) this is the most neglected part of the

complex in many high-rise apartments. The worst possible scenario, in such spaces happens

when it becomes devoid of natural lighting and ventilation (e.g. ConoordTwin Tower). However In

many cases attempts to personalize these spaces by the dwellers in each floor is clearly evident.

Most of the time, it happens just outside the door front where potteries, wall hung features, pot-

planrers etc. are placed to denote the Identity and tasteof individual owners.

Private "pace

In individual apartments, the privatespaces (bed rooms) mainly located in the innermost layer of

the house enjoys visual privacy from the public or semi-public zones. In most cases the

organization of such spaces are made around a central semi-private space (dining/family living).
This organization of private spaces wrthin the house, if compared with the previous developments

of th<' 1980's government colonIes, varies greatly from the oomdor type SOlutions. Apart from

maintaining the traditional idea of zoning these organizations have defined a new center for an

urban house, creating more flexible spaces at the central location ofthe house (Fig. 7.5).

However some oontemporarydevelopment (e.g. Concord Twin Tower) compromises this criterion

of privacy In a trade off with natural lighting to formal living. But this apparent c.ontrooiction has

resulted in a resistance from the users' end and many 01 the apartments have gone for a total
renovation In Intemallayout.

5ervicespaD!!

In high-rise apartments the relation between the served and service is multi-layered for there are
certain services at community level and some at individual apartment level. For community

services oommon practices show the induslon of a prayer room, children's play area, a large

I~O
community hall and an association office in most of the high-rise apartments. The necessity of

certain services e.g. electrical substation, emergency power supply facilities, pump house etc.

adds more complexity to the program. This technicality of development is often equated with a

vision of a machine-like system that dominates the macro organizational aspects of a high-rise

apartment complex. This addition of elecbical sub-station, stand-by generator facilities, under

ground water tank, pump house, guard rooms, management office, storage facilities, intercom.

pubHc address systEms, parking, driver's accommodation and services, provision for C<lble

connections- has made a new system of management necessary. Therefore an office and a

manager are common to each of these high-rise societies under whom a good number of

employees (security, cleaners, maintenance staff etc.) are engaged to do routine works.

In the micro level, however, the clutch of this te<:hnicallty Is more relaxed in organizing the

indiVidual units where the socia-cultural realm dominates over the technological aspects of the

development. The high-rise residential developments in our context is characterized by a very

unusual phenomenon that all of them, unlike their low-rise counterpart, are products of the

trained professionals e.g. architects, engineers and many others. This trait of development has

resulted in organizations that are characteristically more defined than their low-rise

predecessors, especially in the solutions of the housing units. Unlike the corridor based spatial

organizatIon of the 1980'5, the spaces now, has a distinctive center, which plays a pivotal role for

the organization of the house.

Howeverln individual units, the kitchen in an urban house is at the verge oftransfarmation. The

tradrtional way of considering kitchen within the dirty zone changing fast, pushing certain kitchen

functions at the kitchen verandah and thus keeping it dean (ref. Case studies). The service zone
here is reorganized with almost compulsory indusion of servant's room and toilet in each

apartment but locating them behind the kitchen verandah (psychological back ofthe house).

7.4.3 Cultural content in the spatial organization

The notion ofprivacy

The contemporary developments, both low-rise and high-rise apartments, have transformed

considerably from the early 1980's multi-stoned Governmentwaik-up models, especially in terms

of greater degree ofopenness betWeen private and public zone. This shfft of notion of privacy is

largely attributed to the empowerment of women in contemporary sodety where they are more

actively participating in matters related to the family and the outside world. Howeverthisgreater

transparency between the two zones still recognizes the ne<:essity of visual and spatial

IJI
separation, which is evident in the use of movable curtains and partitions between these two
zones and through the provis1on for sepamte entry for each zone. This libemllzatlon of domains
has resulted in a new role for the dining space, which has emerged as the cefltral unifying space
within the organization connecting all the three components of private, public and service zones
together. This new role of the dining has subordinated and in many cases outdated the previous
corridor based solutions resulting in more defined and less flexible spaces in the inner family
zone, whereas creating more flexibility and open plans in the central areas often along with the
liVIng (both formal and family) spaces.

Only very recently, a few exceptions can be observed (e.g. Concord Twin Tower) where this
traditional notion of privacy has been ignored. The reason probably lies in the planning process
where the understanding of the cultural norms was little known In the foreign architects of the
project. Since most of these projects are in construction phase now, the social responses In these
experiments are yetto be measured.

11>ev~1lie stnrcture
For al1the apartment dwellers It'Sa new social order. It Is a community within a community. The
factor of social bondage and societal obligation is of high Importance. A new platform (as well as
regulatory body) of dialogue has been generated through establishment of the co-opemtive
society In all the high-rise apartments. Functioning of this body, not only as a legal institution but
also as a social institution, is the key to the success of these communities. If itfails (as it did in
Walsaw Inwer, Conwrd Condominium etc) encroachment of activities other than residential will
occur. But if it succeeds, a harmonious environment between neighbours can be achie\led (as
happened in the case of Kulsum Tower, Green Austral etc.). In such cases, the society acts
Interactively and organizes progmms tocreate cultuml and social bondages stronger.

case studies show that the common premises for social interaction has varied deg~ of use and
partldpatlon from the apartment users. The degree of Internction, in this context, varies with age
groups; the most actiV€ participants are the children (under teen ages) who regularly use the
community areas for the purpose of playing. The adults are more reluctant In taking part In the
daily interactions. Another type of interaction Is done through the regular or weekly use of the
prayer space, which is usually located with the community facilities. However a certain level of
intemction does OCC1Jr
through social functions (e.g. birth day, marriage anniversary, gaye holud
etc.) at different time interval and through co-operatives organized functions th~ or four times
annually. The facility of the community areas seems to be working properly in the context of a
much'needed social demand for sud1 spaces. However, the iocation of such spaces plays an

12J
 New organi.ation with
a eentr;J1 focus ----,
<>gmt",'"," .
COmro based
B?il'
,-...--"._. \ <.=1= (

(;
ct \ole )(1, 0,"" eo"" 19~(I, _
iTiiV """'---' """'"
' ..-.

l,
-"""""'"'''''''

Fig. J.b Transfonnation of spatial organization in ~arlv 61_mporary urll.an hou_

im porta nt role in Increasing or decreasing its efficiency (ref. Chapter 06).

A5 in the individual units, the value 5tructure 5effi15 to have transformed to accommodate the

change5 of the fa5t urban life styie characterized by more public role for woman, growing

dependency on electro-mechanical appliances, changed forms of leisurely activities and

interactions (ref. Chapter 06). Unlike the early extrovertorganizations, some Internal spaces (e.g.

bed rooms, services ell:.) ha5 attained specific purposes and meaning, whereas 50me ha5

attained more flexible and generalized use. This particular a5pect of organization ha5 brought
 signiflC<lnt change (Fig 7.7) in the organizational mooel (referred in chapter 04) of urban house.

The changed model now is more specific at the private zones sometimes having a separate center

(family living) for family activity, whereas dining has bealme a unifying force to the overall

composition increasing its flexibility to serve sometime as private (with use of curtain, screen etc.)

and sometime as public space (in formal household occasions living & dining become one place).

The issueofid'entity

The issue of indiVidual id€ntity in a mass housing has long been a subject of study. The vertical

stacking of residenttai units make the scope of dealing wrth this issue more complex. But in many

apartments, a conscious effort of the users to establish identrties is evident through

personaiization of semi-pubiic spaces. This personalization does not take any fonnal shape in the

exterior fac<ldes of such developments. However, the exterior verandahs, when located street-

faced do sometime have some connotations (e.g. using creepers, rolotfullights at night etc.) that

are linked to establishment of identity ofthe apartment unit.

7.4.3 Climaticresponse

Due to its sheer volume and high density, the climatic consideration in a high-rise apartment

project Is a crucial one. This is also a question of organization. certain "definite responses have

been evolved from such criteria. The best possible organization from dimatic point of view is

detached flats having maximum exposure to ali four sides for all the apartments. A more compact

approach of doubie unit single core arrangement With exposure to the preV(liling wind direction

and suffICient setback does also provide satisfactory climatic perfonnances. However more

compact approaches (3, 4 or more attached flats with single/multiple core) often show severe
problems of lighting and ventilation at the central areas of the blocks. In some developments,

single or multlple light-wells are Introduced to Improve the situation, however it fails to create any
considerable impact, especially in the middle and lower levels of the tower.

The early phase of high-rise development shows a greater Intensity of experimentation resulting

in a V(lrlety of expressions in tenns of density a,ld climatic comfort {ref. case studies}. SOme early

developers have generated a basic prototype with multiple blocks of semi..:letached units over a

single platfonn {of oommunity services} just above the parking level. From the very beginning !iii

now Eastern Housing is sticking to this prototype in larger plots, which despite of its other

shortcomings has been proved ciimaticaliy efficient. However the differences of the eariy

approaches (ref. Chapter 06) tili mid 1990's have produced some interesting variety in high-rise

residential built fonns where greater setbacks and attempts to create out door spaces within the

114
 site are discernible.

In larger plot areas, multiple block type seems to be a popular solution, because of fts increase in
the external surface area for each of the apartments. Where such solutions were ignored (e.g.
Twin tower), suffocation and darkness is common in the central areas of the organization, whidl
ultimately results in high dependency on artificial lighting & ventilation. For smaller plots (often
single tower projects), the location of the larger un[t in each floor Is often decided by the dimatic
forces such as prevailing wind direction and sun-path, where an attempt Is made for redudng the
exposure on the west while increasing the exposureon the south.

7.4.4 Membraneanalysis

Membrane8. 8 propDrti""al system

In general, the trend of development shows very little concern on the designers' part to use any
abstract geometric orders as a proportional system for the membrane. In most cases,
membranes are by-products of simple vertical projections ofplanarorganizations and therefore
do not conform to any external references. Only a few of the developments e.g. Century Tower
reveals certain attempts to deJive the membrane from a geometric order. This proportional
system conforITl5 to the structural grid of the organization and creates a hannonlc relationship
among the elements of the membrane.

Membra"" M lin Ind1<:a1JJr

of the Internal hierarchy or the program
The expression of complexity of program and the Internal hierarchy in the membrane is barely an
identifiable phenomenon in the apartment complexes of Dhaka City. Though, In mixed-use type
developmenl5 some conscious effort can be discerned to use membranes as Indicator of internal
hierarchy of the program. However, the inner diversity (parking, services, community function::,
apartment units) and hierarchy of such programs has little been exploite:l in generating the
external membranes of many such complexes.

Membra•••.as8n expl'<lSSiDn
or suppressionof thestructure
The conscious effortto express or suppress the structural members within the membrane is often
absent in most of the developments. However, certain early examples e.g. Century Tower shows
the intention of the designer to generate the membrane from the expression of the structural
system. The later developments however do not attempt to address the Issue of structural
expression or suppression anyway.

125
Membrwneasan
expresslonorsuppresslonofthe
••••
lu_trlcdi~ofthe Intemal•••••
ume

A basic component of the visual language of architectural form is its relationship between solicl5
and voids. For the high-rise residential developments under study, this relationship Involves both
non-local and local aspects. The non-local aspects refer to the decision of masses, where the
choice of single or multiple blocks creates the Iarge-scale voids between masses. Whereas the
Ioall decisions come from the specific Ioaltion and relationship of openings In the external
membrane wrth reference to the solids of the form. However, this partIcUlar formal aspectof high-
rise residential forms has a direct relationship with the choice of geometry (fig. 7.10). The choice
of abstract geometry has definitely offered betl:er solid-void relationship in the early generation
forms (ref. case studles- Century Tower, Prlyo Pl<lngan, Kamaphuli Garden City), whereas In the
larerforms the Ioall aspects of solid-void relationship Is more dominant.

scare_proportion

High-risedevelopment, owing to Its sheer volume, creates a huge impact within Its surrounding
and the city as well. Therefore the issue of scale and proportion for a high-rise residential built
form becomes more Important than its low-rise counterparts. In our context, several responses to
the dty and the street can be seen in different approaches for the high-rise resjdentlal
developments (fig. 7.9). But the relationship to the surrounding environment other than road
seems to be ignored In most cases. However, certain attempts (in Priyo Prangan, Eastern Tower)
of creating setbacks and introdudng greeneries seem to create a better environment between
the buildings (ref. case studies).

Response to City

---
Response to City
grao •• lly f<ICMOOO m ••• __
"""'OIly ."',,",,"
""'''' & ""'_ ••••• "'peel",
""P=o<>n." .-"'"
lor,_ ''''''M'''"''''''
•• ,.o1Ion In '""""'"

""eru,.rII<lJUl"""
___ reo' '"
0 _",," <no""
'
Response to the street
""""".
~ •.•••
",n~_-...try-- .,,~~=_ _ "'" rna<I &

.,.""'*'
.Od, g"nde!JmoM '"
<Ill"""'" ot 110.,hopplng..,O)'

flg.7.9 Response
ofbullt_to thedtya.thft_

116
Such responses to tl1e city alld street, In most of tl1e later generation high-rise apartments, are

either absent or not properly addressed (ref- case studies), where often the entries remain less

defined and needs additiVe features to highlight it.defined and needs additive features to

highlight it. On the other hand, apart from the required setback specified by tl1e rules, the

decision of height Is purely economical. Therefore, the post 1996 period shows little setback from

the road other than tl1e prescribed one. Even violation of the rules ocrurs frequently in projecting

the balconies witl1in the non-build able set back area causing poor scale and proportion in terms

of human experience. The early rule for maximum two third of tl1e site area to be built and tl1e

inclination of ear!y organizations to more geometric purity was helpful in achieving good

proportions In the eariler form. However W1tl1increased allowance for bulldabie area, the form

tends to follow the geometry of the site rather than otl1er more abstract geometrical shapes now

(Ag.7.10).

F19.7.10 Transition or form horn ~bstract9<"l""try to site geometry

7.4.6. structural analysis

Iilerardly ortlH! rtructuJll as ~static element

The issue of 5tructure for a high-rise apartment has gone through major phases of

tnmsformation. The location of core In many early high-rise residential developments was on the

periphery. The solution witl1 these peripheral cores Initiated two possible organlzations- double

unit attached apartments (e.g. Priyo Prangan) or corridor linked multiple unit apartments (e.g.
 Walsow tower). With higher density the core gradually shifted to ltle central locations generating

organizations of boltl semi-detached and attached multiple (usually three or four) apartments

(e.g. Eastern housing, Kulsum Tower, Green Australetc). Such central location of the core usually

gives better stability to ltle structure than the peripheral ones in encountering lateral (wind load,

earth quake) loads, The high-rise residential developments In Dhaka City are mainly single core

dependent. Multip1e cores in a single block are seen in thed€veiopments till mid 90'5. Spirt-core

solutions h<lVenot been found.

L"._l
, I
I The early high-rise apartments are

j
- -----0 .~ predominantly RCC frame (beam-{;olumn)

I structured. Recently RCC column supported flat

I ... I slab struturesare getting more popularity. This

I trend generated through the increase of

, o
•• commen::ial use of certain high-rise floors, which

need better flexibility in layouts than the

1i
residential ones (ref. Case study- Karnaphuli

Garden City, ConcordTwinToweretc). The need

, O__ for speedier construction and faster return of
o

fo, ••• "."

" •• ",.,"
,
: foe }",1,"
! roo. "0'"
.1
l 11'1 Investment are also thought to be the reasons
behind this change of system of construction
turning it to a flat-plate construction. Again,
n" •••
when developer becomes contractor, the
Rg. 7.8 Relation between structu""
part<;ng~nd resldentlal spaces increased cost due to flat slabs can substantially

be reduced through reuS!! of scaffoldings in multipie projects. However in some cases, the trend
of RCCframe structure 15still preferred as a comparatively less expensive option.

The basic organizational needs of high-rise residential development to ao::ommodate residential

spaces above and parkfng underneath, inside the same structure, seems to h<lVe generated

conflicts in many organizations (ref. case studies). The over emphasis on any of the factor seems

to create ~roblem for the other. However; in this aspect the soiutions attained In many eastern
housing projects offer a balance between thetwo (fig 7.8).

For mixed-use developments the core of the high-rise remains part of the residential facilities,

whereas the commercial part (low-rise) takes alternative means of stairs and escalators to

oonnect in-between floors, In such casescoresare accessed from usually the secondary roads.

The basic facilities within the core of the residential apartment buildings consists of lifts, lift lobby

128
and stair; sometimes additional services e.g. garbage chute. fire-escape stair, fire fighting
equipments are included in the core facilities.

The sub-soil condition and need for piling is a major factor in deciding the height of the building.
Since piling involves greater costs. in such cases, the height is stretched tothe maximum ilmitto
reduce the per square feet costofthe project.

Relation between the static and the rnorphol Ogical structure

In most cases, the static structure does not have any relevance to the morphological structure of
residential units. The total independence of these two basic orders often resutts in a conflict
creating problems in internal spatial organizalJon of the house forms. However in some cases
(e.g. Kuisum Tower) this conflict has been resolved to produce a harmonious intemallayout
successfully.

7.4 The morphology and classification

Any attempt of c1assificalJonneeds a basis that detennines the veJYessence of that organization
and its hierarchy. In this study a broad categorization was done before selecting the case studies.
The basis of this categorization was both fonnal (single, multipie block etc.) and functional (use-
residentiail commercial). However after detail studies of the plan and organization of the high-
rise residential developments a more fonnal classification seems to be better expressive of the
very nature of such organizations.

Formally, the case studies show great varieties and diversities in the expression of the forms. But
the investlgation on specific Issues reveais cettain basic organizing principles of these forms,
which can bedrawn into a common basis. The following classification refers to the basic principles
of organization of this forms-

H;9h.~. R•• ;o."'lal O' ••• o•••••n'

__________ '"_OO_._'_'_rtvJd••• ~c.'''''of ••• ",,",Horml
••""I. ~••••••• _

..
.- )V
- '-
",.
-,-~---,
...,.•.. ..
•....
V,
"'
"."
'-
'lIk'
(--' '-.)
'~.",-
....
'-
.,--~~--
,,,",,
•••
_
..- . .•..

_.-
--
""~_.
\ ..1 <.-)
--'-
--,~
.•...
,-
In the abolJ<! dassification,
---
the built forms investigated as case-studies of high-rise residential

developments in Dhaka city have also been categorized according to their morphology alld

organizations.

'.4 Discussion

Having descnbed the new background, W€ have posited a context from which the new 'high-rise

dwelling' acquires a new meaning. The special characteristic of tlle new form is that it is a product

of a collision between an ecstatic technology and certain bedrock axioms regarding 'house'.

Invariably the colliskm leads to a wide range of housing solutions. Sometimes the technology

overpowers the social aspects of housing paying little attention to the Individual or social need of

the users. Sometimes the social factors dominated the built form to create an environment

keeping the technicality at bay. Thus the built form refers to a rich variety offorrnal expressions

ranging from detached multiple block solutions to the single block solutions.

The study Identifies that the units have transfonned with the changing social realities; however

the basic change came in the relationship between the house and the community. With the

change in the urban scenario, the traditional way of communicatJon between the neighbors is no

longer valid. The early bondage within a mohollal para has lost its CQntrol over inhabitants. High-

rises, in such a context, have become symbols of urban living, with new tools and platfonns of

interaction, suggesting a scope to built it again within th€mselves.

In the social realm, the facility ofcommunlty Interaction and the volume of the oommunity seem

to be two important ISSUesin detennlnlng the in!eractiveness within the CQmmunity. As for the

faalitles, the choice of its location and its exposure to nature seems to play an Important role in

the degree of participation. A community space that is exposed to nature and has direct visual
CQntrol from the apartment blocks faCilitates the sodallnteraction better than other forms. Thus

the most suitable location for such activitJes seems to be a location nearer to the ground.

However, the next preferred location Is the rooftop that avails the openness parameter. However

use of such spaces becomes self-restrictive In certain tJme zones (e.g. <lfter dusk) and the

uncomfortability related to height reduces its potentJality of use. The least response to such

places has been found in the spaces with enclosed OOndition.

For a contemporary urban living, the choice between low-r~, mid-rise and high-lise residentJal

built fonn exposes important aspects on the oomparative quality and standard of living of the

above types. The mid-lise resldentJal development often lacks the basic community facilities

130
although it contains a considerably high density of population. In low-rises, however, the cost of
community services becomesofl:en unaffordable for the limited numberofits dwellers. High-nse
residential development on the other hand offers the rnotce of availing ~ environment of a
community In comparison to other parallel developments.

131
 Ch••pter 08

CONCLUSION
 Chapter 08

CONCLUSION

Dhaka has a long tradition and variety of urban dwellings. High-rise residential development,
being most recent addition to this scenario, has thrived in the urban context of Dhaka City for
more than a decade as a popular altematfve for the urbanites in parallel to other built forms.
This high-density housing solution In its verticality and in contrast to most low-rise
alternatives has long been an issue of debate. However this relatively new form in our
context has remained unexplained so far and needs to be understood inn terms of the
context that produces it.

The focus of the study was to discem the evolutionary process of the high-rise residential
development in Dhaka city. In the course of study different aspects of this evolutionary
process has been tracked down and a chronologiciJf continuity, which is essential to any
evolutionary process, has been established to identify the formal evoiution of the high-rise
residential built form. The study shows that the high-rise residential development in Dhaka
City is very much an outcome of the need of our context and time; further analysis of the
built form reveals that the very organlzabonal aspects of the built form has evofvedfrom the
preceding urban residential fonTISof Dhaka City and is very much rooted to our context.
Finally the findings of the study lead to the definition and dasslficatlon of the form of high-
rise residential development in our context.

At this point of study, the specific enquiries raised at the beginning of this investigation can
be recalled and can be addressed in the perspective of the findings of this study-

a. What Is a High-rise?
For our context, high.rise is defined as a building having ten or more storeys. (Reference,
chapler

""
b. What are the forces that encour.lged the emergence of high-rise residential
development in Dhaka City?
The forces that propagated the development of high-rise dwellings in Dhaka City are
multivalent in nature; they include unprecedented increase In urban population, Inadequate

132
supply of urban serviced land and dwelling, potential large freehold properties within the city,

increase in affordability and number of higher-middle class and emergence of real estate

developers in the urban scene. (Reference:chapl.r 06)

c. What was the process through which this particular development emerged?

The process of emergence of this particular development was gradual and continuous. The

early development of the real-estate developers in Dhaka aty had its root in the public sector

models of housings, which gradually resulted in the development of high-rise residential

deve!opment. (Relere""", """pter 07)

d. What is the nature and organization of high-rise residential built-form in

Dhaka City?

The high-rise residential built forms in Dhaka City has a distinct pattern that was properly

identffied through this study and classified to develop a better understandi~ of the form in

our context. (Ref••.•nre: chapt••. 07)

e. What is the relationship between this development and the other forms of

urban dwellings In Dhaka CIty?

A5 for the relationship between the high-rise residential dwelling and Its antecedents, it Is

evident that the development is a gradual outcome of an evolutionary process and the formal

outcome has its roots In the early generation of urban dwellings of Dhaka City. (Refermce:
chapter06)

Though the process of evolution and the formal aspect of the new form have been discerned,

still certain conception of this form should be discussed here to create a better understanding

in a broader perspective and also to ascertain some recommendations for similar future

developments.

The high-rise residenl:Jal development Is not a mere agglomeration of higher number of flats

as in low-rises (which can be linked more to the idea of baSil/ ban); rather it's a

neighborhood (para) as a whole. Understanding of this very fact is essential to properly

comprehend the inner dynamics [>f such forms. Any approach that falls short to address this

issue is bound to cause instability in the different facets of life of the dwellers of these forms.

The approach, therefore, should be that of a community or neighborhoOO planning where the

sodo-spatial needs and hierarchy determines the forms of the settlement in correspondence

to the socially determined norms and values.

133
Again it's a community in Its verticality; therefore, the Issue of height can never be stepped

aside as it may have serious environmental and psychological consequences. In such context,

an elaborate sodo-o.rltural and environmental impact study (which falls out of the scope of

this study) on the users of this built form can only reveals the exact situation. How€v€r, this

study reveais, that high-rise built forms enjoying contact with nature (open to sky, greeneries

etc.) and scope of publi<::interaction nearer to the ground off€rs bett€r participation from th€

community than the other prototypes.

Th€ making of high-ris€ In an uroon fabric must also be considered as an urban inteNerlDon.

It is a community within a community. Therefore the choice of making a high-rise residential

built form must be reviewed and assessed to verify its compatibility within the existing built

form and social structure. The rJature of development shouid be abie to comply and

complement to the need of its immediate context as well.

The growing human avalanche tends to cover a large volume of arable iand of the small

country like ours. In this current trend of urbanizatfon the nature as well as the city is in peril.

If we intend to conserve agriculture lands, our cities must have clear & defined boundaries.

High-rise buildings allow us to achieve density when & wherever it is necessary. By mixing

tall, medium-high & low buildings, a new & truly urban housing scenario can come Into
reality. High-rise building as an integral part of town planning provides the much-needed

opportunity for the large-scale creation of open space keeping the collective cost down. High-

rise buildings must be put to use as a normal, high-valued and integrated element in urban
development Owing to the concentration of high-rise building within a city, rood & access

construction as well as other service installations can be ma~ considerably cheaper in

comparison to that of a larg€ sprawling dty. Up to now, the high-rise residential buildings

have been deplorably ill related t:n our context; the fault lies largely with authorities who allow

this t:n happen. It IS up to the authorities to guide high-rise buildings in proper spirit, and lead

it onto the right lines.

In this context the following recommendations can be made In the light of this study for

future developments of high-rise re-;id€ntial forms in our context-

a. High-rise residential development should always be considered as a community

development project

b. High-rise developments must be part of a greater urban plan and should only be

permitted when they are set as a component within a group of buildings (not an

isolated one),

134
 c. I~dividual high-rise buiidi~gs should be permitted o~ly whe~ their isolated
appeara~ce is justified by the demands of the llrba~ plan,
d. High-rise buildi~gs should o~ly be permitted when they don't disturb the dty or
landscape or their immediate surrounding, remains compatible to the land-use
plan and to surrounding environments and ca~ meet specific local demands for
high-density concentration.

As a new form of urban dwelling high-rise residential development has its potentials,
especially in our time and context, since it offers the choice of making a community and not a
mere building in vital locations of the city. However the constraint5 in making rt successful are
real and sometimes counter productive. Therefore the decision of high-rise resldentlal built
form should always come from the greater backdrop of sodal, cuitural, economic needs of
the society and not from mere fact of profitability. Oniy a high degree of social commitment
and supporting guidelines with appropriate mfra-structural support can make it a viable
choice for the urban housing context of Dhaka City.

,,

135
!" , I ••• .•. '.. •..

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 Glossary
•

•
 Glossary

SOme loc::altennlnologles:

Bari Local termInology for home

8igha lOCiJI unit of measuring large land referring to an Indigenous system of rand
measurement, where 20 kathas make 1bfgha (14400 sft)-

Gaye HoIud A program containing cu!turar rituals refated to a marriage ceremony.

used in dual meaning to denote a room wilhin a house or sometimes to

denote a house itself.

lmamt
Nirman
Bidhlmala &Jifding Construction Rules

local uml of measuring medium size land referring to an indigenous system

of land measurement, where 1katha equals to 720 sft

Ku_ The term mainly refers to structures and building materials, which are purely
temporary in nature (structures made of bamboo, thatch, mud, timber etc.)

Moho/la A territorial Identity of a focal neighbourhood especially within a tr<Jdit;Jona!

ultJan fabric.

first day of Bengali New Year.

Ihhan local termInology fr;r court usualty SUnQlJnded by detached built fonns in all
fiwr sides.

"fa lOCiJI terminology fr;r raised land Oller f!ood plane with homesta3d

The tenn 'Pucca' (permanent) as mentioned in OUrBuilding ConstTuetJon

COde does not halle any definition as such. However it Is generalty accepted
that any constroction, which is permanent in nature (usually 8rick/ R.C.C
stnJctures with R.CC. roof) can be termed as 'Pucca: The term 'Semi-pucca'
!!SIR/lty refers to structures having w,;!!s of the 'Pucca' construction but a
rooting of semi-permanent nature (usually Corrugated Iron Sheet)

"
 SOme related institutions and their abbreviations:

PWD Public Works Department

RajUK Rajdhanf Unnoyon Kampokk!lo(Capital Development Authority)
OCC Dhaka City Corporation
UDO Urban Development Directorate
HBFC House Building FinanceCorporation
HBRI Housingand Building Rese<lrchInstitute
DESA Dhaka Electric Supply Authority
WASA Water Supply Authority
ass Bureau of Statistical Survey

Various terminology related to Dhaka city and its development plans

OM' Dhaka Metropol~anArea

DSMA Dhaka Statistical Metropolitan Area
DMDP Dhaka Metropolitan Development Plan
OSP Dhaka Structural Plan

••
 Appendix

,, •
 APPENDIX I. ANALYSIS OF EXISTING BUILDING CONSTRUCTION CODES AND
BY-LAWS

Building Codes arid b'y-Iaws are 5lJppo:<;ed10 be a maj ••. detemllnanl facto, or built forms f<M"any sodety. HoWl!ll<!r,
m our oonlext, ~ <an best be termed as a modifyl"g factor In most or our urban .reas_ The bu,t Iorms In the older
part 01 Dhaka Lfty ha. little reI"""n"" to the BulldlllQ Cod"" where following most of tI1e Lod", 1>e<om", a teehnlcaJ
Impos;itliloty for the century old organically developed urban fabne. The new oty. which •• rela~",,'y a 1.1..-
developmen~ ho. a m<xed response to ,"ch Lode<; the formal paltS are more or less developed Ioltowlng the
;poofied gUldelllleS. bul in tho informal part majority 01 tI1e structlJre< do not conform 10 the Lodes_ R>" the iXlrpo<O
of thf< <ludy. ce<tal" .pedfie aspects of the c.odes will"" dl5CU5Sedm relabon to -
•. Widing height
b. Iaoduse

The ",'ated laws, wtlich are coocomed With the height 01 the bUildl"g in 1""""t NImliJf1 BllihiTniJ/il. 1996 're'

Quaillication of!htl designee

, -<1:f;IO.-""""'-' ~
~ "'I,
"'M'", F!...- ,,.. ""'It" "'"'" 'WIt tG$ ~ ~,.. -..- "'"'" """,,"qlO 'IN "'1'0 *
, ,
"""'I -. ""If ,,,~,~,,""I._
-
--.-~, --.- "'l!<'>'i"ili\ ~ "i'@j.
li<::lt'It ~ _ ~ "'"

~ or ~ _ f'Pi ~ -. l'" "('JR

--~
_ I';l"Ii ""'lI'II ~ ...."

_~~~"liil:Pt''''''J!''!'~

~-
a. For tI1. residentlal cat"9IJIY of bUildings lIP 10 four-<loned height the Q•••• I,fica\iQn 01 the d"",gner WIn
"" gr<l(1IJa~arr1JIlect/ griJdllaro dviJ ~rj <JipIomaiJfChIroct!c1iplomaoW engirer or =tJfied

For the "",_, tale<l"'Y of bultdlng; of five or more <lOIied helghl and fol" other category bultdlngs
of any height tI1e qualmcabon of the de<lgner will be gJQdUate arr:hIled.

Observation: Impact of ltllS low in Dha"" my In the past 199 "'" i< dearly dlscernable in the formal private
sector developments, where the gr-adua!e archlleCtS designed most of!he hlgh.l1se •••• den~al
devel~.

Though the trend of multi-<tori"" and high-rise d"""klpmonls I" DIlaI:iI dty are decad •• -oId .1Id
graduate a'ehl\ect$ are working a< professional. here <!nee 1950's, !he lack of sped~c guldel •••••
00 tho qUilllftca~oo of !he de9gn." in !he bUilding Lode creatEd !he opportunity 10, bolh !he
professional< and non-professional< to Wid eqUillly. ThtJS a large numbel" or 5lJpporting

, proIe<slonal< Sl/dl ""'0",1 engineers, diploma archilect< and engl~,

contracto" ete. had tI1e !rand'jse to act in the role 01 de<l9ners with Irttle or""
spedtIc ta<k of deslgnl"g al all. G",du"le An:hitects .s the only qualified prof_onal<
~aftsmen. building
tr<llning on !he
In !he

XI1l
 1OsI<of designiog has IOlIen • long ~me 10 be recognl,ed formally throogh tile bulldiflg <Od~. The
resultant "man ;cenano th",ugh sud1 a process IS an agglomeration of confusing and oflen
un<yrnpatheti< t>J1~forms 10 tIlel, surrotJoolngs. TIle duailly of lnadequocy of prof ••••• "n.l •• nd
tlleir rugh...:tlo"lCentrabooin some of the dties. mi9ht hav. been a ba<:kgmond ""t«e; """,""",r for
Dh."" city. the "mple fact of many private residen~a1ln<tja~1Ie5 controlling tI1em9i!IIles within
lI1e fou,-'SInned Ilmtt i<e<psthe scope open for lI1e supporting professionals to vandalize more to
these en'llrorrnents. AnV development plan of the capital cily needs dlrF"rent control medlanlsm
dlSlJngulsl1ing It from the OlmparotNelv Iow-.growth urban centers of the dly. WiIl1 increased
.w.",n ••• aoo necessfty. the need for qualified professionals seems to be .n unavoidable dloice
for the poliey makers In re<ent _rs OSretIected "' lI1e bu~d1ng codes; 00_ any 51gnlficant
change In the uman rabl1c due to lI1is by-law win rellulre moch greater inWll\Iement of
pmfffi<Oonals in poliCY and planning ",Iated ~

0..•••••
10. Land use regulatlOflS for dtlferent category or bulldlngs

1-'1

" ""'" "'* ~ f.olt«"".,.

'Ili:>~~WI
~ ~ WlIt"'l,l\ """ 'II~ .'ll.n;l
••••,•••~ 'fl'""'-
'-I ~ ~ --. ~ _ 'MT~"!!It'! "",,",,,""Ol'lI~ ~ ,. "I'tIIf.ilI"M~. """". ~
lOlI!IIiII,~ 'IJ"!ll'lr 'II'l!Ilo ('lI'OFI(!:!II'II'!I), ~ t;PIIll tIIIfI. ~'Im l>'m, ~ •••._ "I!'lI1ft iJt<;,
'1!"'1
~ """'" ~ ~~ JfR.
.~.f.olt«~_~ 'I1'I'Iit 1'\ -..@ ~ ~ 'WliI ••••.• ~ R*r "flI ~
~•• _~_., '!l."1 ""FI ~

_1m- ~ ~ ""'" ~ ~ ~ "'""'" ~ -.,

a. AlllypeS of building construction must mnform to l;I1eI.n<!-u>e plan p""""bed •• l;I1eGovernment

approved moster plan for the concerned town. oly or metropolis.
b. Fo< I"","","", prescribed as ,.,.den~al and assocI.ted use. buildings ""n be raised fur dinlc (oot ma", than
10 bo<;Io;),bank, fasHOQd r=ura"t grace"". hair-dresser •• loon. doctor's dlamt>er, pharmaey,
""""'P<'per stond, iIowor shop, lll>"ary. _ club. nursery school. laundry and tall<Ming shop apart fnlm
the _ use; however. such development will O/1lybe allowed to a "'"'"'" plot With two ronn"""ng
road •• ofwhldl ooe must be at least 6 meter wide and for sudl buildings the rules for •.•••_ building
will be awI"",,l •.

, Observation, The I. '>d-use plan proposed for lI1e Metropolis of Dhaka has long been obsoleb: in most of the
parts of the dly. Apart from lI1e failure of lhl! prnjectjO/1 of the dly growtl1, the """,!<est link in
to""" ma<ter J"ans fur lI1e Oly proper remains In ilS impl_~on phase, wt-odl so far has
in""",bIv failed. Although the plan has fullO<l to re<}JI.te tile land-use pattern of the dly. some
gr(l$ gui<lelines are slJll va~d espeoall)t 'n the form.1 part of the cIly. H""""".,., the organic and
ioforrnal "",,,"OPfrl"llIS """'" to lIa"" grown out of rontrol of ItIese basic planning gUidelines for
thedty.
 Clause 12. lIuild1ng ~eigllt

(H) ~ f-ffi_ ~ """""'.

~ ~ ~ ~ ""'"fl1( __ ~ ~ •• ""l'I!t 'Sf'> '%H ~
~~~'Il'

""'" -..t _ "" ~~ l'lM'>tmr ~ •••

'\.~. fiimJ~ '" .• " ~ '!W -..>Ji'!~ "F>ffu; ~ Ho liIm ~
".M JiM;,~ >0." ~ '!W -..>Ji'!~ ~ ~ ~.o ~-..m;
>o.~o fiimJ~ "'0> ~ .m- .."". ~ 'I'IIIfi..- ~ 'U<> f<;Ilt ~ .•••••
~ -.AA "I'li<""!"'1 t'l1'm"Ilr~ ••• ~ 0' ~ $ <),00 liIlIi.-"!>l\I< tIf!1iI~ ~ ~ ~ ~ <:\00
_ m 'lfi; 0fIWl ,
•••.• -..t _ 111,_ ~~ "'f'ItI ~ ~ ••••• "" 'Il _ ~ ""-0IlI _ fl1(
ao. JiM;,~ ••••• ~ """'" W ~ ~ ~ \0-.• ' JiM;, ~
'\.~. ~ -.m:. '.,"" liIlIi.-'!W -oW! ~ "F>ffu; $""l "'00 _ ~
'o.M JiM;,~ '.,>a ~'!W~~ ~~ 8>.' 1Oil!lr~
,..~o fiimJ~ ~>'-""~'!W-..>Ji'!~ ~~~a.o ~~
••••• '1"1_ '" 1IIlli"'0TllilI'!TlIll1{~"'-oa liIlIi.-'<I~ -..>Ji'!~ ~ 1m'! "iI>:I
~ "ll

In 1987 the guidelines of tn. bUI~ f<Jml was prescribed by an antiqLJaled by-law under East Bengal Building
cor>sIroction Ad, 1952. laler "" In 1994
• tne absence of 2/3 covered .reo rule In the 1994 by-law llelped to promote tile real-estate I>u5lness """e
the allowable limit of build able a"", for I.rgo I.nd. has now become more.
• Rood wld!;h- height relotion>hip,

In dlsct<;Slng tile rule<; for height, tne foaJ. WIll remain"" the range that dlfferentia!e'; tile high-rise from
lhe others. According to the ",I •• ,

For rood wl<lth of 7.6Qm (24.93 tt) to 1O.66m (34.97 tt) a mexln'MJm height of 27,50m (90.20 tt) can be
al;lBlned- !;h,. "the maximum range detennlned for the mid-rise (see dlapler-!) build;ng<, If tI1e road
.,;dth fell. within the ,,"'ge of 10.5710 (35 tt) to 22.9910 (75.41 tI) the buildln9 IS onbtied to become high-
rise, provided \hilt tno totol height of the burlding shall not be more tn.n twice of the summabon of the
",ad width alld th. setback of the btolding ftom "",d, Fer a road width of 23.00<11(75.44 tt) or more t!lo
buil,Mg will have "" height restriction.

In g •••••.al. the rule sugge>ts that no bUlld["9 ha","9 a ",ad-.,;dth less than 10.6710 (35 tt) can b"""me
ma," than nine storeys high (J( high-rise unless It Ileepo; adequate open space between the boond.ry lin.
aOOthe bUilding •• setbad< as referred In th. ruI •.

I
 Appendix n Developer built housing in our context

Developer built housing, desp~e of its exposure and popularity in the recent decades, has a long history
of dellelopment in OUrcontext. Beginningfrom the necessity of rehabilitlting the migrant population
due to 1947 partl~on, wl1lchled the birth of two independent nations of India and Pakistan, the ear1lesl
discernible venture in this sector began In "nd arourld Ig65. Easrnm Housing Ltd. undertook the
challenge of constructing near1y1000 units of houses at Pallabi,Mirpuron lIehalf of a dient group w~h
the suPr>ortof a financing agerlC)'.Politicalinstability,slow economic growth and recession marked the
slow progress of housing sector !of the following one and half decades. Still SOmeearly attempts,
following the public sector housing Inlti"bves can be seen in this period through deveiopment of
Hasarlilbod and Hafizabod Colonies In Siddheswari and Mng bozaar area. These are developments
comprised of multiple multisloned walk.ups within a common premise, Rapid urbanJzation and
r>opulatioogrowth In the post IllIerntionern has prompted the revival of these formal prilillte sector
initiatives in and "round early 1980's. These early Inl~"bves can be discerned with the emergence of
different housing co-opera~ves ventures. This co-operatives were formed through a contriblJtOry
membership, where interested buyers or associates In different organizations could become membef>; "
common fund imtiallycontributed by the members usually Included membership fees and I"ter on
payments !of plots (usu:allyin installments). The wor1mg pr!XEdures of these co-operatives were as
follows-
a. land acquisition
b. preparation of master plan
c. land development
d. development of physicalfadlitles
e. makin9provisionfor utilityservices

The slow progress of this elaborate process h"s resulted in a shift of interest In the bllYergroops, since
the need for housing was mountin9 day by d"y. An important issue in the process of emergence of the
developer built housing Is r>ot-oniy thIS need In the housing marl<el:,but also the emergence of a new
buyer group largely compr1sed of foreign e><pertiseand black-money holders. The traditional value
attachment \10th land and properties, along with lack of Investment o~;xrtunities have been the
bad<groond causes of the r1seof developer built housing. However, the later initiativeswere basically
bUildingprojects in prime city locations.The early success of these comparatively short termed proJects
paved the path for the emergence of later generation dellelopers.

The ear1yattempts of developer built apartmellts were primarilylow-nse walk.up type. Howeverby mid
80's the trend of going higher became common. The eany Ini~ators of these projects were Property
Development Ltd., Eastern Housing ltd., Free SChool Street Housing Ltd. and many others. The
delle!opment of hlgh-nse however was a time ronsuming inictallvein comparison to its low-rise counter
part. The low-nse apartment, in thiS context, had a mushroomi~g growth parallel to the high and mid.
rise developmenl5. In the first half of the 1990's, the development of the real estate business has
flourished side by side w~h the emerging financial institutions supportmg this mdustry greatly to
• respond to its consumer demaocl. Another important factor in the development of these d<!vetopersbuilt
•
apartment culture is that most of these projects are deSigned by graduate arthitects, who have
WIltrib<Jted in shaping this new trend of devElopment. The architects, caught inn between the profit
oriented attitude of the developers and the c:ser's satisfaction ~t the buyer's end, have shaped the
e,wlronmen!s of these apartments with challenges, organizing spaces to project the new im~ge of
contemporary urban living both in ronn and function. TtlIS Inherent quality ISpart of the nature of such
developments.

The developer built housing, popularly known as 'apartment-allture' can be termed as ~ response to
the needs of ll1e sodety resulting inn ~ new generation of feons both high and low rise, Here the baSIC
dJfference of high and lo••..rise apartments is caused due to their difference in numl;>er of lXI:upants.
The sheer volume of a high-rise population creates greal!>r opportunity to avail more seM<:e, both
technological and social, in comparison to the parallel low-rise developments, whidl brings qu~nbl<lbve
as well as qualitative changes in the built form-user relationship .

~
. ".",""'
"," 1.no

~ P"OO

DE\'ElOPER

tobU'ot,.
'pac,
.ulld,"O """'"PO<
."It
••••ll'ng peC<OC.'''1l
'p,e,
"hoot"""

!WY'"
"'Ol1ty

""t1_
,
,
"""","I,

Duality in Developer bu~lt Apartm8nt

Finally, the lack of CO<1trolmechanism of Government over this sector has resulted In a sltua~on .,here
standard ~nd safety of IMng is often compromised with profit motiva~on. The above diagram shows the
duality of the developer built housing from both t.I5e' and developer's end. To explore ltIe potentiality of
such development, this basic duality within the developer built apartment In our conte>ct:needs to be
addressed through a balanced approach where the government can playa majl>'" role to satisfy the
needs of both eocl.

xvii
 APPENDIX In. HOUSING LOAN SCHEMES AND THE DEVELOPMENT
OF REAL ESTATE BUSINESS

The ""'elopment of real esIale sector has a d<rect linkage with the dt"Vdopment of SlJPIX'rtingftMr>dallnslltu~OI'6 In
our 1;lJIltext,whJdll>a. dlonged the decades old P3ttems of !Iou~ng' firIiI"", establlslled by tile sole Government
agenCy- ll1e Housing and IllJjlding Finance Coo:por.mon (HBF<:).AIt!Iough some nO~rHlallzedcommeroal banks
(NCB••) IIild some I""n sdIemes parallel to HBFC,SIlIIHBFCremained as lIle key source lor finance for long penod of
~me after 11l>er.~oo.However, soma new private <eclOr fi""ndal il1<lillJliOl'6,apart fmm tho """",n~"",,1 loan
schomes ore credited fur explonng now marllel possibilities and d1ent group during the eal1y 1990 ••• Far ahead I
HBFC,these prloate sector in\titution; Sl1Irted d",burslng loan; fur pur<ha;;,ng fialS/ ap,,,tmen!s from the dt"Vdopers
00 long-term schemes o=ptable to the buyer groups. The ""rtv success story of the p40neerlng O'llani,a\ion; ha;
resulted in the rapid """"Iopment of tt11;sector and mo", COI11p"nlesemerqe<! within a very short ~me lo faolll;ote
<uch loan "heme; l1l'lleting m"lnly tile h'9h and higher middle InCOmegroups, By tt1e 1990 •• the delleloper bUltt
opartment be<;ame a popular altema~,e for peop4e 1'I1tt1high 10 moderate savings, wIIo IrrespectlIte of their
economiC capalJjlities largely relied on sLJChlo"n schemes, some times to get mx-be<IefIts or <OI"I"leIlme
lo show it a;
" source of white """""I.

The suoc""" 0( SlJdlloon schemes also prompted HBF<:10 modify Its loon schemes and also to Introduce <imllar loan
fadli~e; fur prooJremenl or fiats In the later yea",. The terms and amdi~OO$ or these org<lr)i,a\ion. fur dllferent I""n
schemes are gi\Jen below.

HOIlsina and Qulldlna FInance CgrPOratlpn IHBFCl

HlIFC Housing L••••n Types

Loan Tenn (maximum)

• General cases 15 Y""CS

• Smoll Rot mr Middle/Low<!<Middle Oass 20 Years

lolIn AmOllnt

• Minimum lmn Tlcl.70 Lac

• M.>dmurn Loon 11<.25.00 La<
, Interest Rates

Aroount of Loon Interest R.tes

..
U lo Tl<.15 Lac B'
,'"
NxNeTU5Lac
U to Tl<.IS Lac
AA _,
''"

xviii
 De/tj:lllrx Housing Rnan ••• Corporation ltd, (D!!HLl

Della ~c HOlls,"g Finan", Corpora~on ltd, (DBH) ISa public limited company and Financialln<!lMlon licensed by
Bongladesh Bonk. The ""bal p"iIl-up capllal of DBHis 11<.20o-a-e, DBHis \Ile piooee< In privala sector hnu<ing
~nana! In !hi! COIJnlJy,

DOHoffers 1_ for

• ConstructJon of houses
• l'un:ha$e of flats or_
• E>:teoslooand Imprnvement of existing houses or nats
o Pun:hase of housing pIols

The maxlroom loan oIfered ~l!y by DBH'" 11<.40lac; or 80% or !hi! COnslnJctlM cost Of 7O%ol' the pun:ha$e
priCe wfljd1ever is less. loons are "'PiIY"bIe by easy eQuated monthly instalments spread upto 15 ye,,,s at affordable
rate of In!:eros!dep<nl on market ClII'ldlbons.TIle pnlTlilf'{se<'Unty "'~ be IIll! property financed, Repayment QIp<lOty
of the Irrmed~le fami~ Wlilbe \Il. ailerla for sanctioning loans. But I!ll! maximum I",," amoont ISTh,40 lac;.

o Uplo Th.l.OO Lac; Jnteresl rale is 15,25%

o _ 11<,2,00Lac; Jnterest rale is 15,75%

Tn!!1!dr1;o1Development l..cla'h)ll Com!!i!!1Y nDle)

IOU: establi>:Jed in 1985 witIlllll! mulbnabonal col_on of Inre-natiOnal and Local F"",noal Jr<;tjMjons led by
1ntemal;iQr'lajFina"",.1 Corporation (Irq, Is \Ile rnunlry's first and largest leilsing comp""y, Up ~II now It I",.
malnlalned Its positjon as leader In \Ile Industry.

IDle orrers housing loan fOJ':

ConslnJclIon of Hou,"", !'Un:hase of Hewes or "",rtmenlS, Renovallon/E>:lmSlon or House, Renovation of

Apartment, Purtha"" or O1amber/Office Spare, l'un:h"", or Corporale Office Spare, I'\rdKIs! of SIwlpfDlspiay
center, all<!Construction or Corporate BlIldlng,

o
._.
I.oIIn Amount

50% of the ~ val"" (property pr1ce + registration cost + VAT)as loan dopondlng on ,"""ymanl

An indMdual COnget maximl.OTlloan at 11<,50I.m:s.

Repa)'IDent Tenn

TIle maxlml.OTlrepayment term is 15 years, but not extending beyond 60" birthdaV.

o Equal !'!On'lly In;t>""",nl would repay the onbre loan.

o Equated Man\llly J""",li,,,,,nl on 11<.10l1lC";111dlfferenl term would be:
 The property itseWand ,nv o\!ler asoets =ptIble to IDLe os seemty.

E1igiblliry

Mon\!lly income of applicant & co-appllem~ age, QLJalificatlon, value of l"",,o"OOle property, no. of /omily member
and dependanl<, mortthly expenses. olhe, ot>i9alioos, nature of)obfbusiness, and savir>g !lablt.

• ~plicalion fee: 11<.3,000 I~

• loon administration fee: Th.15, OOO/~ (alter sanction of ttle Ioiln)

Nationalltoys!na Fjn~ .lnvestment limited

National Housing Ho"", mortvag~ l""ns ar-e .v.ilabl~

• ConslnJctJon of houses
• PIr'dIa;;e of house;; or apartments
• Ronovalioo, El<t!!osIorJSor addi~on to .".<ting house;; or apartments
• PIr'dIa;;e of hoUSing plots

Gettlng I;h~loan

The ~rst step is 10 fin ;n a loon ~plica~on rorm 10 provide !hero with the rel",,"nl ink:<mMJon abcut "pplicanl and
his/he, co-aPJ>«:iIlIl. NOITMlty, tile spouse of the "pplicant sI1Ol.idjoin as a co-applicanl. The ,"-.owners of \!le
Pfllperty must jOin a< applicants.

Ff""nd.1 Assessm~nt

It depends upon a number of /octors. The most important ISthe "'paymenl ability of the applicant. When making
this assessment. tho following matsrs are consrdered:

• Appllcan~< income .nd \!lot of co-aPlliicant's I.e. partner's income.

• Appl;canr, oommolmerll and ,o,ppIlcant's regular IMng ""penses,
• Appl;cant'< prev1""" h.ndlmg of ~n.nda1 .fIolrs that may be based upon Info"""tlon obtllroed by way of
roferoncos from employ<!fS, .'.ppIlconrs previOUSI.ndlords and otI1er lenders.
• other Information lIlilt ""pllaml has SlJpplled to National Housing Indudlng verlficallOO of identity.
• AppI!CarTt'sage: a>ns<dering tile length 0 the lemJ.

N.~on.1 HOU5Jngwill take Into consideration lI1e security applicanl will be pl'O"lidlng for the loon and ;n partiCular lI1e
two of property, II!; .go, condj~on and value as ~ by them. AppIiCMt <hooId nOle, iolw"""" that by m.!<jng •
Home Mortg.ge loon, Na~"",,1 Hou<lng l)i\teS no as>uon<:e that tile priLe being poid for the property Is reasonable.
Subject to 1M foregOing the amount of Home Mortgage Loan wm be lesser of:

• 11<.3,000,000/_ "'ffi'lrty Lx) or

• 70% oI1tk>.'idlne ot the P'W"'tV os .=sed by Nation,ll-!ou5lng

I
Housing Loans to Institutions

Na~onal HoUSl"9 proI'1des loans to holJ5lng complexes sp<N$lIed by O:Jrporote EIodies and otller institutiOns lor
constructlOn or poo:ha<;e of r-esIdeo~al housmg by way of

• Loan, for Company-<lWlled Hoosing

• For constnJctlon c< purd\ase of stoff quarters fC< employees.
• loans for On.ll!Ildlng to Employees 01 OWJIWra! with approved housing loon sd1emes.
• L.Oans W Spoo•••••ed Employees,
 APPENDIX IV. SUMMARY OF CASE STUDIES

The f<JIlOWl1lgpages contoin the """ studies In both tlbulated alld graphical representltiOll to <reate " database and
reference fur any further study .

••

xviii
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