Expressions of Power: Queen Christina of Sweden and Patronage in Baroque Europe

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Expressions of power: Queen Christina of

Sweden and patronage in Baroque Europe.
Popp, Nathan Alan
https://iro.uiowa.edu/discovery/delivery/01IOWA_INST:ResearchRepository/12730530160002771?l#13730832480002771
Popp. (2015). Expressions of power: Queen Christina of Sweden and patronage in Baroque Europe
[University of Iowa]. https://doi.org/10.17077/etd.l17f2yt2
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Copyright 2015 Nathan Alan Popp
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EXPRESSIONS OF POWER: QUEEN CHRISTINA OF SWEDEN AND
PATRONAGE IN BAROQUE EUROPE
by
Nathan Alan Popp
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Doctor of Philosophy

degree in Art History in the Graduate College of The University of Iowa
December 2015
Thesis Supervisor: Associate Professor Julie Berger Hochstrasser

Copyright by
NATHAN ALAN POPP
2015
All Rights Reserved

Graduate College
The University of Iowa
Iowa City, Iowa
CERTIFICATE OF APPROVAL
__________________________
Ph.D. THESIS
________________
This is to certify that the Ph.D. thesis of
Nathan Alan Popp
has been approved by the Examining Committee for the thesis requirement for the Doctor
of Philosophy degree in Art History at the December 2015 graduation.
Thesis Committee: __________________________________________

Julie Berger Hochstrasser, Thesis Supervisor
_________________________________________
John Beldon Scott
_________________________________________
Dorothy Johnson
_________________________________________
Wallace Tomasini
__________________________________________
Christopher D. Roy
_________________________________________
Christine Getz
To Hannah Louise Marion and Connor Alan Carl
ii
A dios rogando y con el mazo dando.
Queen Christina of Sweden
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I want to acknowledge some of the people who helped bring this dissertation to
fruition, and thank them for their support.
My present work would not be possible without the guidance of my advisor, Julie
Berger Hochstrasser, and all my thesis committee members: John Beldon Scott, Dorothy
Johnson, Wallace Tomasini, Christopher D. Roy, and Christine Getz. Their years of
guidance have significantly contributed to the methodology of my research and their
insight has enabled me to develop as a scholar. I am particularly indebted to Professor
Hochstrasser for directing my work and being consistently generous with her time and
consideration. Her guidance has been extremely helpful throughout my graduate studies
and I am sincerely grateful.
My dissertation work has been given financial support from the University of
Iowa to travel and write. I received funds from the Margaret A. and Robert L. Alexander
Fellowship, and the Charles D. Cuttler Art History Fellowship from the School of Art and
Art History. Travel for field research was made possible by the T. Anne Cleary
International Dissertation Research Fellowship from the Graduate College and a
Graduate Student Senate Supplemental Travel Award for Research. I was also given an
Ann Morse Scholarship for Study Abroad from International Programs. A Graduate
College Summer Fellowship allowed me to concentrate on the critical stage of writing. I
am sincerely grateful for these sources of support.
I wish to thank some of the museums, libraries and other institutions where I
conducted research. There is absolutely no substitute for examining a work of art oneself
to determine the nuances and fine details only recognizable by the human eye. I was
iv
privileged to meet many outstanding professionals and am compelled to mention those
who were helpful. There are many who value royal patronage at the Livrustkammaren
(Royal Armory) in Stockholm. I appreciate the support of Malin Grundberg, Sofia
Nestor, and Anja Kujala, during all my appointments. Bengt Kylsberg was also of great
help when I went to see paintings in the collection at Skokloster Slott. I am indebted to
Fred Hocker and his staff at the Vasamuseet for giving me a place to work in its offices,
and allowing me to climb on board the Vasa warship to examine carvings first hand.
Robert Ekstrand gave me access to archives at the Sjöhistoriska (National Maritime
Museum) and kindly helped me navigate through their digital resources. Kerstin
Hagsgård, curator of the royal collections, was gracious in giving me special access to
objects associated with Queen Christina at the Royal Palace. The Kungliga
Myntkabinettet (Royal Coin Cabinet) is a rich source of material and I am appreciative to
Tornbjörn Sundquist for giving me entree and information, and Gabriel Hildebrand for
the fantastic photographs of medals from its collection that he took during my visit.
Many thanks to Annika Jägerholm at Stockholm’s Stadsmuseum for putting me in touch
with Mebi Hermansson in the Stadshuset, and to Mebi for helping me locate a painting
essential to my dissertation.
The majority of my time in Stockholm was spent in the Kungliga Biblioteket
(Royal Library), and I wish to thank the remarkable staff there, especially Solveig von
Essen. She showed me a plethora of works on paper in special collections and waited
patiently while I examined and photographed prints of interest. I am also grateful to the
Library at Uppsala University and the Study Collection they have in Uppsala Castle. I
want to give special recognition to Kanwal Qadri for arranging my admittance to
v
restricted areas of the castle. Jouni Kuurne at Suomen kansallismuseo (National
Museum of Finland) in Helsinki was wonderfully liberal in giving me access to, as well
as images of, some truly remarkable objects. Claes Kofoed Christensen and Mia Høj
Mathiasson were both very helpful at the Statens Museum for Kunst in Copenhagen. The
Stadsarkiv, Kungsholm church, Nationalmuseum in Stockholm and the Statens
Porträttsamling (State Portrait Collection) at Gripsholm Castle were additional Swedish
institutions that allowed me to use their collections.
Several museums and other collections in Rome were significantly useful for my
work, the Musei Vaticani, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, and the Palazzo dei
Conservatori in the Musei Capitolini among them. I wish to convey my appreciation to
the staff at the Palazzo Riario Corsini, Christina’s home in the Trastevere neighborhood,
and its director, Giorgio Leone. I further would like to thank Princess Maria Camilla
Pallavicini for permitting my entrance into the Palazzo Pallavicini and allowing me to
study her family’s collection. My gratitude extends to Luisa Capaccioli, administrator of
the Pallavicini Collection, for making my visit possible. My heartfelt appreciation goes
to Angela D’Amelio, Marina De Carolis and all staff at the Museo di Roma for
accommodating my many visits. I want to recognize IES Abroad for facilitating my
study in Rome, including arranging an apartment in the beautiful Prati neighborhood.
Among the faculty at IES, I want to specially thank Pier Paolo Racioppi. His passionate
lectures made art history come alive for me by stressing that Rome is an open-air, living
museum. I will forever be grateful for Pier Paolo’s encouragement and obliged to him for
introducing me to so many art historians, thereby making it possible for me to expand my
network of contacts. My appreciation also goes to The Special Collections and Archives
vi
at the University of Iowa Libraries, where Kathy Hodson helped make it possible for me
to do primary source research so close to home.
I owe a great deal to the established scholars with whom I have been fortunate
enough to spend time. Marie-Louise Rodén, Stefano Fogelberg Rota, Susanna
Åkermann, Inga Lena Ångström Grandien, and Görel Cavalli-Björkman have all given
me their time and consideration. Their collegially-minded questions and reassuring input
have directly influenced my current work. I respect their contribution to Queen Christina
scholarship and appreciate the opportunity to add my voice.
Friends and family are a constant source of encouragement. Andreas Nilsson
provided excellent assistance in finding housing in Stockholm and adopting Sweden as a
second home. David Bomark and Asbed Hovhanessian Wanes are friends who helped me
get acclimated with my surroundings. I would be remiss not to mention Karissa
Bushman. She has always been a steadfast professional, keen to be a confidant or offer
constructive feedback. I am certain that my conclusions would be far less interesting
without her. My parents, Dennis and Kristie Popp, have supported my path in art history
and applaud my interest in higher education. I dedicate this thesis to my children,
Hannah and Connor Popp. They are my inspiration to be a better person, and a
fundamental consideration in my decision-making process. They will always be my
driving force.
vii
PUBLIC ABSTRACT
Queen Christina of Sweden (1626-1689) utilized art in many ways to promote
herself and assert power in Baroque Europe. Previous scholars have addressed either
Christina’s use of art to safeguard authority as Swedish regnant, or her expressions of
sovereignty as an erstwhile Protestant queen in Rome, but no scholarship to date has
addressed the topic of how Christina’s patronage developed, or explored how motifs
employed early on later reappeared. This dissertation brings together both sides of the
equation to provide a comprehensive understanding of how Queen Christina’s patronage
developed in Stockholm, and how her approach evolved as she became a fixture in Rome.
The deployment of the arts was necessary to assert Christina’s authority in a
patriarchal environment and ultimately, to politically legitimize herself as an independent
royal woman. An initial review of royal imagery of her father King Gustav II Adolf
(1594-1632) provides the background for examination of early patronage promoting
Christina, which drew upon Gustav’s precedents while beginning to establish her as a
majestic leader in her own right. Originally the queen’s autonomy was limited by a
constitutional rewrite as others steered her image for their own benefit, but Christina
matured to make her own choices and developed an approach to patronage that continued
throughout her life.
My research contributes to our understanding of Christina’s development as art
patron by examining commissions that counteract this administrative system that
restrained her sovereignty. Portraits from her majority rule relied on iconography and
visual rhetoric to influence a select audience, while her coronation and abdication
proceedings, by contrast, were multisensory public events that broadly proclaimed her
viii
capacity to rule. Hence my analysis ranges from the subtle reading of particular images
to taking stock of the language of sheer pageantry of those more public visual displays.
After abdication Queen Christina had virtually no political clout, but as dowager
regnant, she wielded art and patronage to maintain social standing and power. My
research considers how Christina deployed the arts to craft her public persona and
express her individuality within the male-dominated political structure of the Vatican
even as others played off her remarkable abdication with patronage of their own.
Christina’s approach was based on precedents developed in Sweden, and she applied
them to her Roman situation with varied success. Through many challenges, scandals,
and adversities, art was a potent vehicle both for Christina and for those around her to
capitalize on her unique status in the history of Baroque Europe.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................... xi
INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 1
CHAPTER ONE: MUD, BLOOD, AND THE FATHERLAND ..................................... 13
Family and Faith: Pillars of Power ............................................................................................ 13

The Vasa Warship: Symbol of Royal Power ............................................................................. 29
Christina Becomes Queen .......................................................................................................... 48
Regency: Government in Transition .......................................................................................... 64
One Subject, Two Portraits: Dueling Influence ......................................................................... 71
Education: Free-Thinking Head of the Church .......................................................................... 84
Regnant Rule: Prosperity and Peace .......................................................................................... 93
CHAPTER TWO: A SUN ON BOTH HORIZONS ...................................................... 112
Coronation: Preparation and Entrance ..................................................................................... 113

Coronation Day: A Unified Display ........................................................................................ 155
Post-Coronation Celebrations: Ritual and Revelry .................................................................. 181
Beck: Crafting Majesty ............................................................................................................ 196
Bourdon: Surreptitious Messages ............................................................................................ 206
Abdication: A Deo et Christina................................................................................................ 221
CHAPTER THREE: DOWAGER REGNANT PATRONAGE .................................... 238
Post-Abdication Adjustment .................................................................................................... 238

Queen Christina Arrives in Rome ............................................................................................ 248
Triumphal Entrance: Preparation and Pageantry ..................................................................... 254
The Barberini Carousel ............................................................................................................ 278
Life in Rome: Existence in an Unfamiliar Climate.................................................................. 284
Sojourn to France ..................................................................................................................... 287
Sojourn to Sweden ................................................................................................................... 308
Return to Rome: Revival 1665-1668 ....................................................................................... 317
Carnival Displays: Social Competition .................................................................................... 321
Association with the Squadrone Volante and Pope Clement IX Rospigliosi .......................... 330
Gloria Deo: Medals for Academy Members ............................................................................ 335
Regal Legacy: Amongst Rome’s Monuments ......................................................................... 359
A Gold Crown on a Silver Face: Queen Christina’s Funeral ................................................... 368
CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................... 377
WORKS CONSULTED ................................................................................................. 390
APPENDIX ..................................................................................................................... 422
Figure References .................................................................................................................... 422
x
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Queen Christina, Gustav II Adolf, Konung av Sverige .................................................. 14
Figure 2. Jacob Heinrich Elbfas, Gustav II Adolf and Christina ................................................... 16
Figure 3. Unidentified Artist, Gustavus Adolphus with German cities under his control. ............ 17
Figure 4. Unidentified Artist, Vasa Dynasty family tree originating from Noah .......................... 20
Figure 5. Henrik Hybertsson and Arendt de Groote, Vasa ............................................................ 30
Figure 6. Ingvar Jörpeland, Stefan Bruhn and Jan Claesson, Reconstructed Vasa model ............. 38
Figure 7. Mårten Redtmer, Vasa – detail: Lion Figurehead .......................................................... 40
Figure 8. Mårten Redtmer, Vasa – detail: Beakshead.................................................................... 41
Figure 9. Mårten Redtmer, Vasa – detail: Sterncastle Transom .................................................... 44
Figure 10. Mårten Redtmer, Vasa – detail: Sterncastle Transom .................................................. 45
Figure 13. Johann Jakob Gabler, Allegorical Funeral Procession for King Gustav II Adolf ........ 53
Figure 14. Unidentified Artist, Funeral Cortege of King Gustav II Adolf..................................... 55
Figure 15. Michel Le Blon, Queen Christina in Mourning ............................................................ 59
Figure 16. Michel Le Blon, Queen Marie Eleonora ...................................................................... 60
Figure 17. Jan van Looff, Dextra Manus Suecia Superest Pereunte Sinistra ................................ 69
Figure 18. Gabriel Rollenhagen, Lex regit et arma tuentur. .......................................................... 70
Figure 19. Jacob Heinrich Elbfas (school of), Queen Christina as a Child ................................... 72
Figure 20. Jacob Heinrich Elbfas, Queen Christina of Sweden as a Child .................................... 73
Figure 21. Michiel Jansz. van Mierevelt, Queen Maria Elenora of Brandenburg ......................... 75
Figure 22. Matthaeus Merian the Elder, Queen Maria Eleonora ................................................... 76
Figure 23. Matthäus Merian, Gustav II Adolf in a Polish Coat ..................................................... 78
Figure 24. Anselmus van Hulle (attr.), King Gustav II Adolf of Sweden ..................................... 82
xi
Figure 25. Sebastian Dadler, Imperium Proles Gustavi Maxima Magni Suscipit:
Innumeris Vivat Christina Triumphis .......................................................................... 83
Figure 26. Sigismund Vogel, Frontispiece for the Finnish Bible .................................................. 86
Figure 27. Jacob Heinrich Elbfas, Queen Christina ....................................................................... 87
Figure 28. Jacob Heinrich Elbfas, Queen Christina ....................................................................... 89
Figure 29. Dirik Dirichsen, Frontisepiece of the Christina Bible .................................................. 91
Figure 30. Unidentified Artist, Gustav II Adolf as Jupiter ............................................................ 92
Figure 31. Balu (attr.), Queen Kristina Imperatrix ........................................................................ 94
Figure 32. Pierre Signac, Queen Christina ..................................................................................... 96
Figure 33. Gabriel Rollenhagen, Flavescent.................................................................................. 97
Figure 34. Gabriel Rollenhagen, De parvis grandis acervus erit .................................................. 98
Figure 35. Sebastian Dadler, Repertrix ........................................................................................ 100
Figure 36. Jeremias Falck, Queen Christina as Minerva ............................................................. 102
Figure 37. Gabriel Rollenhagen, Sapientia Constans .................................................................. 104
Figure 38. Gabriel Rollenhagen, Scientia Immutabilis ................................................................ 105
Figure 39. David Beck, Queen Christina ..................................................................................... 106
Figure 40. Gabriel Rollenhagen, Studio et vigilantia................................................................... 109
Figure 41. Unidentified Parisian artist, The Trophy Coach ......................................................... 116
Figure 42. Simon Jüterbock, Queen Christina's Coronation Saddle ............................................ 124
Figure 43. Ruprecht Miller, Crown of Queen Maria Eleonora. ................................................... 125
Figure 44. Johan Sasse, Queen Christina's Coronation Procession ............................................. 128
Figure 45. Unidentified Cartographer, Map of Stockholm .......................................................... 130
Figure 48. Illustration of 1642 city map with the processional route of Queen Christina's
entrance into Stockholm highlighted.. ....................................................................... 138
Figure 49. Jean Marot, Queen Christina’s Coronation Arch ....................................................... 139
xii
Figure 50. Jean Marot, Queen Christina’s Coronation Arch ....................................................... 144
Figure 51. Simon de la Vallée with contributions from Heinrich Wilhelm, Joost
Vingboons, and Jean de la Vallée, Riddarhuset. ........................................................ 145
Figure 52. Simon de la Vallée, Proposed Riddarhuset plan......................................................... 148
Figure 53. Gabriel Rollenhagen, Arte et Marte ........................................................................... 150
Figure 54. Illustration of 1642 Stockholm map with the procession route of Queen
Christina's coronation highlighted ............................................................................. 159
Figure 55. Wolfgang Hartmann, View over Stockholm from the east ........................................ 162
Figure 56. D van den Bremden, Queen Christina ........................................................................ 165
Figure 57. Unidentified Artist, Queen Christina's Coronation Robe ........................................... 169
Figure 58. Pierre Boucher (attr.), Coronation Baldicchino of Queen Christina........................... 171
Figure 59. Unidentified Artist, Uppsala Cathedral – Crossing Ceiling. ...................................... 173
Figure 60. Wolfgang Hartmann, The Crowning of Queen Christina of Sweden ......................... 174
Figure 61. Abraham Drentwett the Elder, Queen Christina’s Silver Throne ............................... 177
Figure 62. Gabriel Rollenhagen, Donec totum impleat orbem .................................................... 179
Figure 63. Nicolas Vallari, The Illustrious Splendors of Felicity ................................................ 184
Figure 64. Nicolas Vallari, The Illustrious Splendors of Felicity - detail .................................... 186
Figure 69. Lozeleur de Villiers, Mount Parnassus and cave with Furies in the Triumphal
Entry of Duke François d’Anjou into Antwerp.......................................................... 192
Figure 70. Unidentified Artist, Mount Parnassus in the Triumphal Entry of Archduke
Ernest of Austria into Brussles................................................................................... 193
Figure 71. Nicolas Vallari, Figure of Endymion from The Splendor of Felicity ......................... 195
Figure 72. David Klöcker Ehrenstrahl, Karl X Gustav ................................................................ 197
Figure 73. David Beck, Christina Queen of Sweden ................................................................... 200
xiii
Figure 74. Sir Anthony van Dyck, Lady Frances Cranfield ........................................................ 202
Figure 75. David Beck, Queen Christina ..................................................................................... 205
Figure 76. David Beck, Christina, Queen of Sweden .................................................................. 207
Figure 77. Sébastian Bourdon, Equestrian Portrait of Queen Christina ...................................... 209
Figure 78. Sébastian Bourdon, Christina receives the Herculean Arms… .................................. 210
Figure 79. Diego Velásquez, Allegorical Equestrian Portrait of Philip IV of Spain ................... 212
Figure 80. Cornelius Arendtz, Gustav II Adolf on Horseback .................................................... 215
Figure 81. Cesare Ripa, Esilio ..................................................................................................... 218
Figure 82. Jean Parise, A Deo et Christina .................................................................................. 236
Figure 83. Justus van Egmont, Queen Christina as Minerva ....................................................... 239
Figure 84. Giuseppe Peroni, Head of Christina of Sweden as Minerva....................................... 241
Figure 85. Philips Fruytiers, The Enlightened Christina.............................................................. 242
Figure 86. Comune di Roma, Monument Commemorating Queen Christina's Triumphant

Arrival to Rome ......................................................................................................... 249
Figure 87. Typographia Sacrae Congregationis - Congregatio de Propaganda Fide,

Christinae Suecorum Gothorum Vandalorumque Reginae Piae Felici ..................... 251
Figure 88. Gianlorenzo Bernini, sketch for Queen Christina's Carriage...................................... 259
Figure 89. Johann Paul Schor, Diagram for Queen Christina's Carriage ..................................... 260
Figure 90. Angelo Broncone (attr.), Torah decorations made from curtains of the coach
the Pope gave Christina for her entrance into Rome.................................................. 260
Figure 91. Gaspare Morone Mola, Fel Favs Q Ingres ................................................................. 262
Figure 92. Alberto Hamerani (attr.), Fel Favs Q Ingres. ............................................................. 264
Figure 93. Gaspare Morone Mola, Fel Favs Q Ingres ................................................................. 264
Figure 94. Horatio Marinari, Queen Christina rides into Rome .................................................. 265
Figure 95. Giuseppe Maria Testana, Queen Christina rides into Rome....................................... 268
Figure 96. Giovanni Giacomo de' Rossi, Ingresso Solenne in Roma della Maestà della
Regina di Svezia il di XXIII. FEB. M.DCLV .............................................................. 270
Figure 97. Giovanni Battista de’ Rossi, Ingresso della regina Cristina di Svezia a Roma ......... 273
xiv
Figure 98. Horatio Marinari, Cavalcata di Christina di Svezia ................................................... 274
Figure 99. Carlo Rainaldi, Temporary façade on the Palazzo Farnese ........................................ 277
Figure 100. Unidentified artist, Temporary façade on the Palazzo Farnese. ............................... 279
Figure 101. Filippo Gagliardi and Filippo Lauri, Carousel Given at Palazzo Barberini in
Honor of Christina of Sweden on 28, February 1656 .............................................. 282
Figure 102. Saincton, Christina hunting in men's clothes while visiting France ......................... 290
Figure 103. Published by Pierre Mariette, Christina travels in France ........................................ 292
Figure 106. Unidentified French Artist, Anne of Austria on horseback ...................................... 296
Figure 107. Unidentified artist, Christina receives a throne canopy from city officials at
her entry into Paris ................................................................................................... 297
Figure 108. Pierre Daret, Louis XIII and Anne of Austria .......................................................... 299
Figure 109. Paulus Fürst, King Karl X Gustav and Queen Christina .......................................... 301
Figure 110. Giovanni Giacomo de' Rossi, Queen Christina's entry into Rome ........................... 302
Figure 111. Jérôme David, Anne of Austria on Horseback ......................................................... 304
Figure 112. Abraham Wuchters, Queen Christina of Sweden ..................................................... 310
Figure 113. Abraham Wuchters, Karl X Gustav. ......................................................................... 312
Figure 114. Abraham Wuchters, Queen Hedvig Eleonora. ......................................................... 313
Figure 115. Abraham Wuchters, Karl XI..................................................................................... 315
Figure 116. Abraham Wuchters, Christina of Sweden ................................................................ 316
Figure 117. Gioacchino Francesco Travani, Makelös.................................................................. 318
Figure 118. Alberto Hamerani, Christina Alexandra .................................................................. 318
Figure 119. Sebastian Dadler, Phoenix Phoenicis Gustavi E Funera Nata ................................. 320
Figure 120. Friedrich Fechter, Perit ut vivat ................................................................................ 320
Figure 121. Giovanni Battista Falda, Queen Christina's box for Carnival................................... 323
Figure 122. Pierre-Paul Sevin, Carnival Tournament in the Piazza San Marco .......................... 327
xv
Figure 123. Jacob-Ferdinand Voet, Christina of Sweden ............................................................ 329
Figure 124. Pierre-Paul Sevin, Banquet in honor of Clement IX and Christina of Sweden ........ 333
Figure 125. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada, Non Sufficit ........................................................... 338
Figure 126. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada, Sufficit ................................................................... 338
Figure 127. Massimiliano Soldani Benzi, Ne Mi Bisogna, Ne Mi Basta ..................................... 340
Figure 128. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada, Mi Nihil in Terris .................................................. 342
Figure 129. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada, Libero i Nacqui e Vissi e Morro Sciolito .............. 342
Figure 130. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada, Possis Nihil Urbe, Roma Visere Maius ................. 344
Figure 131. Massimiliano Soldani Benzi, Possis Nihil Urbe, Roma Visere Maius ..................... 344
Figure 132. Jean-Baptiste Théodon, Bust of Queen Christina of Sweden ................................... 345
Figure 133. Giulio Cartari, Christina of Sweden ......................................................................... 347
Figure 134. Massimiliano Soldani Benzi, Nec Falso Nec Alieno, ............................................... 349
Figure 135. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada, Nec Falso Nec Alieno............................................ 349
Figure 138. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada, A Socio Derelicta A Deo Restituta Suetia ............. 352
Figure 139. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada, Fortis et Felix........................................................ 354
Figure 140. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada, Fortis et Felix........................................................ 354
Figure 141. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada, Confidenter et Solus .............................................. 357
Figure 142. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada, Nec Sinit Esse Feros ............................................. 357
Figure 143. Michael Dahl, Queen Christina ................................................................................ 360
Figure 144. Eberhard Werner Happel, Pious Queen Christina .................................................... 364
Figure 145. Unidentified Florentine Sculptor, Bust of Queen Christina of Sweden ................... 366
Figure 146. Unidentified Dutch artist, Queen Christina elderly .................................................. 367
Figure 147. Nicolas Dorigny, Christina of Sweden Lying in State in S. Maria in Vallicella ...... 372
Figure 148. Robert van Audenaerde, Queen Christina's Funeral Procession .............................. 375
xvi
1
INTRODUCTION
This dissertation shows how patronage associated with Queen Christina of
Sweden utilized art and visual culture to assert power. Previous scholars have addressed
either Christina’s use of art to safeguard authority as Swedish regnant, or her expressions
of sovereignty as an erstwhile Protestant queen in Rome. My research brings together
both sides of the equation to provide a comprehensive understanding of how Queen
Christina’s patronage developed in Stockholm, and how her approach evolved as she
became a fixture in Rome.
My first chapter looks at the Swedish monarchy’s use of patronage to establish
legitimacy and sustain authority, from precedents to Christina’s queenship, through her
youth, up to her coronation. Christina became Queen of Sweden because she was the
only legitimate heir of King Gustav II Adolf when he was killed at the battle of Lützen in
1632. The king and his chancellor, Axel Oxenstierna, had organized Sweden’s
government as a constitutional monarchy, but Christina was so young when her father
died that her sovereign power was negated by a constitutional rewrite that limited her
autonomy and bound her to male oversight. Courtly patronage was arranged by a series
of senate committees; ultimately the imagery presenting Christina in her youth was
controlled by Chancellor Oxenstierna. These court officials saw to it that Christina’s
public image corresponded with her father’s use of art to promote royal power, so an
initial look at the imagery of Gustav’s reign will set the backdrop for the development of
the motifs employed in Christina’s.
Gustav had utilized conflict during his reign to transform his country from a mere
regional power into international hegemony — a nation forged strong by war. State
2
policy favored the agenda of a militarized and isolated Sweden that defended the border
with a strong military presence in the Baltic. Royal portraits from the Vasa era of King
Gustav II Adolf demonstrate the crown’s interest in using martial imagery to stress its
command of the region, while state portraits and broadsheets prints were useful for
disseminating royal propaganda throughout the Baltic region. Ship decoration was also
an effective method of promoting the crown by conveying a message of legitimate
strength to foreign ports; naval vessels were adorned with decorative programs that
visually communicated themes of national destiny and cultural self-identity.
The well-preserved Vasa warship is an excellent example of a vessel that features
nearly a thousand painted wooden sculptures. Each carving embodies an individual
message, but taken together they create a panegyric decorative program of the Swedish
monarch. The creation of a ship like the Vasa was a communal effort of artists and
shipwrights hired by the crown from all over Europe. The result of these efforts was an
illustrative symbol of the realm that functioned as a war machine and a mobile vehicle of
visual culture.
In chapter two I explore the development of Christina’s patronage to confirm how
art played a role in her political strategy. Queen Christina’s official coronation was
delayed because there was no precedent for a royal investiture of a female sovereign over
the Swedish Empire, and the enthronement festivities symbolically affirmed her right to
rule and expressed the power she possessed over all her subjects. The coronation’s
processionals and ceremonies were multisensory events that conspicuously reinforced
Christina’s position as the nation’s leader during a period of unprecedented prosperity.
Triumphal arches throughout the city, reminiscent of Roman Imperial monuments,

3
displayed the realm’s newfound wealth and sophistication. The proceedings of the
coronation have been documented in the literature about Queen Christina, but previous
scholars have not addressed the extent to which public displays were included in the
activities.
Stockholm’s urban fabric was reorganized during Christina’s early reign to
transform the city from a medieval citadel into a well-appointed capital city. Maps from
the period clarify how the parade routes were calculated, and my original approach
considers how the various public spaces and monuments were incorporated to express
Christina’s growing authority. Drottninggatan (Queen’s Street) and other thoroughfares
were included into processional routes, along a path that symbolically established a
connection with all her subjects. Her physical presence in the various areas of the city
metaphorically claimed the range of locations as a part of her dominion. Christina’s
procession took the royal spectacle to the various areas of the city in order to allow her
subjects, regardless of social position, to witness their queen in their neighborhood. The
regalia and other objects were important royal symbols, but the act of parading them
throughout the capital city emphasized that the populace, regardless of station or estate
affiliation, was subject to Christina’s rule. Nobles, clergy, burghers, and peasants all took
part as participants in the parades or as witnesses of the pageantry. These aspects were a
break from precedents and sent a definitive message that Stockholm was now the
epicenter of political authority and artistic greatness — a contender for Europe’s cultural
center with Christina at its helm.
This dissertation considers how Christina utilized art to craft her public persona
and express her individuality within a patriarchal political structure. No scholarship to

4
date has addressed the ignored topic of how Christina’s patronage developed, or explored
how the motifs she employed early on recurred later in her career. As Christina matured,
she sought to make her own choices and developed an approach to patronage that
continued throughout her life, and key aspects of her patronage in Rome can be traced
back to the precedents she established in Stockholm. The deployment of the arts was
necessary for Christina to assert her authority in a male-dominated environment and
politically legitimize herself as a royal woman on her own terms. Previous scholars have
documented the coronation, but have not evaluated the visual aspects of the festive
spectacle. This study explores the coronation as a unified display of fidelity from the
realm’s most powerful entities — the military, government, and the Swedish Lutheran
church.
Christina was Queen of Sweden by birthright, but her position did not give her the
freedom to conduct herself as she wished. Bureaucracy yoked her decisions with checks
and balances and restricted her independence. By 1654 her palace was a gilded cage.
Christina was a female whose primary responsibility was to produce a legitimate male
heir because Sweden was a patrilineal society that required a king. Her divine right made
her little more than a vessel upon the Swedish throne that held the blood of the previous
king to be passed onto a future king. Christina chose to reject such a submissive role
because she was too vigorous a spirit to accept blind fate. Christina’s desire for
autonomous reign and the ability to lead Swedish culture into enlightened splendor were
unrealistic goals; her fiscal carelessness caused massive financial problems and her
libertine mindset did not correspond with mainstream Swedish society.

5
Christina was born to be Sweden’s queen, but was unable to fulfill that role
independently. Instead she took it upon herself to become Sweden’s kingmaker before
stepping down and selected a qualified replacement in her cousin, Karl Gustav Pfalz-
Zweibrücken. Her effort secured a stable transition between royal dynasties, and avoided
a civil war in Sweden over the problem of succession. Was this a virtuous act of
selflessness for the greater good or a political necessity of an individual who had lost
touch with the realm and wished to officially delegate her problems to another? Such
deliberations were set into motion as soon as news of Christina’s plans began to circulate.
French contemporaries wrote that Christina’s resignation was short-sighted folly, but
John Milton supported Christina in a letter he wrote to her saying, “you may abdicate the
sovereignty, but you will never lay aside the Queen.”1
My third chapter considers Christina’s existence as a queen without a country,
and the role patronage played in her situation. Her position provided her status but it did
not ensure power, and despite retaining her inherited title she no longer possessed wealth
or political authority. The mature phase of Christina’s life can best be described as
dowager regnant, because she kept “Queen” as her royal title, but no longer wielded
legitimate political authority. “Dowager regnant” is a term chosen by me that has never
been used to describe Queen Christina — even though it is an appropriate
characterization. The terms “dowager” and “regnant” are opposing political terms for a
royal woman, dowager meaning a widow or retired female gaining authority from her
previous position, while regnant indicates a sovereign who rules in her own right. The
1
Italics added by author for emphasis. Quoted in Susanna Åkerman, “On the Impossibility of Abdicating:
Queen Christina of Sweden and the Spiritual Crown,” in Women and Sovereignty, editors, Louise Olga
Fradenburg and Emily Lyle (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992), 219.
6
lands awarded to Christina in her abdication agreement were called her dower lands.
Sweden gave control of these cities and territories to Christina so their revenue could
provide for her future maintenance. It was possible for an anointed sovereign to retire the
throne, but impossible to renounce the divine birthright.
Queen Christina had virtually no political clout after abdication; she was instead a
dowager regnant who utilized art and patronage to maintain her social standing and assert
her limited power. Although her circumstances in Rome were different, Christina again
turned to the arts as a method to promote herself. As queen without realm, she deployed
the arts in an attempt to show that she was still a relevant political entity. Christina’s
approach was based on templates developed in Sweden, and she applied them to her
Roman situation with varied success. Christina’s dowager regnant patronage therefore
became a method to counteract her limited political power while still asserting the status
her title provided her. If she had behaved as expected, it would have negated what little
authority remained with her position. It appears to have been a struggle for Christina to
avoid being marginalized as outrageous, yet to remain sufficiently imperious so as not to
undermine her efforts — a delicate balance. Queen Christina’s remaining years were
fraught with triumph and tragedy, and art played a considerable role throughout each
phase.
Almost half of Christina’s life was spent outside Italy, yet much of the existing
scholarship focuses on her Roman patronage. Christina did indeed utilize art to assert
herself in Rome, but she developed these tactics in Stockholm, and research addressing
Christina’s cultural agenda in Sweden is but a fraction of the overall literature. Moreover,
while there are a variety of secondary sources that deal with Queen Christina of Sweden,
7
few feature Christina’s contributions to culture. A considerable portion of the
groundbreaking literature is by historians who focus on Christina’s biography, with
advanced studies beginning to develop during the second half of the twentieth century.
Johann Wilhelm von Archenholz (German, 1743-1812) wrote a comprehensive four-
volume bibliography based on materials he gathered in the eighteenth century.2
Practically all writers after Archenholz have based at least part of their work on his
massive accumulation of material, even though he relies heavily on libelous sources.
Objective study began early in the nineteenth century with a two-volume book by
historian Heinrich Wilhelm Grauert (German, 1804-1852).3 Grauert’s outstanding study
examines Christina without prejudice and uses primary sources to make his points. This
seems an obvious approach for today’s researchers, but it was a revolutionary approach to
Christina research at the time. It did not halt the floods of sensational accounts popular
during Grauert’s time, but his effort initiated the responsibly objective attitude towards
Christina that the present work aims to follow. Martin Weibull (Swedish, 1835-1902)
made a significant contribution to the literature by surveying books that retold rumors of
immorality forwarded by previous biographers.4 His critical study traces accounts back to
Mémories et Negotiations by Pierre-Hector Chanut (French, 1604-1667).5 Weibull’s
analysis allowed a new narrative to emerge which avoided myth. However, his treatment
2
See Johann Wilhelm Arckenholtz, Mémoires concernant Christine, reine de Suède pour server
d’éclairecissement à l’histoire de son regne et principalement de sa vie privée, et aux événements de son
tems civile el litéraire, (Leipzig and Amsterdam, 1751-1760).
3
See Heinrich Willhelm Grauert, Queen Christina of Sweden and her Court (Bonn, 1837-1842).
4
See Martin Weibull, Drottning Kristina och Klas Tott: några historiska beriktiganden (Lund: Berlingska
boktryckeri, 1892-93).
5
See Pierre-Hector Chanut, Mémories et Negotiations (Paris, 1675).
8
of Christina is exceedingly kind, even permissive, and consistently praises Christina
while dismissing negative evidence.
Baron Carl Bildt (Swedish, 1850-1931) was the Swedish minister to Rome and
had access to nearly all the documentary material associated with Christina.6 He was an
excellent archival researcher and succeeded in breaking many of the codes used by
Queen Christina and Cardinal Decio Azzolino in their personal correspondence. Bildt’s
work can be problematic, however, because he approaches the subject with a Victorian
mentality that is somewhat condescending toward religious philosophy and female
intelligence. Curt Weibull (Swedish, 1886-1991), son of Martin Weibull, was also a
historian who succeeded his father as the queen’s champion. His work served as a foil for
the scandal-sheets, and favors the point that Christina was an exceptional individual.7
Margaret Goldsmith (American, 1894-1971) provides a fresh look at Christina’s
seemingly unorthodox behavior in her 1933 study Christina of Sweden: A Psychological
Biography. 8 Her work psychoanalytically analyzes the biographical literature to explain
Christina’s mental outlook. While Goldsmith is often condemned for retroactively
applying present-day conceptions to this historical period, her characterization of
Christina is objective and has become the bedrock of subsequent gender studies. Sven
Stolpe (Swedish, 1905-1996) compiled an abridged biography of Christina’s life based on
6
See Baron Carl Bildt, Christine de Suède et le Cardinal Azzolino: Letters in édites, 1666-68, avec une
introduction et des notes (Paris: E. Plon, Nourrit et Cie, 1899); and Baron Carl Bildt, Les Medailles
romaines de Christine de Suède (Rome: Loescher and Company, 1908).
7
See Curt Weibull, Christina of Sweden (Stockholm: Svenskabokförlaget, 1966).
8
See Margaret Goldsmith, Christina of Sweden: A Psychological Biography, (New York: Doubleday,
Doran and Company, 1933).
9
a career of research.9 It is clear that his work derives from a lifetime of extensive study
with original documents, but his text provides no notes or references. The most recent
English biography by Veronica Buckley entitled Christina Queen of Sweden: The
Restless Life of a European Eccentric casts Christina as a woman incapable of finding
solace in her life.10 Buckley’s 2004 work thoroughly cites her sources, but she still
perpetuates biased assertions that have existed so long that they are now accepted as fact.
To Buckley’s credit, she rightfully relies on Georgina Masson’s 1969 biography and
credits her work throughout.11 However, Masson (British, 1912-1980) does not
document her sources, and while respected for her archival work, she does not distinguish
which information is verifiable and what has been retold from previous biographies.
The bulk of the remaining literature has been written by an array of scholars from
various disciplines outside art history that employ diverse methodologies in their
approach. Among the limited number of sources that mentioned Christina as a collector
or patron, many were published in 1966 in conjunction with Christina, Queen of Sweden:
A Personality of European Civilization, an exhibit at the Nationalmuseum, Stockholm.12
Along with the exhibition catalog, an anthology entitled Queen Christina of Sweden:
9
See Sven Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, editor, Sir Alec Randall (New York: MacMillan, 1966).
10
See Veronica Buckley, Christina Queen of Sweden: The Restless Life of a European Eccentric, (New
York and London: Harper Collins Publishers, 2004).
11
See Georgina Masson, Queen Christina, (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1969).
12
See Christina, Queen of Sweden: A Personality of European Civilization, compiled by the
Nationalmuseum, Stockholm. Catalogue of the exhibition of June 29–October 16, 1966, arranged in
collaboration with the Royal Library, The Royal collections, The Royal Collection, The Royal Armoury,
The Royal Cabinet of Coins and Medals, and The National Record Office, Stockholm, (Stockholm:
Nationalmuseum, 1966).
10
Documents and Studies presented twenty-six articles of recent scholarship.13 Magnus
Von Platen, Karl Steneberg, Georgina Masson, Boo von Malmborg, and Carl-Herman
Hjortsjö contributed to the seminal text. Another book published in conjuction with the
Nationalmuseum’s exhibition is Per Bjurström’s Feast and Theatre in Queen Christina’s
Rome. These texts focus on details regarding Christina’s cultural endeavors, but do not
provide a comprehensive discussion that contributes to the understanding of Christina’s
approach to patronage.
The groundbreaking work published by the Nationalmuseum in 1966 was
impressive, but it seems to have precipitated a subsequent lull in the research. The focus
has drifted away from Queen Christina as cultural figure and toward her position as a
historical entity. Most notable among the new generation of scholars interested in
Christina is the historian Marie-Louise Rodén, who led the shift in attention toward
Christina’s political and religious endeavors. Since Rodén’s first article in 1986, she has
gone on to write about fifty publications. Most notable of these is Church Politics in
Seventeenth-Century Rome: Cardinal Decio Azzolino, Queen Christina of Sweden and
the Squadrone Volante.14 Rodén’s masterful text provides a superb assessment of the
intricacies of papal politics during the mid-seventeenth century. Her work is an
outstanding contribution in understanding the Roman milieu where Christina existed.
Another significant contribution was the conference with accompanying text Politics and
13
See Magnus Von Platen, editor, Queen Christina of Sweden: Documents and Studies, Analecta
Reginensa I, Nationalmuseum Skriftserie, No. 12, (Stockholm: P.A. Norstedt and Söner, 1966).
14
See Marie-Louise Rodén, Church Politics in Seventeenth-Century Rome: Cardinal Decio Azzolino,
Queen Christina of Sweden and the Squadrone Volante (Stockholm: Almquiest & Wiksell, 2000).
11
Culture in the Age of Christina.15 Rodén’s research is the most significant to date
because her treatment of Queen Christina is notably objective. I wish to emulate her
handling of Christina and to complement her contributions by treating the cultural
dimension of the topic.
There are a number of other substantial resources that provide essential context
when discussing Queen Christina’s evolution as a patron. Michael Roberts’ expertise on
seventeeth-century Swedish society has been vital for understanding the political
situation of Chrisitna’s reign.16 Roberts’ extensive research has led to a number of
valuable publications, including a sourcebook of governmental records that document
administrative changes that occured throughout Chrisitna’s regency and regnant rule.
The Vasa warship has been an essential piece of evidence for discovering the
iconography employed by the Swedish monarchy during the transition from King Gustav
II Adolf and Queen Christina. Hans Soop and Fred Hocker have both published
extensively on the Vasa’s construction and decorative program.17 Malin Grundberg’s
work focuses on ceremonial aspects of rituals from Vasa rule that describe and explain
dynastic practices to convey messages of power.18 Astrid Tydén-Jordan’s investigation
of festivities for Queen Christina’s coronation explains the elements of the public
15
See Marie Louise Rodén, editor, Politics and Culture in the Age of Christina, Conference Report,
Wenner-Gren Center May 5–6, 1995, (Rome; Stockholm: Suecoromana IV, 1997).
16
See Michael Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power 1611-1697: Government, Society, Foreign Policy
(London: Edward Arnold, 1968); and Michael Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus and the Rise of Sweden
(London: English Universities Press, 1973); and Michael Roberts, The Swedish Imperial Experience, 1560-
1718 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979).
17
See Hans Soop, The Power and the Glory, the Sculptures of the Warship Wasa (Stockholm: Almquist
and Wiksell, 1986); and Fred Hocker, Vasa (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2011).
18
See Malin Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt: Maktöverföring och genus i Vasatidens kungliga
ceremonier (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2005).
12
procession and religous investiture that were unprecedented in Sweden.19 Susanna
Åkerman’s book Queen Christina of Sweden and Her Circle: The Transformation of a
Seventeenth-Century Philosophical Libertine is an impressive compendium of Christina’s
intellectual pursuits that provides valuable context for her approach in using the visual
arts to support an agenda of self-promotion.20 Despite these wonderful contributions,
Queen Christina’s use of the arts to build her reputation is a topic that has not gotten the
attention it deserves.
Art historical scholarship to date has been limited to just particular components of
the queen’s collecting and patronage – most studies have focused only on Christina in
Rome. These readings have not considered the larger picture of Christina’s use of the
visual arts throughout her life and the development of her practice in Sweden. The
present study addresses Christina’s overall deployment of visual culture for self-identity
to yield a more comprehensive understanding. Such an approach reveals a lifelong public
relations agenda that Christina consistently implemented as a way to craft her image and
assert power.
19
See Astrid Tydén-Jordan, Drottning Kristina kröningskaross 1650, translator, Roger Tanner
(Stockholm: Livrustkammaren, 1989).
20
See Susanna Åkerman, Queen Christina of Sweden and Her Circle: The Transformation of a
Seventeenth-Century Philosophical Libertine (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1991).
13
CHAPTER ONE: MUD, BLOOD, AND THE FATHERLAND
Christina Vasa became Queen of Sweden before her sixth birthday in 1632 with
no claim to the throne other than the blood in her veins. Nonetheless, the aristocracy and
the estates of the Swedish Riksdag elected her as monarch. Christina was made
sovereign simply because she was of King Gustav II Adolf’s blood, and the great warrior
king’s persona still commanded profound respect among the people. Christina’s writings
and patronage show that the shadow of her father’s great reputation lingered within her
consciousness for the rest of her life; it was bound within her self-identity and tied to the
concept of her sovereignty.
Family and Faith: Pillars of Power
Christina wrote that Gustav was “the greatest of all men to have ever lived,” and a
drawing attributed to her in the Nationalmuseum depicts her royal father (Fig. 1).21
Christina’s little sketch conforms to the style of Swedish court portraiture employed by
Jacob Heinrich Elbfas, because it demonstrates his use of drapery drawn back to reveal a
subject standing on a checkerboard-pattern floor. Christina drew a full-length portrait of
her father in a yellow, sleeveless jacket atop a white shirt, and wearing high black boots
over striped britches. She created his shirt sleeves as stripes of light and dark to represent
the pleats of a man’s pressed shirt, and added white areas around the wrists and neck to
signify a lace collar and cuffs. Her father’s right hand holds a marshal’s baton and his
left rests on his hip beside a sword going behind his body. There is a helmet on a table
covered in a green, gold-fringed cloth. Despite the childish quality, Christina’s
21
Göran Axel-Nilsson, “Pompa memoriae Gusta vi Adolphi magni. Über einige von der Königin Christina
projektierte Mausoleen,” in Queen Christina of Sweden: Documents and Studies, editor, Magnus Von
Platen (Stockholm: Kungliga, Boktryckeriet P.A. Norstedt and Söner, 1966), 15.
14
Figure 1. Queen Christina (Swedish, 1626-1689) Gustav II Adolf, Konung av Sverige, c.

1632, watercolor, Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMGrh 419).
15
representation of her father’s pose and attributes illustrates her respect for the king’s
military prowess.
The date attributed to Christina’s drawing places it in the same time period as a
double portrait by Jacob Heinrich Elbfas of Gustav II Adolf with his daughter (Fig. 2).
Elbfas’ painting represents the king, full length and standing on red and white
checkerboard floor, with a table draped in green fabric, the same as in Christina’s
drawing. A helmet is again displayed beside Gustav, but the dark colors make it appear
different than in the sketch. Gustav holds a long stick rather than a baton, lacks his
sword, and wears a noticeably different outfit. These variations indicate that Christina’s
drawing was not a rote copy of the painting.22 Her sketch is obviously not for public
display, but features the format, style and general content characteristic of Gustav II
Adolf’s official portraiture.
Gustav II Adolf is the focus of the double portrait because he is larger in scale and
located in the center. The prominent helmet at his side refers to his control of the army
and the wealth and authority he has brought to the nation. The panel Christina holds is an
image displaying all of the cities and territories conquered by Gustav’s army during the
German campaign; titled illustrations of the various locations are listed in a spiral pattern
that radiates outward. The presentation of occupied territory in this manner was a well-
established motif by this time. One broadsheet in the Kungliga Biblioteket shows a
common format used for Swedish military propaganda (Fig. 3). Like Gustav’s portraiture,
official propaganda prints are typically structured on a visual template that can be
adjusted and expanded over time, all while still maintaining the established appearance.
22
An earlier painting of Gustav II Adolf at Kungsholm Kyrka in Stockholm has components of Christina’s
drawing that do not conform to Elbfas’s double portrait.
16
Figure 2. Jacob Heinrich Elbfas (Livonian, c.1600-1664) (attr.), Gustav II Adolf and
Christina, c. 1632, oil on canvas, Jäders kyrka, Södermanland, Sweden.
17
Figure 3. Unidentified Artist, Gustavus Adolphus with German cities under his control,
1632, etching, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP G II A C 15).
18
News of current events needed to be efficiently produced and distributed in order to
maintain Sweden’s reputation for conquest, and to highlight the king’s accomplishments.
The broadsheet example clearly shows the spiral list of city illustrations where Sweden
has been victorious under Gustav’s leadership.23 From a practical standpoint the use of a
standard format was functional because changes could be made to the broadsheet’s
original printing plate as new areas were taken. In this example we can see where spaces
have been left blank in anticipation of future success.
Propaganda broadsheets allowed Gustav to promote the crown and convince his
audience that his success was possible because his will demanded it. The king’s
patronage depended on his ability to stir patriotic feelings and to convince viewers that
his plan for the nation was in everyone’s best interest. Gustav II Adolf’s rhetoric stressed
that the nation must take priority above the individual, and his speeches routinely called
for personal sacrifices in order to assure the common good of the realm. 24 The words
used in Gustav II Adolf’s rhetoric were important for evoking national pride. Kungarike
is translated as kingdom and Rike was used synonymously with the word nation in
seventeenth-century Sweden. The frequent use of fatherland did not mean to describe the
physical territory or geography of Sweden, but rather the historical land of old held by
23
One such broadsheet shows Gustav II Adolf sparring with Catholic leaders. The lampoon of the pope
regurgitating cities conquered by the Swedes was reissued regularly with the plate reworked to include the
latest conquests. Gustav is depicted with a lance jabbing a bloated pope in the gut, forcing him to
regurgitate a river of cities under Catholic dominion. Multiple versions exist of this print with numerous
variations in the locations pictured on the scroll. These have been identified by Paas with the following
catalog numbers: P-1559, P-1560, P-1561, P-1613, P-1635, P-1636, and P-1812. Paas. The German
Political Broadsheet, 39.
24
Gustav II Adolf demanded to know how the Riksdag’s four estates could “help his royal highness and the
fatherland.” Their assistance required money and troops, necessary to free the realm from external threats.
Gustav implored his subjects “not to let go of king and country, [but to help so that] the Rike (realm) and its
good name and reputation can be defended, as it has been by our ancestors, and defeat kept at bay, so that
our children and grandchildren will have reason to thank us, as we have reason to thank our forefathers.”
Emil Hildebrand, Svenska riksdagsakter jämte andra handlingar som höra till statsförfattningens historia,
II:I (Stockholm: P.A. Norstedt and Söner, 1889), 220-223.
19
generations of previous Swedes. The term had a pertinent sentimental connotation
because it implied a dutiful obligation among living generations to preserve the heritage
of their ancestors.25
The true significance of Elbfas’ portrait is that the king appears with his heir, and
that it is the first known depiction of Christina — a visual sentiment that establishes
familial lineage. This is an image of the nation’s present and future monarchy: Sweden’s
king and his successor. Gustav II Adolf promoted the theory that Sweden was the oldest
of nations, founded by Magog, grandson of Noah (via his son Japhet) soon after the great
flood. 26 Gustav commissioned a family tree of the Vasa dynasty, which includes
Christina, to illustrate the royal house’s biblical lineage (Fig. 4).27 The diagram retraces
the king’s line through the Goths to connect it to the issue of Noah, the only ones to
survive the deluge as reward for keeping the true covenant with God. Christina was
listed as Gustav’s successor to assert her legitimate claim to the throne.
Johannes Magnus’ 1554 Historia de omnibus Gothorum Sveonumque reibus is the
first comprehensive epic of the ancient Goths. The text describes how the Goths were
25
Older generation Swedes living today still use the word Rike to mean nation. Such expressions solicited
nearly universal support and Gustav II Adolf usually got everything he wanted. Severin Bergh, ed, Svenska
Riksrådets Protokoll, vol. xi: 1645-1646 (Stockholm: Riksarkivet, 1906), cited in Johan Holm, “King
Gustav Adolph’s Death: The Birth of Early Modern Nationalism in Sweden,” in Statehood Before and
Beyond Ethnicity: Minor States in Northern and Eastern Europe, 1600-2000, editors, Linas Eriksonas and
Leos Müller (Brussels: P. I. E. – Peter Lang, 2005), 116-118, 122-123.
26
The belief was that Magog’s realm had been far enough from Babel to not be involved in the confusion
of tongues there, so the Swedes retained what was in effect the original language of mankind, the words
which God spoke to man — the Adamic language. From the Goths’ original settlement at Uppsala they
spread over the earth and were involved with the siege of Troy; Sweden was the home of the Amazons; the
journeys of the Argonaunts had taken place in the Baltic; the pillars of Hercules were located at the sound
between Sweden and Denmark; and Atlantis was part of Sweden. Roberts, The Swedish Imperial
Experience, 70-72.
27
An original draft of the Vasa family tree was intended for mass production and distribution in 1632,
before being re-issued in February 1633 to include Christina at the top of the tree. John Roger Paas, The
German Political Broadsheet 1600-1700, Vol. 7 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1991), 132.
20
Figure 4. Unidentified Artist, Vasa Dynasty family tree originating from Noah, 1633,
engraving. Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden.
21
descended from Magog’s son Götar and were a warrior race of great conquerors with a
rich culture that founded astronomy, philosophy, and had produced great literature — no
longer extant, but visible in the evidence of Rune stones around the countryside. The
papacy was blamed for suppressing the runic characters within the Roman alphabet in an
attempt to destroy its great northern rival. Gustav II Adolf sponsored a reprint of
Magnus’ influential work in 1621 and the retelling of Gothic greatness became the
prevailing ideology among Swedes, particularly the upper classes. 28 Royal patronage of
Magnus’ text indicates that Gothicism helped stimulate national pride and was an
incentive to renew an illustrious past. The world outside Sweden was more affluent,
favored by nature, and culturally advanced than the underpopulated lands north of the
Baltic. The Gothic legend satisfied a psychological need to offset present insignificance
by boasting of past glories. Gothicism’s challenge to the outside world resonated with
Swedes and helped foster a national spirit that supported the king’s political design.
Sweden’s charismatic king was central to the national identity and the example of
statecraft that Christina was trained to emulate. This is remarkable considering that
Gustav II Adolf’s status had not always been so respected. He began his reign as a young
and politically weak ruler. His ascension to the throne at the age of seventeen in 1611
gave the Swedish nobles an opportunity to consolidate their power and assert authority
during the youthful king’s reign.29 Gustav was required to sign legislation that mandated
him to gain approval from the Council of State and the Riksdag in order to enact royal
28
Johannes Magnus was the last Swedish Catholic Archbishop. His original text was printed in Rome in
1554, and later reissued by Erik Schronderus in his Een Swensk Chrönika in 1621. Roberts, The Swedish
Imperial Experience, 70-72, 75; and Soop, The Power and the Glory, 51.
29
Marie-Louise Rodén, Queen Christina (Stockholm: Swedish Institute, 1998), 8.
22
decisions.30 The king was not daunted by the nobility suppressing royal authority; to the
contrary, he combined the ambitions of the nobility with his own and initiated a lifelong
partnership with Axel Oxenstierna, the leader of the first estate in the Riksdag, by
appointing him chancellor of the realm.31 Gustav II Adolf used inherited conflicts with
Denmark, Russia, and Poland to broker enhanced authority in the name of national
security. He cited the need for strong borders to protect the realm, and leveraged the
concern of vulnerable borders for the duration of his twenty-year reign.32 The emergence
of Sweden’s Empire was an element of the nation’s defenses. Security was made possible
from strength abroad — the best defense was offense. It was a slow and gradual response
to outside challenges and was deliberately designed by the king’s administrative policy.
External threats caused self-isolation and militarism, and anxiety was aggravated by
repercussions of the Counter-Reformation. The turmoil around Sweden’s periphery made
it heighten its guard. Michael Roberts asserts that “the real dynamic behind the creation
of the Empire was simply fear.”33
Throughout the Stormaktstiden (great power period), Sweden remained a
parliamentary state; that is, the Riksdag was required to approve all of the proposed laws.
Seventeenth-century Sweden was a hierarchical society; the nation’s four estates were an
30
Holm, “King Gustav Adolph’s Death,” 116.
31
Rodén, Queen Christina, 8.
32
The Polish conflict was a lingering cold war rooted in bad blood among members of the Vasa dynasty.
Denmark defeated Sweden in the Western Baltic States, while Gustav skillfully negotiated peace with
Russia that instigated a long period of instability in Muscovy, effectively shutting the Russians out of the
Baltic for most of the seventeen century. Hocker, Vasa, 25; and Holm, “King Gustav Adolph’s Death,”
116-118.
33
Roberts, The Swedish Imperial Experience, 2-3. The exception to outsiders was that German
administrators were to be brought from the Holy Roman Empire Court to reorganize governmental
bureaucracy so that it would be more effective, profitable, and most important, based on the king’s central
authority. Neil Kent, A Concise History of Sweden (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 52.
23
officially sanctioned order. The first estate was made up of three tiers of the nobility.
These were landowners who held baronial titles, members of families who had served on
the Council of State, and those of noble birth without higher titles. The second estate was
the Swedish Lutheran Church, headed by the Archbishop of Uppsala. The third estate
was comprised of prominent merchants, primarily from Stockholm, and the fourth estate
was made up of the peasantry. The estates were headed by the Land Marshall, a noble
appointed by the monarch. The four estates of the Riksdag and the Council of State
formed the government headed by the king.34 Sweden, contrary to most of Europe,
allowed all major segments of the population to participate in its political representation
to some degree under this system. A quarter of the Riksdag assembly was made up of
peasants who could be coaxed or persuaded to support resolutions that benefited the
aristocracy; they, however, could not be bullied to go along with the nobility if they did
not wish. The peasant estate often counted on the estate of clergy to support its position
or objection because most ministers came from the peasantry or worked closely with their
local congregations. The checks and balances implemented in the Riksdag made them
accomplices to the crown’s administrative policies and partners in the development of the
Swedish Empire. This induced a feeling of corporate responsibility for national
governance; through their participation noble and non-noble became united in solidarity
for a common cause.35
34
Ibid., 81-82.
35
The Riksdag’s influence would remain potent until class infighting undermined their strength and they
were degraded to a mere body of government spectators in 1681, when Karl XI proclaimed the edict of
absolutism. Roberts, The Swedish Imperial Experience, 76-77, 79.
24
Gustav II Adolf cultivated public opinion by collaborating with the clergy, who in
turn promoted his ideology from the pulpit at home. Gustav praises the clergy in his
1630 farewell speech saying that they were the natural vehicles to “twist and turn the
hearts of their congregations.” 36 Gustav’s attitude at the beginning of his rule was that of
religious tolerance.37 This tolerance, however, was limited to Protestantism; he did not
extend tolerance to Catholics. Gustav II Adolf’s rhetoric condemned the papacy by
referring to the pope as a son of the devil and labeling papal legates “Satan’s bellows.”
He also spoke of “the devil’s brood of Jesuits, who were the cause of the horrifying
tyranny in Spain, France, and other countries.” The king’s opinion of Catholics grew
more ruthless throughout his reign, and he spoke of Catholicism saying,
This religion, if it can be really be considered a religion, is not only

idolatrous, it is a merely human construction, contradicting God’s Word
and Scriptures, in which lies our way to everlasting bliss; it teaches
particularly repellent doctrines, hereticis non est seunda fides, that is, there
is no need to keep the faith with heretics, as they call us.38
The Church of Sweden, like other Lutheran churches, insisted that it was
essentially Catholic, although purged of the erroneous corruptions that plagued the
Church of Rome. Swedish Protestantism did indeed retain many of the older faith
practices, priests continued to profess the apostolic succession, and other Catholic
customs remained intact.39 When Bulstrade Whitelocke was in Stockholm in 1654 he
visited Storkyrkan Cathedral and wrote,
36
Ibid., 69-70.
37
Gustav II Adolf opposed the estates at the Riksdag of Örebro when they suggested persecuting
Calvinists, and he permitted subjects of other faiths to remain in Sweden provided that they did not
proselytize or undermine the government. Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 21.
38
Ibid., 21-22.
39
Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus, 137.
25
In the choir are many pictures of Saints and other images; and at the east
end of it a high altar, with a rich carpet of velvet embroidered with gold,
and a stately crucifix upon it: there are also diverse other and lesser
crucifixes in several places of the church and choir. In the
vestry…chalices and pyxes, with pieces of wafer in them; and none could
see a difference between this and the papist’s churches.40
Whitelocke’s account demonstrates that while the king demonized the Catholic Church,
Swedes continued to practice their religion as they had done beforehand.41
Gustav II Adolf’s policies favoring nationalism, an insular Lutheran Church, and
an inclusive political structure had cemented Sweden into a homogenous culture by the
time Christina inherited the throne. The common mindset was that the law superseded
individuality, and a centralized military state was best equipped to protect the people.
Throughout all the war and conflict of the seventeenth century, Swedish society was
exceptionally solid and stable because it was bound together by a common church, the
40
Bulstrode Whiteocke, A Journal of the Swedish Embassy in the Years 1653 and 1654, Vol. I (London:
Longman, Brown, Green, and Lognmans, 1855), 187-188.
41
The Christianization of Sweden was complete by the twelfth century and became the deeply rooted
foundation of Swedish society. A fervent spiritual life played a major contributing role in the growth of the
Swedish state over the subsequent centuries. King Gustav I Vasa embraced the Protestant Reformation
sweeping across Sweden, not so much because he was interested in matters of theology, but rather because
he recognized he could use its popularity for his own purposes. Peace between the Scandinavian countries
was governed by a Pax Nordica that began in the thirteenth century. Each country paid tribute to the
northern German Hanseatic League and Gustav I Vasa utilized the Reformation movement as a means to
generate funds for Sweden’s league tax. The king found that confiscating church assets was an excellent
way to offset government expenditures and reinforce a balanced budget, thereby establishing himself as a
fiscally responsible leader. Gustav I Vasa believed that the Catholic Church undermined his authority and
excluding its influence would strengthen his rule. He could benefit the crown by confiscating church assets
and redistributing them to himself and the nobility, becoming personally rich and buying political fidelity.
The king convened the council of Västerås in 1527 to officially sever Sweden from Rome by seizing
church property and establishing the Swedish Riksdag (Parliament). Gustav I Vasa was named the head of
the church in Sweden. The king consolidated his power by having himself and future descendants
recognized by ecclesiastical leaders as king by divine right, and requiring that all swear allegiance. Any
supporters of the old religion refusing loyalty were suppressed as heretical traders. A related issue is that
the act of reducing the church to poverty nearly destroyed Sweden’s educational system. Northern nations
that isolated themselves had limited influence from the outside, and the writings of Luther replaced much
of what had been taught to children. Yet even with the limited curriculum, the emphasis on devotional
proficiency did bring about a high rate of literacy. Inge Jonsson, “Swedish Culture in a European Context”
in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Papers delivered at a Joint Meeting with the Royal
Swedish Academy of Sciences, Stockholm, 24-26 May 1998 (American Philosophical Society 143, no. 1
(1998), 151; and Kent, A Concise History of Sweden, 12-13, 52-55.
26
religious unity of Swedish Lutheranism. The Lutheran church was so entrenched within
the fabric of Swedish daily life when Christina became queen that it was impossible for
her to hold any form of authority if she opposed the Church. The celebration of the
Goths’ ancient dominion intermingled with a biblical narrative to intertwine dynastic
legacy within religious teachings. 42 The blending formed a sort of pseudo-theology
which mystically bound the Gothic cult to the Swedish Lutheran Church, and its head —
the monarch. Like family members from her illustrious past, Christina was believed to be
God’s instrument.43 Her status was solely based on her heritage; it was her title that gave
her power, and losing its credence would negate the authority she possessed.
Christina took great pride all her life that she was the sole heir of King Gustav II
Adolf, but the actual familial bonds within the royal household were lacking. Other than
accompanying her father to official engagements and appearing in Elfbas’ double
portrait, Christina was typically kept hidden. Her role was to simply be the king’s
42
Both the Church and State promoted their Gothic ancestry and mythology to glorify Swedes as a warrior
people destined to dominate Europe. The promotional rhetoric of Gothicism apparently made a significant
contribution to Christina’s definition of self and how she conceptualized her family’s connection between
the Empire under her rule and Europe’s illustrious past. From her youth until old age, Christina was
interested in genealogy and conducted her own personal research into her family’s ancient past. As queen,
she argued that the house of Vasa was descended from Theodoric, the great Gothic ruler of Rome. The
ideology of Gothic-rooted destiny lingered within government propaganda well into the eighteenth century,
until the French revolution, Napoleon, and a change of the Swedish royal dynasty. Kent, A Concise History
of Sweden, 83.
43
Christina collected many manuscripts that supported her speculation that the Vasas had claim over the
Goths, Wends, and Suevi peoples — the Ostrogothic tribes who were relatives of the Spanish Visigoths.
She also claimed hereditary rights to French and Flandrian nobility through her mother’s family, the
Hohenzollerns, and her paternal grandmother, Christina of Holstein. Queen Christina’s belief was that both
sides of her family were descended from Charlemagne. She believed that she was related to Charlemagne
through the twenty-seventh row from the Holsteins and the thirty-second row from the Hohenzollers. She
also investigated ancient cultural exchange between France and Scandinavia, both linguistically and
through the intermarriage of Frankish kings with Scandinavians. The belief was that the Merovingian kings
came from Arcadia. The sources tell that the Judaic tribe of Benjamin was driven out of Judea and
transported to Arcadia where they intermarried with the indigenous people. These two groups developed
the belief in a mother goddess in the form of Diana, the Huntress. Another tie was a shared mythology that
both groups descended from Gallic Israelites. Susanna Åkerman, “Raimondo Montecuccoli and Queen
Christina’s betrayal,” in Politics and Culture in the Age of Christina. editor, Marie-Louise Rodén
(Stockholm: Suecoromana IV, 1997), 73-75.
27
daughter. Aside from Elbfas’ painting, there is little evidence to suggest that patronage
focused on her as the future of the realm. Christina’s presence along with Gustav II
Adolf in Elbfas’ portrait does not appear to be intended to assert her as the successor as
much as it is to prove that the Vasa line in Sweden would not end with Gustav — that the
king had successfully produced an heir. The Norrköping diet of 1604 modified the line of
succession law to allow female ascent to the throne as a way to safeguard the realm from
a claim by the Catholic Vasas in case there was no male Protestants in line.44 Gustav was
still young but it was not certain that he would have more children. Christina was not a
boy, but she had to do.
Christina’s mother, Queen Maria Eleonora of the Brandenburg House
Hohenzollern, long suffered from her inability to produce a male heir, and her marriage
was unhappy.45 The king’s mother, the Dowager Queen Christina of Holstein insisted
that her son make a political marriage. He chose Maria Eleonora because she was the
daughter of the elector at Brandenburg. The union was meant to ally Sweden with the
most important Protestant state in Germany, even though it was Calvinist.46 The
marriage did not achieve the desired alliance, and Queen Maria was regarded as neither
intelligent nor mentally stable. Gustav referred to Maria as his malum domesticum
(domestic evil).47 Swedish historian Sven Stolpe claims that the German princess was not
on Gustav’s intellectual level, stating,
44
Christina later revoked the 1604 Norrköping diet edict as part of her abdication decree. She only agreed
to relinquish the throne to the male heirs of her successor Karl X Gustav. Rodén, Queen Christina, 11, and
Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power, 19.
45
Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 33.
46
Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus, 50-52.
47
Paul Douglas Lockhart, Sweden in the Seventeenth Century (New York: MacMillan, 2004), 56.
28
Maria Eleonora’s letters do indeed give a depressing impression. We

expect to find bad handwriting and gross spelling mistakes in the
manuscripts of the seventeenth century, but the Queen of Sweden wrote
like an ignorant housemaid; she had no idea of the logic of syntax and her
letters often reveal a condition of utter mental confusion.48
Stolpe adds that her interests were of the lowest order and revolved around cakes and
dwarves. Christina later wrote that her mother had “an uncommon amount of pleasure
from these pygmies.”49
Despite her supposed mental shortcomings, Queen Maria Eleonora was praised as
being a very attractive woman, and for her passionate interest in art and music. A year
after her marriage to Gustav II Adolf in 1620, Maria became seriously ill and miscarried.
She gave birth to a daughter, baptized in 1623 as Christina Augusta to honor Gustav and
his officious mother, Dowager Queen Christina, but the baby died before her first
birthday. In May 1625, the king and his pregnant queen were reviewing warships at
Skeppsholmen, when a sudden wind nearly caused the royal yacht to capsize. After the
accident Maria noticed that her child was no longer moving and she delivered a stillborn
son. It was her fourth child, born on 8 December 1626, also baptized Christina Augusta,
who became Gustav II Adolf’s only heir as he went to war.
Gustav II Adolf seemed to be proud of his warrior-king status and enjoyed the
soldier’s life. He differed from other seventeenth-century kings because he stood at the
front of his army to lead the cavalry charge. His involvement on the battlefield seems
natural for the leader who made it a point to share the hardships of his men. This
48
Queen Maria Eleonora has long been classified by scholars in such a way. The exhibition “Maria
Eleonora Hjärtats Drottning,”at the Livrustkammaren, Stockholm on display 27 September 2013 – 23
March 2014 has reassessed this judgment as a possible misunderstanding of German culture by the Swedes.
49
Quoted in Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 30-32.
29
solidarity earned the loyal respect of his army and he encouraged his generals to follow
his example.50 Gustav also stimulated a reverence for his fighting spirit back in
Stockholm by founding the Royal Armory as a museum for battle artifacts. After the king
was wounded in the neck fighting the Poles at Dirschau (modern Tczew) in August 1627,
he ordered that the Armory be established as a venue to publicly display his bloody
clothes in the Swedish capital.51 His blood-stained and tattered battle garb still form the
core of the Royal Armory’s collection on exhibit today. Gustav’s use of self-promoting
propaganda and encouragement of public admiration for his person garnered him such
wide-spread approval that he wielded near absolute power.
The Vasa Warship: Symbol of Royal Power
The Vasa warship was intended to be a powerful weapon of Swedish royal
propaganda. It is also an exceptional illustration of the iconography utilized by the crown
when Christina inherited her power — a visual language Christina employed her entire
life (Fig. 5). Christina’s initial reputation was that she was wholeheartedly her father’s
daughter; she adapted many of her father’s emblems of power to maintain her own status.
The flagship of Gustav II Adolf’s fleet is one such display of panegyric iconography and
propaganda.
The Vasa is a marriage of maritime muscle with royal standing — a model of
firepower and rich ornamentation. The name itself, after the royal family’s heraldic
symbol, was a statement, created by the thousands of people needed to construct such a
50
Hocker, Vasa, 111.
51
Ibid., 26.
30
Figure 5. Henrik Hybertsson and Arendt de Groote (shipwrights), Vasa, 1626-1628,

timber with other materials, Vasamuseet, Stockholm, Sweden.
31
vessel.52 The warship is adorned with sculptures that celebrate and glorify the monarch's
authority. A considerable part of the total cost of building the ship was invested in the
carvings, and they weighed so much that they inhibited the ship's maneuverability. The
imagery applied to the decoration was based largely on the Renaissance celebration and
idealization of Roman and Greek antiquity imported to Sweden from Italian and Dutch
masters. The double gun decks loaded with twenty-four-pound cannons of course spoke
of Sweden’s martial strength, but the sculptures were intended to tell of the king’s
majesty and his country’s international prominence every time she sailed into port.53
However, this was not to be. The Vasa set sail from Stockholm on Sunday, 10
August, 1628, after Vespers, and many of the city’s ten thousand residents were enjoying
the summer evening after service. The sun hung low in the sky, creating a glistening
scene, to highlight the rich colors of the ship and enhance the spectacle of the departure,
as many private boats took to the water in a farewell flotilla. Amidst all the festivities,
almost unimaginably, the crowds witnessed the Vasa heel on a slight breeze and sink
beneath the calm water.54 In an infamous moment, after all the time and money invested
into the ship, the structurally unstable vessel sank in the harbor at Stockholm.
The Vasa’s disastrous maiden voyage led to its exceptional preservation, because
it sank a few hours after launch and remained hidden for centuries.55 Had this event not
52
Fred Hocker, Vasa, (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2011), 14.
53
Ibid., 67.
54
Bengt Ohrelius, Vasa, The King's Ship, translator, Maurice Michael (Philadelphia and New York: Chilton
Books, 1963), 15-19.
55
In 1650, the Scotsman Colonel Alexander Forbes successfully persuaded Queen Christina to grant the
rights to salvage the site for twelve years. The general area of the wreck was known, but not located until
1956. The debris from construction of the Stockholm Tunnelbana was planned to be dumped in the area by
city counselors and searchers increase their effort, lest the ship be buried by rubble. Ibid., 41, 10, 52.
32
occurred, these ornaments would have surely been lost during the warship’s brief
lifespan; thus the trove of artworks aboard the Vasa are that much more valuable.56 Fred
Hocker, Director of Research at the Vasa Museum, explains that Vasa was a national
embarrassment when it sank, but now offers a rare look at the visual symbol of Gustav II
Adolf’s reign.57 The ship worm teredo nanalis typically wastes wooden ships, but the
cold, brackish waters of the Baltic are uninhabitable to this boring mollusk, and the
lumber of Vasa remained intact and incredibly well preserved. The nails and bolts that
held decorations onto the ship’s face corroded quickly, and objects were preserved
because they fell off the hull into the frigid mud, which protected the carvings from
centuries of erosion; many survive with tool marks and traces of paint still intact.58
Gustav II Adolf had a preference for building large ships and had the biggest
ships in the navy designated to an administrative class of warship called Regalskepp or
Realskep. The Vasa belonged to this Regalskepp (royal ship) category and held a crew of
450 men. When complete, the Vasa was one of the largest ships in Europe.59 The king’s
ships were named for classical figures, animals, astronomical objects, or regalia and other
symbols of royal power.60 Boats of the Regalskepp distinction were given titles for
traditional symbols of royal power. Vessels named Orb, Scepter, and Crown preceded
56
Ohrelius, Vasa, 51; and Soop, The Power and the Glory, 5.
57
Hocker, Vasa, 203.
58
Ibid., 165-166.
59
The Vasa was built as a double-decker warship with sixty-four cannons on board. The addition of a
second gun deck mid-construction contributed to her instability and led to the listing that caused her to sink
two hundred meters into her maiden voyage. There are no known blueprints or models of the ship’s
construction, and probably never were, because shipbuilders went by sight and dimensions. Soop, The
Power and the Glory, 15, 18.
60
Hocker, Vasa, 72.
33
Vasa as the big ships of the fleet.61 Around 1600, warships were big, heavy caracks, that
were stout but hard to maneuver. The caracks were replaced by the more agile galleon,
complete with a tall, wide stern, and a long, narrow beakshead, which extended ahead of
the ship’s hull. The galleon’s design made it ideal for a figurehead sculpture. In close
battle, the beakshead could form a bridge onto enemy craft.62 Whereas caracks were
functional with a few flourishes, the galleons were adorned with edging, heraldic shields,
and all manner of figures.
The Vasa was built at Skeppsgården (the royal shipyard) on the island of
Skeppsholmen. It was begun in 1626, enlisted in the national Registry as the Ny Wasa /
Nya Wassan (New Vasa / New Wasa) to distinguish it from two older ships of the same
name. The word Vasa is the Swedish for the Latin term fasces, a bundle of sticks tied
together. In ancient Rome it was the symbol of judicial authority, but it was also the
heraldic symbol of the king’s family. By the seventeenth century the vasa emblem
appeared more similar to a shock of grain than a bundle of rods.63
No plans or drawings exist of the Vasa from the builders, Henrik Hybertsson and
Arendt de Groote, because seventeenth-century shipwrights did not use sketches or
61
Ibid., 147.
62
Most ideal naval battles were hand-to-hand combat between two vessels locked together, with the
vanquished ship being absorbed into the winning fleet, with a new crew.
63
The Vasa sheaf of grain is either corn, or wheat, depending on the source. After Christian II of Denmark
sacked Stockholm in November 1520, he declared himself king and massacred any opposition in a large-
scale public execution, which came to be known as The Bloodbath of Stockholm. Gustav Eriksson of the
house of Vasa led the Swedes into a pact bent on repelling foreign rule of their territory. Once Sweden
obtained its independence, Gustav Eriksson had himself declared protector of the realm, and began to call
himself Gustav Vasa, the first of his name and father of a nation. Re-subjugation by the Danes was a
concern until Gustav II Adolf achieved a decisive diplomatic victory over Christian IV at the conference at
Sjöryad in 1624. The terms favored Sweden to the degree that Denmark could not challenge Sweden for
some time. Roberts, The Swedish Imperial Experience, 7; Soop, The Power and the Glory, 15; Hocker,
Vasa, 46-47; and Kent, A Concise History of Sweden, 40-44.
34
schematics for construction.64 The Vasa retains 98% of the original timber from 1628,
including over 700 original sculptural artifacts.65 Of the total 53,300 Riksdalers spent to
build Vasa, 4,600 was earmarked for sculptors — 8.6 % of the total construction expense,
and 20% of the labor cost.66 The shipyard’s ledger shows that the artistic workforce was
not hired by the shipwrights, like the rest of the labor, but was employed directly by the
crown and worked on a wide variety of royal commissions simultaneously. Mester
Mårten (Redtmer) was hired as head sculptor at 354 Riksdalers per annum, and Mester
Hans (Clausink) was paid 129 Riksdalers.67 Redtmer’s fee suggests that he was a well-
respected artist and played a considerable role in Stockholm’s art scene. He had
supervised other ship decorating projects, such as the Tre Kronor before its 1625 launch.
However, the level of proposed ornamentation for the Vasa was more advanced than that
of any previous Swedish ship. The sculpted flourishes were more in line with the
commissions for the great organ in Stockholm’s Tyskakyrkan (German Church) that he
completed in 1608. The sculptural program for the Vasa was to be larger than the Tre
Kronor ship and as magnificent as the Tyskakyrkan church organ. 68 It is apparent that
Redtmer was responsible for the most significant carvings aboard the Vasa because they
64
Ohrelius, Vasa, 57.
65
Gustav I Vasa was opposed to ship decorations, but this is clearly not the case by the time of the reign of
Gustav II Adolf. Soop, The Power and the Glory, 11; and Hocker, Vasa, 197.
66
Hocker, Vasa, 44.
67
Johann Thesson was also listed as an employee, but did not return in 1626, and was replaced by carvers
named Giärdt and Petter. Ohrelius, Vasa, 78; Soop, The Power and the Glory, 241; and Hocker, Vasa, 78-
80.
68
The current organ is a replacement; the original was sold in 1781 and now exists in two parts, in the
parish churches at Övertoreå and Hedenäset. Hocker, Vasa, 67.
35
are rendered in his characteristic style — faces with deep-set eyes, high cheekbones, and
a beak-like nose above a beard and mustache.69
Among the carvers employed at the Skeppsgården, they all seem to have
originated from outside of Sweden. Redtmer had come to Stockholm as a journeyman
carver from Germany in 1621. His known earlier work employs a late northern
Renaissance style and a Mannerist character. His work on Vasa, however, shows a
movement away from the exaggerated grotesques of mannerism and towards Baroque
naturalism. He seems to have been popular in Stockholm and continued his successful
work decorating ships until his death in 1655.70 Hans Clausink was a carver of Dutch
descent who had emigrated from Westphalia. Records show that he was employed as a
carver in the Skeppsgården from 1608 until 1631 and that his wealth and social standing
increased throughout his career.71 Johan Thesson also worked on the Vasa. He was a
Dutch stone carver originally brought to Stockholm in 1624 to work on the Tre Kronor
Slott in Stockolm’s Gamla Stan. Thesson was also skilled in wood and was appointed to
the Vasa. Many of the bizarre elements of fantasy on the ship are attributed to his
background training in the whimsical Flemish style.72 Cornelis Floris (1514-1575) was a
leading figure in the Flemish style and his pattern book New Invention of Sepulchral
Monuments from 1557 was the standard artistic reference book in Sweden at the time the
69
Scholars are confident in their attributions of Redtmer’s work because they have been able to match his
style in both design and technique with numerous projects in Stockholm known to be by him. Soop, The
Power and the Glory, 241, 250; and Hocker, Vasa, 79-80.
70
Andrew Peters, Ship Decoration 1630-1780 (Yorkshire: Seaforth Publishing, 2013), 169.
71
Clausink’s son was ennobled by Queen Christina in 1650. Soop, The Power and the Glory, 250; and
Peters, Ship Decoration, 169.
72
36
Vasa was built.73 Two other carvers were called Giärdt and Petter, but since they are only
referred to by their first names, we can assume that they were younger artists assisting the
Masters.74
Sculptures from the Vasa are not three-dimensional in the usual sense; most are
flat on the backside and shaped to fit the portion of the ship on which they were placed.75
The weight of the wood for the carvings was an important consideration with regard to
where they were placed on the ship. Objects along the hull were made of dense oak,
while lightweight pine was preferred above decks. Alder was used for wet places and ash
was resistant enough for rigging hardware. Linden wood held details well so it was the
most suitable for ornamental sculpture.76 57% of the Vasa’s sculptures are made of oak,
26% of linden and 17% are pine. Oak figures were durable and have been well preserved,
but the porous Linden and pine have been eroded over time.77
Color was of utmost importance to the visual impact of the Vasa’s figures. Traces
of paint can be found on carvings today, indicating that the ship’s decorations were
coated with bright colors. This style was typical of northern German woodcarvers during
the Renaissance, but by the Baroque period, the polychrome fashion was losing favor.
The wildly festive appearance seemed out of date and vulgar when sober opulence was
73
Books by Floris’ student Hans Vredeman de Vries were also common, and many of the Roman figures
on the ship share similarity to de Vries’ model. Ibid, 170.
74
Hocker, Vasa, 80.
75
Soop theorizes that many of the sculptures were leftovers from other ships because they looked to be of
an older style and because so many were done in such a short period of time. This has since been proven
wrong by researchers at the Vasamuseet, Stockholm. Soop, The Power and the Glory, 21-22.
76
Hocker, Vasa, 43.
77
Soop, The Power and the Glory, 21; and Peters, Ship Decoration, 171-172.
37
coming into vogue on the continent.78 The hull of the ship was painted red and chemical
analysis has shown that 75% of the carvings were gilded to give the ship a striking
contrast (Fig. 6).79 Colors were made from ground minerals mixed with linseed oil.
Local mineral deposits supplied iron and copper capable of creating various earth tones
from various ores and oxides. Durable and resilient white was made from lead oxide and
black was procured from lamp black. Green hues came from copper compounds, but
vivid green was ground malachite imported from Russia. The most expensive pigment
was blue because few elements can produce a dark azure. The richest blue was acquired
from Russia and Afghanistan where lapis lazuli deposits were located. None of these
colors was cheap or readily available; their use in substantial quantities indicates that the
color scheme was an important part of the crown’s investment in Vasa.80
The ornamentation of the Vasa was originally thought to be beautiful, but not
symbolic.81 Subsequent scholarship by Hans Soop and Fred Hocker has revealed that
there was indeed an elaborate and sophisticated decorative program, which was
reinforced by imagery on the ship. The Vasa was designed to be the naval embodiment of
the king — literally a flagship among an arsenal of tools for visual rhetoric. This vessel
was created to transport the king, physically and metaphorically, while announcing his
status. The figurehead was to be a lion, typical of a large Swedish warship, and this one
78
Hocker, Vasa, 77.
79
80
Hocker, Vasa, 79.
81
Ohrelius, Vasa, 107.
38
Figure 6. Ingvar Jörpeland, Stefan Bruhn and Jan Claesson, Reconstructed Vasa model,
2008, wood with pigment, Vasamuseet, Stockholm, Sweden.
39
featured a large gilded Vasa shield (Fig. 7).82 Other symbolic themes common to Swedish
ships of the time are references to the Goths, to whom the king traced his lineage, and the
Roman emperors. The majority of characters were secular, with the notable exception of
Gideon, the Old Testament figure who led a small force to victory despite substantial
opposition. Gustav identified himself with this biblical leader and routinely included the
reference in his projects.83
The long breakhead at the bow displayed ten half-life-size figures of Roman
emperors (Fig. 8). Many of the emperors on the bow of the ship still have their names
inscribed on them and can be matched to the ship to show that they were mounted in
chronological order, Tiberius through Caracalla.84 The Emperor Augustus was not
represented by an anthropomorphic figure, but rather held the preeminent role as the three
meter long gilded lion figurehead. The name Augustus was recognized as an anagram of
the Latin form of the king’s name, Gustavus. The lion was the traditional symbol of the
Swedish kings since the Middle Ages because it conveyed strength and bravery. These
carvings on the Vasa can be seen as expressions of nationalism or artistic examples of
national symbolism.85 The association with Augustus conveyed a clear message that
Gustav II Adolf was the heir of the Roman Emperor, thus proclaiming Sweden as the new
empire.
82
The lion figurehead was originally gilded and traces could still be visible when the sculpture was
recovered from the water in 1959. Soop, The Power and the Glory, 189; and Hocker, Vasa, 67.
83
Hocker, Vasa, 67.
84
Soop, The Power and the Glory, 179-182.
85
Ibid., 32.
40
Figure 7. Mårten Redtmer (German, 1575-1655) – head sculptor, Vasa – detail: Lion
Figurehead, 1626-1628, gilt wood, Vasamuseet, Stockholm, Sweden.
41
Figure 8. Mårten Redtmer (German, 1575-1655) – head sculptor, Vasa – detail:

Beakshead, 1626-1628, timber with other materials, Vasamuseet, Stockholm, Sweden.
42
Figures in Roman armor appear throughout the ship to emphasize the king’s link
with the past. This iconography was consciously designed to counter the notion that
Gustav was the son of a usurper by signifying that he was upholding tradition. This did
not imply an affinity with Rome or the Catholic Church, but quite the opposite. Gustav in
an Imperial connotation emphasized that he, rather than the Pope, was the virtuous heir to
Rome’s ancient greatness.86 The king was praised as a successor of the Roman emperors,
but he also promoted himself as descended from the Goths, who won their fame as
conquerors of Rome. This may seem to claim both sides, but nothing appears to have
prevented the nationalist-minded historiographers from accepting it at the time. In this
light, the king claimed two illustrious ancestries simultaneously.87
The highest point of the ship was at the back where the main flag is displayed
above the lantern. The yellow cross on a blue field was first used by the Vasa dynasties as
an emblem for the Swedish emblem of Protestant Christianity. The cross motif first
appeared during the crusades to represent the triumph of the resurrection. It was
implemented by the Vasa dynasties to signify the rebirth of Christianity under the
Protestant Reformation. Before Vasa rule, the Swedish flag was blue with white stripes.
The Swedish cross flag was initially only used for a ship that carried the king, but by the
1620s it was used on many ships to emphasize that all in the king’s service were his
representatives and acted in his honor.88
86
Hocker, Vasa, 68.
87
Soop, The Power and the Glory, 179-182.
88
Hocker, Vasa, 71.
43
The word vasa does not appear anywhere on the ship, but there is no doubt about
the identity, or that it was meant to promote the crown. The transom of the sterncastle is
the largest part to display images and the area is divided into three registers (Fig. 9). The
uppermost portion presents the young Gustav II Adolf flanked by a pair of griffins
placing a crown onto his head (Fig. 10). The griffin was the emblem of Gustav’s father,
the Duke of Södermanland — later King Karl IX. This design highlights the king’s
legitimacy through the heraldic symbols of his father handing him authority. The king’s
inheritance is also emphasized by showing him as a young man. Throughout his adult life
he had a beard, but did not have one when he was young. The image of Gustav as a youth
accepting the crown symbolized that he was destined to rule Sweden and declared his
claim of divine right. It makes clear that fate intended that he rule and that the deposition
of his cousin Sigismund, by Gustav’s father, Karl IX, was heavenly ordained as
inevitable.89 The initials, G.A.R.S, stand for the king’s name in Latin — Gustavus
Adolphus Rex Sueiae. The placement of the letters between the crowning of the young
king above and the national crest below is a link between Gustav II Adolf and the country
(Fig. 11). The creatures that hold up the letters of G.A.R.S. are also symbolic. The letters
G and A are supported by griffins — again, the symbol of Gustav’s father, Karl IX. The
initials R and S are held by lions, the mascots of the Swedish state. These sets of animals
therefore raise the king’s connections to both his family and the nation. More
importantly, they stake his claim as legitimate heir to the crown. Karl IX was viewed by
many as a pretender who utilized anti-Catholic sentiment to usurp throne. As his father’s
successor, Gustav II Adolf needed to overcome the question of his legitimacy and affirm
89
Ibid., 70.
44

Sterncastle Transom, 1626-1628, gilt wood with pigment, Vasamuseet, Stockholm,
Sweden.
45
Sterncastle Transom, 1626-1628, wood with pigment, Vasamuseet, Stockholm, Sweden.
46
47
his right to rule.90
The second register of the transom displays the royal arms of Sweden — a shield
with the Tre Kronor on the blue fields, and a lion rampant on a striped field.91 The Vasa
sheaf is planted in the center, and the entire assembly is carried by two lions wearing
crowns.92 Two figures of Hercules frame the second tier of imagery, and added to the
meaning of a man-of-war vessel of the time.93 Hercules was interpreted as an ideal of
virtus heroic (heroic virtue) — the notion that hardship and courage would be rewarded.
This philosophy set the expectation for how nobles were to live and behave. Axel
Oxenstierna and other aristocrats argued for austerity measures by invoking the heroic
virtue of Hercules, and promising future greatness from sacrifice. Along with their
affinity for Hercules, the Swedes took solace that their stoic customs gave them a social
advantage over their continental adversaries. This attitude was rooted in the claim that
they were descended from the ancient Goths who accomplished so much and whose
strength derived from their stern masculinity, contrary to what they regarded as the
emasculated and indulgent south.94
90
The inventory before Vasa sailed shows that it had sixty-four bronze guns on board. The ones cast for the
ship have the Swedish coat of arms and a Vasa sheaf on each one with the initials GARS (Gustavus
Adolphus Rex Sueciae) and the date of their creation, 1626. The Vasa’s guns also have bands of acanthus
leaves and sea monsters — this was unusual because cannon were usually left plain. The cascobel on the
end is not a knob-like button, like later guns, but keeps to the maritime motive and takes the form of a
seahorse to support the pan of powder. The lifting rings on top of the barrel came to be called dolphins
because they were usually shaped like sea creatures. The Vasa’s guns feature sea horse shaped dolphins.
Ohrelius, Vasa, 80; Soop, The Power and the Glory, 67, 69; and Hocker, Vasa, 56.
91
The lion rampant became the symbol of Sweden alongside the Tre Kronor in the thirteenth century,
during the Fulkunga dynasty.
92
Hocker, Vasa, 70.
93
Soop, The Power and the Glory, 44.
94
Ibid., 44, 51.
48
The third and lowest register on the transom contains the sigil of the house of
Vasa, along with a company of warriors (Fig. 12). Cherubs stand alongside the crown
grain sheaf, brandishing olive branches and leaning against lush garlands of produce.
These figures emphasize the peace and prosperity delivered to the nation under the Vasa
dynasty’s rule. There is a prominent crown in each of the three registers. Taken together,
we can interpret these to represent the Tre Kronor, the traditional emblem of the Swedish
monarchy.95 It cannot be coincidence that Gustav II Adolf is represented along the
Vasa’s stern in the center of each of the three registers, lining up on the axis of the vessel
directly below the ship’s great flag and above the rudder that physically steers the ship.
Repetition reinforces the ideal that the strength of the nation’s banners is rooted in the
king’s greatness. The crown is the king’s because God has ordained it so, the realm is on
the march toward glory, and it is Gustav’s household which has brought such greatness to
fruition.
Christina Becomes Queen
On 16 November 1632, King Gustav II Adolf led the attack on Imperial forces
headquartered at Lützen. When Gustav arrived on site around seven o’clock in the
morning, he found that the opposition had arranged themselves in Swedish-style
battalions that matched his own in efficiency. Although the Imperial position was weak,
95
There is much debate among historians as to the actual origins of the Tre Kronor. Some believe that it
began as a symbol within Gothic mysticism, while others claim that it has historic significance. In the
twelfth century King Magnus Eriksson married his son Håkan to his Danish rival’s daughter, Margarete
Atterdag. The plan was to unify Scandinavia under one dynasty, but this marginalized the Council of State
in Sweden and it in turn removed Magnus Eriksson from office by electing Albrekt of Mecklenburg the
younger, a wealthy merchant from Hansa in Germany who had used his newfound resources to attack the
Danish king, Valdemar Atterdag. The Hansa forces were repelled, and Margarete’s son, Olaf, succeeded his
grandfather, Valdemar, on the Danish throne. Olaf died a minor, and Margarete took the throne of Denmark
for herself and capitalized on her support in Norway and Sweden to go to war against the Mecklenburgs
until she had conquered all of Scandinavia and was declared queen of the three Nordic kingdoms: Sweden,
Denmark, and Norway. Under the formidable rule of Queen Margarete, the Kalmar Union was established
on 17 June 1397, and one throne ruled over all three kingdoms. Kent, A Concise History of Sweden, 29.
49
50
fog denied visibility for hours, allowing enough time for reinforcements to arrive. The
weather, along with a vortex of troop movements, created a chaotic environment, and
from his position at the head of the cavalry, Gustav was shot twice in the upper body and
once in the head.96 When the king’s heavy body fell into the mud, this changed
everything in Sweden.
Christina inherited the crown shortly before her sixth birthday, and throughout her
minority the country essentially had no functional government with an active monarch at
its helm. The lawful relationship between subject and sovereign was suspended; the oath
was sworn to a mature ruling king, not the country, not the Council of State, and certainly
not a little girl.97 There was no legal precedent for such a situation in Sweden, and a new
constitution was written which designated a board of Regents, headed by the Chancellor
Axel Oxenstierna, and four other prominent members of the Council of State, to oversee
the government until Christina came of age. The Riksdag questioned whether council-
based regency was efficient or even needed. It encouraged the Council of State to select
one capable man, probably Oxenstierna, and elect him to act as king and take the royal
oath to uphold and honor the realm until Christina was old enough to assume power.98
When the Riksdag reluctantly approved the new constitution, it asked that the new
leaders take the traditional royal oath, promising to uphold the faith, law, and land. The
96
John Childs, Warfare in the Seventeenth Century (London: Cassell and Company, 2001), 59.
97
Holm, “King Gustav Adolph’s Death,” 123-124.
98
The estates also expressed the wish for Christina to marry straightaway, and emphasized that foreign
kings had been oppressive to Sweden in the past, and a marriage to a native nobleman would avoid such a
calamity. Severin Bergh, editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol. iii 1633, (Stockholm: Rikarkivet, 1885),
29.
51
Council of State denied the request, arguing that it was simply a placeholder until the
queen reached majority — any relationship between rulers and ruled had to wait.99
The period between Gustav’s death in November 1632 and his burial in
Stockholm was almost two years. The situation of constitutionally reorganizing the
monarchy created a power vacuum for governmental direction and royal patronage. Three
individuals sat at the top of the uncertain hierarchy: Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna, Queen
Christina, and the now Dowager Queen Maria Eleonora. Oxenstierna was in Germany
serving as governor of Prussia when the king was killed, and remained there to manage
the chaotic aftermath.100 From 1632 until 1635, Sweden’s forces in Germany suffered a
series of crushing defeats, and the collapse caused many of its allies to change loyalties.
Armies of unpaid soldiers became voracious predators, wielding scorched-earth tactics to
satisfy their needs. Many Swedish commanders took part in the widespread pillage,
ignoring Oxenstierna’s instructions to stop. Mutinous officers took Oxenstierna prisoner
from July to August 1635, and held him hostage until their wages were paid in looted
treasure.101
Maria Eleonora displayed profound grief, and utilized her position as the king’s
widow to assume sovereign authority. Throughout this period the Council of State began
to slowly lose confidence in Oxenstierna as the war took a negative turn and the dowager
queen inserted herself into government.102 Christina had differing opinions of
99
Bergh, editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol. iii 1633, 29, 40-41; Sveriges Riksdag, Sveriges
ridderskaps och adels riksdagsprotokoll. vol. II: 1633-1636 (Stockholm: P.A. Norstedt. 1856), 16; and
Holm, “King Gustav Adolph’s Death.” 126.
100
101
Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power, 148; and Childs, Warfare in the Seventeenth Century, 67-68, 86.
102
52
Oxenstierna and her mother. She described the Chancellor as “practically omnipotent…
He was indefatigable. His industry and application to his work were tremendous. He
made his work his pleasure and his only occupation.”103 On the other hand, Christina
remembered “the queen, my mother, who apart from the virtues of her sex, had all the
vices of it as well, was inconsolable at my birth. She could not bear the sight of me,
because I was a girl, and she said I was ugly.”104
The drawn-out effort to bring the king’s body back to Stockholm was a political
struggle that placed Christina in the eye of the storm. King Gustav had left orders that he
was not to be cut or preserved after his death, but the delay in returning the body required
an autopsy and thorough embalming. The king’s prepared body was laid in state and his
repose became the subject of numerous prints and drawings that celebrated him as a
martyr for the Protestant cause. A print by Johan Jakob Gabler fabricates an imaginary
procession which is more like a triumph than a funeral ritual (Fig. 13). Allegorical
characters parade along a winding trail carrying Gustav II Adolf toward his heavenly
mansion. The entourage is headed by female mourners carrying banners of the house of
Vasa and the Swedish nation. Next are the nine Muses, each walking with a veiled face
and carrying her attribute. Carts of war booty in the form of flags, weapons and
fortresses, roll along to display the impressive assortment of treasures gathered during the
king’s campaigns. A military band and honor guard occupy the image’s center and
103
Quoted in Goldsmith, Christina of Sweden, 15.
104
Christina’s life as Princess of Sweden was plagued by Maria Eleonora nagging, as she made little
attempt to hide her disappointment with her child. Christina was routinely left unattended when she was an
infant, apparently by her mother’s order, and she was the victim of several accidents. A beam fell onto her
cradle as she slept once, and on another occasion, she was dropped and her shoulder crushed, leaving a
lifelong deformity. The Princess was the king’s darling, but the fact remains that he was away leading a
soldier’s life for long periods of time, and she had no choice but to endure her mother’s disdain. Ibid., 10-
11.
53
Figure 13. Johann Jakob Gabler (German, d. 1640), Allegorical Funeral Procession for
King Gustav II Adolf, 1633, etching, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP
CHR B 6).
54
shepherd a group of ladies who carry shields, each labeled with the name of a state,
region, territory, or country Gustav ruled. The king’s body is laid on a caisson draped
with the Swedish flag and the emblems of his office. Fame floats above the corpse with
the laurel crown and palm frond, symbols of martyrdom. The king’s vehicle is drawn by
eight cloth-covered horses and a hooded honor guard. Two groups of prisoners are
chained behind the funeral coach. The first are allegorical figures, with the second being
a collection of defeated Imperialists. The remaining participants are a mixture of
diplomats and government officials. The etching was created as Gustav II Adolf’s
ultimate propaganda — a fictitious scene that serves the purpose of a real life event. This
work praises the fallen monarch, but does not make an attempt to promote the new queen,
Christina.
Another commemorative print is a broadsheet that reproduces a funeral that was
held 26 July 1633 in Wolgast, Germany (Fig. 14). Over seven months had passed since
the king’s death on 16 November 1632, and this etching begins to make a dynastic
connection between Gustav and his daughter. The casket can easily be identified in the
center of the image which shows the procession winding back and forth across the entire
picture. The military parade is lead by the cavalcade, followed by a delegation of horses
representing the king’s banner men. The king’s horse precedes the coffin, which is
draped with Sweden’s national flag. The gold cross upon blue flag signifies the cross of
the resurrection, reminiscent of a funeral pall — the cloth laid upon the casket during
Christian burial rites to represent the spiritual rebirth made possible by the holy
sacrament of baptism. The caisson carrying Gustav II Adolf follows beneath a baldachin
surrounded with an honor guard and trailed by an entourage of dignitaries. The royal
55
Figure 14. Unidentified Artist, Funeral Cortege of King Gustav II Adolf at Wolgast 26,
July 1633, 1633, etching, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP CHR B 4).
56
coach paces behind carrying Queen Christina and her mother, the Dowager Queen Maria
Eleonora.
It is not clear if any of the king’s immediate family actually attended the Funeral
at Wolgast, but they are nonetheless a part of its illustration. We can see the carriage, but
the curtains shield any view of the possible occupants inside. However, we know that this
vehicle was designated for the royal women because it is labeled so, and we can
recognize coins being dispensed from the coach — a traditional gesture of largesse given
as alms along the route to thank mourners for their participation. The last members of the
cortège are diplomats and other government officials. Regardless whether the print is an
accurate depiction of the event, it presents the king’s daughter, Queen Christina, taking
part in the ritual and shows her interacting with those in attendance — actively relating to
the people as the king’s legitimate heir. In this way, the image serves two lines of
communication: the print’s viewer witnesses Gustav’s funeral cortège (even though it is a
past event), and observes the new queen engaging with the public. The viewer virtually
participates as a member of the audience while also being introduced to Christina. The
signs indicate that she is present and we understand that she is there even though she
cannot be seen. The circumstances surrounding the real event do not matter as much as
the production of an image that successfully promotes Queen Christina as an active
participant. The use of this print for propaganda in Sweden was invaluable for the
acceptance of a little girl as sovereign.
Christina did not have a relationship with her people when she became queen,
despite appearing with her father at events. Gustav II Adolf was a robust and charismatic
man of the people, but Christina was a sheltered little girl who rarely left Tre Kronor
57
Slott. It became clear when the Riksdag proclaimed Christina King of Sweden in
February 1633 that she needed to be formally introduced to her public. Christina was
crowned king because the law regarded a queen as merely the wife of the monarch, and
only a masculine entity wielded royal power. Christina reportedly sat on the throne
quietly and attentively during the ceremony. She wrote in her autobiography,
Other children [would have] gone to sleep or shed hot tears, while I
accepted the homage of the Diet with the seriousness of a mature human
being, conscious of the importance of what was going on… What a
difference between the deceased king and his successor… He had been the
greatest of living men, whereas the living ruler was the weakest of
creatures. What grief and mortification it must have caused his brave
soldiers to realize he was to be succeeded by a girl and one who had
barely left her cradle!105
Some of this nervousness can explain an outburst during the ceremony when the leader of
the peasant estate, Lars Larsen, objected to the proceedings by exclaiming “who is this
daughter of Gustavus Adolphus? We do not know her; many of us [in the peasantry] have
never seen her before.” The Lord Marshal responded by taking Christina into his arms
and announcing “here she is; I will show her to you”, and paraded her around the
assembly. Larsen is supposed to have studied the girls face and been impressed that she
stared intensely back at him. The peasant leader shook his head, “yes, she has her father’s
look, she should be our king.”106 The girl king needed a public face.
The royal ladies had portraits printed showing them in mourning as a way to
emphasize their relationship with the deceased king, and to promote their appearance to a
wide audience. Michel Le Blon’s engraving of Christina depicts her in mourning, with a
105
106
Jean-Francois de Raymond, Christine de Suède: Apologies (Paris: Les Editions de Cerf, 1994), 110-111
as cited in Buckley, Christina Queen of Sweden, 37; and Goldsmith, Christina of Sweden, 24.
58
long widow’s-peak veil and gloved hands (Fig. 15). We can see that Christina’s face
appears different than it did in Elbfas’ double portrait; it was likely altered by the artist to
look more like her father (Fig. 2). Features such as her long distinctive nose and brow are
emphasized to stress the resemblance to Gustav. Christina’s formal pose demonstrates the
maturity she is said to have shown at her election proceedings; her hands are positioned
in such a way as to make her appear intelligent and pious. The queen is seen mourning
the death of her father, which the people of Sweden expected, while presenting herself to
her subjects — a coming out that affirms her position on the political stage.107
The Dowager Queen Maria Eleonora was also portrayed in an engraving by Le
Blon (Fig. 16). The use of the same artist, style, and format indicate that these were
planned as a pair, even though Maria is seen closer up and without her hands showing.
Maria Eleonora probably oversaw the project, because her portrait was created first in
1633 and Christina’s was made later the same year. Christina’s portrait was intended to
be mass-produced and disseminated to the populace, in the hope of improving
recognition and gaining authority. If Maria Eleonora commissioned her own portrait to
be done before her daughter’s, this indicates that her goal was not so much to assist
Christina but rather to promote herself. The dowager queen’s position in Sweden had
been that she was married to Gustav II Adolf; following his death she only remained
relevant as the queen’s mother. Maria Eleonora had not given Christina much favorable
attention before the king’s death. However, the queen mother’s attitude changed radically
when Christina inherited the crown.
107
Nathan A. Popp, Beneath the Surface: The Portraiture and Visual Rhetoric of Sweden’s Queen
Christina (Ann Arbor, Michigan: ProQuest, 2010), 13-15.
59
Figure 15. Michel Le Blon (German 1587-1656), Queen Christina in Mourning, 1633-34,
engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 24).
60
Figure 16. Michel Le Blon (German, 1587-1656), Queen Marie Eleonora, 1633,
engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP M E 5).
61
The dowager queen and her daughter did not see each other following Gustav’s
death until they met to ceremonially receive his body at the port Norrköping in July 1633.
Maria showered her daughter with hugs and kisses in an emotional display, which the
little stoic queen did not appreciate. Christina wrote about her mother’s transformation
saying “her love of me nearly drove me to despair.” Part of the mother’s change of heart
was likely complicated grief brought on by a profound sense of loss, but on the other
hand, it was also a method to assume power. Maria routinely sponsored court patronage,
and evidently believed she would play a primary role in Christina’s Regency.108 The
queen mother coddled Christina and required that she stay with her at all times. Maria
ordered her daughter to share her bedchamber, and had the room draped in black with
windows blocked. Gustav’s heart was encased in a gold casket and placed on a table next
to Maria’s bed; when she left the room, she carried it with her. The widowed queen
intermittently burst into hysterical screaming, causing Christina to cry in fear, only to be
admonished by her mother for showing emotion. The Council of State deliberated about
how to deal with the dowager queen’s eccentricities and debated whether it should
intervene on behalf of Christina’s welfare.109 Gustav’s body still remained on display in
Norrköping waiting for funeral arrangements to be made. Maria Eleonora visited his
body and had the coffin opened regularly, insisting that Christina attend when she viewed
the king.110 The experience of these visitations must have been horrific, considering that
Gustav II Adolf had been dead for twenty months — almost two years!
108
The dowager queen appointed Jacob Heinrich Elbfas court painter, and she was benefactor of many
court festivities. Görel Cavalli-Björkman, “Christina Portraits,” in Politics and Culture in the Age of
Christina, editor, Marie-Louise Rodén (Stockholm: Suecoromana IV, 1997), 93.
109
Goldsmith, Christina of Sweden, 26-32.
110
62
Contrary to Maria Eleonora’s apparent belief that she also inherited power, the
dowager queen was kept from any real authoritative role. She insisted on organizing
Gustav’s funeral arrangements, but her ideas were deemed so flippant and ostentatious by
the Riksdag that legislation had to be introduced to limit her planning. Maria
commissioned a funeral at Uppsala Cathedral in October 1633, but then changed her
mind and wanted Gustav placed in the chapel at Strömsholm Castle. In February 1634,
she proposed renaming Strömsholm in memory of her husband. By 1634 the Council of
State contended that Maria Eleonora had taken enough time to plan and made
independent arrangements to follow Gustav II Adolf’s wishes and entomb him with his
infant children at the Riddarholmskirche.111 Maria Eleonora agreed to allow a state
funeral and place Gustav in the Riddarholmskirche, but then proposed other memorials
throughout the next decade. In January 1635 she aspired to construct a pleasure palace in
Gustav’s honor as her personal residence on the Kungsholmen island of Stockholm. In
1636, she undertook the construction of a monumental home near Konigsberg Castle in
Prussia because she did not succeed in getting anything built to her satisfaction in
Sweden. She then commissioned Jacob Elbfas to design a renovation of Omberg Castle
and rename the surrounding city Gustavburg. All of the queen’s proposals were too
complicated and expensive, and were never realized.112
The Council of State convened on 26 August 1636 to finalize a resolution to
separate their majesties, Queen Christina and her mother the Dowager Queen Maria
Eleonora. There was much debate and trepidation among the councilors about whether it
111
Axel-Nilsson, “Pompa memoriae Gusta vi Adolphi magni,” 9.
112
Ibid., 10.
63
was appropriate to separate the young queen from her mother; the dowager queen would
likely accuse the council of alienating a loving mother from her only child. The minutes
show that Oxenstierna led the discussion in favor of honoring King Gustav’s Testament,
ordering Christina’s guardianship to be awarded to his sister, Catherine Pfalz-
Zweibrücken of Palatine. When questioned about whether it was humane to remove
Christina from her mother’s care, Oxenstierna responded,
We are senators of this kingdom, and ought to stand as mediators between

king and subjects, and speak not only for the rights of the crown, but for
the law of the land and the due liberties of the country. It may be odious to
the monarch, but it is required of us in virtue of the office we hold.113
Catherine Pfalz-Zweibrücken was recalled from exile in the country, where Maria
Eleonora had banished her, to collect Christina. Princess Catherine took Christina away
from Stockholm and attempted to give her as much of a normal private childhood as
possible. One of Christina’s letters to Princess Catherine from the time shows the bond
the two Vasa women shared.
I wish your Royal Highness all of God’s blessings, and I thank you for
your tender care and the great love which you have showed me; especially
do I thank your Royal Highness for the kind letters with which you have
honored me. I live in the blessed hope that your Royal Highness’s
friendship for me will continue, and I in turn promise that it will become
second nature to me to always show my gratitude to your Royal Highness,
your respected husband [Johan Kasimir], and your entire family, and your
Royal Highness’s untold devotion will always make me indebted to
you.114
Oxenstierna installed Catherine Pfalz-Zweibrücken in permanent residence in the palace
along with the young queen. Maria Eleonora was removed to the castle at Gripsholm
113
Severin Bergh, editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol. vi 1636, (Stockholm: Riksarkivet, 1891), 582-
583.
114
Goldsmith, Christina of Sweden, 32.
64
under mandate that she remain there unless given official permission to travel, essentially
placing her under house arrest until she absconded to the continent in 1640.115
Regency: Government in Transition
The Regency government of Christina’s minority was proposed in the form of a
new constitution by Axel Oxenstierna eight days after Gustav II Adolf’s death at Lützen.
Although the concept of a new constitution had been drafted and discussed between the
chancellor and the king, many questioned whether the king had actually sanctioned the
legislation because it stripped the crown of so many responsibilities. The new form of
government assigned most royal authority to the Council of State and was in effect a
program for oligarchical rule in Sweden.116
The initiatives of the 1634 constitutional rewrite lead to a substantial restructuring
which formally bound Christina to the Council of State. The documents establishing the
new government begin with a long preamble stressing that Gustav II had designed this
administrative system before his death as a precaution against civil strife and to secure a
smooth transition into a government that balanced the king’s authority with the Council
of State’s influence and protected the liberties of the estates. The articles stipulate that all
Swedes must adhere to the Lutheran faith, acknowledge Christina as Gustav II Adolf’s
heir, and that the crown must delegate administrative functions to the Council of State.
115
116
While the Council of State did not fully exploit the oligarchical prerogatives during the Regency that
they could have, Christina seems to have been wary of its loyalty since she was never able to hold quite the
same rapport or obtain the body’s respect to the degree that her father commanded. The downfall of the
form of government enacted in the Regency was that it created an administration independent of any
participation of the monarch. The Council of State controlled everything in an oligarchy power structure
under the guise of a constitutional monarchy. Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power, 18; and Michael Roberts,
“Queen Christina and the General Crisis of the Seventeenth Century,” in Essays in Swedish History, editor,
Michael Roberts (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1967), 120-121, 124-125.
65
The constitution orders that the chancellor scrutinize and approve all ingoing and
outgoing documents. Royal powers in absence of the king (i.e. a Regency) are not
addressed until article 53, which states,
If [the king] dies leaving a minor or an unmarried daughter to succeed

him; then the five great offices of the realm…shall corporately stand in the
king’s place…and act as guardians and Regents for his successor, if a
minor or an unmarried daughter; and their bidding or forbidding shall be
esteemed as the king’s orders, for so long as…the minority continues, or
the Princess remains unmarried. 117
The arrangement of Queen Christina’s regime constitutionally bound her to some
form of male authority as long as she occupied the throne. As a girl she was a powerless
figurehead; her position earned her the crown but she had no authority to exercise her
free will. Other minor sovereigns in Europe took over the reins of government once they
reached their majority, but as the Constitution of 1634 explains, Christina’s majority
brought no such independence. The Council of State was to continue to supervise its
female king until she chose a husband — a man who would become head of the royal
household. The unwed Christina was required to submit her commands to the Council of
State for approval or, as a married woman, was expected to defer leadership to her mate.
The legal situation imposed by Oxenstierna, with Gustav II Adolf’s supposed sanction,
tied Queen Christina to a man; her responsibility was not to rule on her own, but rather to
select an acceptable spouse and propagate the Vasa bloodline.
The Council of State’s directives were hesitant at first, but by the time Christina
attained majority in 1644, the council was fully entrenched in the crown’s daily activities.
117
Italics added by author for emphasis. These articles clarify that the Regents are not to enact decisions
that put the crown at a disadvantage or diminish its revenues. In the event of such action, the sovereign has
the right to revoke anything done during the Regency, when she comes of age and is married. One article
specifies that if the monarch dies without a child or collateral heir entitled to the throne by the succession
pact, the Council of State shall carry on without a monarch until the council and Riksdag can agree on a
new candidate for election. Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power, 26-28.
66
The collective authority of the Council of State outranked everyone in Swedish society
— even the crown. Among its numerous responsibilities were the duties to elect the king
and depose a monarch should it see fit to do so, an action at which it was practiced,
especially during the Vasa era. The king appointed members, but there were rules about
how many seats were to be on the council, which nobles were eligible for membership,
monitoring familial relationships, outlining duties, etc. The Council of State was
essentially the upper echelon of the nobility that wielded considerable authority as
advisory to the king.118 This elite group acquired full authority over Sweden and
established a Board of Regents, a five-man collective under the leadership of Chancellor
Axel Oxenstierna, who became the unchallenged head of government — a monarch in all
but name.119 Oxenstierna was not a military leader, but had been a well-connected
confidant of the king for over twenty years of his reign and was the driving force in
coordinating Swedish civil administration and the logistics of the war effort.
Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna possessed monumental influence throughout the
reigns of both Gustav II Adolf and Christina.120 The working relationship between
118
The nobility had existed as prominent families since the Middle Ages. It had been at odds with the Vasa
kings over political influence and economic privileges, such as tax exemptions. It lost much of its status
during the 16th century, but by the beginning of the 17th century had regained its dominance. The Imperial
expansion led by Gustav II Adolf benefited both crown and nobility, and a mutual partnership developed.
The collaboration had the king as its lead and the financial backing of the nobles, who were usually
rewarded with appointments to the Council of State. Stellan Dahlgren, “Estates and Classes,” in Sweden’s
Age of Greatness, 1632-1718, editor, Michael Roberts (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1973), 119.
119
Kent, A Concise History of Sweden, 73; and Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power, 36.
120
Axel Oxenstierna was raised to the Council of State by King Karl IX in 1611, and then promoted to
Chancellor on 6 January 1612, less than a week after Gustav II Adolf took office. Oxenstierna worked with
Gustav to bureaucratically reform the government into a stable college-based system enabled with planned
protocols of delegated responsibilities, freeing the crown from any administrative duties. Sweden's college
system of government served as a model for Peter the Great's reforms of Tsarist Russia and were mimicked
in Denmark during the late 1650s. The system created multiple institutions that ran separate aspects of the
government, such as war and commerce. It systematically prevented aristocracy from hoarding
administrative positions by awarding offices based on competency rather than birthright. Oxenstierna held
fast that the Chancery be the center of government and under his forty-two years as chancellor, the
67
Oxenstierna and Gustav II Adolf was one of mutual admiration and trust. A letter from
Gustav to Oxenstierna dated 4 December 1630 directs his chancellor how to procede after
his death.
I know that I may rely upon you to take care of my memory, and to look
after the welfare of my family as you would that God should look after
you and yours—as I myself will look after them, if God permits me to live
so long that you should need my help in that way… If anything should
happen to me, my family will become objects of compassion; for they are
women, the mother a person of no judgment, the daughter still a young
girl; likely to make a mess of things if they are given their head; in danger,
if others gain an ascendancy over them.121
Christina consistently rebelled against Oxenstierna and opposed his opinions in council
meeting by shedding tears or being impetuous. However, she describes him favorably in
her autobiography by recalling,
He was a very learned man who studied a wide variety of subjects in his
youth. He went on with these studies even when he was occupied with
very important matters. He was remarkably efficient and possessed a
thorough knowledge of international politics. He was aware of the strength
and weakness of all European countries. He was wise with remarkable
foresight and generosity of character, and possessed a unique talent. He
was untiring, persevering in his work at all times with unfailing industry…
He was one of the greatest obstacles I had to overcome when I made the
resolve to give up everything for thee [God], for I love this man as a
second father.122
Axel Oxenstierna stressed a smooth transition between Gustav II Adolf’s reign
and Christina’s Regency government. The Oxenstierna Chancery united both regimes,
and the art commissioned during the early 1630s appears to underscore the desire for
Chancery office became the soul of the state. Kent, A Concise History of Sweden, 66; and Roberts,
Gustavus Adolphus, 85; and Lockhart, Sweden in the Seventeenth Century, 60.
121
Letter from Gustav II Adolf to Axel Oxenstierna: Gollnow, 4 December 1630. Axel Oxenstierna,
Rikskansleren Axel Oxenstiernas skrifter och brefvexling, II.i (Stockholm: P.A. Norstedt and Söner, 1888),
669-670.
122
As quoted in Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 89.
68
legal stability and dynastic continuity. A medal by Jan van Looff cast during the
aftermath of the king’s death illustrates the goal for the government to stay resolute
throughout the crisis (Fig. 17). The recto features an armored arm gripping a sword
extending from a cloud bank. Along the bottom is a fleshless arm, detached at the
shoulder, beneath the word of God shining in the sky at the top. The inscription of
Dextra Manus Suecia Superest Pereunte Sinistra (Sweden lost her left hand, but the right
hand remains), acknowledges the loss of the king while giving an affirmation that the
government remains healthy. The primary reference for meaningful imagery of this sort
in Sweden at this time was Gabriel Rollenhagen’s Selectorum emblematum centuria
secunda, and plate 3 corresponds with Jan van Looff’s medal (Fig. 18). In Rollenhagen’s
example there is the same armed limb reaching out from clouds with light from above.
The printed inscription says Lex regit et arma tuentur (the law governs and the arm
protects). Such a notion certainly relates to the medal commemorating the death of
Gustav II Adolf, the great protector, but the arm in the center focuses attention to a still
active legal system. The form of the Ten Commandments and the scene of Moses
delivering the law to the people behind visually communicate that the government will
endure the calamity. Rollenhagen’s accompanying text states, “the law rules and thwarts
enemies, protects the people who adhere to the sacred commandments.”123 The sentiment
underscores the concept that the administration has not only survived the crisis, but will
continue to remain firm and resilient in the future.
123
Gabriel Rollenhagen, Selectorum emblematum centuria secunda (Utrecht: Crispijn van de Passe, 1613),
plate 3.
69
Figure 17. Jan van Looff (Dutch, active 1627-1651), Dextra Manus Suecia Superest
Pereunte Sinistra, 1632, silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S
204.214).
70
Figure 18. Gabriel Rollenhagen (German, 1583-1619), Lex regit et arma tuentur, Plate 3,
from Selectorum emblematum centuria secunda, 1613, engraving, Special Collections
and University Archives, The University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City, Iowa
(xN7740.R6).
71
One Subject, Two Portraits: Dueling Influence
Two early portraits of Christina allude to a struggle between Queen Maria
Eleonora and the Board of Regents for control of royal patronage. One is of Christina in
a white flowered dress standing beside a table holding royal regalia (Fig. 19). The other
features Christina in a black brocade dress with a distant view out a window (Fig. 20).
Both paintings are from the workshop of Jacob Heinrich Elbfas, court painter to the
Dowager Queen Maria Eleonora. They are likely to have been made around the same
time, because they share stylistic elements, but there are variances which indicate
different motivations. The white dress portrait is believed to be the earlier of the two
because it exhibits the character of older Swedish painting style. It was attributed by art
historians Göthe and Steneberg to be a work by Elbfas, but the connoisseurship of
Strömbom points to a lesser artist because so much detail is given to the ornaments rather
than the center.124 The feather, dress, orb, scepter and crown, each are rendered in precise
detail, whereas Christina’s face is smoothed over and quite similar in appearance to Le
Blon’s engraving of her in mourning (Fig. 15). The print and painting are likely to have
been constructed at the same time, but there is little evidence to show which came first —
presumably Elbfas’ painting, but the relationship between the two is not definite.
What is easier to determine is that the queen’s mother, Maria Eleonora, was
involved in the planning of this commission. Maria was Elbfas’ chief patron at the
Swedish court, and his older style, which was going out of fashion at the time, was a
manner used by the dowager queen in the past. Maria Eleonora’s wedding portrait, by
124
Boo Von Malmborg was the first to note that the white dress portrait was the older of the two paintings
and theorizes that Johann Assman assisted Elbfas in their execution because Assman was known to be
active in Elbfas’ workshop. Von Malmborg stops short of attributing the work to Assman and subsequent
scholars have adhered to his assessment. Cavalli-Björkman, “Christina Portraits,” 93.
72
Figure 19. Jacob Heinrich Elbfas (school of) (Livonian, c. 1600-1664), Queen Christina
as a Child, c. 1632, oil on canvas, Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NM 6693).
73
Figure 20. Jacob Heinrich Elbfas (Livonian, c.1600-1664), Queen Christina of Sweden as
a Child, 1634, oil on canvas, Nationalmuseum-Statens Portrattsamling, Gripsholm,
Sweden (NMGrh 504).
74
Michiel Jansz. van Mierevelt, with its feather-fan accoutrement and billowing frock,
bears a resemblance to Elbfas’ portrayal of Christina (Fig. 21). Other elements found in
both Maria’s iconography and the white dress portrait are the upturned lace collar,
rounded hairstyle, and tiny spiked crown. A print of Maria’s head and shoulders from
1630 by Matthaeus Merian the Elder displays each of these elements, nearly identical to
Christina’s in the white dress portrait (Fig. 22). Christina’s white dress portrait was likely
commissioned by Maria Eleonora shortly after Gustav died, not only because it uses the
dowager queen’s iconography, rather than the king’s, but also because it visually
connected mother and daughter. In the aftermath of the king’s death, the dowager queen
might acquire power most easily by maintaining family unity. Mother and daughter
apparently had a complicated personal relationship, but from a political standpoint, Maria
benefited from a close association with Christina. Art projects such as the white dress
portrait and engravings of Christina and her mother in mourning establish them as an
inseparable pair — Gustav II Adolf’s lovingly devoted family. Whatever the interaction
between the two, the use of art for public relations is a major consideration.
How the Regents felt about this can be discovered by returning to the portrait of
Christina by a window (Fig. 20). Görel Cavalli-Björkman argues that the lack of regalia,
use of a window vista, and lower painting quality makes the painting seem less stately,
almost informal.125 Christina stands on a carpet beneath a baldachin between an armed
chair and a table covered with decorated fabric. Each of these objects highlights her
royal status — the baldachin and carpet create a space off-limits to non-royals, and the
table and chair is the stately workspace of an elevated individual. The view out the
125
Ibid., 93.
75
Figure 21. Michiel Jansz. van Mierevelt (Dutch, 1567-1641), Queen Maria Elenora of
Brandenburg, 1619, oil on canvas, Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMGrh 2245).
76
Figure 22. Matthaeus Merian the Elder (1593-1650), Queen Maria Eleonora, c. 1630,
engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP M E 6).
77
window, across the ship-yards to the eastern parts of Stockholm, identifies the room as a
chamber in the Tre Kronor Slott, the royal residence. The view is more than just a
decorative element.
The use of a window in this painting is likely borrowed from several sources. In
her article on Christina’s portraits, Cavalli-Björkman states that this is the first Swedish
portrait with a window in the background.126 This may be true of portraits by Swedish
painters, but there was another precedent for such a view in the portraiture of Gustav II
Adolf. A painting by Swiss artist Matthäus Merian from the German campaign
represents Gustav wearing a red “Polish” coat in a palatial interior (Fig. 23).127 The king
is shown standing in front of opulent drapery and a Solomonic column, hinting that he
has conquered a grand place. Gustav’s triumphal entry into Nuremberg is seen outside
the window, crossing a bridge. He is portrayed twice: as the main subject, and again as
an equestrian figure in a red coat crossing the distant bridge. The inference of Christina
as a strong and commanding monarch in Elbfas’ window portait is underscored by
comparing it to Merian’s painting of the king. Elbfas communicates strength, stability,
and confidence, suggesting that this commission was directed by the Board of Regents.
Queen Maria Eleonora likely had Christina portrayed in her own queenly image, whereas
the Regents benefited from showing the realm secure.

126
Karl Erik Steneberg, Kristinatidens Måleri, (Malmö: Allhems Förlag, 1955), 44; and Boo von
Malmborg, “Porträts der Königin Christina vor ihrem Regierungsantritt 1644,” in Queen Christina of
Sweden: Documents and Studies, editor, Magnus Von Platen (Stockholm: Kungliga Boktryckeriet P.A.
Norstedt and Söner, 1966), 231.
127
The same coat can be found on a broadsheet commemorating Gustav’s triumphal entrance into
Nuremberg. The victorious sentiment is reiterated in the portrait of the king in his dazzling overcoat —
made in the “Polish” style to emphasize his successful Polish campaign. Karl-Engelhardt Von Klaar,
“König Gustav II. Adolf von Schweden,” in Gustav Adolf, Wallenstein und der Dreissigjährige Krieg in
Franken: Exhibition of National Archives from Nürnberg on the 350 th Anniversary of the Thirty Years’ War
(1632-1982), editor, Günther Schuhmann (München: Generaldirektion der Staatlichen Archive Bayerns,
1982), 35.
78
Figure 23. Matthäus Merian (Swiss, 1593-1650), Gustav II Adolf in a Polish Coat, c.
1630-1632, Skokloster Slott, Sweden (614).
79
What can be seen outside the window in Elbfas’ portrait of Christina is of utmost
importance. The view out the window is of warships docked at Skeppsholmen — the
same navy yard in which the Vasa warship was built and whence it was launched.
Sweden’s new national flag, the cross of the resurrection, flies from each ship. The
statement visually proclaims that Sweden’s reputed might was rooted in its maritime
strength, and signals that Queen Christina had the famed Swedish military under
sovereign power. The Board of Regents actually ran the government, but its authority
depended on the perception of Christina as a secure figurehead.
The Swedish Empire was a maritime empire, because its islands and territories
stretched around the Baltic coast. Ships were an essential element of conquest and of its
very survival. Without a powerful fleet, Sweden’s coastline was defenseless.128
Shipbuilding and naval power were vital to Gustav II Adolf’s foreign policy of dominium
maris baltici — the notion that Sweden’s dominance of the Baltic Sea protected its
coastal borders.129 Making the Baltic Sea a great Swedish lake protected the fatherland
from invasion and earned the nation lucrative income from trade. The Baltic was teeming
with trade of goods such as timber and hemp from Russia, and grain from Lithuania and
Poland. Swedish expansion was designed to control these commodities and levy dues
upon them.130 Another domestic supposition of dominium maris baltici was that if war
were inevitable, it was safer, cheaper, and more comfortable to fight abroad rather than at
home. It was this defensive intention that laid the road for military hostility across the
128
129
The term dominium maris baltici was first used in a pact with the Dutch in 1614. Roberts, The Swedish
Imperial Experience, 16.
130
Ibid., 27.
80
Baltic. The defensive aggression enacted throughout Gustav II Adolf’s campaigns, and
reiterated by Axel Oxenstierna throughout Christina’s Regency, rested on the point that
peace without maintaining a bellicose reputation was a shameful disgrace — an
intimidating might makes right means to an end.131 Representing Queen Christina with a
ship at her command in view communicates Sweden’s Baltic supremacy.
The concept of a little girl in command of a lethal arsenal makes the positioning
of her hands an interesting declaration. Christina’s hands appear feminine, but there is
inherited power at her fingertips. Her left hand deftly holds the ladylike feather fan with
absolutely no effort — not a fingerprint or knuckle creased. Likewise, her right hand
shows no muscular tension, but there is no doubt that the glove it rests upon will not slide
from her grasp. The positioning of this gesture parallel to the window with the ships
suggests that she has a firm hand on the nation. The glove is seemingly too big for
Christina’s hand, which may also be significant — its palm is too wide, its fingers too
long. This may also be a subtle note, messaging that while she is still too small for
outright rule, someday she will not be, or as a phrase from the period emphasizes, De
parvis grandis acervus erit (from small things great heaps will grow).132
A possible reference to female sovereignty is the Armada Portrait of Elizabeth I
of England, because both Protestant queens wear the same sort of opulent dress and
hairstyle while offering views of the sea power they command.133 Another likely source
131
For discussion of the influence of these concepts, see Lars Gustafsson, Virtus politica; politisk etik och
nationellt svärmeri i den tidigare stormaktstidens litteratur (Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksells, 1956);
Sveriges Riksdag, Sveriges ridderskaps och adels riksdagsprotokoll. vol. I: 1627-1632 (Stockholm: P.A.
Norstedt. 1855), 12, 31; and Roberts, The Swedish Imperial Experience, 18-19.
132
Rollenhagen, Selectorum emblematum centuria secunda, plate 50.
133
Popp, Beneath the Surface, 16-17.
81
is a portrait of Gustav II Adolf attributed to Anselmus van Hulle (Fig. 24). The king
wears a floral patterned jacket and stands in a nonchalant pose, effortlessly resting his
hand on the hilt of his sword. A group of Swedish ships moored in the bay is visible
through the window over Gustav’s shoulder. It is obvious that as a seafaring nation
Swedes took pride in their command of the waves. King Gustav’s programs for a
militarized nation focused on the navy, income hinged on tolls and duties, and Sweden’s
foreign policy was fundamentally based on dominium maris baltici. Views of the
Swedish fleet in these portraits of Christina and Gustav, German broadsheet propaganda,
the imagery on warships like Vasa, and even the mythology that the people descended
from Noah, all emphasize that Sweden’s greatness derives from and depends on the sea.
The Swedish fleet appears again on a medal by Sebastian Dadler issued to mark
the event of Christina’s coming of age on 8 December 1644 (Fig. 25).134 The recto
illustrates the ceremony celebrating the queen’s majority. Christina stands beneath a
baldachin holding the royal regalia in the center. She is surrounded by government
officials: the five-man Board of Regents on her right, her educators and academic tutors
to the left, and the Council of State below. The inscription reads: Imperium Proles
Gustavi Maxima Magni Suscipit: Innumeris Vivat Christina Triumphis (The great
Gustav's great daughter takes over the government. Let Christina live in countless
triumphs). The verso depicts the fleet, with the caption Augustae Prendit Dum Sceptra
Potentia Lauro Cingit Cavratum Baltica Pugna Caput 1644 (While her royal highness’
power seizes the scepter, the battle of the Baltic Sea wraps a laureate around her sacred
head). Naval power and royal supremacy are literally the two sides of the coin —
134
Peterson, Warrior Kings of Sweden, 192.
82
Figure 24. Anselmus van Hulle (Dutch, c.1601-c.1674) (attr.), King Gustav II Adolf of
Sweden, 1630, oil on canvas, Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMGrh 2087).
83
Figure 25. Sebastian Dadler (German, active 1619-1653), Imperium Proles Gustavi
Maxima Magni Suscipit: Innumeris Vivat Christina Triumphis, 1644, silver, Kungliga
Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 264.16).
84
they depend on each other to make the whole.
Education: Free-Thinking Head of the Church
Yet Christina’s own sentiments were less bellicose. She had received a solid
humanist education that included classical languages, philosophy, and theology.135 Before
Christina’s time, learning was not available to the general public, but reserved as
preparation for holy orders. Gustav II Adolf lamented, “the land has become barren and
unfruitful of useful folk, so that despite the hardness of the times we are in greater straits
for [wise] men than money.” Gustav proposed that education be expanded to incorporate
more modern subjects: geography, law, history, politics, mathematics, and science. King
Gustav planned for Christina to be highly educated and instructed his own tutor, Johan
Skytte, and his court chaplain, Johannes Matthiae, to be his daughter’s teachers.136
Matthaie had been appointed Bishop of Strängnäs in 1629 and took the lead in Christina’s
instruction, teaching her classical languages, history, and religion.137 Christina was
inquisitive about religion and scrutinized doctrine with a longing for reason. She
evidently kept up with the latest scientific discoveries and wanted to know how the
Church might incorporate this new knowledge. If the earth was not the center of the
universe, as it had been believed, were there other worlds? Did man occupy an
insignificant corner of the cosmos? Where was God? Christina considered any religious
135
Kari Elisabeth Børrensen, “Christina's Discourse on God and Humanity,” in Politics and Culture in the
Age of Christina, editor, Marie-Louise Rodén (Stockholm: Suecoromana IV, 1997), 48.
136
Kent, A Concise History of Sweden, 84.
137
Rodén, Queen Christina, 13-14.
85
reference to explain humanity’s place, and found that Catholic doctrine was unified and
consistent compared to the various Protestant sects.138
Revisions to the Swedish Bible were a regular project for the crown.139 Queen
Christina’s 1642 Finnish Bible edition engaged in some self-promotion while advancing
education. Its frontispiece, which was prepared by Sigismund Vogel, draws clear
connections between Christina and her father (Fig. 26). The format of the page is
reminiscent of Gustav’s 1618 edition; both are framed by heraldic shields of the noble
houses and display a dedicatory preamble. But the portrait of Christina is a unique
composite of earlier art projects. The queen’s physical presentation appears to be a blend
of Jacob Heinrich Elbfas’ “white dress” and “portrait with a window” portraits along with
another painting of Christina during her minority now at Strängnä College (Fig. 19, Fig.
20, Fig. 27). The dress and feathered fan come from the window portrait, the table
138
Matthaie had a considerable influence on the direction of Christina’s religious thought as it developed.
Marie-Louise Rodén logically concludes that Gustav II Adolf chose Matthaie as Christina’s educator
because he held a liberal theological stance, unorthodox for Lutheran preachers of the time. Rodén writes
that Sweden was at the forefront of the administrative and military revolution, but was characterized by
conservative rather than aggressive tendencies, particularly in the area of religious issues. At the end of
Christina's reign, many Swedish clergy held Matthiae responsible for the religious thoughts leading to the
queen’s conversion and abdication, and he was removed from his position as Bishop of Strängnäs. Rodén,
Queen Christina, 13-14; Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 96; and Rodén, Church Politics in Seventeenth-
Century Rome, 231.
139
The Swedish Lutheran Church taught that the knowledge of the scriptures was necessary for salvation,
even though most people could not read. The Lutheran Bible was translated into Swedish in 1541, and
Gustav II Adolf commissioned a reprint in 1618. Selections from the Old Testament were also included in
manuals issued to the army. Johannes Matthiae was given royal privilege to reprint the Bible in a small
portable format for everyday use in 1630. With a low national literacy rate, sermons remained the primary
vehicle for administering Scripture. Vividly rugged hymns also helped the church indoctrinate the populace
with Lutheran theology. There were also catechisms, which parishioners, even if illiterate, were expected to
know by heart in order to receive any sacraments. Although Bibles were to play a large role in improving
literacy in Sweden, it was hymns, along with catechism, that provided the solid bedrock of popular piety.
Bible illustrations were also circulated as they were appropriated for other uses. For Swedish artists,
inspiration and design patterns came from illustrations included with the Bible. Luther’s Bible contained
numerous woodcuts and Gustav II Adolf’s 1618 Bible was the standard source for pictorial imagery in
Sweden. Copperplate picture books were also available by sixteenth-century Dutch and German graphic
artists such as Marten van Heemskerck, Hendrick Goltzius, Jost Amman, and others. Johannes
Rudbeckius, Svenska Bibeln (Stockholm: Oloff Oloffson, 1618) cited in Soop, The Power and the Glory,
42; and Roberts, Gustavus Adolphus, 139-140.
86
Figure 26. Sigismund Vogel (German, 1615-1654) after Johan Neander, Frontispiece for
the Finnish Bible, 1642, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 164A).
87
Figure 27. Jacob Heinrich Elbfas (Livonian, c.1600-1664), Queen Christina, c. 1637, oil
on canvas, Strängnä College, Strängnä, Sweden.
88
displaying regalia is similar to the white dress picture, and Christina’s lace collar and
hairstyle match the Strängnä painting. Above Christina’s head, a figure of fame awards
her the motto of long life (“vivat”) alongside beams of light from God — each a visual
quote from Gustaf II Adolf’s propaganda imagery. Use of the vista is an obvious
reference to the painting of Christina with the window, and recalls all the connotations
associated with that work: Gustav II Adolf’s and Sweden’s supremacy on the sea. The
scene out the window is a view of Stockholm, identified by the Tre Kronor Slott and the
Skeppsholmen navy yard. This representation of the queen makes her appear younger
than her sixteen years. A full-length state portrait from the year before shows her as she
probably appeared at the time (Fig 28), and Elbfas was likely creating this painting at the
same time that the Finnish Bible was being produced. The Finnish Bible makes Christina
appear to still be a small child, but the state portrait portrays her as much more mature —
refined, elegant and independent. These projects mark Christina’s point of transition from
a naïve minor into a savvy young woman.
Sven Stolpe calls the period from 1643 to 1648 Christina’s crisis of belief. She
studied religions and began to suspect that none was any better than the rest — faith was
“a mere political invention intended to deceive simple people.” She believed in a supreme
being, but had doubts about other aspects of Christian dogma: the incarnation,
redemption, the resurrection, and miracles. These doubts endured her entire life. She
wrote about her spiritual development saying,
I thought nothing of the religion in which I was brought up… as soon as I

was growing up I made up a religion for myself, and waited for the
89
Figure 28. Jacob Heinrich Elbfas (Livonian, c.1600-1664), Queen Christina, 1641, oil on
canvas, Stadshuset, Stockholm, Sweden.
90
religion which you [God] would bestow on me, for which I had such an
intense longing. You know how often, in words that meant nothing to the
crowd, I prayed to you to enlighten me, and promised to be obedient even
if it should cost my happiness, even my life.140
The Christina Bible (1646) commissioned four years after the Finnish Bible
(1642) shows that court iconography was turning away from sacred connotations to now
accept a secular visual language. (Fig. 29) Hercules was normally found in the central
position, surrounded by virtues, but this image portrays Christina as the equal to Hercules
and a representative of all virtues. This notion is underscored by passages from Ovid
printed underneath the picture.141 Gustav II Adolf appears as Jupiter riding on an eagle
that is flying above Christina’s head — his apotheosis as the king of the gods. Gustav’s
presentation comes from an engraving made at the time of his death presenting him as
Jupiter, with lightning bolts, and seated upon an eagle perched on a stack of trophies (Fig.
30). The triumphal theme is echoed in the background of the Bible frontispiece where a
triumphal procession displays carts loaded with treasures. Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna
is seen to the left as head of the government and General Gustav Horn, representing the
military, is on the opposite side. Queen Christina was the head of a nation forged by her
father, Gustav II Adolf, and operated by Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna. Sweden’s Board
of Regents had protected Christina’s government and arranged for its queen to have an
exceptional education. She was no longer a child, but still unmarried, with limitations to
her power in place.
140
Quoted in Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 98.
141
Dirik Dirichsen, Svenska Bibeln, (Stockholm: Keyser, 1646) cited in Soop, The Power and the Glory,
48.
91
Figure 29. Dirik Dirichsen, Frontisepiece of the Christina Bible, 1649, Printed in
Stockholm 1646, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 23).
92
Figure 30. Unidentified Artist, Gustav II Adolf as Jupiter, 1636, engraving, Kungliga
Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP A II G 358).
93
Regnant Rule: Prosperity and Peace
Christina’s regnant rule was characterized by prolific patronage of the visual and
performing arts, and of science and intellectual pursuits the likes of which Sweden had
never seen. Her regnant art projects were sophisticated, elegant, and progressive, yet
mindful of tradition and the national legacy which she had inherited. Christina’s
patronage demonstrates that she embraced and encouraged an international court; she was
not to be an iron maiden heading a military state on the northern periphery, but rather an
ambitious universal sovereign of international acclaim.
The Thirty Years’ War brought to Sweden wealth and the progressive ideas of its
conquered territories.142 After encountering several years of struggle, including the loss
of French monetary support, Chancellor Oxenstierna and his generals managed to reverse
the tide of war with a series of Swedish victories. The French renewed their subsidies in
1643 as Sweden’s prospects improved, and the income, along with Baltic commerce and
industry at home, stabilized the treasury.143 Meetings began at Münster and Osnabrück in
1644 to negotiate what become known as the Westphalian Peace in 1648, finally ending
the Thirty Years’ War. Throughout this period Christina was portrayed as a virtuous
Queen who had brought about long-desired peace to Europe. A print attributed to an
artist by the name of “Balu” represents Christina emerging as an empress (Fig. 31).
Entitled Queen Kristina Imperatrix, the engraving presents her as a portrait being flown
in by the Imperial Eagle — now tamed with Swedish supremacy. The portrait of the
queen appears to be modeled after an enamel miniature by Pierre Signac (Fig. 32).
142
Jonsson, “Swedish Culture in a European Context,” 152.
143
94
Figure 31. Balu (attr.), Queen Kristina Imperatrix, c. 1648, engraving, Kungliga
Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 9).
95
A text reading Nata Imperie (daughter of the Empire) streams in from the regal bird’s
beak in a proclamation that Christina is the new majestic authority in Europe. In the
background there is a German city, perhaps Nuremburg, and a knight charging in the
lower right. He appears to be rushing toward the city, but he may also be following
Christina’s portrait toward the glorious light in the opposing corner.
To the left is a sheaf of grain in the sunlight topped with a crown, a shield with
the Swedish arms resting alongside. The sheaf, the chief sign of the Vasa household, has
other symbolic meanings. An emblem in Rollenhagen’s 1613 book of symbols illustrates
two shocks of wheat with the title Flavescent (Fig. 33). The inscription Flavescent
(yellowing, or, becoming golden) circles the image, and an accompanying didactic text
states Flavescent segetes cum sol volet; mala iusto in melius rediget tempore, longa dies
(those fields, which yet appear not so, when harvest comes, will golden grow).144 The
emblem amplifies the meaning of the Vasa sheaf: Sweden’s victory has produced a long-
awaited bounty. Another of Rollenhagen’s emblems, titled De parvis grandis acervus
erit (from small things great heaps grow), displays three stages of a crop’s growth:
sprout, plant, and bundle, with farmers scattering seeds across tilled fields in the
background (Fig. 34). Its motto, like Flacescent, refers to victory’s reward, and again
pertains to Christina’s reign. Rollenhagen’s book was created for a German audience,
but was used universally in Northern Europe, and this image had a particularly special
meaning in Scandinavia. The Latin erit means to grow, but in Sweden, the same word
designates a seed (ært). Ært means more than just a pod: the word connotes the seed’s
potential to grow and bear fruit. The didactic text with Rollenhagen’s image reads
144
96
Figure 32. Pierre Signac (French, 1623-1684), Queen Christina, c.1647-1651, miniature,
Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMB 89).
97
Figure 33. Gabriel Rollenhagen (German, 1583-1619), Flavescent, Plate 44, from
Selectorum emblematum centuria secunda, 1613, engraving, Special Collections and
University Archives, The University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City, Iowa (N7740.R6).
98
Figure 34. Gabriel Rollenhagen (German, 1583-1619), De parvis grandis acervus erit,
Plate 50, from Selectorum emblematum, 1613, engraving, Special Collections and
University Archives, The University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City, Iowa (xN7740.R6).
99
Adde parum parvo, parvo superadde pusillum, Tandem de parvis grandis acervus erit (of
little things, care for little beings; from small ears great harvests grow).145 A parallel
sentiment was evoked during Christina’s minority: that she would someday live up to her
family’s legacy and rule the realm with distinction.
Queen Christina had only known the milieu of conflict, but commissioned
artworks that presented her as a pacifist, even while avoiding armistice in private. She
had Sebastian Dadler produce a medal depicting her as Minerva/Athena (Fig. 35).
Minerva was the virgin goddess of wisdom, sponsor of arts, trade, and strategy, who had
been born fully armored from Jupiter’s head. The comparison between Christina and
Minerva was appropriate, considering the Swedish queen’s background as the successor
of her great father’s national war machine, who brought his campaign to fruition. A
portrait bust on the recto wears a feathered helmet, while the verso shows her full length
in classical dress grasping the tree of knowledge and carrying an olive branch. 146 This
was apparently Christina’s first use of Minerva in this way, but it became a motif she
employed the rest of her life.147 If the symbols of wisdom and peace are not apparent, the
word Repertrix (she that finds out, an inventress) underscores the meaning that Christina
advocates for a ceasefire. This medal helped position Christina as the humane bringer of
peace, yet her official stance was to the contrary. Council minutes record her statement,
145
Ibid., plate 50.
146
Bettina Baumgärtel, “Is The King Genderless? The Staging of the Female Regent as Minerva Pacifera,”
in Women Who Ruled: Queens, Goddesses, Amazons in Renaissance and Baroque Art. editor, Annette
Dixon. (London: Merrell, 2002), 103.
147
Bildt, Les Medailles romaines de Christine de Suède, 26.
100
Figure 35. Sebastian Dadler (German, active 1619-1653), Repertrix, 1648, silver,
Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 268.20).
101
Our rise has come through war. It [would be] an eternal disgrace to our
position and our country if others saw that we took no better care of our
interests; and we should be inexcusable to our posterity… God has
commanded his people to wage war, why shall we not do it? 148
Christina made this statement because the grandeur of her court was dependent on
profitable military campaigns abroad. Peace meant no foreign income, decreased tax
revenues, and a general halt of cash from outside Sweden.149 Despite its military success,
Sweden was economically underdeveloped, and the potential loss of war revenue (i.e.
French subsidies, tributes, etc.) was bound to cause financial problems. 150 Sweden
prospered from a war-based economy, but otherwise remained a poor country.
Nevertheless, Christina positioned herself as Minerva Pacifera as the inevitability of
peace became more apparent.
The portrayal of Christina as Minerva most often discussed in scholarly literature
is an engraving by Jeremias Falck (Fig. 36). This distinctive print shows the queen as a
living bust of Minerva surrounded by symbols of wisdom and peace. She wears a
helmet, ringed with a laurel wreath signifying academic excellence, and topped with a
sphinx. The sphinx figure designates Christina as an incisive ruler who, according to
legend, destroys those who fail to satisfy her questions. It seems somewhat disconcerting
that Christina’s head and shoulders are perched atop a pedestal, dismembered from the
rest of her body, and yet she stares out at the viewer wide-eyed and presumably animate.
148
Council notes from 2 November 1652. Sveriges Riksdag, Sveriges ridderskaps och adels
riksdagsprotokoll. vol. 5: 1651-1654 (Stockholm: P.A. Norstedt. 1873), 116. Christina also made a similar
statement to the Council of State in 1650. Severin Bergh, editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol xiv:
1650 (Stockholm: Riksarkivet, 1916), 307; and Roberts, The Swedish Imperial Experience, 22.
149
Sven-Erik Åström, “The Swedish Ecomony and Sweden’s Role as a Great Power 1632-1697.”
in Sweden’s Age of Greatness, 1632-1718. editor, Michael Roberts. (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1973),
73.
150
Kent, A Concise History of Sweden, 86; and Åström, “The Swedish Ecomony.” 92-96.
102
Figure 36. Jeremias Falck (Polish, c.1609-1677), Queen Christina as Minerva, 1649,
103
However, an emblem from Gabriel Rollenhagen’s Selectorum emblematum centuria
secunda of 1613 can shed light on such an anomalous presentation (Fig. 37). Sapientia
Constans (Constant Wisdom) is a relevant comparison because it also presents the image
of a live-looking bust perched on top of a plinth. The accompanying text is defiantly
optimistic: Omne malum exsuperat constans sapientia, mortem spernit, et advers â sorte
tonante viget (Every bad is overpowered by constant wisdom; rejects death and adversity
with much thunder and force).151 Christina’s image as a bust of Minerva situated in such
a manner testifies to her resounding intelligence. A similar image from Rollenhagen’s
1611 Nucleus emblematum selectissimorum provides another source (Fig. 38). Scientia
Immutablis (Knowledge is Permanent) shares the motif of living sculpture but has the
additional component of a helmet. The caption reads, Turpe est, cum sapiens cunctas
mutatur in horas: constantes fortes, nam decet esse viros (true knowledge is a constant
friend whose friendship never ends).152 These two sentiments taken together portray
Christina as a wise and everlasting queen.
Other symbols in Falck’s engraving that visually communicate authority and
charisma are her jewelry and armor. The well-known attribute of Minerva, the medusa
aegis, on her chest represents a lady who is both astute and enchanting. The scallop shell
talisman is a token of Aphrodite and signifies a powerful female entity. The pearl
necklace does not seem to have a specific meaning other than as an adornment
customarily found in most of her early state portraits. One such painting by David Beck
is the possible model for Christina’s face (Fig. 39). The same visual elements found in
151
152
Gabriel Rollenhagen, Nucleus emblematum selectissimorum (Utrecht: Crispijn van de Passe, 1611),
plate 11.
104
Figure 37. Gabriel Rollenhagen (German, 1583-1619), Sapientia Constans, Plate 2, from
Selectorum emblematum, 1613, engraving, The University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City,
Iowa (xN7740.R6).
105
Figure 38. Gabriel Rollenhagen (German, 1583-1619), Scientia Immutabilis, Plate 11

from Nucleus emblematum sectectissimorum, 1611, engraving, Special Collections and
106
Figure 39. David Beck (Dutch, 1621-1565), Queen Christina, c. 1648, Suomen
kansallismuseo, Helsinki, Finland (H32100:94).
107
Falck’s print are present in Beck’s painting: the body’s position, drapery-wrapped
shoulders, hairstyle and necklace. The design found in Beck’s portrait seems to have
served as a template for a variety of commissions, from enamel miniatures and paintings
to an array of graphic arts by Falck and other printmakers. Images using the same format
were widely distributed, making Christina’s features identifiable by even casual
observers.153
Queen Christina’s physical appearance is an aspect of her portraiture that needs
explanation, because her breasts are bulbous with pronounced cleavage in these pictures.
Christina’s prominent bosom is a characteristic that seems unique to her Minerva
portraits from this time. Later projects, by these artists and others, do not expose the
queen like this; in fact her modesty of dress and gesture became a hallmark of her portrait
iconography as shawls and high-necked shirts became her normal attire. The images
featuring Christina’s breasts are obvious attempts to idealize her as an attractive woman,
but in reality this cannot be accurate. She had a pronounced deformity in her shoulders
and chest, a fault in her growth she wrote was the result of being deliberately dropped as
a baby. Such an assertion cannot be proven, but an autopsy report from the Austrian state
archives in Vienna dating from the time of Christina’s death notes that “the bone
structure of the chest did not allow for sufficient space for internal organs.”154 The
153
At this time Falck translated Beck’s painting into an engraving which in turn was recreated by D van
den Bremden to include an allegorical frame. Impressions of Falck’s work (SVP 217) and Bremden’s
(SVP 184) are located at the Kungliga Biblioteket in Stockholm. An unidentified French artist faithfully
reproduced Falck’s image of Christina as Minerva, but cropped the image down to an oval-shaped area
surrounding her face so does not include the owl, olive branch, or area below her shoulders. An impression
of this print is at the New York Public Library (1213827).
154
Carl-Herman Hjortsjö, “The Opening of Queen Christina’s Sarcophagus in Rome.” in Queen Christina
of Sweden: Documents and Studies. editor, Magnus Von Platen. (Stockholm: Kungl, Boktryckeriet P.A.
Norstedt and Söner, 1966), 149.
108
distortion may have been caused at birth during delivery, but regardless of the cause,
Christina had a malformed chest. Her physical imperfections also included scars she
acquired from a bout with small pox.155 These traits explain, in part, why she favored
high-bodice clothing and was reported to attend formal events wearing too much makeup.
There are other symbols within Falck’s engraving which emphasize that Christina
related more to Minerva’s intellectual gifts and divinity than to her physical qualities.
The olive branch to the right stands for immortality, prosperity, peace, and
reconciliation.156 The owl on her right is the typical attribute of Minerva and is
customarily the embodiment of wisdom. We can again find additional source material in
the work of Gabriel Rollenhagen, this time in his image studio et vigilantia (study and
vigilance) (Fig. 40). The alert and animated owl stands on an open book with its wings
outstretched. Students appear in the background — daytime lessons on the left, evening
study to the right. Explanatory text states Qui vigili studio sapientem scripta volutat, hic
dici doctus, cur mereatur, habet (by study and watchfulness, a student becomes the
scholar).157 Christina’s association with Minerva’s owl conveys that her education has
empowered her to make wise decisions.
While books in general are symbols of knowledge, Christina’s owl guards a stack
of closed books — possibly indicating that while the answers are present they remain a
mystery. Susanna Åkerman theorizes that the books are the three sibylline books —
oracular texts consulted for guidance during crisis in ancient Rome. Their presence may
155
156
Cesare Ripa, Iconologia, (Rome: Appresso Lepido Facij, 1603), as cited in Cavalli-Björkman,
“Christina Portraits,” 103.
157
109
Figure 40. Gabriel Rollenhagen (German, 1583-1619), Studio et vigilantia, Plate 67, from
Selectorum emblematum, 1613, engraving, The University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City,
Iowa (xN7740.R6).
110
refer to the fact that when Christina began to promote herself as Minerva of the North,
she was also using the epithet Sibyl of the North. Christina explains in a pamphlet she
authored called Pronotiques de la reine Christine that she was blessed with the power of
divination. Her statement corresponds with a passage from her autobiography in which
she recalls that she was born with a “helmet of victory” — the placenta still attached to
her head. This rare form of birth was accepted as an omen indicating that the affected
child was destined to become an oracle with profound vision.158 Christina’s apparent
supernatural self-worth explains that she personally related to Minerva’s traits — an
intellectual peacemaker with divine mental powers.
Panegyric projects such as this were merely propagandistic, because the reality
behind closed doors was that the strength of the Swedish military during the final phase
of the war allowed it to become rich with plunder.159 Christina matured into a shrewd
politician who routinely employed subterfuge to manipulate both sides of a political
argument in order to advance her own personal agenda. Astute duality was a stratagem
Queen Christina utilized throughout her political career — both before and after her
abdication. On the other hand, Åkerman observes that
some readers of les mysteries de son autographe [written in her own] swift
uncontrolled, scribbling, hand, have even gone so far as to see her as a
neurotic character who, while perhaps gifted, never could adequately
arrest her train of thought, and they conclude that Christina Minerva never
was anything more than a myth.160
158
Åkerman, Queen Christina of Sweden and Her Circle, 170-172.
159
160
Åkerman, Queen Christina of Sweden and Her Circle, 19.
111
I would assert that Queen Christina’s Minerva persona was an image she maintained to
present herself as an infallible pacifist, but it was a political façade crafted for the masses.
To review: Christina’s image was utilized early on to assert her royal position,
and it was an approach she developed as she matured. Gustav II Adolf used Gothic
mythology to incite patriotism that bolstered his family’s claim to the throne, which in
turn mobilized support for the Vasa dynasty. Prints of Christina participating in her
father’s funeral processions affirmed her position and introduced a new regime. A
constitutional rewrite limited Christina’s sovereign power by requiring dependence on
oversight that restricted her authority. The situation instigated a struggle to control the
young queen’s image, and early portraits reveal dueling influence from Queen Maria
Eleonora on one hand and the Council of State on the other. Elements of Christina’s
portraiture reinforce monarchical power and stable leadership, a visual language she
herself favored to affirm her royal superiority. Christina went on to solicit international
acclaim as a Minerva Pacifera when the Thirty Years’ War concluded. Images of
Christina as the one who had brought about long-desired peace establish her as a majestic
leader in her own right, to demonstrate that she had finally lived up to her family’s
promise of peace and prosperity. Her enduring support of panegyric art advanced as she
assumed more authority.

112
CHAPTER TWO: A SUN ON BOTH HORIZONS
Christina’s patronage became more lavish after the war as she began to consider
her international reputation. She looked to France and Spain for an established royal
court to emulate. Swedish culture had long been influenced by German sources;
however, as German culture was eclipsed by French art and fashion, Christina looked to
Paris for inspiration. Astrid Tydén-Jordan correctly points out that “Spanish, as well as
French influences left their mark on the royal court, resulting in a formalization of court
life and a previously unknown detachment from the queen’s subjects.” Strict court
etiquette, based on the French model, became the normal practice, and Christina
abandoned the approachability the monarchy had cultivated for generations — a common
touch that made Swedish kings popular among their subjects. Tydén-Jordan has said that
“as the royal court turned its face towards Europe, it became more cut off from its
Swedish surroundings.”161 The Vasa dynasty had always depended on its clout with the
populace to maintain control of the country, and as Queen Christina withdrew from her
public she began to lose her people’s unquestioning support.162 She possessed an
exceptional educational background in the liberal arts and sciences, but her curriculum
had not included fiscal management or practical matters of statecraft.163 Christina’s
buckling finances further undermined her authority as relations between the aristocracy
and the lower estates deteriorated — a situation that required reversal.
161
Christina adopted French fashions and her example was followed by the upper class and became
widespread throughout Swedish society. Her admiration for French culture influenced affluent Swedish
gentleman to visit Paris, as a sort of grand tour destination to finalize their education. Tydén-Jordan,
Drottning Kristina kröningskaross, 19.
162
Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 168.
163
Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna tutored her one on one as current events unfolded, trying to include her in
decisions as she matured, but Christina seemed to prefer her books on philosophy and classical history.
113
Coronation: Preparation and Entrance
Queen Christina’s coronation was an event that symbolically affirmed her right to
rule and expressed the power she possessed over all her subjects. Representatives from
each of the four estates were incorporated into the spectacle as a gesture that all Swedish
people were firmly under Christina’s dominion. Nobles, clergy, burghers, and peasants
were all included as participants of the coronation activities, and these groups were
showcased throughout the pageantry. A splendid entrance into the capital, and parades
throughout the city, along with a ceremony at a prominent church, visually demonstrated
the inclusive nature of Christina’s coronation. These proceedings represented a break
from precedent because they were moved from their traditional venue in Uppsala. The
change of locale sent a definitive message that Stockholm was now the nation’s epicenter
of political authority and artistic greatness — a contender for Europe’s cultural center
with Christina at its helm.
Coronations are meant to legitimize a monarch’s rule, but Christina’s ceremony
had been delayed for almost seventeen years, making it not as much about her taking the
throne as it was about asserting her autonomous position in the government and her
international reputation. The festivities were originally to be held in Uppsala on
Christina’s twenty-first birthday in December 1647, but organizers were concerned that
foreign dignitaries might not attend so close to the onset of winter, and moved them to
August 1648. The plans became more elaborate as time went on, and logistical problems
arose as a labor shortage rendered impossible the remodeling of Uppsala Castle and
construction of adequate guest housing. These complications motivated Christina to

114
abandon the tradition of an Uppsala coronation in favor of a grander affair in
Stockholm.164
There was no precedent for a royal investiture over a Swedish Empire, and
certainly not one for a female sovereign. Throughout Christina’s reign, both in minority
and majority rule, Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna had supervised all the crown’s activities,
but the coronation became a public event that declared Christina’s intention to no longer
accept her role as the Board of Regents’ subordinate.165 Queen Christina’s coronation
was a public event that physically displayed the consolidation of her power. No expense
was spared, and the activity became one of the most conspicuous celebrations of state in
seventeenth-century Sweden; in fact, Tydén-Jordan calls the event the most lavish
coronation in Swedish history.166 The rituals themselves were based on conventional
precedent, but there were additions that visually declared that Christina was like no
previous Swedish monarch.
Christina’s involvement was surrounded by appurtenances that reflected her royal
position and the prosperity achieved during her reign. Costumes, a royal cloak, saddles, a
baldachin canopy, coaches and other costly materials were specially ordered from
Paris.167 Some things were purchased, but many others were gifts from members of
Christina’s court. The centerpiece of these gifts was a sumptuous carriage costing 60,000
164
Christina’s proposed coronation date of August 1648 was rescheduled to October 1648 and then again
for her name day of 24 July 1650. Tensions between the Riksdag estates flared up in June 1650 and delayed
plans again until the final date of 20 October 1650. Tydén-Jordan, Drottning Kristina kröningskaross, 21;
and Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 174.
165
Grundberg, Ceremoniernas mak, 167.
166
Tydén-Jordan, Drottning Kristina kröningskaross, 1-2.
167
Purchases were probably made with the guidance of Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie — a rising star at the
Swedish court after his return from diplomatic service at Sweden’s embassy in Paris. Ibid., 21-23.
115
Riksdalers given to her by Karl Gustav Pfalz-Zweibrücken (Fig. 41).168 It is called the
Trophy Coach because of the high relief embroidery: a pattern of intertwining palm
fronds and laurel branches accentuated with various trophy groupings. The fabric is
carmine velvet embroidered with gold, silver, and colored silks. The curtains are made of
silk and double embroidered to match the overall motif while being visually relevant
inside and out. No family or national crests were added, because the opulent needlework
was evidence enough of the rider’s rank.169 The textile alone was indicative of the
vehicle’s importance, but its symbolism as a token of appreciation was immeasurable.
Christina had been at odds with her government over the issue of dynastic
succession, and The Trophy Coach commemorates the political victory of having Karl
Gustav recognized as her heir. The queen had fallen gravely ill in the spring of 1650, and
many feared that if she did not recover, the Council of State was prepared to move to
establish an aristocratic oligarchy.170 Christina was often seriously ill with various
ailments during her reign, and untimely death was a viable concern. Gary Dean Peterson
describes Christina saying, “she had the Vasa-minded determination, but lacked the
physical strength characteristic of her lineage.”171 Her resolve to not produce a legitimate
heir made the situation perilous, because it put the fate of the Vasa dynasty, as well as
168
The Trophy Coach’s price tag of 60,000 Riksdalers is an exorbitant amount considering that many who
worked for the royal court made an average of 100 Riksdalers per year. Ibid., 44.
169
A reconstructed carriage frame was created by Eric Sörling and Pentti Vinberg in 1988. The
reproduction frame makes it possible for the proper display of the original textile hangings and equipment
for a team of horses, all preserved for over 300 years in the Livrustkammaren. Ibid., 23-27, 1-2.
170
Peterson, Warrior Kings of Sweden, 197.
171
Ibid., 193.
116
Figure 41. Unidentified Parisian artist, The Trophy Coach, c. 1648-1650, wood and
textile, Livrustkammaren, Stockholm, Sweden (4019 750).
117
the monarchy itself, in jeopardy.172 Christina never brandished a sword on the battlefield
as her father had done, and her intellect therefore became her weapon of choice.
She stressed that Karl Gustav be named her hereditary successor in order to safeguard
securitas patriae (the fatherland’s security). Christina argued that if she were to die
without an heir named, the country would be plunged into civil war, and it was her duty
as sovereign to avoid such a hardship.173
In addition to patriotic rhetoric, Christina also engaged in political manipulation
to achieve her goal. She began plotting to have her German-born cousin, Karl Gustav
Pfalz-Zweibrücken, declared her official heir as early as 1646, and she stuck to her
position until 1650.174 The Riksdag rejected the proposition outright in 1646 and again in
1647 — encouraging the queen to just marry him and produce a son instead. Christina
deflected the suggestion by responding that she needed more time to decide. In 1648,
Christina named Karl Gustav the commander-in-chief of the Swedish army in Germany.
The Riksdag objected to the appointment because he was neither Swedish nor married to
the queen. Christina agreed to marry Karl Gustav under the condition that the Riksdag
confirm his appointment. Christina notified Karl Gustav that his fiancée position was a
tactical ruse she was using to get him approved as commander of the army and to secure
his position as her heir. She informed him that if the plot did not work, then she would
172
Severin Bergh, editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol. xiii: 1649 (Stockholm: Riksarkivet, 1912),
343-346.
173
174
Marie-Louise Rodén, “The General Crisis of the Seventeenth Century: the Nordic Perspective," in Early
Modern Europe, editors, Philip Benedict and Myron Gutmann (Newark, Delaware: University of Delaware
Press, 2005), 108.
118
marry him in order to assure his position.175 Christina demonstrated that for a twenty-two
year old woman, she was a skillful political strategist who knew how to confront Council
of State and Riksdag opposition.
Christina took advantage of a growing socio-political crisis during the Riksdag
diet of 1650, which lasted four months, in what Marie Louise Rodén and Michael Roberts
call a “revolutionary situation.”176 The three lower estates combined their efforts in 1650
to challenge the constitution and openly defy the aristocracy in a general diet. The clergy
led the lower estates to unionize in favor of a law of reduktion, and mobilized their
surrogates in parliamentary maneuvering unprecedented among the non-nobles in
Swedish politics.177 The law of reduktion required nobles to return a quarter of their
175
176
There were several components to the crisis. A massive famine was causing a social upheaval following
the worst harvest in more than fifty years. The burghers led the verbal attacks and were fully supported by
the bishops and preachers who championed for the peasants—denouncing the nobility from the pulpit for
allowing their horses to eat corn while their tenants died of hunger. The Council of State discussed the
suffering among the lower classes as a danger that could lead to revolution like what was occurring in
France and England. Councilman Per Brahe said that he “feared Sweden was being infected by
revolutionary doctrines imported from abroad.” Queen Christina also noted social unrest, stating, “neither
can our parliament have their proper power, but the common man, canaille, rules according to his fancy.”
Although the peasants were unhappy, the fact that they had representation in the Riksdag included them in
the conversation. Their participation in the process helped prevent the “revolutionary situation” from
snowballing into an all-out revolt. Michael Roberts, “Queen Christina and the General Crisis of the
Seventeenth Century,” in Essays in Swedish History, editor, Michael Roberts (London: Weidenfeld and
Nicolson, 1967), 112-113; Rodén, “The General Crisis of the Seventeenth Century,” 108; Severin Bergh,
editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol xiv: 1650 (Stockholm: Riksarkivit, 1916), 78; Sveriges Riksdag,
Sveriges ridderskaps och adels riksdagsprotokoll. vol. iv: 1650-1651 (Stockholm: P.A. Norstedt. 1872),
307, 561; Severin Bergh, editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol. xiii: 1649
(Stockholm: Riksarkivet, 1912), 17, 103, 117, 163, 165, 182, 214, 282-283, 298; Severin Bergh,
editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol. xiv: 1650 (Stockholm: Riksarkivet, 1916), 9, 16, 81, 175, 358;
Severin Bergh, editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol. xv: 1651-1653 (Stockholm: Riksarkivet, 1920),
128; Sveriges Riksdag, Sveriges ridderskaps och adels riksdagsprotokoll. vol. iv: 1650-1651
(Stockholm: P.A. Norstedt. 1872), 420, 433; Anders Fryxell, Handlingar rörande skandinaviens Historia,
vol. xxi (Stockholm: Tryckte hos Johan Hörberg, 1836), 123, 137; and Axel Oxenstierna, Rikskansleren
Axel Oxenstiernas skrifter och brefvexling, vol. iii (Stockholm: P.A. Norstedt and Söner, 1890), 544, 553.
177
Nobles and fortune-seeking foreigners were blamed, and the non-noble estates published a formal
complaint with a list of demands that reads in part “[we know] your Majesty is well aware what pains we
have endured, and what tireless exertions we have made, during the present reign, the defense of our
temporal and spiritual welfare against the greatest and most formidable foes.” The statement continues into
nine resolutions the lower estates wish to see enacted to solve their grievances. These address that all
119
lands back to the crown — an obviously unpopular remedy among the aristocrats.178
There was growing concern that the aristocracy was abusing its power, and coercing
Queen Christina to alienate royal lands, through gift of sale — causing a deficit in tax-
revenues and putting the crown at a significant disadvantage alongside the wealthy
aristocracy.179 Christina’s acumen for political intrigue makes it unlikely that the unease
was founded, but she succeeded in using the situation to her advantage.
Christina controlled the dispute by listening to the lower estate’s complaints and
offering her help under the condition that they pressure the nobles to accept Karl Gustav.
Christina solicited favor from the lower estates by taking the position that she was
obligated to protect her poor and disadvantaged subjects. The queen stoked her
popularity among non-nobles to press for reduktion in an apparent effort to make the
aristocracy nervous.180 The nobles petitioned for protection of their rights, but Christina
classes shall be treated equally under the law and that private prisons, common in noble households to deal
with unruly tenants, be forbidden. The most serious of the proposals dealt with crown land, forbidding
lands to be sold or managed, and that land may not be given or sold in perpetuity. As the estates called the
question to the diet’s floor, hundreds of copies of their protestation were disseminated around the country,
becoming a sort of touchstone ideology for the lower estates for the rest of the century. Pamphlet entitled
Samtaal by Juncker Päär, Mäster Hans, Niels Andersson Borghare och Joen i Berga Danneman (1650), 8-
19, as cited in Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power, 44, 102, 104; and Roberts, “Queen Christina and the
General Crisis,” 112-113.
178
Reduktion was necessity for the crown because the costly post-war lifestyle of conspicuous consumption
was having a dire effect on the national treasury. Kent, A Concise History of Sweden, 88-89.
179
The three lower estates combined forces and proposed that the Riksdag grant Christina autonomous rule
over the aristocracy (i.e impose reducktion) without having to plead for the noble estates to concur.
Sveriges Riksdag, Sveriges ridderskaps och adels riksdagsprotokoll. vol. iv: 1650-1651 (Stockholm: P.A.
Norstedt. 1872), 328.
180
The noble estate retaliated to the perceived indignation of the lower estates by defending Christina’s
right to name as many new nobles as she wished—even if such a practice significantly cut her income.
Their published rebuttal concludes, “the best and wisest solution is that every man should stick to his estate
and his function, as in the past, lest it should happen to us as to Aesop’s frog, who aspired to be bigger than
she was, and burst in the attempt to make herself so.” Pamphlet entitled Samtaal by Juncker Päär, Mäster
Hans, Niels Andersson Borghare och Joen i Berga Danneman, 1650, 39-41, 51-53, as cited in Roberts,
Sweden as a Great Power, 105, 108, 110; Fryxell, Handlingar rörande skandinaviens Historia, vol. xxi,
140; and Sveriges Riksdag, Sveriges ridderskaps och adels riksdagsprotokoll, vol. iv, 420, 422.
120
refused to intervene until they consented to name Karl Gustav crown prince. After Karl
Gustav was named crown prince, Christina reneged on her bargain with the lower estates
and withdrew her support, leaving their initiatives to fizzle.181 The queen exploited a
volatile situation to achieve her goal; she forced concessions from all her subjects to
satisfy her own agenda.
The coronation activities were in many respects as much a celebration of
Christina’s success. She received the crown, but it was Karl Gustav who was officially
raised to a place of royal authority.182 The coronation’s undertone was the official
transfer of power from the previous male regime, Gustav II Adolf, to a new one, Karl
Gustav, with Christina as a mediator — a bridge between two warrior kings. In this
regard, Christina fulfilled her duty to act as steward of the Swedish crown in anticipation
of the patriarchal order’s restoration. Her refusal to marry set this scenario into motion;
she refused to accept a subordinate royal position. Men made up the social order of
power, and Christina refused to conform. Instead, Christina and Karl Gustav became a
political coupling, but not a spousal match that reduced the authority she acquired during
her reign. She kept her high position while he became the royal contact person for
administrative purposes — a sort of regal “papal nephew.” Karl Gustav’s station
confirmed that Christina would be the last Vasa King, and declared the house of Pfalz-
Zweibrücken as the future royal dynasty.183
181
182
183
Ibid., 185-187.
121
Karl Gustav’s gift of the Trophy Coach celebrated Christina’s enthronement while
also demonstrating his place within the political hierarchy. The Trophy Coach
superseded other official conveyances with its size and luxury. The carriage that was
originally ordered was The Lion and Eagle Coach — a similar design to The Trophy
Coach, but smaller and less ornate.184 The Lion and Eagle Coach had a pair of eagles and
lions against a background of flowers. Three other coaches were ordered from France at
the same time: a green one decorated in gold and silver lace, another of black velvet with
gold and silver flowers, and one of a violet brown (purple) with embroidered patterns.185
The carriages were sent in pieces and assembled by eighteen employees of the royal
stables, including Jost Schütze (carver), Tomas Knutsson (painter), Hans Jörgen
(embroiderer), and Tomas Mengel (saddler).186 The French coach builder, Simon Maveil,
was also on site to oversee final construction.187 These artists were essential in making
sure that the royal coaches were the most impressive sight of coronation processions.
The privilege of traveling by coach was reserved for the upper classes, and looked
upon with distinction because of the expense of purchasing and maintaining a fine
carriage. Carriages were de rigueur for state occasions such as weddings, coronations,
ceremonial entrances, etc. Travel by carriage was a rapid yet comfortable transport that
promoted the rider’s wealth and power. Horse-drawn carriages were physically higher
184
The Trophy Coach was appraised in 1683 for 15,000 Riksdalers and The Lion and Eagle Coach was
valued at 9,000 Riksdalers. Tydén-Jordan, Drottning Kristina kröningskaross, 29.
185
When Christina abdicated she gave the Trophy Coach to Karl Gustav as a present for his coronation, and
took the green and black carriage with her to Rome.
186
Jost Schütze was employed as a carver at the Skeppsgården and succeeded Mårten Redtmer (lead carver
for the Vasa warship’s decorative program) as the Navy yards head sculptor. Christina’s coronation yacht,
triumphal arch sculptures, and a statue for a public wine fountain are also the work of Schütze.
187
Tydén-Jordan, Drottning Kristina kröningskaross, 29.
122
and distinctly superior to their surroundings. They were not only a tangible attribute, but
also a figurative mark of exalted social rank.188 Several carriages were custom ordered
for coronation festivities, but The Trophy Coach became Christina’s official coach.
Queen Christina’s actual use of a coronation carriage was a glaring break with
precedent. The King of Sweden customarily rode in processions on a white horse,
symbolically exhibiting that he held the reins of government. The steed was white
because white was considered the color of divine purity and wise experience — acquired
by mature Lipizzaner stallions. The stallion was almost certainly a personal horse that
Christina had received as a gift from Cardinal Mazarin of France. Her horse was a
brilliant white stallion with a mane and tail so long that it reportedly hung to the ground.
It was fitted with plumes and a French saddle embroidered with gold, silver, and pearls
by Simon Jüterbock (Fig. 42).189 Christina did not follow the tradition of riding her
horse, but had it walk behind her carriage instead as a metaphorical nod to convention.
By not physically using the horse, Christina highlighted that she was not a male. She was
formally crowned “King of Sweden” (a masculine office), and followed many protocols
established by her forefathers, but choosing not to ride her horse made a clear statement
that she was an unconventional, female “King.”
As opulent as the Trophy Coach was, it did not convey the full degree of
Christina’s royal authority as well as the historic attributes of her office. Regalia, such as
the sword, scepter, orb, key, and oil horn, had been accumulated by previous Vasa kings,
but it was not decided which crown would be used until coronation day. The debate was
188
Ibid., 15.
189
Ibid., 35.
123
whether to use Erik XIV’s existing, albeit modest, crown of the Swedish kings from the
past, or to commission the creation of a more impressive object.190 In the months leading
up to her coronation, Christina had her mother’s crown altered so she could wear a
symbol that had the advantages of being both larger and already in royal use. Queen
Maria Eleonora’s crown was originally made by the goldsmith Ruprecht Miller in 1620
when she was betrothed to King Gustav II Adolf (Fig. 43). It is made of gold and enamel
with diamonds and rubies, and initially only had four arches from front to back and side
to side. The modifications leading up to Christina’s coronation included adding four
smaller arches, diagonally along the vacant spaces — making it substantially bigger and
more impressive.191 Despite the alterations, Christina told the Council of State during its
12 October 1650 meeting that she had decided to wear the older crown after all. The
improved Queen of Sweden’s crown may have been bigger, but it did not have the
essential connotation of a historic past. This was an exception in an event in which the
emphasis was on acquiring new items that reflected Sweden’s emerging international
status. The political significance of traditional Vasa authority must have been too great
for Christina to overlook.
Another crucial aspect of the preparations was deciding the order of participants
in the procession. Christina worked with the Council of State throughout the summer to
determine who would walk, ride, or have a carriage, and who would carry the regalia.192
The queen was the central focus, but the placement of those around her reflected the
190
The official regalia at that time were Gustav I Vasa’s sword, Erik XIV Vasa’s scepter, orb, and key, and
Karl IX Vasa’s oil horn. Bergh, editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol xiv, 203, 148, 198; and
191
192
Bergh, editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol xiv, 232, 235, 246, 247, 288.
124
Figure 42. Simon Jüterbock, Queen Christina's Coronation Saddle, 1650,

Livrustkammaren, Stockholm, Sweden (9026, 9027).
125
Figure 43. Ruprecht Miller (German, active in Stockholm 1606-1630), Crown of Queen
Maria Eleonora, 1620 with additions in 1650. Gold, enamel, diamonds and rubies,
Skattkammaren, Stockholm, Sweden.
126
hierarchy of Sweden’s great and powerful. Those with prominent roles were located close
to Christina, while lesser positions were assigned places farther away. The debate about
the order of attendants in the procession was heated. Karl Gustav, as crown prince,
outranked his father, Count Johan Kasimir of Palatine, and was to ride closer to Christina.
Dowager Queen Maria Eleonora was already a crowned Queen of Sweden, so she
technically had more status than her daughter prior to the ceremony. The Council of
State expected to be closer to the queen than the queen dowager, etc.193 An argument also
ensued between commanders from the German Campaign and the Council of State over
who was to ride closer to the queen; both groups claimed they had given more service to
the realm than the other. The officers rejected several position options, finally agreeing
to escort Christina’s carriage and hold the baldachin canopy over her during the
coronation ceremony at the cathedral.194 Even diplomats from the provinces lobbied to be
put ahead of other lesser territories. Christina issued an approved lineup and had the list
distributed to participants in hopes of preventing unwanted disputes on the day of the
event.195 At last, on Thursday 17 October, she traveled to Jakob de la Gardie’s palace of
Jakobsdal (now renamed Ulriksdal); other participants gathered as the coronation’s
premier event was about to begin.
193
194
195
Bergh, editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol xiv, 228, 249-250, 205, 235; and Grundberg,
Ceremoniernas makt, 176.
127
A print by Johan Sasse is the only known image of Queen Christina’s coronation
procession.196 Sasse’s print combines the entrance processional on 17 October with the
coronation procession on 20 October into one single parade (Fig. 44). Sasse’s procession
begins at Jakobsdahl, to the lower right, and winds its way left and right up the page to
the Norrmalmstorget arch before crossing over into the Tre Kronor Slott, halfway up the
left hand side. The size of the characters changes as they emerge from the upper side of
the Tre Kronor Slott and continue their trek back and forth, passing through the
Norrmalmstorget arch again and arriving at Storkyrkan Cathedral. Christina is found in
the center of the third row surrounded by her honor guard, and she is repeated in the
middle of the upper procession riding in the Trophy Coach with the Baldachin canopy,
her coronation horse behind her. What Sasse’s engraving lacks in refined technique, it
makes up for with substance. While his draftsmanship is not as advanced as that of other
contemporaneous printmakers, his recording of the processions coincides with the written
accounts.
The first section of participants included the herald followed by drummers and
trumpeters. The noble estate came next in a conspicuous display of its affluence.
Members of the noble estate rode in coaches accompanied by a retinue of empty carriages
and numerous unused horse mounts — a method to showcase the extent of its wealth.
The aristocrats also presented a display of their equestrian holdings, with grooms leading
150 unmounted horses to represent each title and office. This group included dozens of
horses from the prominent De la Gardie family, Axel Oxenstierna, and the Regents.
196
Sasse was from a family of goldsmiths and engravers who went to work in Germany creating wartime
propaganda. After the war, he was appointed printmaker for Jakob de la Gardie’s household, and was in
turn recommended to the queen.
128
Figure 44. Johan Sasse (Swedish, c.1620-1660), Queen Christina's Coronation

Procession, 1651, engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP CHR C 30).
129
Among the noble retinue was a section of Christina’s horses, accompanied by an
additional troupe of drummers and trumpeters.197
A second band of drums and trumpets heralded a massive group of court officials,
counselors, foreign officers, and other nobles, riding 250 horses and leading 370 others.
Carriages with the Council of State, the Pfalz-Zweibrücken family, and foreign envoys
from the electorate of Brandenburg, Portugal, and France came with their servants. This
group was followed by Crown Prince Karl Gustav with an entourage of twenty-four men
at arms, pages, and footmen. More drums and trumpets led the queen’s lifeguards under
the command of Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie. The Trophy Coach carrying Queen
Christina followed, surrounded by an honor guard of thirty young noblemen. Army
commanders also attended the queen’s coach followed by a group of twelve lords-in-
waiting with their pages headed by Karl Gustav’s brother, Adolf Johan Pfalz-
Zweibrücken. Six coaches then brought the queen’s ladies-in-waiting. Twelve mules
came next, along with a group of camels and reindeer, each with a load of trophies from
the Thirty Years’ War on its back.198 Eight companies of military regiments marched on
foot, followed by General Johan Wrangel leading four companies of cavalry.
An early map illustrates how the city was rapidly changing during Christina’s
reign (Fig. 45). This map of Stockholm was made before a great fire ravaged the city
197
Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 177; and Tydén-Jordan, Drottning Kristina kröningskaross, 38, 40-46.
198
Sten Karling mentions that the mules were imported from France and that the reindeer were brought
from Lapland. William Smith, Studier i svensk tulladministration, ii (Stockholm: Sêilvesborg, 1955), 216,
as cited in Sten Karling, “L’Arc de triomphe,” in Queen Christina of Sweden Documents and Studies,
editor, Magnus von Platen (Stockholm: Kungliga Boktryckeriet P.A. Nordstadt and Söner, 1966), 159;
130
Figure 45. Unidentified Cartographer, Map of Stockholm, 1625, drawing, Stadsarkiv,

Stockholm, Sweden.
131
in 1625.199 This view shows that streets on the central island of Gamla Stan were well
established, but lands to the north and south were not well organized. Medieval paths
meandered to link warehouses and other places of business in a chaotic albeit utilitarian
way. After the 1625 fire, the Council of State commissioned Olof Hansson Örnehufvud
to prepare “a design for the streets, both in the suburbs and here in the city, making them
as wide as ever he can.”200 Örnehufvud’s proposal was supported by Stockholm’s
governor, Klas Flemming, and the plan was realized “with haste and ruthlessness”
between 1636 and 1640.201 A map from 1642 demonstrates the drastic changes that were
made: entire sections were rebuilt into organized streets, and portions of the shoreline
filled in to complete the block pattern (Fig. 46). The north bank’s plan was comprised of
two areas divided by the Brunkeberg — an immovable ridge of rock unsuitable for
building. Norrmalmstorget was the nexus between the city center and the new north bank
district.202 The only bridge between Gamla Stan and the north was situated at
Norrmalmstorget, making this spot the heart of the north shore. Örnehufvud’s plan
199
The great fire began 31 August 1625 and lasted three days. The blaze began in the western quarter of
the city and laid waste to all the buildings from Västerlånggatan to Kornhamnstorg — most of the northern
bank. The fire destroyed a considerable portion of the city’s walls, which were not rebuilt because they
were no longer as necessary for defense as they had been in the past. Nils-Olof Olsson, Stockholm Seen by
Five Centuries of Artists, translator, Paul Britten Austin (Stockholm: Stocholmia Förlag, 1997), 30.
200
Council of State minutes from 1636 quoted in Olsson, Stockholm Seen by Five Centuries of Artists, 30.
201
Ibid., 30.
202
Norrmalmstorget is now known as Gustav II Adolf’s Torg and is recognized by Stockholm’s public
transportation system as the geographic center of the city. Prior to its name change in 1805, Gustav II
Adolf’s Torg was known as Norrmalmstorget (Normalm square), Malmtorget (ore square), or Mynttorg
(coin square). This paper uses Norrmalmstorget in place of the other terms in order to maintain consistency
among the various sources. Nils-Olof Olsson calls the location on maps as Mynttorg, while Sten Karling,
Malin Grundberg, Astrid Tydén-Jordan, and Johan Sasse’s coronation print call the square Norrmalmstorg.
One must be careful not to confuse the seventeenth-century location of Norrmalmstorget with the modern
Norrmalmstorg; the name of a square that is the financial and high-end shopping district of Stockholm —
about a half mile inland to the northeast. The 1973 robbery and hostage crisis of the Kreditbanken at
Norrmalmstorg is the origin of the psychological term Norrmalmstorgssundromet (Norrmalmstorg
syndrome), later translated outside Sweden as Stockholm syndrome.
132
Figure 46. Unidentified Cartographer, Map of Stockholm, 1642, drawing, Stadsarkiv,

Stockholm, Sweden.
133
utilized the Norrmalmstorget area as the origin of two new thoroughfares that extended
along either side of the Brunkeberg ridge toward the northern suburbs. Regeringsgatan
(Government Street) began from Norrmalmstorget and ran east of the ridge, while
Drottninggatan (Queen’s Street) ran parallel to the Brunkeberg to the west. Only
Regeringsgatan met with Norrmalmstorget exactly, but both avenues were strong axes
inserted into the existing landscape to direct traffic in and out of the Norrmalmstorget
area. The program of altering Stockholm’s existing fabric into an ordered set of streets
continued in the years leading up to Queen Christina’s coronation. A map created in
1645 shows the progress made on the north bank and outlines future projects on the south
bank and into areas of the city not yet developed (Fig. 47). The reorganization of
Stockholm’s urban fabric transformed the city from a medieval citadel into a well-
appointed national capital. The new cityscape had come to fruition during Christina’s
reign and was incorporated into the coronation festivities.
The premier activity of the coronation took place when Queen Christina’s retinue
arrived at Stockholm’s north gate from Jakobsdahl. The gate was located at the northern
end of Stockholm, where a rostrum was constructed for representatives from the three
lower estates to officially receive Christina. After ceremonial remarks, the lower estates
were invited to join the tail end of the procession as it entered the city. This aspect of the
spectacle made the procession inclusive of all levels of Swedish society. Christina’s
entourage from Jakobsdahl was initially made up of only aristocrats, but as it progressed
into the city it accumulated participants as witnesses from the audience joined the group.
As the cortege made its way through the north gate arch, it began down the
Drottningsgatan, where the first of a series of arches was planned for them to pass.
134
Figure 47. Unidentified Cartographer, Map of Stockholm, 1645, drawing, Det Kongelige
Bibliotek, Copenhagen, Denmark (X 1967/99).
135
The first triumphal arch was placed at the Barnhuset (children’s house) on
Drottningsgatan, a short distance inside the north gate. 203 City officials wanted to build
two arches in Stockholm for Christina’s entrance — one in the north, at the Barnhuset,
and a second in the south, at Järntorget (the iron market).204 The magistrates
commissioned John Wendelstam, a stonecarver, to create designs by the painter Nicolas
Vallari. Each arch was to be made of wood, fabric, and cardboard, and then painted to
resemble stone. In a disappointing turn, the Barnhuset arch was not complete before the
entrance, and stood on Drottningsgatan incomplete.205 Along with being located on the
street dedicated to Christina, Drottningsgatan, the location of this arch was to be
symbolic because it was where the Barnhuset was located. The Barnhuset was an
orphanage sanctioned by the queen in 1638 as a residence for Stockholm’s street
children. It housed up to 300 youths, age seven and older, who were given up by
impoverished families or caught living on the streets alone.206 These children were only
able to survive with the welfare given them from Christina’s government, and they
embodied the lowest ebb of Swedish society. During the progression, the children were
positioned outside the orphanage and sang for Christina as she drove past. The
performance was likely planned as a sign of gratitude for the queen’s kind charity to her
203
204
The route of Christina’s entrance passed the Barnhuset, but did not travel through Järntorget. The arch
at Järntorget was featured during the procession on the day of Christina’s coronation and will be discussed
in more detail with that event.
205
Ivar Simonsson, "Nicolas De Vallari: En fransk äventyrare vid drottning Kristinas hov," Personhistorisk
Tidskrift (1922), 39; Karl Erik Steneberg, Kristinatidens Måler (Malmö: Allhems Förlag, 1955), 109; and
Karling, “L’Arc de triomphe,” 160.
206
The Barnhuset’s orphans had a menial and regimented existence. They were given only basic
necessities to survive and spent most of their days weaving and spinning yarn for the national defense (i.e.
cloth for the army). Object Label: Barnhuset. Permanent Collection Installation (Stadsmuset, Stockholm,
Sweden), November 11, 2014.
136
most meager subjects. The children were invited to walk behind the procession as well,
and the music and singing continued along the way. 207 As spontaneous as the public
events appeared to be, a great deal of planning went into the preparations to maintain
order.
Coronation activities were celebrated by a wide range of participants, but Queen
Christina firmly controlled the event’s planning; she wanted to make the gesture for all
her subjects, but also ensure that she be protected from danger or even potential
awkwardness. She ordered the military to collect transients and remove them from the
city to prevent thieves and beggars from gathering at her procession. Another
consideration was whether she should hold a coronation ball, and if so, how to monitor it.
The new monarch usually hosted a grand ball and danced with whomever he wished.
However, Christina felt that it would not be proper for her as a woman to invite dance
partners, and conversely, it would be bad manners to refuse a dance request. Her concern
was that she would be obligated to dance with someone she did not like, so the formal
ball was removed from the schedule.208 With these concerns settled in the weeks leading
up to the coronation, the queen entered her capital with confidence.
Although the lower classes had joined the procession, they did not intermingle
with the aristocratic participants. The final leg of the journey allowed the burghers,
clergy, and peasants to remain in the parade, but it was the noble estate that was
showcased as the progression entered the Tre Kronor Slott. Christina’s procession made
its way down to the south end of Drottningsgatan and turned east into the
207
Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 177; and Tydén-Jordan, Drottning Kristina kröningskaross, 38.
208
Bergh, editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol xiv, 301.
137
Norrmalmstorget — where another arch was located in front of the bridge to Gamla Stan
(Fig. 48). Antonio Macedo wrote that Christina’s procession arrived at the
Norrmalmstorget just as the sun was setting. Flags captured during the Thirty Years’
War were fixed to the top of the arch, and Macedo notes that it was an impressive sight to
see Christina pass through the archway; the banners fluttered in the wind and the naval
fleet moored in the adjacent docks fired salutes.209
The Norrmalmstorget arch was the largest and most ornate of the triumphal arches
(Fig. 49). It was commissioned by the Council of State with the queen’s input and
approval. Its construction was directed by Jean de la Vallée with a budget of 16,000
Riksdalers and was made to resemble the Arch of Constantine. Christina began to plan
the monument at least a year in advance by sending her attaché Matthias Palbitski to
Florence and Rome, with the task of acquiring prints, drawings, antique sculpture, and
architectural reference books. Palbitski was also to bring Jean de la Vallée back from
Rome to Stockholm to organize the Norrmalmstorget project. De la Vallée had been
awarded a grant from the Swedish government in 1646 to study in Rome, but returned
from his sojourn in the spring of 1650 to accept the commission.210 The young architect
met with the Council of State to present his proposal and negotiate his role in the
coronation planning.211 His design visually quoted the Arch of Constantine, but also
added an attic story for the display of flags and sculptures. The rich decorations were to
declare the queen’s place in history and promote the Council of State. The venture
209
Father Antonio Macedo, Decriptio coronationis christinae (9 April 1651) as cited in Karling, “L’Arc de
triomphe,” 160.
210
Karling, “L’Arc de triomphe,” 160, 163-164.
211
Bergh, editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol xiv, 120.
138
Figure 48. Illustration of 1642 city map with the processional route of Queen Christina's
entrance into Stockholm highlighted. Pertinent landmarks along the route are identified
by number. 1. Barnhuset, 2. Drottningsgatan, 3. Norrmalmstorget, 4. Tre Kronor Slott, 5.
Riddarshuset, 6. Storkyrkan.
139
Figure 49. Jean Marot (French, c.1619-1679), published by Pierre Mariette (French,
1634-1716), Queen Christina’s Coronation Arch 1650 (plate from Erik Dahlberg’s Suecia
antiqua et hodierna), c. 1660, engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP
CHR B 138).
140
required a diverse force of talented specialists, so a team was assembled that included
poets, painters, sculptors, and carpenters. A contract dated 8 April 1650 ratified De la
Vallée’s proposal and assigned the court carpenter Lukas Meylandt to carry out
construction.212 All the artists worked together under De la Vallée’s supervision to
construct a temporary monument which could then be converted into a permanent
structure.
The sculptural program followed an Italianate iconography never before seen in
Sweden. De la Vallée worked with Jost Schütze to design a program that reflected
Christina’s interest in art and politics, highlighting her knowledge of allegory and her
classical education.213 De la Vallée conceived personifications of twenty-four virtues and
concepts, and Schütze executed the allegorical statues. Schütze’s workshop records list
the names of the figures and their locations on the arch. Veritas (truth), Religio
(religion), Fides (faith), Spes (hope), Caritas (charity), and Concordia (harmony) were
located on the south face. The north side featured Amor Patriae (patriotism), Fortitudo
(strength), Sapientia (wisdom), Prudentia (prudence), Justitia (justice), and Pax (peace).
Special figures were placed on the attic. The southern face displayed Philosophia
(philosophy), Doctrina (theology), Amor Virtutis (virtuous love), Vigilantia (vigilance),
212
The contract expressed that the project was to cost no more than 16,000 Riksdalers. Council
proceedings from 20 April 1650 show the council’s approval of a one-time national tax of 30 Riksdalers
per horse to cover the expense. They also hired Louis Gillis to assist Meylandt’s carpentry, but fighting
ensued between the two over materials. The council had to intervene and formally outline the allocation of
materials between the two men. The resources earmarked for the arch’s construction were: 53 wooden
beams, 300 dozen boards, 5,500 yards of coarse cloth, and iron anchors in cement for foundations.
Ornamental sculptures were to be made from 800 yards of canvas, 60 barrels of plaster, 800 pounds of wax,
2,000 pounds of resin, 200 sheets of wrapping paper, 200 sheets of red-brown paper, a barrel of linseed oil,
and a half barrel of olive oil. The total cost of the supplies was stipulated to not exceed 3,750 Riksdalers.
Sveriges Riksdag, Sveriges ridderskaps och adels riksdagsprotokoll. vol. iv: 1650-1651 (Stockholm: P.A.
Norstedt. 1872), cited in Karling, “L’Arc de triomphe,” 167; and Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 183.
213
Schütze was a project manager for the admiralty who was in charge of the woodcarvers in the navy yard,
and had experience creating wooden sculptures for churches and aristocratic homes.
141
Liberalitas (generosity), and Generositas (nobility). The north side held Honor (honor),
Victoria (victory), Gloria (glory), Bonum Consilium (good counsel), and Temperantia
Abundantia (abundant moderation). Other sculptures promoted additional theological
and cardinal virtues.214 These figures communicated Queen Christina’s moral character
and promoted the intellectual attributes she brought with her to the throne. This was a
contrast to the emphasis on military strength and conquest featured in the painted
program.
The paintings, on the other hand, represented the military conquests of Christina’s
early reign — a period over which she had little control — thus alluding to the Council of
State’s role in the nation’s success. The Norrmalmstorget arch was dedicated to
Christina, but the commission was controlled by the Council, and the arch’s decorative
program highlighted the Council as much as it praised the queen. The Council appointed
Jakob Elbfas, Johan Assman, and Adam Semler to complete the painted scenes.215 They
were paid 500 Riksdalers for specifically-sized paintings of various events. There were
four large-format battlefield paintings, twelve lettered friezes, columns and pilasters, and
214
Although the sculptures from the Norrmalmstorget arch are no longer extant and therefore unavailable
to compare to imagery source books of the time, the list of allegorical characters made by Schütze’s
workshop indicates that Rollenhagen’s book could not have been the source of the figures. Most of the
figural subjects are not in Rollenhagen, but can be found in Ripa’s Iconologia — suggesting that the latter
was the reference point for the decorative figures. All but one of the emblems listed by Schütze are
described in Ripa’s Iconologia: Veritas (665-666); Religio (521-526); Fides (199-202); Spes (589-591);
Caritas (85-88); Concordia (102); Amor Patriae (31-35); Fortitudo (229); Sapientia (545); Prudentia (508-
510); Justitia (246); Pax (467-472); Philosophia (207-218); Doctrina (166-167); Amor Virtutis (25-26);
Vigilantia (668-669); Liberalitas (373-374); Generosità (239-242); Honor (258); Victoria (680-682); Gloria
(249); Temperantia Abundantia (618-620). Cesare Ripa, Iconologia (Venice: Christoforo Tomasini, 1645),
25-26, 31-35, 85-88, 102, 166-167, 199-202, 207-218, 229, 239-242, 246, 249, 258, 467-472, 508-510,
521-526, 545, 589-591, 618-620, 665-666, 668-669, and 680-682; and Karling, “L’Arc de triomphe,” 167.
215
These three painters were selected because they were the senior-most artists at Christina’s court. Elbfas
and Assman had both been members of the painter’s guild since the 1620s. Elbfas was a portraitist for the
royal court, and Assman was responsible for stage designs of the court ballet. Semler was a specialist in
painting coat of arms and inscriptions. Karling, “L’Arc de triomphe,” 168.
142
eighty rosettes for the three coffered bays. Everything was painted in trompe-l’oeil
grisaille to give the overall impression that it was a single work in stone; ornamental
details, such as columns, rosettes, and bas-reliefs, were inserted into the larger structure.
A dedication written by the court poet, Georg Stiernhielm, was located on the attic and
painted in gold letters on a black background.
To Christina, Gustav the Great’s daughter, the most noble prince,

excellent of magnanimity, piety, wisdom, gentleness, [who] has governed
beyond her sex, age, and comprehension, and with high risk, after a few
years of life, and took the reins of the Rike, defended the throne, liberated
Germany, preserved alliances, expelled the enemy, entrenched peace and
greatly enriched the country’s honor and culture, and has provided an
excellent example of rule, with applause and congratulations from the
people celebrate his coronation festivities, dedicated to the kingdom’s
ruler, gratefully for her service with this arch.216
Although the focus was on Christina’s exceptional character, the accomplishments listed
were achieved during her youth — when the Council of State was at the pinnacle of its
political influence. The eight large-format scenes were images from different phases of
the Thirty Years’ War; Christina was queen at the time, but the battles selected were
mostly from the period before she reached her majority, and nearly all of them feature
battles won by members of the Council.217 The paintings, along with the captured
banners adorning the arch’s attic, clearly communicate Swedish triumphs for which
Queen Christina had little, if any, responsibility. Highlighting the nobility rather than the
216
Italics added by author for emphasis. Karling, “L’Arc de triomphe,” 181; and Grundberg,
Ceremoniernas makt, 183.
217
The subjects of the eight battle paintings were: the victory of George Oldendarp, 1632; the victory of
Christian Voter at Birkenfeld Pfaffenhofen, 1633; the victory of Johan Báner Wittstock, 1634; the naval
victory of Karl Gustaf Wrangel; the naval battle of Femern, 1644; the victory of Lennart Torstensson at
Bernburg, 1644; the victory of Lennart Torstensson at Jankowitz, 1645; and the victory of Karl Gustaf
Wrangel, 1647. Karling, “L’Arc de triomphe,” 168.
143
crown, these scenes connote the tenuous balance of power between Christina and the
aristocracy.
The Council’s motivation and support must have contributed to the arch
remaining in place for years after Christina had abdicated and beyond her successor’s
reign. Erik Dahlberg’s Suecia Antiqua et Hodierna is a three-volume collection of 353
historic prints published in Paris and Stockholm around 1661. The plates’ subjects are
historic monuments, buildings, and maps which demonstrate the extent of Sweden’s
cultural importance at the time — a “Venice of the North.” Some of the first etchings
produced were images of Queen Christina’s coronation arch. This is remarkable
considering that the illustrations were created a decade after the construction of the
supposedly temporary structure. Although it was intended to eventually become a
permanent monument, the plan was not realized and the ephemeral edifice was left in
place longer than expected. There are two views by Jean Marot of Christina’s coronation
arch in the Suecia Antiqua et Hodierna: one from the north (Fig. 49), showing the Tre
Kronor Slott in the distance, and another from the south (Fig. 50), featuring the
Norrmalm neighborhood. Both views show the sculptural elements, but the north face
features the attic dedication while the other image leaves that area blank, opting to
include a diagram of the architectural footprint instead. The Norrmalmstorget was the
most impressive of the three arches, but even this was not the greatest manifestation of
the nobility’s power during the coronation processions.
The Riddarhuset (house of nobility) was built as a monument to the era of
Sweden’s Stormaktstiden — a sermon in stone to the nobility’s wealth and sophistication
(Fig. 51). Queen Christina sanctioned the erection of a new Riddarhuset as an

144
Figure 50. Jean Marot (French, c.1619-1679), published by Pierre Mariette (French,
1634-1716), Queen Christina’s Coronation Arch 1650 (plate from Erik Dahlberg’s Suecia
antiqua et hodierna), c. 1660, engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP
CHR A 67 2).
145
Figure 51. Simon de la Vallée (Supervisor, 1641-1642) with contributions from Heinrich
Wilhelm (Supervisor, 1645-1652), Joost Vingboons (Supervisor, 1653-1656), and Jean
de la Vallée (Supervisor, 1656-1672). Riddarhuset, 1641-1672 (exterior complete c.
1650), Stockholm, Sweden.
146
appropriately luxurious meeting place for the aristocracy. Prior to the coronation, the
noble estate’s meetings were held in a modest hall on Prästgatan — an alleyway in the
Gamla Stan neighborhood. By the 1640s the nobility’s structure was considered too
simple a gathering place for their station, and Axel Oxenstierna purchased property near
the Tre Kronor Slott royal residence for a new building.218 This was a potent location,
because it situated the building within the very heart of the capital, and positioned the
seat of noble power along one of the main streets to the castle — confirming the nobles’
proximity to the crown and their supremacy above the other estates.219 Once begun,
construction progressed quickly so that the exterior was complete in time for the
coronation. The path of the processional entrance went from the Norrmalmstorget arch,
across the bridge toward the Riddarhuset, before turning up the Storkyrkobrinken (Great
Church Slope) to the Tre Kronor Slott.
The Riddarhuset‘s construction was overseen by a sequence of four architects —
all of foreign descent, because no native draughtsman was considered notable enough for
the monumental task.220 The façade is a firm display of symmetry, while swags of fruit
and figures provide soft contrast to the rigid austerity of the classical design. The two-
tiered roof, known as a Säteri, became a feature of the new style adopted by the
aristocracy. The original design was made in 1641 by Simon de la Vallée, who had
218
Anna Hamilton, Riddarhuset (Stockholm: Riddarhuset, 1996), 5.
219
220
Aristocrats followed the trend of hiring continental artists to build them grand mansions and filled them
with magnificent spoils of war to reflect their new-found international status. General Karl Gustaf Wrangel
constructed an ostentatious palace at Skokloster on Lake Mälaren outside Stockholm after he was
appointed governor of the rich Pomeranian tract. He hired the preeminent architects of the time in Sweden:
Nicodemus Tessin the elder, Jean de la Vallée, and Caspar Vogel. This building was inspired by German
prototypes, but featured the notable Swedish design of a sloping roof on its principle façade rather than the
traditional gable found in the rest of northern Europe. Jonsson, “Swedish Culture in a European Context,”
152; and Kent, A Concise History of Sweden, 74-76.
147
emigrated from Paris to become architect to the royal court in 1638. He studied with his
father Marin de la Vallée and was involved with building the Palais du Luxembourg and
the Hôtel de Ville. 221 The building’s original three-story design and dual courtyards are
reminiscent of the Palais de Luxembourg, built in Paris in 1624 (Fig. 52).222
After Simon de La Vallée’s death in 1642, the search for his replacement was
delayed by war between Sweden and Denmark. Heinrich Wilhelm from Hamburg was
finally appointed the lead mason to resume stonework in 1647 with the understanding
that he take on the architectural management as well. Wilhelm adhered to most of De la
Vallée’s plan, but did eliminate the enclosed courtyard toward the south. The
Riddarhuset occupies a prominent site along the ceremonial path from the Tre Kronor
Slott to Storkyrkan cathedral. It is likely that the nobles wanted the façade complete
before Queen Christina’s coronation because the Riddarhuset’s position along the parade
route was too much of a prime location to be in mid-construction for such a historic
milestone. Wilhelm’s leadership therefore concentrated on getting the central building’s
brick walls and sandstone pilasters complete.223 The successful timeline allowed the
221
Peters, Ship Decoration, 172-173.
222
De la Vallée’s plan of multi-story Corinthian pilasters and sweeping entablature was a decisive shift
from Swedish Mannerism toward Classicism, and proved to be a hard sell in Sweden; Simon de la Vallée
was stabbed to death by Colonel Erik Oxenstierna in November 1642, during a meeting of the building
committee over a dispute about the Riddarhuset’s design. Before De la Vallée’s death he trained his son
Jean de la Vallée and Nicodemus Tessin the elder. These younger men contributed to the supervision of
the project until the exterior was finished in the 1650s and the interior completed in 1674. Peters, Ship
Decoration, 172-173; and Hamilton, Riddarhuset, 5.
223
The exterior façade was complete by Queen Christina’s coronation on 20 October 1650. Heinrich
Wilhelm began the window consoles and decorative mascarons, but he died in 1652. The governors of the
Riddarhuset hired Joost Vingsboons from the Netherlands to carry on the work and he added the Corinthian
capitals and garland festoons to the building’s decoration. Vingsboons fell into disfavor and was
terminated in 1655 and was replaced by Simon de la Vallée’s son Jean de la Vallée. De la Vallée returned
to his father’s original design and softened the appearance by including small round windows. Jean de la
Vallée continued with the project until the entire project, inside and out, was finished in 1674. Hamilton,
Riddarhuset, 5-6.
148
Figure 52. Simon de la Vallée (French, 1590–1642), Proposed Riddarhuset plan, 1641,
drawing, Riddarhuset, Stockholm, Sweden.
149
nobles to utilize the Riddarhuset as a gathering place during coronation festivities and the
building served as a dominant focal point along the queen’s processional routes. The new
meeting house boasted the aristocracy’s growing power and patronage in post-war
society.
The noble estate’s motto is arte et marte (art and war), and the term is displayed
above the doors on the north and south sides of the building. The slogan expresses the
idea that the nobles’ social standing comes from conquest and patronage. Sculptures of
Mars and Minerva are featured prominently on the building to symbolically represent two
complementary halves of a larger and successful whole. These figures promote fortitudo
et sapientia (strength and wisdom), the ideal components of a great society. Mars was
the embodiment of power and the glory of victorious battle, while Minerva completed the
equation by contributing art and forethought.224 An image prototype of Mars and
Minerva is in Gabriel Rollenhagen’s book of symbols, showing Minerva alongside Mars
to express their collaboration in war, a means of peace, and the bounty of flourishing art
patronage (Fig. 53). Rollenhagen’s text explains Sunt duo qui faciunt ut rex in honore
sit; ars mars; gloria ab arte venit, gloria marte venit (there are two who bring honor to
the king — art, and the art of war; fame comes from art as it does from the art of war).225
The phrase arte et marte, framed by allegorical tools of authority and symbols acquired
224
The south side of the building faces the street and features an entrance that is crowned with a cartouche
of war trophies surrounding the words arte et marte. The northern, waterfront portal has the same phrase
above the door with Mars and Minerva reclining on either side. The current sculptures are not original, but
are based on the original design. Hamilton, Riddarhuset, 7; and Baumgärtel, “Is The King Genderless? The
Staging of the Female Regent as Minerva Pacifera,” 104.
225
Rollenhagen, Selectorum emblematum centuria secunda, plate 68; and Baumgärtel, “Is The King
Genderless? The Staging of the Female Regent as Minerva Pacifera,” 104.
150
Figure 53. Gabriel Rollenhagen (German, 1583-1619), Arte et Marte, Plate 68, from
Selectorum emblematum centuria secunda, 1613, engraving, Special Collections and
151
through conquest, prominently displayed on an impressive structure, announces the
growing powers of the nobility.
Christina drastically altered the noble estate in her decade as queen regnant by
increasing the number of hereditary titles. There were a total of thirteen county and
baronial families when Christina reached her majority in 1644, but she expanded the
group with an additional eighteen county families and fifty new baronial ones.226
Commoners were not excluded from noble membership and nearly half of Christina’s
appointments began life in one of the lower estates.227 Christina’s reign was a period of
rapid social mobility as she doubled the lower noble membership from 300 to 600.228
She ennobled army contractors, secretaries, creditors, land agents of the aristocracy,
customs inspectors, her court tailor, her court physicians (twelve of them), army officers,
and teams of wealthy Germans, Dutch, and Scots seeking opportunity.229
The traditional old noble families were predominantly from Sweden and Finland.230
Indigenous aristocrats remained suspicious of foreign influence; nonetheless, Christina
raised many outsiders to the nobility — mainly from Sweden’s territories in Germany
226
227
A military career was the preferred occupation among the nobility and for those who aspired to be
aristocrats; any officer reaching the rank of major was assured of being ennobled. The Swedish architect,
Erik Dahlberg, was born a commoner and worked as the director of Swedish fortifications before being
ennobled in the 1660s. Åström, “The Swedish Ecomony,” 75; and Childs, Warfare in the Seventeenth
Century, 98.
228
Åström, “The Swedish Ecomony,” 79; and Kent, A Concise History of Sweden, 85.
229
Roberts, “Queen Christina and the General Crisis,” 128.
230
King Erik XIV Vasa was the first to create titled nobility, but until Christina’s reign only a select few
families had been elevated. The aristocracy was made up of families who could trace their ancestry back to
the Middle Ages, but became more prominent during the Vasa-dynasty wars. As the Vasa kings made the
apparatus of government more bureaucratized, civil servants quickly climbed to the top of the social ladder.
152
and the Baltic states. 231 The diversity of those ennobled by the crown reflected the
nation’s status as an emerging empire.
The nobility’s authority and social status rested in that they were landowners —
usually large farms worked by tenant farmers. The tracts were often inherited, but in
some cases the ground was royal land that had been rented or pawned for a set period of
time when the crown needed money. At some point, leases to land returned to the crown,
even if it had been gifted to the noble. Donated estates were given with the privilege of
tax exempt status and cash farmed for a period set out in the terms of the official
ordinance or the deed of conveyance. However, Christina had the bad habit of not
determining a time when the gift would revert to her, and so royal land stayed in noble
hands and remained nontaxable.232
Queen Christina was excessively generous in her gifts and the gesture
impoverished the country’s treasury. By the time she was done giving, 63% of arable
land belonged to the nobility and was therefore free of taxation.233 Lands were donated
faster than they were recorded and sometimes given twice over in the confusion. The
effects were startling, with royal revenues cut through the regime from 6.36 million to
231
It was true that the queen’s mother and paternal grandmother were Germans, but she also shared familial
ties with nearly every established noble family in Sweden. Christina was apparently attempting to build a
constituency of newly ennobled allies by reinventing the make-up of the aristocracy. The fresh group of
nobility would be more personally loyal to the queen and replace the old guard in Riksdag votes. Åström,
“The Swedish Ecomony,” 77.
232
Dahlgren, “Estates and Classes,” 120.
233
It was not until Karl X Gustav assumed the throne that the issue of the crown’s land imbalance was
properly dealt with. Christina had toyed with a reduktion proposal, but opted to avoid the controversy and
focus on the more pressing problem of naming an heir — a successor who could deal with the reduktion.
The reward of this difficult process was that the resultant served to strengthen the growing centralization of
government and laid the foundation for the monarchy’s absolutism in the subsequent decade. Kent, A
Concise History of Sweden, 77.
153
3.79 million.234 The shortfalls necessitated the continuation of wartime taxes into peace
time, and with nobles exempt from tax, the burden fell onto the remaining three estates.
The lower estates grew more vocal in their opposition to the aristocracy’s growing
affluence.235 The clergy estate went so far as to taunt Christina during her coronation
planning by asking if she wanted to be crowned just the Queen of Sweden, or if she
wished to be queen of tolls and excises as well.236
Returning to the coronation path: there was a ceremonial entrance built at the Tre
Kronor Slott which focused on Christina’s power and streamlined the area as a royal
domain. The gateway was called “the door of honor” and was erected at the bridge going
into the castle, facing Storkyran and Axel Oxenstierna’s townhouse. Jean de la Vallée
designed the doorway to be a runway from the castle into the space outside — Stortorget
square. A permanent equestrian monument of Gustav II Adolf was to be put there but
only the foundation was done in time, and the rest of the statue was fabricated with a
234
235
The burgher class was politically opposed to the noble estate, but they emulated the noble’s lifestyle as
the ideal social practice. In Stockholm, nobles and burghers lived in close proximity to the court, and
burghers frequently enjoyed participating in grand spectacles and festivals. Aristocratic weddings and
funerals provided an example of the luxurious events that the burgher class, so far as they could afford,
would emulate. The majority of the burgher class were craftsmen, who ranked lower than merchants and
possessed less political influence. Guilds bound craftsmen together in a strong corporate camaraderie. It
was considered an egregious faux pas to undersell a competitor, and the guild dutifully investigated any
complaints. The only exception was if the master accused was in service of a nobleman or the crown. Entry
to a guild could be achieved with the approval of a submitted masterpiece and the donation of a fee given to
the poor. Craftsmen generally had only a few employees, and in larger workshops, such as masons and
architects, the status would move them from the burgher class into a position as ståndspersoner (high-
ranking commoner). For example, Nicodemus Tessin the elder was of foreign ancestry and began his career
as an architect at the status of craftsmen, but over time he was regularly patronized by the royal court.
These commissions improved his social standing and he was ennobled. His son, Nicodemus Tessin the
younger, went on to build the current Royal Palace in Stockholm before finishing his life as a count and
member of the prestigious Council of State. Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power, 29; and Dahlgren, “Estates
and Classes,” 120.
236
The Archbishop posed the question to the Nobility and his taunt was dismissed by Axel Oxenstierna as
not that of an economist. Fryxell, Handlingar rörande skandinaviens Historia, vol. xxi, 75, 82.
154
delicate material, probably papier-mâché, and only remained in place for the duration of
the festivities.237 A series of tapestries made for Christina’s coronation, now at the Royal
Palace, were in all likelihood positioned along either side of the gateway to encompass
the Stortorget with mythological scenes favored by the queen and to separate the area
from the adjacent buildings.238 This directed participant’s attention to the processions
entering and leaving the Tre Kronor Slott and maintained an area free from nearby
distractions. Most of the written accounts do not mention the decorations erected at the
palace, but a report from Antonio Macedo describes the door of honor and the triumphal
arches. Macedo tells that the door of honor was constructed in the same format as the
arches, but was much larger in scale.239 The superior size of the doorway and its visual
seclusion from the surrounding area was a monumental display that emphasized
Christina’s supremacy. When the entrance procession arrived at the palace courtyard,
Queen Dowager Maria Eleonora welcomed them from the castle’s “Trumpeter’s Walk”
balcony. An artillery salute was then launched from the Tre Kronor Slott and echoed by
salutatory volleys from the forty man-of-war ships in the surrounding harbor and the
military men accompanying the procession. A banquet was given before a four-hour
237
238
Kerstin Hagsgård (Curator of Royal Collections) in discussion with the author, 15 July 2013.
239
Written accounts include: a pamphlet dedicated to Schering Rosenhande, dated 9 December 1650;
Pierre-Hector Chanut’s Mémories et Negotiations (Paris, 1675); Johann Wilhelm Arckenholtz’s Mémoires
concernant Christina, reine de Suède pour server d’éclairecissement à l’histoire de son regne et
principalement de sa vie privée, et aux événements de son tems civile el litéraire (Leipzig and
Amsterdam, 1751), and Father Antonio Macedo’s report, entitled Decriptio coronationis christinae,
dedicated to the new Portuguese ambassador, Joseph Pinto Pereira, dated 9 April 1651, cited in Karling,
“L’Arc de triomphe,” 160.
155
fireworks display on the island of Skeppsholmen, to the east of the Tre Kronor Slott. By
the end of the night, smoke enveloped the city like a dense fog.240
Coronation Day: A Unified Display
The day of Queen Christina’s coronation was a strategically coordinated display
of royal support from the military, the state government and the Swedish Lutheran
church. The army began the morning with a military parade around Gamla Stan followed
by their presents throughout the celebration. Officials participated in the processions and
publically honored the queen with their backing. Church leaders welcomed Christina into
Stockholm’s great church and officiated over the coronation investiture of the crown, in a
sign of unity between the church and state. Each of these individual components stressed
the fidelity of the nation’s most powerful entities. The chosen processional route brought
the remaining members of Sweden’s social hierarchy into the celebration and allowed
them to also convey their dedication to Christina’s position as their leader. The festivities
began early in the morning and went late into the evening.
The presence of the military throughout the coronation conveyed the might of
Christina’s government and highlighted the force at her command. Coronation day began
at six o’clock in the morning with a military parade of 1,500 soldiers in full armor
circling the Tre Kronor Slott, the Chancellor’s residence (next door to the palace) and
Storkyrkan (the “great Cathedral” of Saint Nicholas), as well as the surrounding
streets.241 The spectacle began before the sun rose, making it an impressive
demonstration of fire, smoke, drums, and motion. One can imagine armor shimmering in
240
241
156
torchlight along with the rumble of cadence and hoof clattering throughout the damp and
narrow alleyways of the old town — making way to their stations through the early
morning fog. The soldiers were distributed along the route as they marched and remained
posted in a line along the streets throughout the day to maintain order. This act
emphasized the army’s recognition of Queen Christina as its highest superior and
affirmed the militia’s loyalty to her. The robust military presence displayed Sweden’s
unprecedented strength, and reinforced the power Christina now possessed as its crowned
monarch.
Members of Christina’s government signaled their acknowledgment of the
queen’s sovereignty. The Lord High Treasurer retrieved the royal regalia from the palace
vault at eleven o’clock, and the Regents carried the objects to the queen. The entire
Council of State, along with select members of the high nobility, the dowager queen and
crown prince, gathered at the castle to present the regalia.242 This gesture was essential
for the transition of power because it demonstrated that the Regents recognized
Christina’s position as regnant queen, and were voluntarily resigning the royal authority
they previously possessed. Regalia objects were the physical embodiment of Queen
Christina’s legitimate sovereignty over Sweden. The presentation of regalia to Christina
marked the Swedish government’s acknowledgement that she was the rightful queen.
The Regents, Council of State, and other administrators’ participation in the coronation
processions made a public commitment to Christina’s reign, and visually declared an
open alliance between them and the crown.
242
157
The coronation day participants were a pared-down version of the processional
entry, and traveled a route that symbolically encompassed all the areas and classes of the
capital city. The nobles and exalted councilmen went in groups of three, as did the
deputies from the provinces. More drums and trumpets led the marshal of the realm and
others in carriages, followed by coaches carrying the Council of State and the regalia.
They rode in two of the new royal coaches: the green one drawn by black horses and the
black one pulled by a white team. Christina followed the Council of State in The Trophy
Coach, escorted by thirty young noblemen. Officers from the German campaign followed
behind the carriage with the baldachin canopy.243 Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie followed
the baldachin canopy holding the banner of state and leading Christina’s personal mount.
Christina broke with tradition and did not ride her horse, but did keep it in the parade and
had it fitted with attributes that matched her own coronation dress. The queen’s mount
was adorned with gold chains around its legs, horseshoes made of silver, and an
embroidered saddle of gold, embellished with pearls throughout (Fig. 42). The Lord
Chamberlain Adolf Johan Pfalz-Zweibrücken followed a coronation horse on a white
horse of his own, carrying the coronation robe. Crown Prince Karl Gustav followed,
wearing a purple velvet outfit, cloak, and hat of his office — all lined in ermine and
embroidered with gilt flames of fire, the symbol of a Swedish crown prince. His robes
trailed off the horse and drug along the ground behind. A series of government officials
processed along followed by the Dowager Queen Maria Eleonora, and the wives of high-
243
Ibid., 50-55.
158
ranking men.244 The retinue left the palace at noon and followed a parade route never
before used for a coronation procession.
The Tre Kronor Slott was located adjacent to Storkyrkan Cathedral on the island
of Gamla Stan, but a direct processional route would not have been impressive nor utilize
public spectacle. The route to Christina’s coronation took a path that symbolically visited
the entire capital and established a connection with all her subjects (Fig. 54). The
procession left the Tre Kronor Slott and traveled through the castle’s door of honor,
going past the statue of Gustav II Adolf, and heading east down Slottsbacken (castle hill)
to the harbor. At the shore, it turned south to go along the skeppsbron (waterfront) to
Järntorget (iron market), where an arch had been built. This was the Stockholm
magistrate’s second commission of Nicolas Vallari — the southern counterpart to the
Barnhuset arch from Christina’s entrance. The prestige of being included in the actual
coronation procession made the Järntorget arch a priority above the Barnhuset arch, and
was likely the reason that the Barnhuset arch was not completed. The physical arch was
a wooden frame, covered in canvas and built up with stucco and wax. It was painted in
grisaille to appear like it was made of stone. City officials approved Vallari’s design and
allocated 5,264 Riksdalers for the project, but local residents did not like the arch’s
appearance and a protest of sorts was staged. Karling says that Christina was unhappy
with the municipality’s arches, not so much with their construction or design, but because
she did not appreciate how citizens were behaving around them during the processions.245
244
Maria Eleonora and the Council of State rode in newly purchased carriages. Another purchase, The
Lion and Eagle Coach, originally intended as Christina’s official carriage, was driven behind Maria
Eleonora as a token of status for her daughter’s household. Ibid., 32, 50-55.
245
159
Figure 54. Illustration of 1642 Stockholm map with the procession route of Queen
Christina's coronation highlighted. Pertinent landmarks along the route are identified by
number. 1. Tre Kronor Slott, 2. Järntorget, 3. Slussen, 4. Nya Kungsgatan, 5.
Riddarshuset, 6. Norrmalmstorget, 7. Storkyrkan.
160
Neither the extent of the public’s disrespect nor the exact reason for the queen’s
discontent is clear. However, images from Erik Dahlberg’s Suecia Antiqua et Hodierna
give a clue of some people’s actions. The print of the Riddarhuset, for example, shows a
man from the crowd urinating on the façade in plain sight.
The discourse suggests that the commoners did not understand the visual concepts
being presented. The classically inspired arches were new architectural language in
Sweden and included allegories and original emblems not widely known. The
printmaker Sigismund von Vogel wrote, “all those who saw the two arcs of triumph
recently built [in] Norrmalmstorget and Järntorget were able to appreciate the beautiful
and pleasant impressions they give, but could [they] understand everything about [how] it
should be reported and recorded?”246 Vogel’s question suggests that many Swedes were
not sure how to read or understand the monuments taking center stage within the capital.
This is a particularly plausible conclusion considering that Järntorget is located at the
southern tip of Gamla Stan near the shantytowns on the south bank at Slussen. The
narrow locks created between the islands of Gamla Stan and Södermalm were called
Slussen and served to regulate water from Lake Mälaren to the Baltic Sea. The first
Slussen lock was built at this location in 1642 and was colloquially known as Queen
Christina’s Lock. The emergence of this area as a new hub of the city’s life made it a
relevant location for Christina to want included in her coronation procession, however it
was logistically difficult to actually process to Södermalm. Alternatively, the coronation
route traveled to the nearby Järntorget area as a way to make a physical appearance in the
246
Sigismund von Vogel was the printmaker responsible for engraving Christina’s portrait for the
frontispiece of the Finnish Bible (1642) in the Kungliga Biblioteket (SVP 164A). Sigismund von Vogel
quoted in Karling, “L’Arc de triomphe,” 159.
161
lower class neighborhoods without actually crossing into them at the Slussen bridge.
After Järntorget, the procession turned north up Nya Kungsgatan (New King’s Street),
toward the Riddarhuset and then across the bridge to Norrmalmstorget.
Once at Norrmalmstorget, the parade passed through the triumphal arch located
there and circled the square before passing through the arch again to return back across
the bridge to Gamla Stan. The procession then went past the Riddarhuset area a second
time before turning up Storkyrkobrinken (Great Church Slope) to the Storkyrkan
Cathedral.247 This path traveled the gamut of Gamla Stan; it ventured to the south end to
the lowliest portion of the city before turning north and crossing over to the up-and-
coming district of Norrmalm. The journey incorporated the lower classes, but awarded
the nobility special consideration by going past the Riddarshuset before passing through
the arch sponsored by the Council of State twice and then returning to the Riddarhuset.
This leg of the route was not the most direct route to Storkyrkan from Norrmalm, but it
showcased the nobility and thereby underscored the queen’s alliance with them.
Christina’s procession took the royal spectacle to the various areas of the city in order to
allow her subjects, regardless of social position, to witness their queen in their
neighborhood. Her physical presence in the various areas of the city also metaphorically
claimed the range of locations as all parts of her dominion.
A panoramic view of Stockholm made by Wolfgang Hartmann commemorates
Queen Christina’s coronation (Fig. 55). The image is in two parts: a left page showing
the city’s south bank, and a right sheet of the north. Gamla Stan, the island heart of the
archipelago, is in the center and divided between the pages — showing the rows of
247
162
Figure 55. Wolfgang Hartmann (Swedish, active 1640-1654), View over Stockholm from
the east – made for the coronation of Queen Christina, 1650, engraving, Skokloster Slott,
Sweden (15808, 15809).
163
buildings facing the harbor and featuring three of Stockholm’s historically prestigious
buildings: Tyskakyrkan (German Church), Storkyrkan (Great Church), and Tre Kronor
Slott (Castle of the Three Crowns). In the center of the left panel is Slussen, the
bottleneck area of the waterway, which is still a hub of transportation in the city. The
right margin shows Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie’s waterfront mansion, called Makelos
(magnificent), along the newly built north bank. 248 The shoreline curves into the
foreground toward Skeppsholmsbron (bridge to Skeppsholm), where the navy yard docks
are located with warships in port. This urban scene was the backdrop for Christina’s
coronation procession. Her route led the cortege forward from the Tre Kronor Slott and
marched to the south along the shoreline where the Swedish armada was docked. The
path delivered them to the Järntorget, where Gamla Stan meets the Slussen, and then led
them back across the far side of the skyline to the north.
In the print, the churches, mansions, and ships are all iconic elements of
Stockholm’s skyline and convey the piety, wealth and power of Sweden’s capital.
Christina’s Stockholm is a busy and prosperous city with a harbor chock-full with dozens
of ships and streets bustling with people. Hartmann’s technique contributes to this
overall impression of a thriving metropolis: he has applied acid to select areas of the
printing plate to suggest smoke rising into the atmosphere. The areas of hatching above
the tenements near Slussen, Tyskakyrkan, and the Tre Kronor Slott, appear to have been
248
Makelos is no longer extant, but was built as Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie rose to prominence as a
favorite in Christina’s court during the late 1640s. It is notable that Hartmann included the luxurious
palace alongside ecclesiastical and governmental buildings, even though it was a private residence. This
indicates that De la Gardie held such a premier status in Swedish society that his home is featured
alongside the Royal Palace as a hallmark of the city. By this time he was one of Christina’s most eminent
advisors, and the queen brokered his marriage to her cousin Maria Eufrosyne, sister of Karl Gustav.
Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie wielded power among the nobles and the government which by the time of
the coronation could rival royal authority; his role in coronation festivities underscores his prominence.
164
smeared with a second application of acid — resulting in line distortion to convey this
smoky effect. While not clearly evident at first glance, the addition makes a pleasant
contribution to the scene. Chimney smoke from the Tre Kronor Slott is represented by
twisting lines that begin small but increase higher into the sky. There is a limited use of
acid on this portion, but over by Tyskakyrkan the treatment is more pronounced.
Hartmann does not use sinuous lines, as he did by Tre Kronor Slott, but instead allows
the acid alone to produce the hazy distortion of rising smoke. The artist smudges acid
again to the left of Slussen to show the smoke rising from that part of the city. This
portion is not as defined as the two previous areas, but the contrasting line of a nearby
child’s kite string makes the area a charming vignette. Stockholm was a modern city
alive with activity as Christina set forth to officially take her crown.
Queen Christina presides over her capital city in the form of a portrait held aloft
in the sky by an angel blowing a trumpet. The words flowing from the horn read Vivat
Christina (long live Christina). Christina’s likeness, its features, hairstyle and pearl
necklace, are similar to the portrait style established in the 1640s by the queen’s
miniaturist, Pierre Signac, and adapted by David Beck. A 1649 engraving of Christina by
D. van den Bremden bears a striking resemblance to her image in Hartmann’s print (Fig.
56). Both Hartmann and Bremden portraits are faithful to the established facial prototype
created by Beck in 1648 (Fig. 39). The link between Hartmann’s presentation of
Christina and Bremden’s appears to be in the elements framing her portrait. Bremden’s
framing elements are declarations of Christina’s virtuous leadership and the long-awaited
armistice realized during her reign. The bottom pair of putti possess weapons ready for
battle; the putto on the left holds a sword with sheaf and shield while the other runs an
165
Figure 56. D van den Bremden, Queen Christina, 1649, engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket,
Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 184).
166
arrowhead across a whetstone. The putti above sit in beds of palm fronds and blow
trumpets. There is a crown between them surmounted by a dove holding an olive branch.
The four together promote the martial strength of Christina’s government and the
attractive blessings of peace.
The motif of holding the crown above the king was not original to Christina, but
the presentation indicates a new-found shift in royal status and self-identity. The carved
image of King Gustav II Adolf on the Vasa warship is a precedent in royal patronage that
shows the monarch being awarded the crown (Fig. 10). Bremden’s image of the crown
over Christina’s head takes the statement a step further. The connotation of angels
proclaiming Christina’s greatness endorses her as more than a national heroine; she
assumes near divine status for successfully achieving the peace that evaded Europe’s
leaders for decades — even her own father, the Great King Gustav. An honorific stanza
on Bremden’s print reads “what should I call this virgin: such charm, talent, eloquence,
education, political power, virtue, worthy of sincere praise, you have the perceptive
power above Pandora, Christina does not enter with gifts celebrating more human
destruction, but welfare.”249 This accolade coincides with Christina’s expectation that
she be admired more than any other Swedish monarch. She insisted that the Council of
State and other court officials refer to her as “Her Majesty” instead of “the Queen”
because the former was a stronger sign of respect for her sovereignty. Christina
cautioned the councilors that their dutiful obedience was required, since “things are much
249
O quam te memorem virgo: quam tanta venustas ingenium, eloquium, doctrina, potentia, virtus,
certatim exornant, poteras pandora uideri, ni christina fores, melioribus inclyta donis exitio nec ficta
hominum, sed facta saluti.
167
altered in the world since King Gustav and King Eric were in it.”250 Previous Swedish
kings each had their own royal motto, independent from the national or dynastic slogan.
Christina chose the phrase visheten är rikets stöd (wisdom is the realm’s support).251
This is a sentiment that differed from previous Swedish kings because it suggests that
Christina’s superior intelligence, as well as ordained birth, affirmed her right to rule.
Christina’s coronation festivities revolved around the religious ritual of anointing
her with sacred oil as a public acknowledgement of her divine right to Sweden’s throne.
The coronation procession was met at Storkyrkan by the senior clergy of the Swedish
Lutheran Church waiting at the main entrance. Sweden’s Archbishop Dr. Johannis
Canuti Lenaeus greeted Christina while holding the horn from the regalia set.252 The
Church’s possession of the final component of the regalia is an important consideration.
The coronation is above all an ecclesiastical rite wherein the Church anoints the
sovereign with holy oil and confers the symbolic tools of office (i.e. regalia). The ritual
is an act that unites church and state into a single political body with both parts equally
dependent on each other. The archbishop and the six other bishops of Sweden received
Queen Christina when the coronation procession arrived and led the procession into
Storkyrkan. A red carpet covered the walkway into the church and hinted at the opulent
adornments within.
250
Christina’s statement was made in a Council of State meeting on 1 October 1650, as cited in Bergh,
editor, Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol xiv, 321; and Roberts, The Swedish Imperial Experience, 21.
251
Tydén-Jordan, Drottning Kristina kröningskaross, 5. Royal motto’s before Christina were: Gustav I
Vasa (1521-1560) All makt är av Gud (All power is of God); Erik XIV Vasa (1560-1568) Gud giver åt
vem Han vill (God gives to whom He wishes); Johan III Vasa (1568-1592) Gud vår beskyddare (God our
protector); Sigismund Vasa (1592-1599) För rätten och folket (For the justice and the people); Karl IX
Vasa (1599-1611) Gud min tröst (God my comfort); and Gustav II Adolf Vasa (1611-1632) Med Gud och
segrande vapen (With God and victorious arms). The motto of the current King, Karl XVI Gustav
Bernadotte, is För Sverige i tiden (For Sweden – With the Times).
252
Ibid., 55.
168
Storkyrkan was completely decorated to reflect the royal occasion, and the
materials and colors helped maintain a cohesive visual presentation. The Cathedral’s
floor was covered in red cloth, and the nave and choir were draped with tapestries.
Bleachers had been built all around the interior and upholstered with red velvet. A silver
kneeler was placed in front of a matching crucifix and candlesticks, and the altar was
covered with a red cloth with silver and gold embroidery. Christina’s dress was made of
gold-embroidered white silk and studded with pearls and precious stones. The costume is
no longer extant, but it was most likely made to match the embroidery of Christina’s
official saddle and was comparable to the Trophy Coach and the other coronation textiles.
Christina’s use of a white dress followed Swedish tradition rooted in scripture from
Revelation stating that the blessed shall wear white costumes reaching to their feet —
making Christina’s dress appropriate for the ecclesiastical ritual.253 Christina’s gown was
accentuated by a coronation robe she ordered herself.
The coronation robe was made of crushed purple velvet with gold embroidery and
ermine fur (Fig. 57). It was ordered from an unidentified Parisian tailor; little is known
about the robe’s commission other than the total cost was 5,983 Riksdalers. Statements
have not been found with the rest of the regalia in treasury inventories — indicating that
Christina dealt with the commission herself.254 The queen’s chamberlain, Carl Soop, was
sent to Paris to oversee the robe’s creation and given initial instructions to have gold
crowns in groups of three and the letter “C” scattered throughout the velvet.
253
Most of Christina’s dresses for the festivities were ordered from Parisian tailor named Amiot, but they
did not fit when they arrived because the Swedes did not confide the measurements of the queen’s hunched
back, and they had to be altered by the royal tailor, Olof Fontien. Gundrun Ekstrand, “A Robe of Purple,”
in Queen Christina of Sweden Documents and Studies, editor, Magnus Von Platen (Stockholm: Kungliga
Boktryckeriet P.A. Norstedt and Söner, 1966), 84.
254
Ibid., 84-85.
169
Figure 57. Unidentified Artist, Queen Christina's Coronation Robe, 1650, textile,
Livrustkammaren, Stockholm, Sweden (6213 3447).
170
Christina later amended the order to just be a pattern of three crowns, but stressed that
she wanted one crown above the other two.255 The queen’s order of one crown above the
others was not heeded by the French artisans, and the crowns were applied with one
below the two. Although Christina’s instructions were not followed, she apparently
approved of the robe, because she accepted its delivery, used it in the coronation, and
kept it with her the rest of her life.256
Another item commissioned for the ceremony was the coronation canopy.
Although made especially for Christina’s coronation, the baldachin canopy is laden with
the historic symbolism essential to Sweden’s king (Fig. 58). Processional canopies were
routinely used all over Europe to designate the exceptional status of the person beneath
them, but the design of Christina’s seems to have enhanced its purpose with signs of her
office. Symbols representing the five regalia objects are present on each of the canopy’s
panels — four sides and a top. A hand holding the blue orb with a band of gold and cross
above is featured on the front flap. Mermaids hoist a life-sized key above the waves at
the rear. Two knights in Roman costume raise a sword on the left side, and a pair of
rampant lions supports a hefty scepter between them to the right. The roof displays a
crown suspended in air by angels and surrounded by laurel branches. These images stand
in for the regalia when they are not present, but reinforced the significance of the actual
255
Letter of 8 July 1648 from the Master of the Horse, Hans Wachtmeister, to the Chamberlain of the
Queen, Carl Soop, as cited in Ekstrand, “A Robe of Purple,” 84-85.
256
Gudrun Ekstrand reports that the robe was left in Stockholm and reused by several monarchs before
being dismantled to reuse its gold and fur. Christina would utilize her robe as a money source during times
of financial strain, thereby showing that she took it with her to Rome. She routinely borrowed against her
robe by placing it in pawn; this practice can explain the fate of the robe’s crowns — they were removed to
redeem the metal from the gold thread.
171
Figure 58. Pierre Boucher (attr.), Coronation Baldicchino of Queen Christina, 1648,
embroidered textile, Livrustkammaren, Stockholm, Sweden (6214 3872).
172
objects when Christina stood beneath the canopy holding them — a visual echo of the
prestigious symbols of royal authority. The square-shaped canopy is made entirely of
French embroidery and supported by eight upholstered poles, four on either side.257 The
canopy’s use inside Storkyrkan provided yet further context to the ceremony.
Uppsala cathedral was the traditional seat of the Swedish Lutheran Church and
the locale for coronations of previous monarchs. Stockholm was chosen over Uppsala
because the city was better equipted to host the crowds and festivities, but Storkyrkan
cathedral was much simpler than the one in Uppsala. Uppsala cathedral had a much
larger audience capacity and had lofty gothic ceilings higher than any other in
Scandinavia. Past kings were crowned in the center of the cathedral, at the crossing,
beneath a ceiling that displays “the Hand of God” (Fig. 59). The interwoven patterns of
Christina’s canopy simulate Uppsala’s ceiling design and visually stand in as a substitute
for the traditional place of coronation. The event of the church’s archbishop placing the
crown upon the monarch beneath “the Hand of God” was characteristic to an Uppsala
ceremony. Christina’s enthronement beneath the symbol of God’s blessing validated her
legitimacy to rule as queen and demonstrated the support of the Church. The change of
venue to Stockholm made the coronation more of a political event than sacred ritual — a
secularized religious ceremony of theatrical statecraft.
An intaglio print by Wolfgang Hartmann showing the coronation rite helped
bolster the spiritual connotation by giving a view from the main altar inside Storkyrkan
(Fig. 60). Queen Christina sits beneath a representation of her baldachin canopy
257
Pierre Boucher is believed to be responsible for the fabrication of the elaborate needlework, which the
canopy has in common with the Trophy Coach. It is logical that the canopy and carriage textiles were made
in the same workshop because both were specially ordered from Paris.
173
Figure 59. Unidentified Artist, Uppsala Cathedral – Crossing Ceiling, begun 1270 –
consecrated in 1435, Uppsala, Sweden.
174
Figure 60. Wolfgang Hartmann (Swedish, active 1640-1654), The Crowning of Queen
Christina of Sweden, 1650, etching and engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm,
Sweden (HP CHR C 29).
175
inscribed protectio divina (divine protection); however, this one is curved round, where
the actual structure is square. Karl Gustav sits to the right, wearing the hat and robe that
designate his office as crown prince. An array of scholars from the court stand in rows
behind Karl Gustav, and court officials occupy the area opposite them. Documentation
attests the Queen Dowager Maria Eleonora was seated on a prominent chair in this
section, but this image does not include her in any capacity. It is possible that the
strained relationship between mother and daughter caused Christina to want Maria
Eleonora excluded from the image. However, another consideration is that Maria
Eleonora was already an anointed Queen of Sweden, therefore outranking her daughter
until the end of the ceremony. Because of this dowager queens typically did not attend
coronation rituals, but in the case of Christina’s coronation, the queen mother did attend.
Since Hartmann’s engraving was meant to reinforce Christina’s supreme authority, Maria
Eleonora must not have been incorporated because it compromised the visual goal of
emphasizing only the ruling queen. What is featured in her place is a troupe of angels
engaged in various activities throughout the nave. A cluster gathers around Christina,
each holding a piece of regalia, while others blast trumpets and display banners above the
congregation. Beams of light and swirling clouds take up the upper half of the venue and
obscure Storkyrkan’s ceiling. These elements distinguish the coronation as a religious
celebration and bridge the barrier between the terrestrial and ethereal realms.
The printing process makes the separation between heaven and earth more
obvious. The quality of Hartmann’s engraving technique alternates between crisp lines
and discernable portraits versus areas of deep acid bites and blurred figures. The mortal
participants are shown in a clear documentary style, while spiritual beings appear
176
effervescent, with hazy and distorted edges. At first glance, this appears a printing error,
but perhaps it was intentional as a method to describe an auspicious union between two
worlds: tangible and metaphysical. The various line qualities indicate that Hartmann
employed a mix of etching and engraving to create the print. He engraved lines into the
printing plate and then applied acid onto the plate to help widen or define lighter marks.
Double-biting can make stronger lines possible, but can also pock-mark the surface and
eat away details overexposed to acid. Such faults are present in this piece, suggesting
that this was done on purpose to underscore the mystical character of various figures.
The angels surrounding Christina are lighter and dematerialized by later acid
applications, compared to the distinct lineation of Karl Gustav, the scholars, and other
officials. Careful study of the page reveals that acid seems to have been poured directly
onto the angels in an apparent attempt to dissolve their finer points — highlighting their
other-worldly origin. The angels around the queen and up in the clouds all display an
out-of-focus quality from an extra application of acid, while Christina’s face was not
given the extra treatment and seems crisp and clearly in focus. As zealous as this scene
appears, however, the actual ceremony was a conventional affair.
Queen Christina’s coronation was firmly rooted in the established precedent of
Swedish royal rituals. The service was based on the ceremony for Erik XIV Vasa and
lasted about four hours. There was a processional, sermon, hymns, and creed recitation
before Christina approached the altar. At the appropriate time, Christina knelt before the
Archbishop and took the oath of office with her hand upon the Bible. She was anointed
with holy oil on her face, chest, and wrists before taking a seat on the silver throne (Fig.
61). For its use during the ceremony, the throne was centered on a square platform with a
177
Figure 61. Abraham Drentwett the Elder (German; Augsburg, 1614-1666), Queen
Christina’s Silver Throne, 1650, wood with silver repouseé, Kungliga Slottet, Stockholm,
Sweden.
178
balustrade around and gilt pyramids on the corners. A seat was placed on either side, one
on the right for the queen dowager and the other for the crown prince on the left. Both
chairs were upholstered in silver to match Christina’s throne.258
Christina’s throne was a gift from Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie, and reflected her
affinity for French fashion. Althought he eventually fell out of favor, Magnus was a
central figure at Christina’s court during her coronation. Furniture made of silver was in
vogue in Paris and de la Gardie utilized his connections as a Swedish diplomat in France
to have it made in a style popular among French aristocrats. It was made by Abraham
Drentwett the Elder, a silversmith from Augsburg working in Paris, and built of silver foil
laid over a wooden frame. Cast silver legs and repoussé ornaments were added to
complete the construction. The seat’s upper backrest features a figure of prudence
holding a mirror and a snake, and justice with a sword and scale. The design now has a
large crown atop an ovoid-shaped banner of three crowns, but this is a modification from
1751.259 The original back was an interlocking letter “C” — the royal cypher frequently
used by Christina during her reign and later adopted by Karl Gustav.260 The origin of
Christina’s monograph is likely to be a plate entitled Donec totum impleat orbem (until it
fills the whole world) from Rollenhagen’s book of symbols (Fig. 62).
258
Christina’s coronation throne is still the official seat of the Swedish crown — reserved just for the
monarch only on the day of their coronation. It is never to leave the Rikssalen (Hall of State), the
ceremonial venue of the Royal Palace, unless the seat is being temporarily relocated for a coronation.
Tydén-Jordan, Drottning Kristina kröningskaross, 47-49; and Kerstin Hagsgård (Curator of Royal
Collections) in discussion with the author 15 July 2013.
259
Carl Hernmarck, “Der Silberthron Christinas,” in Queen Christina of Sweden Documents and Studies,
editor, Magnus Von Platen (Stockholm Kungliga Boktryckeriet P.A. Norstedt and Söner, 1966), 120-121.
260
When Karl X Gustav came to the throne in 1654, he chose to adapt Christina’s interlocking “C”
monograph because it could represent his name as well as maintain consistency with the previous reign.
An illustration from Samuel von Pufendorf’s De Rebus a Carolo Gustavo Sueciae shows the throne in use
at Karl X Gustav’s coronation ceremony in 1654.
179
Figure 62. Gabriel Rollenhagen (German, 1583-1619), Donec totum impleat orbem,
Plate 99, from Selectorum emblematum centuria secunda, 1613, engraving, Special
Collections and University Archives, The University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City, Iowa
(xN7740.R6).
180
Crescents interlock to represent waxing and waning moons, also used in France as the
sigil for the Knights of the Crescent. The didactic text of Rollenhagen’s sign is
appropriate for Sweden’s ambitious queen because it reads, “she shall increase in glory,
until her light will fill the world.”261
Christina sat on the silver throne and accepted the regalia: first the crown, then
scepter, orb, key, and sword. Each item has its own symbolism: the scepter for
righteousness; the orb for the country’s well-being; the key for defense against evil; and
the sword for judgment.262 After the regalia had been presented in turn, a herald formally
presented the monarch with the public exclamation, “here is Queen Christina, crowned
King over Sweden, land of the Goths, and its other provinces, and no other!” The service
came to an end as Crown Prince Karl Gustav came forward to kneel before her and swear
his fidelity, followed by the Council of State. This act of devotion confirmed Christina’s
official position and cemented the crown prince and Council of State as her subordinates.
A te deum was played as the group recessed from Storkyrkan.263
The procession returning to the palace was a simplified list of participants, but the
spectacle was the most opulent of the day. Heralds, drummers, trumpeters, and dignitaries
went as before. The Council of State rode in coaches ahead of the treasurer, who was
directly in front of the queen. The treasurer threw a largess of gold and silver coins to the
spectators. The route was still lined with infantry men to maintain order and keep the
261
Augescit, donec totum luna, implead orbem; gallorum, talis Gloria, regis, erat. Rollenhagen, Selectorum
emblematum centuria secunda, plate 99.
262
Previous Vasa kings also used a ring and spurs, but these could not be found in 1650.
263
Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 180-181.
181
crowds back at a safe distance.264 Christina rode in a different vehicle, this time using a
solid silver triumphal coach — a chariot-like vehicle that had been used by Gustav II
Adolf for his coronation festivities.265 The trigarium was pulled by three snow-white
horses wearing silver-embroidered caparisons and silver shoes. The carriage featured a
winged lion on the front and two more toward the rear, holding a seat upon which the
queen could lean back. She wore the crown and held the orb in her left hand and the
scepter in her right, using it to wave at the crowds. She was followed by the baldachin
canopy and Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie, carrying the banner of state.
It was already dark by the end of the ceremony, so fires were placed along the
route, with torchbearers accompanying the procession.266 It must have been a dazzling
sight to see the flickering light bounce off the shiny carriages, embroidered costumes,
equestrian accoutrements and other metallic elements — a scene of sparkling glitter
parading through the capital. When Christina arrived back at the Tre Kronor Slott, an
artillery salute was engaged followed by shots from the naval fleet in the harbor. All the
infantrymen, still at their posts along the parade route, fired two volleys of shot to signal
the end of the procession and to begin the festivities.267
Post-Coronation Celebrations: Ritual and Revelry
Traditional precedent set a period of celebratory spectacles to be held for one
week after the coronation ceremony, but Christina’s lasted the entire fall season.
264
Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 183; and Tydén-Jordan, Drottning Kristina kröningskaross, 57.
265
266
Daylight in Stockholm on 20 October is from around 7:45 am until 5:30 pm. The sun is typically only
visible a few hours after noon.
267
182
Feasting and merriment began the evening of the coronation, and was celebrated across
the city. A whole ox stuffed with chickens, geese, turkey, etc. was served to the public in
Stortorget square, outside the castle. A fountain with a sculpture made by Jost Schütze of
Ceres, goddess of fertility, spouted red and white wine for all to enjoy for three days.268
The royal banquet took place in the throne room of the castle. Christina was seated at her
own table, as was her mother, while Karl Gustav sat with the Council of State.269 The
regalia was placed onto Christina’s table as a centerpiece and watched over with an honor
guard from the Council of State.270 The estates of the Riksdag were also invited to dine:
the nobles ate in the royal dining room, the clergy in the west wing, the burgers in the
council chambers, and the peasants in the banquet hall. Fireworks were launched from
the Ladugårdslandet neighborhood to the north east side of the city, as the feast ended.271
One of the first post-coronation rituals was held on 22 October, where every
member of government was summoned to swear their oath to the queen and crown
prince. This was done as a part of the coronation at the cathedral in the past, but a
separate event was organized for Christina in order to accommodate the large number of
people she had ennobled. A platform was constructed in the Borgården (outside
courtyard) of the Tre Kronor Slott, and Christina sat on the silver throne with Karl Gustav
to her left. Axel Oxenstierna announced a subject and the person rode into the courtyard,
268
Supply may have been too generous even for the hard drinking Swedes, because several street fights and
murders occurred during the period. The Council of State commissioned Jost Schütze to make the sculpture
of Ceres when he was hired to create the figures for the Norrmalmstorget arch. Karling, “L’Arc de
triomphe,” 167.
269
270
271
183
descended from his mount, approached the queen, and kissed her hand while swearing
fidelity. The nobles began the ritual, followed by the clergy, burgers, and then the
peasantry.272 The physical contact of touching Christina’s hand and kissing her was
essential to consecrate a personal bond. The act was also a token of fidelity not only to
swear allegiance to Christina, but also to designate the acceptance of the crown prince.
The celebrations held throughout the autumn were sponsored by various nobles.
The parties had more of a social function than entertainment — a display of wealth,
status, and social proximity to the queen. Order of the festivities and their hosts
corresponded to the participants in the coronation procession. The transmission of power
and legitimacy of Christina’s throne reverberated to those close to her, who depended on
the crown for their power. Crown Prince Karl Gustav sponsored a grand celebration
honoring Christina’s coronation with a themed parade on 24 October.273 The carousel-
like performance was directed by the court poet George Stiernhielm and orchestrated
under the title The Illustrious Splendors of Felicity.274 The script of the event along with a
large-scale drawing on a parchment scroll by Nicolas Vallari describes the spectacle (Fig.
63). It is not certain who commissioned Vallari to create the image, but Karl Gustav is
the most likely candidate, because he was the sponsor of the performance and wanted to
272
273
There were other festivities: an extraordinary fireworks display the evening of 28 October from 5 pm
until 8 pm; a banquet given on 7 November for the three upper estates — excluding the peasantry; a parade
of Moors riding camels on 11 November; and on 12 November, animal baiting—pairing five lions with a
buffalo bull, and a pack of beagles against a bear. The winners (i.e. lions and bear) were paired together to
fight a horse, and then each other. There was another fireworks display on 19 November on the island of
Södermalm, to the south of Gamla Stan where Christina could view it across the water. More fireworks
along with another banquet and a ballet were given on 8 December for Christina’s birthday. Grundberg,
Ceremoniernas makt, 185-187.
274
George Stiernhielm, Lycksalighetens Ähre-Pracht, uppå then Stormächtigste Drottnings Christinæ
Högprizlighe Crönins Fest ford Aff Ridder Eudemon och hans trogne Gesäller Philander och Dorisel
(Stockholm: Ignatius Meurer, 1650).
184
Figure 63. Nicolas Vallari (active in Stockholm, 1646-1670), The Illustrious Splendors of
Felicity, 1650, gouache drawing, Suomen kansallismuseo, Helsinki, Finland. (NB
79077).
185
have the visuals documented.275 The pageant began at ten o’clock in the morning and
included many of the floats and novelties used by Karl Gustav in Nuremberg for
celebrations for the Peace at Westphalia.276
Vallari’s drawing begins with a group of drums and trumpets leading three
knights dressed in blue and gold as the characters pro patria (for the Fatherland), pro
liberate (for Liberty), and pro religione (for [Protestant] Religion) (Fig. 64). The group
included Mars accompanied by an attendant carrying trophies of war. The soldiers were
followed by three female musicians dressed in green who processed ahead of Venus and
cupid in a self-propelled carriage (Fig. 65). The “automobile” was steered by two people,
concealed from view, and propelled by cogs and levered machinery. It traveled an
estimated 2,000 paces an hour and was made in Nuremberg by Johann Hautsch. The
vehicle drew a lot of attention in Germany and Karl Gustav purchased it for 500
Riksdalers to showcase at his Westphalia celebration, and then again at the coronation.
The car’s griffin head turned, rolled its eyes, and sprayed water. Vallari’s drawing does
not show it, but the angel on the top of the back had a functional horn that sounded as a
warning signal to clear a path. This was useful as interested crowds gathered because it
was one of the most popular objects of the celebration.277
275
Jouni Kuurne, “A Glimpse at the Coronation Festivities of Queen Christina,” National Museum of
Finland (via Museovirasto) Object of the Month, September 2014,
http://www.nba.fi/fi/kansallismuseo/kokoelmat/kuukauden-esine-2014/kristiina/coronation-festivities-of-
queen-christina.
276
277
Lena Rangström, Riddarlek och Tornerspel (Stockholm: Livrustkammaren, 1992), 386.
186
Felicity - detail, 1650, gouache drawing, Suomen kansallismuseo, Helsinki, Finland. (NB
79077).
187
79077).
188
The next section began with a group of martyrs walking with palm fronds along
with a mounted rider, which Rangström has identified as Endymion (Fig. 66).278 Four
white horses made up as unicorns followed, pulling a cart loaded with trophies and
allegorical figures of conquered territory (Fig. 67). An enormous float of a mountain
came behind the trophy carriage with female musicians riding (Fig. 68). There is
ongoing debate as to what the mountain represents. It has long been accepted as an
example of Mount Parnassus, but Jouni Kuurne is doubtful of the attribution because
there is no Apollo and the women do not appear to be muses.279 This is a valid concern,
but one that can be explained as a discrepancy between the actual event and Vallari’s
artistic interpretation. One possible reason is that Vallari was unable to identify the
individual muses and gave them a generic instrument instead. Another explanation is that
the individual attributes did not matter, because processional illustrations that showed a
group of women seated upon a mountain were simply understood as muses. An engraving
of floats from the triumphal entry of Duke François d’Anjou into Antwerp from 1582
shows Apollo and the muses on Mount Parnassus, where the women hold instruments
(Fig. 69). Another print showing a Mount Parnassus display from the triumphal entry of
Archduke Ernest of Austria into Brussels from 1594 represents the muses as musicians as
well (Fig. 70).280 It is logical to assume that Vallari conformed to this type of pictorial
representation to depict the muses from Karl Gustav’s The Illustrious Splendors of
Felicity. An additional consideration is that the performance in Stockholm was modeled
278
Ibid., 386.
279
Jouni Kuurne (Keeper, National Museum of Finland), discussion with the author, 17 November 2014.
280
Louis P. Grijp, “Music Performed in the Triumphal Entry of the Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand into
Antwerp (1635),” in Art, Music, and Spectacle in the Age of Rubens: The Pompa Introitus Ferdinandi, eds.
Anna C. Knaap and Michael C. J. Putman (London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 2013), 105-106.
189
79077).
190
79077).
191
79077).
192
Figure 69. Lozeleur de Villiers, publisher, Mount Parnassus and cave with Furies in the
Triumphal Entry of Duke François d’Anjou into Antwerp, 1582, engraving, Houghton
Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, United States (530.82.468).
193
Figure 70. Unidentified Artist, Mount Parnassus in the Triumphal Entry of Archduke
Ernest of Austria into Brussles, 1594, engraving, Museum Plantin-Moretus, Antwerp,
Belgium.
194
after the triumphal entry of the Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand into Antwerp, which was
based on the previous entrances of Duke François d’Anjou and the Archduke Ernest of
Austria. This visual heritage, along with the explanatory publication, indicates that
Vallari’s drawing is indeed the muses of Mount Parnassus.
The final section was a group of soldiers, more palm bearers, and a cavalcade of
knights. The overall theme of arte et marte is clear from the mix of artistic and military
references. It is also apparent that the cortege had a triumphal element to celebrate both
Christina’s coronation and Sweden’s victory in Germany — two occasions that
highlighted Karl Gustav. He participated as a character in The Illustrious Splendors of
Felicity, but scholars have not agreed which one. Grundberg mentions that he was
dressed as Mars near the front; however Rangström and Kuurne identify him as the figure
of Endymion.281 Both characters were appropriate for him to portray. His role as
commander-in-chief made his association with Mars logical. Mars was also a poetic
counterpart to Christina’s public image as Minerva — together they were the
embodiment of Arte et Marte. Mars does look like Karl Gustav in Vallari’s drawings, but
it seems strange that he does not stand out more than the other knights. It is also odd that
a high-ranking participant, not to mention patron of the display, would appear so early in
the proceedings. If Karl Gustav were Mars, he would be more prominent than those
around him and not be found near the beginning. This lends credence to the argument
that he is the mythological hero Endymion (Fig. 71). The figure of Endymion in Vallari’s
drawing does indeed stand out from the others, and his facial features match those of
281
Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 185; and Rangström, Riddarlek och Tornerspel, 386; Jouni Kuurne,
“A Glimpse at the Coronation Festivities of Queen Christina,” National Museum of Finland (via
Museovirasto), September 2014.
195
Figure 71. Nicolas Vallari (French, active in Stockholm, 1646-1673), Figure of

Endymion from The Splendor of Felicity, 1650, gouache drawing, Suomen
kansallismuseo, Helsinki, (NB 79077).
196
Karl Gustav’s official portrait (Fig. 72). The Endymion character rides a majestic-
looking white horse wearing a blue robe with gold accents — possibly the same type of
gold crowns present on Christina and Karl Gustav’s coronation robes.
Endymion’s story makes a personal and poignant connection between Karl
Gustav and Christina. In Greek mythology, Endymion was a stunning mortal man who
was adored by the goddess Selene. The unconventional love story tells of the
problematic relationship between an eternally youthful goddess and the finite life of an
aging man. Selene solves the dilemma by placing Endymion into eternal slumber where
he cannot age. The legendary affair permits the goddess to enjoy her lover while
retaining control over the situation as she wishes. Karl Gustav as Endymion creates an
analogy that compares Christina to Selene. Christina is the divine female in the
relationship and Karl Gustav the favored mortal who has become her partner. He is the
object of attention and admiration, but the queen is the one with power and respect.
Christina’s crown prince occupied the patient position of next in line for the throne, but
Karl Gustav’s guise as Endymion credits his rise as Christina’s doing — which indeed it
was. This was a wise connotation for Karl Gustav to make as the patron of this event,
considering that Christina maintained a personal association with the moon: her
intertwining “C” royal cypher has moon connotations, as does her performance in ballet
as Diana, a goddess with a crescent moon attribute. A royal comparison with Selene and
Endymion acknowledges Christina’s supremacy while endorsing Karl Gustav’s position.
Beck: Crafting Majesty
Contrary to the coronation, which was a public event, Christina’s portraits are
more specific communications that create intimate links between the sovereign and
197
Figure 72. David Klöcker Ehrenstrahl (Swedish, 1628-1698), Karl X Gustav, c. 1661-
1675, oil on canvas, Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMGrh 3924).
198
given individuals. During Christina’s early reign, royal portraits were increasingly
displayed in civic buildings and administrative offices; as the realm became
internationally prominent, portraits were also used more frequently as gifts between
Sweden and its allies.282 Meaningful elements conveyed messages to particular viewers
and instigated a connection between Christina and the recipient. Enamel miniatures,
commonly exchanged among national leaders throughout the 1640s, were eclipsed by
larger paintings made by artists who crafted imagery meant to solicit respect and
proliferate regal authority. But even beyond these overt goals were restrained visual hints
hidden within the portraits to convey refined ideas specific to those meant to receive
them.
David Beck was the first artist to stress Christina’s intelligence and sophistication
alongside her regal power, and his contribution made her visual rhetoric more dynamic
than that of any previous Swedish monarch. Beck (also Beche or Beckx) was born in
Delft in 1621 and trained with Anthony van Dyck in London. He worked for Charles I
Stuart of England and his family until he entered Christina’s service in 1647. Christina
made Beck her personal valet, and the honorable post permitted him the opportunity to
constantly observe Christina’s appearance and behavior.283 The queen seems to have
liked Beck, because he was initially given an annual salary of 600 Riksdalers, which she
increased to 900 Riksdalers with a bonus for each painting completed.284
282
Sixten Strömbom, Index över svenska porträtt 1500-1850 i Svenska porträttarkivets samlingar
(Stockholm: Nordisk rotogravyr, 1943), 201-203.
283
Strömbom mentions that Beck drew and painted Christina from different viewpoints, the same as Van
Dyck had done with Charles I of England, but these works are no longer extant. Ibid., 217-219.
284
Beck remained Christina’s painter until 1651, when she sent him on an international tour to paint royalty
in the Netherlands, France, England, Italy, and possibly Spain. Ibid., 217-219. More to follow, below, on
his subsequent fate.
199
Beck initiated a new form of Queen Christina’s portraiture during the year of her
coronation. The visual elements of the artist’s 1650 portrayals of Christina evolve beyond
the more straightforward description of his initial paintings. They become pictorial
interpretations of her internal majesty and pensive intellect. Beck’s previous images were
documentary representations of Christina’s appearance, in what Strömbom calls a
distinctively Anglo-Dutch portrait style.285 The second phase of Beck’s work reveals his
background as a student of Anthony van Dyck as his work introduces English-style
portraiture, accepted by the Stuart court, to Sweden. Portraits by Beck following
Christina’s coronation explore his subject’s intellectual qualities, penetrating beneath the
skin to reveal the depth of the queen’s complex personality. These paintings utilize
visual elements that indicate Christina’s psychological character and her intellectual
concentration. Beck’s portraits display a sense of fashionable luxury with a strong
undertone of his sitter’s state of mind. These works represent Christina as a savvy young
woman fully aware of her complex surrounding while maintaining a degree of female
sensuality.
Beck’s 1650 rendition of Christina wearing a satin dress functioned as a
fashionable gift that promoted her cultural sophistication and potential clout (Fig. 73).
The image, now in Sweden’s National Museum, shows the queen standing beside a
balustrade, holding a letter in one hand and a sheer blue scarf in the other. Christina’s
body turns away from the viewer as she casts a supercilious glance over her shoulder,
pausing from her work to meet the viewer’s eye. The portrait recalls Anthony van
Dyck’s model of aristocratic portraiture as seen in Van Dyck’s portrait of Lady Frances
285
Ibid., 220.
200
Figure 73. David Beck (Dutch, 1621-1656), Christina Queen of Sweden, 1650, oil on
canvas, Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NM 308).
201
Cranfield, clad in a similarly stunning white satin dress (Fig. 74).286 She too turns her
body in profile as her head turns to cast a sidelong glance at the viewer, exuding
superiority to her surroundings. Her placid gestures are made more elegant by a
transparent veil draped around her body and floating seductively from her fingertips.
Beck emulates Van Dyck’s graceful example, but layers in further meanings
pertinent to Christina. Christina’s body occupies more of the canvas, but her presence is
not overbearing, because the sleek fabric and subtle color palette soften her appearance.
The queen appears confident, yet considerate and inviting, and her attributes provide
additional allusions to her intellectual prowess and personal fortitude. She has apparently
been reading the letter in her hand, intimating that Christina is well informed. Her hand
rests on a spherical post cap so large and round that it suggests it stands in as a globe; if
so, her hand resting upon it signifies command of the world around her.287 Van Dyck’s
motif of the diaphanous scarf is echoed here, this time floating over Christina’s shoulder
and lifted by the breeze behind her, as her other hand controls it effortlessly with a
delicate gesture.288
286
Ibid., 224.
287
The floral bouquet in her hair poses other provocative possibilities. Upon first glance it invokes the
fertility goddess Flora, but the blooms themselves have a deeper meaning. The bouquet looks innocent
until one identifies the wine-red blossom as nerium oleander, and the tiny white flowers as solanum
furcatum (nightshade), both poisonous plants. The ivy that climbs the wall could signify friendship, yet the
leaves and berries of this climbing ivy (at Christina’s left, her “sinister” side) are toxic. By contrast, the
laurel bush to her right is medicinal. Given the ambivalence of flower symbolisms, one hesitates to
attribute too much significance to these details, yet paired with Christina’s imposing look, they prompt
consideration.
288
Susanna Åkerman has observed that a fabric in the wind symbolizes the goddess Fortuna. She further
propounds that Christina’s environment here is a microcosm that reflects the authority she exercises in the
outside world. She rules over earth and nature, and her surroundings feature items that can be read as
exemplars of the four elements. In this reading, the globe-shaped post cap and the landscape vista beyond
both represent the earth. The scarf is a manifestation of air, and the fountain a display of water. The
absence of fire suggests that Christina stands in for the missing element: she is the flame because passion
resides within her. Susanna Åkerman in discussion with the author, April 15, 2014.
202
Figure 74. Sir Anthony van Dyck (Flemish, 1599-1641), Lady Frances Cranfield, Lady
Buckhurst, later Countess of Dorset, c. 1637, oil on canvas, the National Trust, the
Sackville Collection, Knole, United Kingdom (129918).
203
Beck’s silk-dress portrait has been mentioned by numerous scholars in their
publications on Christina’s patronage, but their discussions are typically general. 289 Rose
Marie San Juan places the painting as a gift to Louis XIV of France, asserting that the
portrait was made in 1648 to satisfy an image exchange between Stockholm and Paris
celebrating the end of the Thirty Years’ War. San Juan’s theory is that Christina
commissioned Beck to paint her with qualities that emphasized her status as a royal
woman, and that Christina instructed Pierre Chanut, France’s ambassador to Sweden, to
accompany the painting and explain its meaning to ensure that it was understood.
Chanut’s didactic text clarifies the formal and contextual symbolism, culminating in the
sentence, “the queen's face in repose was pensive, though agreeable and serene. On the
rare occasions when she was roused to anger her expression could strike terror in the
beholder.”290 To her credit, San Juan’s practical interpretation is that Chanut’s
presentation was a literary portrait meant to reinforce the visual images presented by
Beck’s painting. However, the lack of documentation raises the question of when the
painting was presented. San Juan explains that the gift to France was in 1648, and this
better-known 1650 portrait was a copy of the original work. This does not correspond to
Beck’s stylistic evolution, noted by Strömbom, from the rudimentary paintings of the late
1640s to the larger Van Dyckian portrait format seen at the 1650 coronation. A sensible
289
Scholars who have written on Beck’s portrait of Christina in the white satin dress include, but are not
limited to: Enzo Borsellino, “Cristina di Svezia Collezionista,” Ricerche di Storia dell’Arte (1994): 4-16;
Arne Danielsson, “Kristinas Alexanderfixering, återspeglad i hennes porträtt,” Konsthistorisk tidskrift, 61
(1992): 45-57; Strömbom, Index över svenska porträtt, 220-224; and Rose Marie San Juan, “The Queen's
Body and Its Slipping Mask: Contesting Portraits of Queen Christina of Sweden,” in ReImagining Women:
Representations of Women in Culture, editors. Shirley Neuman and Glennis Stephenson (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 1993), 22-24.
290
The quotes are not easily verifiable. San Juan restates passages from Georgina Masson, but Masson’s
text does not offer citations where she acquired the information. Masson, Queen Christina, 113, 115, as
cited in San Juan, “The Queen's Body and Its Slipping Mask,” 20, 22-24.
204
explanation is a lag in time between the 1648 request and a delivery in 1650. The number
of coronation items ordered from France indicates the affinity Christina had for French
fashion and her desire to imitate Louis XIV’s court. She wanted to make sure her image
made a favorable impression, which does indeed explicate her interest in having Chanut
present the portrait personally.
The period after the war was dominated by coronation preparations and other
priorities, yet still the required time was devoted to developing the complexity of a
portrait of this magnitude. Moreover, France was not the only state waiting for a portrait
from Christina to arrive. A gift for Frederick III of Denmark was made after the two
previous works and is a formal combination of them (Fig. 75). It portrays Christina
wearing a black dress, posed in front of warm-colored drapery. The curtain appears to be
a tapestry of some sort, perhaps a woven heraldic crest, but its furls are indeterminate.
The fabric is drawn back to provide a view of the Tre Kronor Slott, its recognizable
architecture reinforcing Christina’s nationality and asserting her royal status. The
queen’s pose is the same as Beck’s other painting, but only the right hand can be seen
here holding a paper. Sweden’s success during the Thirty Years’ War had given them an
advantage in their rivalry with Denmark, and Christina’s portrait signifies that her realm
was resolute.
Beck’s last type for Christina’s portraits seems simpler and more genuine than
any previous work, because it reduces trappings of power in favor of graceful composure.
An oil portrait on a small copper plate in the Livrustkammaren collection is an example
of this final stage of Beck’s work, showing Christina bare-shouldered and enveloped in
205
Figure 75. David Beck (Dutch, 1621-1656), Queen Christina, 1651, oil on canvas, Statens
Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen, Denmark (KMSsp288).
206
her royal mantle (Fig. 76).291 Beck remained Christina’s painter until she sent him on an
international tour in 1651 to paint royalty elsewhere in Europe. He rejoined Christina on
her journey to Rome, but left her service during her French trip and died 20 December
1656, the victim of suspected poisoning.292 Given the scandal surrounding
Monaldeschi’s murder, aspersions were cast on Christina regarding Beck’s suspected
poisoning, but there is no evidence to support the allegation that she had any role in
Beck’s death.
Bourdon: Surreptitious Messages
Christina’s involvements with foreign Jesuit missionaries agitated the Lutheran
leadership in her native land and caused her to carefully consider her future in Sweden.
Revolution against the monarchy was a real concern for Christina following the death of
Charles I of England. Anti-Catholic and Cromwellian influences in Sweden might unite
to depose her. Christina was defenseless in such a scenario without the support of the
Swedish Lutheran church to maintain her authority.293 The queen understood that it was
impossible to retain control over a Protestant nation if she publically converted to
Catholicism; this added to the appeal of abdication. Catholic allies were likely to give
sanctuary if she had to go into exile, but Christina needed to cultivate a better relationship
291
This painting was reproduced as an engraving by Jeremias Falck. One of the impressions is in the
Kungliga Biblioteket (BSVP 101). Strömbom, Index över svenska portrait, 225.
292
The queen issued Beck’s passport from Stockholm in 1651. Ibid., 217-219.
293
Antonia Fraser, Cromwell: Our Chief of Men (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973), 290-291, as
cited in Buckley, Christina Queen of Sweden, 120.
207
Figure 76. David Beck (Dutch, 1621-1656), Christina, Queen of Sweden, c. 1651, oil on
copper, Livrustkammaren, Stockholm, Sweden (24726 87:8).
208
with Spain to acquire the protection needed for a move to Rome.294 Christina decided to
present Philip IV of Spain with an equestrian portrait of herself as a gesture to express her
appeal for his help (Fig. 77). The challenge of this project was to make the statement
clear enough for Philip IV to comprehend while being subtle enough for those in Sweden
to not recognize.295
Christina needed to choose an artist capable of creating an iconographic tour de
force without raising suspicions among her subjects as to its hidden meaning, and she
selected Sébastien Bourdon to execute the critical portrait. Bourdon was born in
Montpellier in 1616 and trained in Paris before traveling to Rome, where he became
familiar with Nicholas Poussin and Claude Lorraine. He returned to Paris in 1643 to
work for Simon Vouet and was active in founding the French Academy in 1648. The
artist had made a name for himself by having a virtuosic painting style that effectively
mimicked the techniques of other artists.296 Bourdon was a well-known artist by 1652,
when he was contracted to spend a year in Stockholm working for Christina. He was
initially hired to manage the construction of a grand mausoleum addition to the Tre
Kronor Slott for King Gustav II Adolf, and to build a public statue in memory of the
king.297 The project at the castle did not progress beyond blueprints, and the monument
was only ever conceived as a drawing preserved in the Kungliga Biblioteket (Fig. 78).
294
Galeazzo Gualdo Priorato, Historia della sacra Maestà di Christina Alessandra Regina di Svetia
(Venezia, 1656), 8-9 as cited in Oskar Garstein, The Age of Gustavus Adolphus and Queen Christina of
Sweden (1622-1656), vol. 4 of Rome and the Counter-Reformation in Scandinavia (Leiden: E.J. Brill,
1992), 633.
295
My initial discussion of Bourdon’s equestrian portrait of Christina is taken from my Master’s Thesis and
has been revised and amended for this dissertation. Popp, Beneath the Surface, 53-75.
296
Jacques Thuillier, Sébastien Bourdon: 1616–1671 (Paris: Réunion Des Musées Nationaux, 2000), 23.
297
Axel-Nilsson, “Pompa memoriae Gustavi Adolphi magni,” 10.
209
Figure 77. Sébastian Bourdon (French, 1616-1671), Equestrian Portrait of Queen

Christina, 1653, oil on canvas, Museo National del Prado, Madrid, Spain (P01503).
210
Figure 78. Sébastian Bourdon (French, 1616-1671), Christina receives the Herculean
Arms…, 1652-53, drawing, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (H Uts A 159).
211
Bourdon’s proposal featured Gustav II Adolf as Jupiter riding an eagle and carrying the
famed Herculean club, which Christina accepts from her departed father; the dedication is
inscribed to Christina as the recipient of Sweden’s royal legacy. Bourdon’s proposal was
not accepted and he was reassigned to work as a “fast painter,” responsible for creating
portraits quickly. 298 Accordingly, he positively churned out portraits suitable as gifts to
Christina’s growing nobility and her international contacts.299 Bourdon’s paintings
follow Beck’s precedent of making Christina appear alert and approachable, but he also
manages to infuse the nonchalant attitude of a cavalier.
Bourdon’s portrait of Christina on horseback depicts her engaged in an activity
Philip IV also enjoyed, and an equestrian motif was a format favored at the Spanish
court. Rubens had portrayed Philip as a military leader on a horse holding the difficult
levade pose, copied in 1628 by Diego Velázquez (Fig. 79).300 Royal art collectors
298
Bourdon’s drawing went on to be adapted as the template for Jeremias Falck’s engaving entitled
Christina receives the Herculean Arms from Gustav II Adolf, as Fame Records Swedish Victory in
Germany. An impression of the print is in the Kungliga Biblioteket in Stockholm (SVP 213). Falck’s
engraving was reproduced as the frontispiece of Samuel Pufendorff’s History of Sweden in the German
War, and was recreated by Jakob van Sandrart, Joseph Mulder, and Andreas M. Wolffgang for three
separate editions of Pufendorff’s book. These later images added allegorical figures of Truth and Time as
the authors of the story Fame records. Examples can be found at the Kungliga Biblioteket: Sandrart (SVP
75), Mulder (SVP 130), and Wolffgang (SVP 129). Axel-Nilsson, “Pompa memoriae Gustavi Adolphi
magni,” 10-14; Samuel von Pufendorff, Sechs und zwanzig Bücher Schwedisch und Deutschen Kriegs-
Geschichte von König Gustaf Adolfs Feldzuge in Deutschland an, biss zur Abdanckung der Königin
Christina[…], (Frankfurt am Main, 1688); and Samuel von Pufendorf, Samuelis liberi baronis de
Pufendorf De rebus a Carolo Gustavo Sveciae rege gestis commentariorum libri septem, elegantissimis
tabulis aeneis exornati, cum triplici indice, (Norimbergae: Sumptibus Christophori Riegelii, 1696).
299
Political and economic unrest in France likely motivated Bourdon to accept a contract to work in
Stockholm for the year. Strömbom mentions that Bourdon probably hoped to be given a large decorative
assignment, but Christina gave him orders for portraits of her and her court. He was appointed director to
the Academy of Fine Arts in Paris after his return to France in 1653. Strömbom, Index över svenska
porträtt, 227-228.
300
Personifications of Divine Justice, Faith, and other allegorical figures surround the king to display his
role as a Catholic leader. A Native American boy holds a helmet to Philip’s lower right, signifying the
material wealth that was provided to Spain from the Americas. Above Philip, putti hold a globe aside Faith,
who holds a cross in one hand and a garland of victory. Next to Faith, Divine Justice aims a thunderbolt,
preparing to wield it at a snake representing heresy, in the lower left. Alexander Vergara, Rubens and His
Spanish Patrons (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1999), 67.
212
Figure 79. Diego Velásquez (Spanish, 1599-1660) after Peter Paul Rubens (Flemish, 1577-1640).
Allegorical Equestrian Portrait of Philip IV of Spain, 1628, oil on canvas, The Uffizi, Florence,
Italy.
213
such as Christina knew that Philip had patronized Rubens before the artist’s death in
1640. She was also aware that Philip’s agents had purchased the lion’s share of pieces
from Rubens’ estate sale in 1645 and actively looked for available Rubens works.302 His
collecting habits indicated to Christina that Philip favored that style of painting and
would be inclined to receive a similar portrait well.
Arne Danielsson convincingly argues that there was indeed much more to this
work than the average viewer understood.303 He is correct that the historical context is
essential for the proper understanding of a portrait that initially appears less interesting
than it actually is. Christina was immersed in clandestine negotiations with Philip
discussing her intent to convert and the need to establish a connection that would
alleviate her future transition. Her secret agent, Mathias Palbitzki, was working with the
Spanish emissary, Antonio Pimentel de Prado, to emphasize Christina’s reliance on
Philip in order to realize her conversion and relocation to a Catholic country while
retaining her rank.”304
It was paramount for Bourdon’s portrait to appear sufficiently innocent yet
significant enough to convey a message that was obvious to its recipient. The superficial
content of the portrait was apparent to everyone as a painting of Christina and her
entourage riding on a hunt. Its more profound significance, however, was only apparent
302
One of the works Philip purchased was another levade-posed equestrian portrait of his brother, the
Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand. Ibid., 67.
303
Danielsson first drew attention to the portrait’s significance in his groundbreaking article, “Sébastien
Bourdon’s equestrian portrait of Queen Christina of Sweden – addressed to “His Catholic Majesty” Philip
IV.”
304
A letter to King Philip from 7 May 1653 as cited in Arne Danielsson, “Sébastien Bourdon’s equestrian
portrait of Queen Christina of Sweden – addressed to “His Catholic Majesty” Philip IV,” Konsthistorisk
tidskrift, vol. 58, no 3. (1989), 95.
214
to elite members of society who, like her, had been educated in classical history,
mythology, and iconography. The concentration of intellectual references demonstrated
Christina’s direct and personal involvement in the planning of the work. She seems to
have known that the painting was to eventually hang in the private dining room of Philip
IV; however during its creation, the process would be observed by high-ranking Lutheran
leaders in her court. These complex dynamics dictated the iconographical construction of
the painting.
Christina’s portrait visually quotes the equestrian form frequently employed by
her father for his wartime propaganda. It was natural for Christina to appropriate her
father’s model for her first image that included a horse. Readily noticeable, the
equestrian format gave her credibility as Swedish potentate and sought to solicit attention
from the Spanish Hapsburgs who remembered the Lion of the North as a formidable, if
not infamous, adversary. An honorific portrait of Gustav II Adolf by Cornelius Arendtz
was a likely model for Bourdon’s image of Christina on horseback (Fig. 80). The image
depicts him mounted on a horse in the levade pose, gripping a general’s baton, his army
dominating the battlefield beneath him in the background.305
The visual comparison with her father made Christina appear robust, but a
reference to antiquity gave her presentation additional gravitas. Alexander the Great was
Christina’s hero, and the levade pose suggests that she was destined to follow his historic
305
Arendtz painting shares many of the features of a print by Johann Pfann the Younger that celebrates
Gustav II Adolf’s conquest of Nuremburg in 1632 in the Kungliga Biblioteket (HP G II A A 68). Karl-
Engelhardt Von Klaar, “König Gustav II. Adolf von Schweden, ” in Gustav Adolf, Wallenstein und der
Dreissigjährige Krieg in Franken: Exhibition of National Archives from Nürnberg on the 350 th Anniversary
of the Thirty Years’ War (1632–1982), editor. Günther Schuhmann (München: Generaldirektion der
Staatlichen Archive Bayerns, 1982), 36.
215
Figure 80. Cornelius Arendtz (Dutch, 1590-1655), Gustav II Adolf on Horseback, 1636,
oil on canvas, Uppsala University Art Collection, Uppsala, Sweden.
216
example. The ferocity of Christina’s horse refers to her reputation, like Alexander the
Great’s, as an accomplished equestrian. Danielsson recalls that Alexander steered his
horse Bucephalus straight toward the sun so he would not be frightened of his own
shadow.306 This connection can be seen in the shadow cast by Christina’s horse, which
follows Alexander’s example to face toward the sun. Moreover, because Sweden is
geographically located high in the northern hemisphere, the daylight always shines from
the south. Therefore, the shadows within the painting indicate that the horse faces
southern illumination.
Danielsson suggests that another clue can be found by comparing the rough,
barren landscape of the background and right foreground with the plant-filled left
foreground. He posits that Christina is traveling away from dark Sweden toward a more
fertile and fruitful future in the south. The problem with this interpretation is that if the
intent was to convey prosperity, the plants would be lush and flowering. A more
appropriate reading might be that, like the rugged landscape, the plants are native to
Sweden and an accurate description of the Swedish countryside. Regardless of her
destination, by leaving Sweden for the south Christina was heading toward the Holy
Roman Empire, controlled by Philip’s family: the Hapsburgs. Apart from the exodus
from Sweden, an educated viewer like Philip would recall the reference to Plutarch, who
wrote that when Alexander’s father, Philip II of Macedonia, saw Alexander ride
Bucephalus, he said, “my son, look for a kingdom to suit your stature, Macedonia is too
small for you.”307
306
Danielsson, “Sébastien Bourdon’s equestrian portrait,” 97-100.
307
Plutarch (6,8), as quoted in Danielsson, “Sébastien Bourdon’s equestrian portrait,” 100.
217
The falcon beside Christina appears to mimic her posture silhouetted against the
overcast sky, suggesting that it is an attribute of the queen. This association is pertinent
because in addition to being a royal bird, the falcon is also an emblem of hope: being
hooded, it symbolically conveys a hopeful desire to achieve light and clarity. Prints of a
falcon circulated through Italy, France, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Spain feature the
motto, “after the darkness I hope for light.”308 Philip and Christina’s education allowed
them to perceive the falcon in the same way and realize its significance within the scene.
Another interpretation is the possibility that the falcon iconographically conveys
Christina’s wish to convert. A falcon, staff, and cloak are attributes of the allegorical
figure of esilio (exile) in Cesare Ripa’s Iconologia (Fig. 81). Known to seventeenth-
century artists, Iconologia describes exile as holding a staff in the right hand and having a
falcon perched on the left.309 Christina’s riding whip and falcon suggest that she wished
to communicate her isolation (exile) and anticipate Philip’s friendship.
The other characters within Bourdon’s equestrian portrait are pertinent to the
painting’s formal composition and likewise signify more than meets the eye. Christina
and Philip’s envoys were constantly negotiating her transition through confidential
exchanges while the portrait was being executed. Both men are included in the painting
because their participation was crucial to the exchange, but the secrecy of the mission
demanded that they be disguised. Christina’s secret consultations with Spain included
changes to Sweden’s foreign policy. She allowed Swedish concessions to maritime trade
308
Post tenebras spero lucem. Quoted in Danielsson, “Sébastien Bourdon’s equestrian portrait,” 100.
309
Cesare Ripa, Iconologia (Roma: Appresso Lepido Facji, 1603), 134.
218
Figure 81. Cesare Ripa (Italian; Perugia, 1560-1622), publisher, Esilio from page 134 of
Iconologia, 1603, engraving, The University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City, Iowa, United
States. (xN7740.R49).
219
restrictions, giving Spain increased access to the Netherlands. These initiatives were
opposed by her advisors and unpopular among politicians in Sweden.310 Suspicion
within her court required that representations of both the Swedish and Spanish envoys be
disguised. Mathias Palbitzki was Christina’s agent to Spain and is included in the work
as the falconer because he was the intercessor between Christina and Philip. Danielsson
suggests that Bourdon transformed Palbitzki into a youthful boy to preserve the classified
nature of the commission.311 Bourdon’s modification of reality continues with the
falconer’s costume. He is depicted as a pristine cavalier dressed in the latest fashion
rather than more appropriate hunting attire. The falconer’s extravagance is made more
pronounced by the use of the blue, silver, and red, all colors in the Swedish coat of arms.
Palbitzki’s presence announces that he is Christina’s representative and carries
correspondence with her royal falconoid seal. Philip IV’s envoy Antonio Pimentel is also
indirectly referred to in Bourdon’s painting. Like Palbitzki, he was a key member of
negotiations and also warranted camouflage. To accomplish this Bourdon goes beyond
the confines of the canvas to include the esteemed Spaniard. Although he himself is not
seen, the dogs suggest that he is nearby, perhaps intentionally cropped out of the scene.
This can be confirmed by the letters on the dog’s collar, which read “L+CRS+DA.” The
letters are an acronym for “Legatus / Christina Regina Sueciae / Dominus Antonius”
(Envoy to Christina of Sweden Don Antonio).312 The dogs are clearly visible, even
310
Danielsson, “Sébastien Bourdon’s equestrian portrait,” 103.
311
Palbitzki was elevated to a Baron after his service as an envoy and his coat of arms was redesigned to
prominently feature a falcon. Ibid., 103-106.
312
Ibid., 103-106.
220
though their owner does not make an appearance, to suggest a reference to Pimentel
without being too overt.
Bourdon recognized that a positive reception of the portrait was critical and took
an innovative approach to acknowledging Philip as the viewer. Bourdon accomplished
this with gesture and perspective which facilitated interaction between the viewer and the
subjects. Christina’s eye contact and raised whip salute made a royal connection to Philip
which was further enhanced by the ceremonial gestures of salutation from both her and
her falconer. Pimentel recounts in letters that he witnessed Christina riding daily, and
noted that she always wore her hat. Proper etiquette dictated that one wear one’s hat
while hunting and a sovereign removed his or her hat only for an equal counterpart as a
polite sign of respect. By being portrayed bare-headed while riding, Christina sends a
message specific to one person alone: King Philip IV of Spain.313 The likenesses of
Christina and Palbitzki look toward the pictorial plane in different ways — each gazing to
an external vanishing point presumably occupied by the viewer (i.e. Philip IV). The king
would be drawn into the scene by engaging eye contact from Christina to his left and
Palbizki on his right. Bourdon’s unconventional group portrait includes the subject and
viewer as the protagonists attended by their respective agents.
Christina wished for Bourdon and Pimentel to travel to Madrid and make certain
that Philip understood her messages. The large painting was sent to Spain by ship, while
the men traveled separately by carriage through France. The journey was plagued by bad
313
Pimentel’s letter from Stockholm, late 1652 or early 1653 to his father, Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid,
MS 2384 as quoted in Danielsson, “Sébastien Bourdon’s equestrian portrait,” 105. In order for the falconer
to adequately perform his responsibilities, his left hand would need to be able to remove the falcon’s hood
at a moment’s notice. Palbizki cannot complete this task as the falconer because his hand is already
detained holding his own hat. While dexterity is important for hunting, the true function within the portrait
is the expression of respect.
221
weather; Bourdon and Pimentel returned to Sweden in error, thinking the cargo ship had
been lost at sea. However, this was not true. The work arrived in Spain without the
accompaniment Christina had planned. Desperate to assure that the king interpreted the
subtle references correctly in her favor, Christina asked the official responsible for the
royal art collection at Alcázar to make certain Philip understood the work’s intent;
fulfilling her request, the official, Diego Velázquez, presented the portrait to the king
himself. Philip was indeed impressed by the work and asked Velázquez to see to it that
the portrait be displayed in a prominent place in the palace, eventually the royal dining
room.314 The stage was now set for Christina to give up her throne.
Abdication: A Deo et Christina
Christina’s ceremony of abdication was organized to convey a reluctant, yet
seamless, transition between her reign and the next. It was an unusual transition of royal
power because there was no funeral to mark the transfer of regime. This made
Christina’s abdication, at Uppsala Castle on 6 June 1654, and Karl X Gustav’s
coronation, at Uppsala Cathedral the same day, a two-part event that ended one rule and
began another. The transition of 1654 had the additional connotation of being Christina’s
desire. She selected her own successor and resigned her crown to bring the plan to
fruition. 315 Christina’s abdication was judged by early scholars as being the inevitable
conclusion of a weak and incapable female ruler, but Curt Weibull was one of the first to
consider her as a competent monarch, who gave up her power in order to better provide
314
Priorato, Historia della sacra Maestà di Christina Alessandra Regina di Svetia, 26; and Museo del
Prado, Catalogo des las Pinturas (Madrid, 1972), 78, as cited in Danielsson, “Sébastien Bourdon’s
equestrian portrait,” 103-106.
315
222
for the nation — the sacrifice of one to benefit the many. 316 In this way she then became
a Catholic and moved to Rome as a tactic to salvage, or continue, a position of authority.
This argument steps away from the scholastic view of her conversion as a sincere
devotion, in favor of perceiving it as a pretense for political gain. The literature on
Christina is dominated by her refusal to marry, her resignation, and her conversion.
Malin Grundberg’s study takes a pragmatic approach to address Christina’s abdication
simply as symbolic transfer between royal entities.
Christina had begun to ponder abdication in 1646 — with the war ongoing, no
heir, and before her elaborate coronation. It was an agonizing decision that she struggled
with for years. In 1654, she told Pierre-Hector Chanut that she began contemplating
leaving Sweden a long time ago, but waited eight years to put it into effect.317 If Christina
remained queen she would have kept her royal authority in Sweden, even though her
refusal to marry perpetuated the Council of State’s supervision of her rule. Conversely,
her abdication meant that she was be free to remain unmarried, but with reduced power.
Both options had benefits as well as consequences and the duration, as well as apparent
emotional toil, indicates the gravity of her choice. Christina told the Council of State on
7 August 1651 that she had been thinking of resigning her throne for five or six years.
Per Brahe wrote in his diary from that day, “[Her] Royal Majesty discussed her
abdication with the counselors, but they objected, both in writing and by word of mouth.”
Axel Oxenstierna led the response by drawing up the petition that reminded Christina of
316
Weibull, Drottning Christina och Sverige, 95; Olofsson, Drottnin Christina tronavsägelse, 32; Sven
Stolpe, Från stoicism till mystik. Studier I drottning Kristinas maximer (Stockholm, 1959); Margaret
Goldsmith, Drottning Kristina. En psykologisk biografi (Stockholm, 1933); Åkerman, Queen Christina of
Sweden and Her Circle, (Leiden, 1991); and Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 200-201.
317
Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 141-142.
223
her sacred oath before God. The chancellor acknowledged that Karl Gustav had suitable
qualities, but insisted that Christina was the rightful queen of the realm. Oxenstierna
reminded her that she had exceptional experience and was renowned for the mutual
affection she shared with her people. The chancellor assured her that if the trials of rule
were weighing too heavy on her that her counselors were willing to contribute more and
alleviate her weariness. Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie reports Christina’s response to
Oxenstierna’s objection: “Her Majesty read it through, broke into tears and answered
very graciously that she would think over the sincere and well-intentioned counsel given
her.”318
The queen officially withdrew her intent to abdicate in November 1651, but
continued to search for a solution that granted her both freedom and power. Christina
noted before her death that she delayed because there was much left for her to do to
benefit the Swedish state. This explains why naming an heir was a paramount concern,
and also accounts for her refusal to complicate the situation with the notion of marriage.
Christina did not seem to want to leave the succession to natural chance, but rather
desired to have the power to choose her own heir. She wrote that giving Karl Gustav the
crown felt “just like God creating the first man.”319 Old guard royalists did not share the
sentiment because an upstart dynasty marked a notable shift in the social hierarchy and
initiated an irreversible turning point of royal influence — diminishing noble authority
318
Ibid., 152, 153-154.
319
Quoted in Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 143. Karl Gustav Pfalz-Zweibrücken moved to Sweden from the
Rhenish Palatinate with his parents in 1622 as a refugee of the Thirty Years’ War. By the time of King
Karl X Gustav’s succession, it was apparent that reduktion could no longer be avoided because over two-
thirds of royal land was held in private hands. The king presented the nobles an ultimatum; either pay steep
annual privilege fees to keep the land, or consent to reduktion. The noble estate reluctantly agreed to a
reduktion. Anders Anton von Stiernman, Alla Riksdagars och Mötens Besluth, ii (Stockholm: Werner,
1729) 1236-1250; and Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power, 110.
224
and reducing the role of God’s nature in divine right. Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna
stated that when the declaration of Christina’s heir was presented for his approval he
responded, “if at this moment I stood by my open grave and had the choice, either to lie
down in it or sign the succession decree, the devil take me – I mean it seriously – [I
would have] rather laid down in my grave than signed.”320
Queen Christina’s choice to abdicate allowed her the freedom to adopt the role of
an independent sovereign and allowed Karl X Gustav to become King of Sweden.
Christina’s writings indicate that she felt her resignation was a heroic act of sacrifice that
benefitted the nation and secured her place in history. She saw it as a bold and unselfish
act that saved Sweden from civil war.321 Christina attempted to avoid a war over
succession by making Karl Gustav crown prince, but after her coronation factions set to
depose her in favor of Karl Gustav began to form. The “Messenius plot” involved many
conspirators, from across the social spectrum, who wanted to remove Christina. The
machination involved an anonymous letter sent in 1651 encouraging Karl Gustav to
launch a coup.322 The crown prince notified the queen and a subsequent investigation
discovered the plot was devised by Arnold Johan Messenius. At his trial, Messenius
testified, “there is plenty of revolution all over the country; all they need is a leader.”323
320
Quoted in Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 110.
321
Eva Haettner Aurelius, “The Great Performance: Roles in Queen Christina’s autobiography,” in Politics
and Culture in the Age of Christina, editor, Marie-Louise Rodén (Stockholm: Suecoromana IV, 1997), 60.
322
When discontent began Karl Gustav distanced himself from court by secluding himself on the isle of
Öland. Messenius’ letter was sent to him there in attempt to bring him back to Stockholm. Karl Gustav
had enough support that he could have taken the throne by force if he wanted, but chose to keep to his place
and allow Christina to pursue a solution without his interference. Roberts, “Queen Christina and the
General Crisis,” 131.
323
Quoted in Bergh, editor. Svenska Riksrådets Protokoll, vol. xv: 1651-1653 (Stockholm: Riksarkivet,
1920), 243.
225
After Messenius’s execution, the danger of being overthrown continued with a 1653 plot
to decapitate the government. The second threat planned to launch a revolt bent on
killing Christina and massacring her nobles.324 The threat of a peasant rebellion and civil
war was still very real leading up to Christina’s abdication. She avoided the civil conflict
by taking steps to appear as a magnanimous sovereign while assuming the position as
Sweden’s kingmaker.
The abdication was a legislative process, punctuated by the ceremony at Uppsala
Castle. On 11 February 1654, Christina announced her definitive choice to abdicate and
instructed the Council of State to propose the idea to the Riksdag. The council met with
the queen on 13 February and asked her to reconsider, but her mind was made up.
Preparations were begun to propose that the Riksdag pass a motion to grant the queen
leave of her office. The abdication was after all a secular ceremony; God had invested
Christina with royal power, formalized by her coronation, but only the government was
able to excuse her from her place. The Riksdag was summoned to Uppsala for a diet and
began its session on 11 May 1654. They met in the castle’s great hall with the Council of
State, and Christina presided over the meeting seated on her silver throne. The estates
asked Christina to table the motion and give them time to debate her proposal, but she
denied the request and insisted they begin the process.325 Karl Gustav was noticeably
absent from the meetings, and did not arrive until the Riksdag diet had begun.
Karl X Gustav’s public entry into Uppsala on 16 May 1654 and was quite similar
to Christina’s processional entrance in Stockholm for her coronation. The event was
324
325
Sveriges Riksdag, Sveriges ridderskaps och adels riksdagsprotokoll. vol. v: 1652-1654 (Stockholm:
P.A. Norstedt, 1873), 162-166.
226
organized to publically emphasize that the crown prince was more capable than the queen
to head Sweden’s government, and Christina’s participation helped rouse public support
for Karl Gustav as future king. Queen Christina and the Council of State traveled to the
edge of the city, waited for Karl Gustav’s procession to arrive, and the queen gave a
speech of welcome before joining the group and returning to the castle. The order of
participants was similar to Christina’s entry into Stockholm, but in this instance, the
queen and crown prince rode together on horses. Christina’s position beside Karl Gustav
made a visual public statement that relaxed her standing as regnant while elevating her
successor’s status. Christina’s demonstration communicated that she believed Karl
Gustav was her equal — prepared, perhaps even better qualified, to assume royal
authority.
Christina’s performance during the welcoming ceremony communicated that Karl
Gustav was more capable to lead the nation than she was. At the conclusion of her
remarks, Christina ceremoniously mounted her horse to join Karl Gustav in the
procession. The queen moved from the dais to a small stairway and proceeded to
laboriously struggle to get onto her steed and fumbled to control the animal throughout
the procession. The gesture seems to have been orchestrated to provide a symbolic
comparison between Christina and Karl Gustav because the monarch’s ability to ride
horse was a metaphor for holding the reins of state.326 Christina’s poor performance in
the procession seems intentional because she was well known as an accomplished
equestrian and normally had no difficulty riding. In all likelihood, her fumbling was a
326
Tradition dictated that the monarch not use stirrups in ceremonial processions as a way to demonstrate
their superior ability to control great power. Christina was used to riding in processions without stirrups
and was practiced at commanding her horse with little effort. Publically struggling to ride with confidence
would have been unusual to spectators who had witnessed Christina’s riding in the past, and a real cause for
concern. Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 204-206.
227
pretense to reinforce her belief that Sweden needed a masculine warrior to lead the
nation’s army into war — something Christina was unable to do, but with which Karl
Gustav had considerable experience. The queen’s difficulty controlling her horse implied
that she was not able to rule well and reiterated her stance that Sweden needed a strong
man, like Karl Gustav, as its monarch.327 Witnesses would not have enjoyed seeing their
queen flounder clumsily beside her heir, but it was a comparison which demonstrated that
Karl Gustav was a more capable commander — a public performance to convince the
audience that her proposal to abdicate was a valid, if not necessary, plan.
Karl Gustav had considerable expertise as a field commander, but his ability to
advance the hieratical monarchy was not clear — requiring him to justify his ascent to the
Swedish throne as neither a Vasa nor a head of household. 328 The crown prince
attributed his forthcoming coronation to Christina’s affection and God’s providence.
Karl Gustav was entitled to the crown through his mother Catherine, King Gustav II
Adolf’s half-sister, and emphasized his connection to the house of Vasa.329 Queens were
customarily wives and mothers, but in the case of Christina, the formula was
incompatible with a woman responsible to rule. The legitimacy of Karl Gustav’s
promotion by Christina was based in the belief that women were unable to rule
successfully; they only functioned as conduits for royal lineage. One of her last acts as
queen regnant was to overturn legislation from the Norrköping diet of 1604 permitting
327
Sveriges Riksdag, Sveriges ridderskaps och adels riksdagsprotokoll. vol. v, 162-287.
328
Public entertainments focused on Karl Gustav’s military prowess in the weeks following his entrance
while the Riksdag deliberated over the Christina’s act of abdication. The crown prince starred in mock
battles, performing as a Persian general, and conquered a series of groups masquerading as Moors, Indians,
and other exotic peoples. Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 206, 220.
329
Von Stiernman, Alla Riksdagars och Mötens Besluth, ii, 1218,1223; and Grundberg, Ceremoniernas
makt, 209-210.
228
female rule. 330 This had been enacted to protect the Swedish throne from a Catholic ruler,
but Christina now changed the law in order to negate her own claim. She went a step
further to issue a declaration forbidding women from occupying the Swedish throne —
perhaps an attempt to avoid placing another woman in her position. Her declaration
annulled her claim to the throne in favor of Karl Gustav and his male descendants.
Christina refused to reconcile her role as monarch with that of a wife: one position was
dominant while the other was subservient. In Christina’s opinion these royal duties were
incompatable within the same person, and rather than choose between them, Christina
decided to be neither. Without the crown she did not have to submit to marrying a
husband, and without the responsibility of marriage and children she was free to remain
independent and in control of her personal affairs.
Christina met with the Council of state and Karl Gustav early in the morning on 6
June 1654 to ratify her terms of abdication.331 The clergy estate asked to include a clause
in the decree stating that if Christina gave up her Protestant faith, she would forfeit her
yearly income. Christina refused to have the amendment added to the document,
dismissing the notion as unnecessary.332 The resulting agreement was a list of conditions
between Christina and Sweden to outline her future relationship with the nation. The
document acknowledged tracts of land she continued to hold, called dowerlands, and
recognized that she retained the title Queen of Sweden in perpetuity. The future king
guaranteed a pension for her future maintenance, and the Council of State signed the
330
Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 206, 222.
331
The date of the abdication and coronation was set for 6 June 1654, the anniversary of Gustav Vasa’s
entrance into Stockholm as Sweden’s first king. Ibid., 207.
332
229
declaration.333 These stipulations were all necessary because they formulated Christina’s
station as dowager regnant for the rest of her life; this codified the inherent status her title
gave her, and assured her financial security. With her future support and royal position
intact, Christina was ready to proceed with her abdication.
The abdication ceremony was a reversal of Christina’s coronation and divestment
of the regalia back to the Swedish state. The queen prepared for the ceremony by having
leading figures of her government come to Uppsala Castle to ritually dress her before the
service. She began with a white taffeta dress and the officials outfitted her with her
coronation regalia: the crown, sword, scepter, orb, keys, and her mantle.334 Per Brahe and
Chancellor Oxenstierna agreed to place the regalia on the queen, but both begged to be
excused from taking part in the rest of the ceremonies. Schering Rosenhane was charged
to fill in for the chancellor as the master of ceremonies. At nine o’clock in the morning,
the Council of State and leaders of each of the estates escorted Christina into the Royal
Hall of Uppsala Castle. The room had been arranged with reserved seating for members
of the various states. A stepped platform was erected in the center with the queen’s silver
throne. To the right of the throne was a chair for Karl Gustav and the table to receive the
regalia on her left. Members of the Council of State were instructed to stand in line and
the queen’s favorites were invited to stand in front of them. 335
Eyewitness accounts help us to envision the ceremony as it occurred. The
nobleman Per Brahe summarized the event, writing:

333
Ibid., 168.
334
Christina’s asked prominent members of the Council of State to attend her. These included Lars Kagg,
Gustav Horn (declined), Hermann Flemming, Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie, Axel Oxenstierna, Gabriel
Oxenstierna, and Per Brahe. Ibid., 168-170.
335
Ibid., 168-172.
230
The queen’s renunciation took place on the morning of the sixth of June.
It was a pitiful act. The queen came out of her chamber with the crown on
her head, the orb and scepter in her hand, dressed in her coronation robes,
and otherwise wearing a simple white garment, and began her
oration…therefore [sic] Her Majesty put down one royal emblem after
another, stepped down from her throne, [and] addressed the hereditary
prince, who would soon be crowned king, recommending to him the good
of the fatherland.336
Brahe also noted that Karl Gustav’s suit was black to contrast Christina’s white gown.337
White was the customary color for coronations and new beginnings, while black
symbolized finality and mourning. The queen wore white to her coronation, and now
wore the same color to embark on the next phase of her life. Karl Gustav covered
himself in black to honor the end of his predecessor’s reign and to grieve the nation’s
loss. The abdication ceremony took the place of a state funeral in this way and was an
opportunity for the future king to begin to lead the people.
The actual ceremony was regimented to simultaneously lament Christina’s
departure and to stress continuity going forward into Karl Gustav’s regime. Once
everyone had taken their places, Schering Rosenhane entered the hall and read the
declaration releasing Christina’s subjects from their oath of allegiance to her, confirming
the rights she retained as dowager regnant and announcing that rule now transferred to
Karl Gustav. After the reading, the documents were handed to Karl Gustav, who
presented another proclamation to be read aloud. His statement confirmed his loyalty and
promise to Christina to honor her reign and give her due respect throughout his life.
When the heir’s pledge was concluded, Rosenhane returned the paper to Karl Gustav,
336
337
Per Brahe, Svea rikes drotset grefve Per Brahes Tänkebok, editor, David Krutmejer (Stockholm: Carl
Delén, 1806), 92.
231
who approached the throne and presented it to the queen with a deep bow.338 The initial
proclamations introduced the matter at hand and halted the people’s loyalty to one
sovereign in preparation for the next monarch. The statement confirmed the provisions
for the Christina’s future, a sentiment that was repeated by the future king’s lifelong
promise to honor her service. Karl Gustav underscored his words by his physical act of
kneeling before Christina and humbly presenting her his vow to safeguard her future.
With the abdication provisions affirmed and given to Christina, it was now time to
remove her regalia.
Christina wore the crown, sword, key, orb and scepter into the ceremony, but it
was now time to officially give them up. The marshal of the realm prompted the five
officers of the realm (i.e. Christina’s regents) to come forward in turn and remove the
symbols of her office. Per Brahe was the last on the roster and responsible to remove
Christina’s crown. This caused a pause in the activity because Brahe did not approach the
throne when asked to do so. The marshal gestured his cue several times and Christina
beckoned him, but he refused to move. Brahe’s inactivity was a silent protest to
emphasize his loyalty, but also to make a statement that abdication was an unnatural
transition of majesty. Christina responded by taking her own crown off and placing it on
her lap, at which point Brahe agreed to step forward and move the crown to its cushion
on the table. Christina’s mantle was the last item removed before she stood in front of the
audience wearing only her white dress. This was how she made her final address to her
people as their queen.
338
232
Christina descended the stairs from her throne, stopping on the bottom step to
give her last official speech — a bittersweet farewell. She acknowledged God and all
those who had contributed to her reign and then recounted the great deeds of Gustav II
Adolf as Sweden’s king before endorsing Karl Gustav as the one most capable to fill her
father’s footsteps.339 Her thirty-minute oration reminded those in attendance of Gustav II
Adolf’s campaign to secure Sweden’s greatness and suggested that Karl Gustav was
another warrior king. Her position alluded that it was impossible for her to be a truly
effective leader because she was not a man and unable to fulfill the martial duties the
throne required. Per Brahe wrote, “Her Majesty spoke so well and so fluently, though at
times sobs broke in her throat. Her Majesty moved many honorable men to tears, and
everyone lamented that with her the royal line came to an end far sooner than God had
appointed. She stood there like a lovely Angel.”340 When Christina had finished her
speech, Schering Rosenhane returned to the rostrum to deliver a response from the
Riksdag estates. He spoke of the distress her decision to abdicate had caused to her
subjects and formally thanked her for entrusting them into Karl Gustav’s capable hands.
Rosenhane concluded his remarks by kissing the queen’s hand, followed by
representatives of each of the four estates who each followed suit.
Christina was now ready to put her words in Karl Gustav’s favor into practice as
she moved to the bottom step and gestured for the crown prince to join her. She held his
hand and proclaimed that she had selected him as her heir because of his leadership
abilities, not because he was her kin, and charged him to care for her mother and all
339
Ibid., 168-172.
340
233
beloved subjects she was leaving behind. Christina then led Karl Gustav back up the
steps where she presented him her silver throne and invited him to sit. He declined to do
so and implored that she reconsider her choice to abdicate one last time. She deflected his
request, leading to an interlude of flourishes inviting the other to sit on the throne. It is
unlikely that these gestures were sincere by this point because so much had been set and
declared, but the little performance restated the reluctant farewell to Christina and
provided legitimacy for the establishment of the Pfalz-Zweibrücken dynasty. By the time
these courtesies were over, the two stood again on the lower step and Karl Gustav
addressed the room to pledge his reign to the Swedish people. Schering Rosenhane
replied by leading the oath of loyalty and obedience on behalf of the estates.
Representatives of each estate came forward to kiss the new monarch’s hand. All in
attendance, the upper echelon of Sweden’s power structure, who had by this point
affirmed their fidelity to Christina, were formally released from their previous vow, and
renewed their pledges of loyalty to the new king.
The ceremony was finished, but only after some additional courteous displays of
which sovereign should walk on the left, and who should defer to the other. The
confusion seemed to be an oversight of protocol that failed to be settled beforehand, but it
was in all likelihood a planned pantomime for Christina and Karl Gustav to publically
honor each other one last time. Each was given the courtesies of a sitting monarch,
although one had just renounced the throne and the other was not yet crowned. This
final exchange completed the production of statecraft meant to maintain the status of
Christina while promoting continuity for the realm and aiding in the legitimacy of a new
regime. The awkward moments figured forth the problem of transferring power from a
234
still-living monarch to a new ruler. Questions over protocol arose after the abdication
ceremony right up until Christina’s departure from the city. It was uncertain who should
have the better bedchamber, the right to sit in the place of honor, or who should occupy
the silver throne.341
After the abdication ceremony, priests took the regalia from Uppsala Castle to the
cathedral and preparations were made to begin the coronation procession. The parade
was a simplified occasion and did not include many of the normal coronation
accoutrements. The economic condition of Sweden’s treasury did not allow for new
purchases or a grand spectacle.342 The various regions and foreign envoys were not
included as participants in the festivities. Karl X Gustav’s coronation followed set
tradition and was similar to Christina’s in its ritualistic organization. The archbishop
greeted Karl X Gustav at the door, anointed him, and presented him the regalia after he
took the vow of office.343 When the king rode in the procession back to the castle, a
largess of coins were thrown to the spectators that read a Deo et Christine (Fig. 82). The
next day, the estates gathered at the castle courtyard to individually swear allegiance to
the king. That evening a farewell banquet for Christina was held. Karl X Gustav and
341
Grundberg states that the exchanges between Christina and Karl Gustav were symbolic way for him to
honor the now ex-queen, and I agree with this reading. Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 211.
342
Christina left numerous unpaid bills when she left Sweden, but funds were allocated for a new banner of
state to be purchased for the crown’s new dynasty. Lis Granlund, "Queen Hedwig Eleonora of Sweden:
Dowager, Builder, and Collector," in Queenship in Europe 1660-1815; the Role of the Consort, ed. Clarissa
Campbell Orr (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 70; Rudolf Cederström, De svenska
riksregalierna (Stockholm: Livrustkammaren, 1942), 229-231; and Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 211.
343
Christina did not attend the coronation, in order to avoid the problematic issue of the previous monarch
still being alive when the new one took office. This was comparable to Karl Gustav abstaining from the
debates over abdication legislation in the Riksdag. The transition of power was alleviated by not having
one included in the decisive events of their reign. Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 211.
235
Christina sat together, and he insisted on being her server throughout the evening — even
though he was the reigning sovereign and she was now socially beneath him.344
Per Brahe records that a storm came into the area and that it rained throughout the
night, following Christina’s banquet and during her departure from Uppsala. Grundberg
makes the point that there is no record of the weather from the day, and that Brahe may
be just metaphorically using rainy skies to illustrate the mood of Christina’s farewell.
Christina’s last official act was to write her mother in a letter.
As fate compels me to depart forever from the city in which I was born, I
shall thus be deprived of the honor of conveying my submission and
reverence to your Majesty… I know, Madam, that my final result will not
please you, but the destiny that has elected to make me the happiest of all
mankind requires that I accept my happiness at the cost of your
disapproval… Pray be satisfied with the reparation for my faults and spare
me the distastefulness of your censure. Whatever your Majesty may elect
to do, I shall always bear in mind what I owe to you. I shall never indulge
in any feeling that might cause your Majesty to regret having given birth
to me. In conclusion, Madam, I venture to assure you that I shall never
commit any act unworthy of the daughter of the great Gustavus.345
Christina mounted her horse and made a ceremonial circuit around the area in a small
procession with Karl X Gustav. Once back at the castle, the Council of State, Riksdag
leaders, and the king, gathered into a circle around Christina to bid her farewell. She
embraced and kissed each of them in an emotional scene between old comrades.346
Christina then left Uppsala on horseback with a small escort and traveled toward the
Swedish border to begin the next chapter of her life.
344
Karl Gustav asked to keep Christina’s hand towel from dinner as a souvenir. Ibid., 214.
345
The Dowager Queen Maria Eleonora was in isolation at Nyköping Sweden and did not attend any of the
activities in Uppsala. Christina did not return to Sweden when her mother died in March of 1655, and there
is no record of any communication between them after the abdication. Quoted in Stolpe, Christina of
Sweden, 172.
346
Grundberg, Ceremoniernas makt, 215, 221.
236
Figure 82. Jean Parise (French, active in Stockholm c 1630- c. 1660), A Deo et Christina,
1654, silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm Sweden (H1S 341.10).
237
Christina’s abdication was a production of statecraft meant to maintain her status
as queen in the future while promoting continuity for the realm and aiding in the
legitimacy of a new regime. The ceremony lamented Christina’s departure, but it
simultaneously celebrated the establishment of a new dynasty made possible by her
determination to resign. It was an atypical sort of power transference between monarchs
because there was no royal death associated with the beginning of a new king’s rule.
Instead of a funereal declaration that the old regime was over, Christina utilized Karl
Gustav’s entrance into Uppsala to signify her inability to continue as sovereign. The
public display emphasized that she could no longer fulfil her royal duties and promoted
her chosen heir as the one most capable to lead Sweden. This ceremony laid the
groundwork for the acceptance of Christina’s abdication and eased the transition of royal
power.
238
CHAPTER THREE: DOWAGER REGNANT PATRONAGE
The mature phase of Christina’s life can best be described as dowager regnant
because she kept queen as her royal title, but no longer wield legitimate political
authority. It was possible for an anointed sovereign to retire the throne, but impossible to
renounce the divine birthright. This principle put Christina in a unique position, because
she lost her political role yet had the challenge of upholding her royal place with only the
credibility of her title — a crown devoid of executive muscle.
Post-Abdication Adjustment
The queen’s departure from Sweden brought about a curious celebrity as she set
about to present herself as an international sovereign capable of acting as a mediator
between quarrelling nations to end dissidence throughout Europe. Christina crafted the
persona of herself as a transnational peacemaker by reintroducing her presentation as the
goddess Minerva. The first portrait Christina commissioned after abdication was by
Justus van Egmont (Fig. 83).348 Her life-size figure turns toward the picture plane to
make eye contact with the viewer. Her form-fitting breastplate with mail lining signifies
that she is a proven warrior, and the baton in her left hand presents her as an experienced
commander. The fine quality of her glossy armor and the lush materials of the ochre
skirt, white shirt, and scarlet cape, suggest that this is a formal state portrait. Though
Queen Christina did not reign over a state at this time, these features indicate that she still
considered herself a monarch. This mindset corresponds with the belief that it was
348
Justus van Egmont made two nearly identical portraits of Queen Christina as Minerva when she was
staying in Antwerp. The second is also in the Nationalmuseum Collection, Stockholm (NMGrh 1853).
The portrait was translated into an engraving by Paulus Pontius for mass production and distribution (SVP
73 and SVP 74) now located in the Kungliga Biblioteket in Stockholm. Other versions made after
Pontius’s reproductive print are by Gaspar de Hollander (SVP 94 6) and Frederik Bouttats (SVP 78) are
located at the Kungliga Biblioteket in Stockholm. A related print by Peeter Clouwet is at the New York
Public Library (487874).
239
Figure 83. Justus van Egmont (Flemish, 1601-1674), Queen Christina as Minerva, 1654,
oil on canvas, Statens Portrattsamling, Gripsholm, Sweden (NMGrh 3989).
240
impossible to set her divine right to rule aside. Her sovereignty carries on to the extent
that she exudes authority without effort. She stands erect as she fixes the viewer’s gaze,
yet her right arm drapes casually over the table on which her helmet has been set aside,
and her left hand rests delicately on the baton. Her evident strength and confidence
signify that while she may no longer control a government, she actively retains her
potential to rule.
A marble head attributed to Giuseppi Peroni of Christina as Minerva is another
presentation of Christina as the goddess of war and wisdom (Fig. 84). The sculpture only
represents Christina’s head, but her sphinx-topped helmet makes it clear that she is taking
on the guise of Minerva. The headgear bears some resemblance to the helmet situated
next to her in Egmont’s portrait. However, the use of a laurel wreath indicates that there
is additional source material. A print by Philips Fruytiers seems to be the inspiration for
the wreath because it also depicts laurel and is from the same time period (Fig. 85).349
While Egmont’s Minerva portrait displays relaxed power, Fruytiers’ exhibits Christina’s
intellectual qualities while also conveying her piety. The inscription of Christina’s name
provides a date from the period after abdication but before her arrival to Rome. The
presentation of her name as Christina Maria Alexandra gives the clue that it was from the
time following her conversion but before she changed her name Christina Maria to
Christina Alexander. The etching borrows its format from Jeremias Falck’s 1649
engraving of Christina as Minerva because they both present her as a living bust (Fig.
36). Fruytiers’ work has a religious quality because it has a chalice for communion with
349
A marble looking portrait head of Christina is featured in an allegorical painting of the three arts (poetry,
painting, and sculpture) by David Klöcker Ehrenstrahl. Painted shortly after Christina’s death, the scene
shows the arts contemplating the Swedish Queen. Nationalmuseum Collection, Stockholm (NM 950).
241
Figure 84. Giuseppe Peroni (Italian c. 1626-1663), Head of Christina of Sweden as

Minerva, c. 1655, Marble, Rikssalsstiftelsen Uppsala Slott, Uppsala, Sweden.
242
Figure 85. Philips Fruytiers (Flemish, 1610-1666), The Enlightened Christina, 1655,
etching, Kunglinga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 88).
243
the sacrament overhead and palm fronds in front of her face. The frame behind her is
comprised of laurel branches to signify that reason and faith are the two pillars of divine
intelligence. Peroni’s Minerva takes the laurel wreath from Fruytiers’ print and the
helmet from Egmont’s painting and combines them together for his sculpture. These
images display that Christina is as wise and capable as Minerva. She is able to maintain
her sovereignty during her lengthy journey and navigate the increasing complications of
international relations.
Historians call the mid-seventeenth century the General Crisis in Europe. The
period is characterized by the political configurations of the countries into the national
borders of today — facilitated by vigorous state-building and the turmoil of nearly
constant war. Within this context, the waning role of the Catholic Church was a
significant factor, as secular governments began to undermine papal authority. The rise of
absolutism in Catholic countries, and the Reformation of the previous century, weakened
the influence the papacy once possessed. The Catholic Church had long been an
absolute, albeit elected, monarchy, but in the mid-seventeenth century it no longer
exercised the degree of authority it once had. The rise of modern states in Europe
undercut the control of the papacy across the continent, as the emergence of strong
centralized government in France, Spain and elsewhere diminished the strength of papal
rule.350
350
The shifting balance of power was evident in the conclave of 1655 when secular governments
aggressively meddled in church politics. Conclaves of the period became an extension of the Franco-
Spanish mélee with both nations attempting to influence elections; Spain used the exclisivo veto right in
1654 to bar Cardinal Sacchetti from consideration. The emergence of veto power not only immediately
affected an election but had ongoing consequences. Rodén describes how new popes accepted the papal
tiara with “considerable baggage — deals to be made good, political debts to be paid, and revenge to be
taken.” Marie-Louise Rodén, “Servants of the Church in an Age of Transition,” in Kirke, protestantisme og
samfunn, editors, Roger Jensen, Dag Thorkildsen, Aud V. Tønnesen, (Trondheim: Tapir, 2006), 91, 98; and
Rodén, Church Politics in Seventeenth-Century Rome, 13, 21, 23, 44.
244
Christina accepted the protection of the Spanish crown and relocated to Antwerp
while details about her future finances were negotiated.351 It is not known when she
determined to settle in Rome, but it was the natural choice because it was the political
and cultural capital of the Europe — if not the world.352 Rome was an attractive
destination because it was ruled over by a pope and not another monarch; Christina could
live as a dowager regnant without having to yield to another sovereign’s authority. The
Spanish influenced matters in Rome considerably though, making them a useful ally for
Christina. Thomas Dandelet describes the Spanish presence in Rome as “soft
imperialism”, an informal power based on socioeconomic controls. Spanish power in
Rome was rooted in its ability to patronize causes that advanced its authority. Its large-
scale giving funded churches, hospitals, orphanages, and religious orders. Spain
augmented its patronage by contributing defense to the papacy as well. Rome remained
politically autonomous, but in the period known as The Spanish Preponderance, the
Eternal City was a vital entity in Spanish foreign policy. Spain and the papacy operated
in sync, with the Spanish fashioning themselves as devoted allies and the pope supporting
Spain’s international agenda.353 This was the sort of alliance Christina needed for her
transition, and influence she could utilize for her own benefit.
The dowager regnant Christina set up her own court while a guest of the Spanish
in Antwerp and dispatched personal emissaries to foreign governments where they were
351
Rodén, Church Politics in Seventeenth-Century Rome, 118.
352
353
Spain was the first nation to establish a permanent embassy in Rome. They purchased a palazzo in 1647
for 22,000 scudi from the Mondalschi family and stll utilize it today as the Spanish Embassy to the Holy
See, Thomas James Dandelet, Spanish Rome 1500-1700 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001), 5-7, 9-
11, 205.
245
received the same as they were when she was an active monarch. Many countries were
suspicious of Christina’s motives for staying in the Spanish Netherlands. Cardinal
Mazarin became uneasy that Christina’s stay in Antwerp was an indication that she was
favoring Spain, and his agents began to circulate libelous pamphlets.354 The Lord
Protector of England Oliver Cromwell was concerned that Christina was planning to meet
up with Charles II Stuart, exiled in Holland, and attempt to marry him, or worse yet,
support him to retake the English throne.355 Sweden’s foreign office was not pleased
either, because Christina’s personal diplomacy meddled with its efforts and was
counterproductive to the goals of King Karl X Gustav’s new regime. The tension with her
homeland added to an already agitated transfer of her maintenance pension. The
arrangement was rocky from the start because it was complicated by budgetary issues
whenever Sweden went to war — which was the case for most of the remaining
century.356 It did not help that the staunch Protestants controlling the national purse (i.e.
the Council of State) were growing more suspicious of Christina’s impending
conversion.357
Queen Christina announced her intent to convert on Christmas Eve 1654. Pope
Innocent X Pamphilj died a few weeks later, making her future in Rome uncertain until
354
355
Donald K. Sharpes, “Chapter Twelve: Two Queens, One Princess.” in Outcasts and Heretics: Profiles in
Independent Thought and Courage (Landham, Maryland: Lexington Books, 2007) 260.
356
King Karl X Gustav was an aggressive warrior and military conflict with Sweden’s neighbors permeated
his reign. He appears to have had a sincere concern for doing right by his royal predecessor, but war was a
constant strain on his nation’s budget. Christina pressed for a one-time lump sum, rather than her agreed
annual pension, but this did not come to pass. Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 181.
357
246
the conclave elected his successor.358 There was considerable partisanship in the Sacred
College of Cardinals and conclave proceedings were nearly deadlocked. The pro-French
contingency, headed by cardinals Mazarin, and Antonio and Francesco Barberini, held
thirty-four members — many of them appointees of Pope Urban VIII Barberini. The pro-
Spanish Pamphilj faction was made up of thirty-two cardinals. There were some internal
divisions within each group, but the two large blocks seized up into a glacial-pace
conclave. The election took 155 votes over 80 days — one of the longest in papal
history.359 Cardinal Fabio Chigi was selected as Pope Alexander VII Chigi. Chigi had
been Innocent X’s Secretary of State from 1651-1655 and was formally responsible for
Christina’s conversion.360 Rodén writes that “he experienced a personal sense of triumph
that the daughter of Gustav II Adolf, the champion of Protestantism, should have
converted to the Catholic faith, and it now became a particular point of pride that she
should be received in Rome in the first year of his reign.”361
Pope Alexander VII Chigi required that Queen Christina publicly convert before
he permitted her passage into the Papal States. She agreed to take part in a ceremony
entering the Catholic Church at Innsbruck, Austria. The pope began to plan for her
358
359
360
The papal Secretary of State office began in the early seventeenth century to assist the papal nephew in
his diplomatic responsibilities. Cardinal Fabio Chigi was born into a less affluent branch of a renowned
Sienese banking family. He was appointed nuncio to Cologne by Pope Urban VIII Barberini and then
named papal mediator to Münster during the Treaty of Westphalia peace negotiations by Pope Innocent X
Pamphilj. Rodén, Church Politics in Seventeenth-Century Rome, 47; and Giancarlo Abbamonte,
“L’Incontro tra Lucas Holste e la Regina Cristina,” in Cristina di Svezia e la cultura delle
accademie, editor, Diego Poli (Rome: Il Calamo, 2005), 173; and Marie-Louise Rodén, “Fabio Chigi and
the World beyond the Alps,” in Frontiers of Faith. Religious Exchange and the Constitution of Religious
Identities, 1400-1750, editors, Eszter Andor and István György Toth (Budapest: European Science
Foundation, 2001) 248.
361
247
arrival by announcing his plans to welcome her into the city at a meeting of the secret
consistory on 29 November and appointing Cardinals Carlo de’ Medici and Frederick von
Hessen as Christina’s attachés. The pope charged Cardinal Decio Azzolino to help
Christina acclimate to Rome and instruct her on social etiquette. Christina and Azzolino
were a good match for each other and a symbiotic relationship blossomed between them
— a kindred bond that lasted the rest of their lives. Rodén describes their partnership
saying, “from the day they met until they both died within weeks of each other, they
worked together, acted as one, and were perceived by colleagues, diplomats, and princes
as a team.”362
Queen Christina left the Spanish Netherlands on 22 September 1655 and arrived
in Innsbruck for her 3 November ceremony.363 John Bargrave, an English traveler, was
at Christina’s conversion, and wrote what he observed.
[Christina was] laughing and giggling and curling and trimming her locks,
and motion of her hands and body was so odd, that I heard some Italians
that were near me say “è matta per Dio: by God she is mad,” and truly I
thought so too. There being in her no sign of devotion, but she had short
sermons all the week after: every day in several languages, all which she
understood well, as I was told by Monsignor Holstenius the pope’s
internuntio, with whom I was often.364
362
Rodén continues, “I have not infrequently found drafts in which one of the two has begun a letter and
the other continues it on the same page.” Christina and Azzolino seem to have had a mutual attraction for
each other, not necessarily physical, and their romantic friendship was the talk of Rome. Rodén has proven
that the queen and cardinal frequently exchanged intense letters — at least one a day, if not more. They
were a power couple devoted to each other through the ties of politics, mutual interest in art and science,
and sincere companionship. Azzolino reportedly had a weakness for women and Christina seems to have
had a stabilizing influence on his amorous behavior while he utilized his administrative talents to benefit
her business affairs. There seems to have been concern by some that their union was inappropriate or
lustful because Rodén has found records of at least one attempt to blackmail Azzolino for his association
with Christina. Acta Miscelanea 42 fol. 47, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, and “Il concubinato scandaloso e
pubblico in Roma dell’ Cardinale Azzolino, con la Regina di Suetia, K 433, Azzolino Collection,
Riksarkivet, Stockholm, as cited in Rodén, Church Politics in Seventeenth-Century Rome, 120, 122-123.
363
364
Michael G. Brennan, editor, The Travel Diary of Robert Bargrave, Levant Merchant, 1647-1656,
(London: The Hakluyt Society, 1999), 224; and Susan Wiseman, “Rule and Representation: The
248
Christina wrote a letter of obedience to the Pope after the service and was given
permission to travel to Rome now that her conversion was officially made public.
Queen Christina Arrives in Rome
Queen Christina’s entrance into Rome was an anticipated event, executed with
pomp, and incorporated both secular and religious significance. The Vatican’s extensive
preparations and commissions associated with Christina’s entry demonstrate that
although it was planned as a civic event, the papacy became the dominant voice in the
visual communication. The municipal government of Rome installed a monument in the
Palazzo dei Conservatori to welcome Christina and commemorate the contributions they
made to the festivities in her honor (Fig. 86). The citation is etched in stone with a
portrait of Christina — a permanent tribute for the momentary event. This appears to be
an effort by the city to stake a definitive claim that they helped make the triumph
possible. Although her reception was a city-wide event, the papacy asserted its authority
to play a pivotal role in the parade — superseding municipal involvement.365 Prints
distributed afterward demonstrate how emphasis was shifted away from municipal
leaders and redirected toward papal involvement, and in many cases, rearranged to show
church representation over civic reception. The stationary monument in Rome’s city hall
“Libertine” Case of Queen Christina,” in Conspiracy and Virtue: Woman, Writing, and Politics in
Seventeenth-Century England, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006) 247.
365
A cortege is the group of people who attend an eminent person including carriages, horses, or other
honorific transports. A procession on the other hand, is not associated with the secular cortege, but holds
the primary purpose of saying prayers while traveling to a holy place on a pilgrimage. Christina’s cavalcade
is rarely called a cortege in literature, even though it is an appropriate description. Procession is by far the
term most associated with her entry into Rome – which although a municipal welcome, took on
predominately papal theme. For the purposes of this study, processional cortege will be used to describe
Christina’s entry, although other terminology, such as parade, triumph and cavalcade, will be used
interchangeably in reference to the same event. Louis Marin, “Notes on a Semiotic Approach to Parade,
Cortege, and Procession” in Time out of Time: Essays on Festival, editor, A Falassi (Albuquerque, 1987),
222.
249
Figure 86. Comune di Roma, Monument Commemorating Queen Christina's Triumphant

Arrival to Rome, c. 1655, marble and plaster, Castellani Hall 3, Palazzo dei Conservatori,
Musei Capitolini, Rome, Italy.
250
was not be appreciated by the general populace because only a select few had access to
the halls of civic government; even today it is possible to stroll through the Castellani
Hall of the Musei Capitolini, where it is located, and not take notice.
The Congregatio de Propaganda Fide, by contrast, produced a number of prints
that were mass produced and disseminated across Europe. These images had the
advantage of reaching a wide audience to promote the papacy better than a single object.
Many etchings included written descriptions of Queen Christina’s submission to papal
authority. An example of text that was literally transformed into an image is a polyglot
publication of verse and calligrams (Fig. 87). This impressive example of typography
includes printing in Arabic as well as Latin, Greek, and Hebrew to make it readable by
audiences beyond Europe. The range of its intended target demonstrates the ambitious
mission of promoting the Catholic Church as the world’s dominant institution. Christina’s
journey from the Protestant bastion of Sweden to bend the knee in Rome was too glorious
an occasion not to promote. The arrangement of written characters expresses more than
welcome because they come together to form a single twelve pointed star. This suggests
a number of meanings, ranging from the apostolic mission of Christ’s twelve disciples to
the Christmas star leading wise men to worship the messiah’s nativity. Another pertinent
connotation is that the star was a focal point on Pope Alexander VII Chigi’s coat of arms
— six mountains and a star. It is an emblem that can still be found on buildings, gates,
sculptures, and other structures throughout Rome today. Alexander placed his sigil on
projects he supported to declare that his influence made progress possible. The finale of
Christina’s submission to the papacy during Chigi’s pontificate was an achievement the
Congregatio de Propaganda Fide wanted to report far and wide.

251
Figure 87. Typographia Sacrae Congregationis - Congregatio de Propaganda Fide,

Christinae Suecorum Gothorum Vandalorumque Reginae Piae Felici , 1656, typeset,
Newberry Library, Chicago, United States (BS2485 C34 1519).
252
Christina’s physical arrival needed to take place in such a way so that the optimal
number of witnesses was present. The Swedish queen, now an open Catholic, was center
stage, but Christina’s triumphal entrance was designed to glorify the papacy. Prints and
other souvenirs of the event include Christina as a character, but she was objectified as an
apostate now in church possession — a trophy on display for all to see. A cavalcade
processional was planned for her triumphal entry on December 23, 1655.366 Christina
actually reached Rome three days ahead of her official entrance in order to visit the
Vatican and pay homage to Pope Alexander VII Chigi. She was met by a group of papal
legates at the Villa Casale degli Olgiati and led to a staging place outside the newly
redone Porta del Popolo. The pope had Gianlorenzo Bernini remodel the main northern
gate of the city to add the Chigi’s six mountains and star along with a dedicatory
inscription for Christina that read “done to commemorate a happy and blessed arrival in
1655.”367 Outside the gate, the assembly was then arranged into a quasi-informal
procession comprised of thirty-six carriages with a delegation of cardinals led by
trumpeters, drummers, and seventy cavaliers representing the foremost families of Rome.
They were supposedly traveling incognito, so they avoided entering through Porta del
Popolo in favor of a more direct route to the Vatican via the Porta Pertusa.368
366
Christina actually arrived three days prior and had to leave the city in order to enter again
ceremoniously. Rose Marie San Juan, “Entrance and Departures: The Procession Prints of Queen Christina
of Sweden in Rome” in Politics and Culture in the Age of Christina, ed. Marie-Louise Rodén
(Suecoromana IV, Stockholm, 1997), 107.
367
Felici faustoque ornate ingressui anno MDCLV. This inscription is still there today. Stolpe, Christina of
Sweden, 198.
368
Priorato, Historia della Sacra Real maestro, 227; and Carlo Festini, Trionfi della Magnificenza
Pontifica nello Stato Ecclesiastico e in Roma per la Maestà della Regina di Suetia (Rome: Stampieria della
Reverenda Camera Apostolica, 1656) as cited in Per Bjurström, Feast and Theatre in Queen Christina’s
Rome (Stockholm: Nationalmuseum, 1966), 10.
253
It was deemed inappropriate for a woman to lodge inside the Vatican, but equally
unsuitable to send her away.369 Organizers cited her royal status as an exception to
precedent and assigned her a place in the Torre dei Venti of the Belvedere, because it was
not a part of the Villa Belvedere or the Apostolic Palace. 370 The Torre dei Venti is a
square tower located above the Gallery of Maps that celebrated the four winds and was
used as an observatory. It had the advantage of giving Christina a spectacular view of
Rome while still being within the walls of the Vatican. Furnishings were taken from the
Vatican collections and borrowed from Roman nobility to convert the space into living
quarters. Pope Alexander VII Chigi oversaw preparations himself and went so far as to
order the mural text for the North wind, which read “all evil comes from the North,” to be
painted over to avoid offending his guest.371
Once Christina was shown to her room, she changed into a dress to meet the pope.
She genuflected three times as she entered the gallery when Alexander VII received her
and then kissed his ring and foot. She was invited to sit in an armless chair beside the
Holy Father, beneath his baldachin. This was a particularly auspicious honor considering
that royal guests were customarily offered a chair opposite the papal throne. Christina
was permitted to make an introductory statement, but she seems to have been nervous;
she started to stutter and lost her place in her notes. Alexander intervened by stressing
that she was welcome and encouraging her to take her time and continue, which she did
369
Christina arranged beforehand to make the Palazzo Farnese her residence in Rome, but she would not
move in until after Christmas. The Duke of Parma, who owned the Palazzo Farnese, was having financial
troubles at the time and offered to rent his Roman home to Christina to generate income. Stolpe, Christina
of Sweden, 196, 213.
370
Giacinto Gigli, Diario Romano 1608-1670 (Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Sacri Palazzi Apostolici, Serie
Varia).
371
“Omne malum ab aquione” as cited in Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 196.
254
for half an hour. After her concluding remarks, Christina retired to her room.372 She
spent the next few days inside the Vatican, taking in the art collection and touring the
grounds.
Triumphal Entrance: Preparation and Pageantry
Queen Christina was taken from the Vatican to the Ponte Milvio on the morning
of 23 December 1655 to begin her official welcome to Rome. There was a reception in
her honor, followed by the presentation of papal gifts of a carriage, a sedan, and a grand
steed. These posed the question of which she would use for the day. Christina declined
the carriage and sedan in favor of riding the horse.373 This was the opposite of how she
had ridden in her coronation procession, but she was now communicating a different
public message. Christina was not embarking on a grand enthronement; she was a
pilgrim completing her mission. Cardinals Giovancarlo de’ Medici and Landgreve
Frederik of Hesse were Christina’s escorts and stayed with her throughout the day’s
proceedings. Although the accompanying cardinals were of lesser status in the college,
their participation was thought important because the introductory festivities took place at
the Palazzo Medici and because Cardinal Frederik was one of Christina’s German
cousins who had also converted to Catholicism. A morning rain slowed Christina’s
procession toward the city, but when she reached the Porta del Popolo she was welcomed
by Cardinal Francesco Barberini and the entire College of Cardinals.
The procession moved from the Porta del Popolo down the Corso to Piazza
Venezia, turning at Il Gesù to the Piazza di Pasquino, and from Monte Giordano to Ponte
372
Ibid., 197.
373
Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 197; and Per Bjurström, Feast and Theatre, 12-16.
255
Sant’Angelo, then St. Peter’s Basilica.374 In his study of moving spectacle, Louis Marin
contends that the spatial syntax is an integral part of any ritual because landmarks can be
symbolically incorporated.375 Christina’s processional cortege interacted with papal
monuments, rather than municipal structures, while she traveled through Rome. Her route
articulates an overall message that her arrival is a victory for the Catholic Church,
because civic components were overshadowed or ignored. Christina traveled in just one
direction, as opposed to a march and return round-trip. This approach conveyed that her
movement was an irreversible action — Christina had symbolically reached the apex of
her spiritual journey and was triumphantly entering, or being received, as a welcome
convert.
The internal organization of the procession was essential for visual rhetoric.
Marin asserts that parades can communicate layered messages by pairing groups together.
Specific locations can stress a particular ideology among diverse participants to achieve a
unified syntax and suggest a context otherwise not apparent.376 Christina’s triumph
arranged individuals based on rank to create a performance narrative that included an
introduction, peak, and conclusion. The cortege began with outriders and trumpeters
followed by the pope’s cavalry, the queen’s personal guard, legates, and baggage
374
Pilgrimage guidebooks soon began to address the route; the 1658 edition of Roma ricercata adjusts the
touring itinerary to focus on the triumphal entry route. This became the accepted path for the characteristic
viewing of the city, and the inscription of welcome devised for Queen Christina was installed inside the
Porta del Popolo for all visitors to follow her footsteps. Rose Marie San Juan, “Entrance and Departures:
The Procession Prints of Queen Christina of Sweden in Rome,” in Politics and Culture in the Age of
Christina, ed. Marie-Louise Rodén (Suecoromana IV, Stockholm, 1997), 119-121.
375
Marin, “Notes on a Semiotic Approach,” 223.
376
Ibid., 225.
256
trains.377 Brigades of soldiers and musicians were repeated throughout the processional
cortege.378 Marin explains that such cyclical motifs are key components of processions
because recurrence builds suspense and solicits continued attention. Constant repetition
of successive individuals or symbols emphasizes an overall message that is difficult to
forget, one that bypasses cognitive skepticism and infiltrates into the subconscious.379 A
parade has the great potential to be an apparatus in the art of creating, as well as
influencing, memory.
Cycles of Swiss Guards, civic guards, trumpets, and drums at regular intervals
through Christina’s procession stressed not only her important status, but also the lavish
welcome of both civic and papal representatives. Initial participants were trailed by
dignitaries from the Roman nobility shadowed by more trumpeters and liveried
attendants. Don Camillo Pamphilj, nephew of the late Pope Innocent X Pamphilj, soon
followed with a sizable entourage.380 The Pamphilj delegation all wore black as a sign of
mourning, yet Camillo still expressed his wealth by wearing a diamond-studded costume.
377
Queen Christina arrived several days before hand and had no luggage with her. The exhibition of
baggage trains was a display to emphasize status. Bjurström, Feast and Theatre, 12-16.
378
The brigade was invented as a tactical unit by Christina’s father, King Gustav II Adolf during the Thirty
Years' War to overcome the lack of coordination in regimented army structure.
379
380
Camillo Pamphilj’s mother, Donna Olimpia Maidalchini, entrenched herself in the papal administration
of Pope Innocent X Pamphilj. Scandal trailed her throughout Innocent X’s reign and her overbearing
personality loomed over his pontificate. Near the end of Innocent X’s reign, his Secretary of State, Fabio
Chigi (future Pope Alexander VII Chigi), was undermined by Maidalchini and shut out of deliberations to
promote cardinals. Decio Azzolino was elevated to cardinal in such a way on 2 March 1654, and it was
well known that Maidalchini sold her influence over such ecclesiastical appointments. She is believed to
have embezzled half a million scudi and absconded with everything of value in the papal apartments when
the pope became ill. She excused herself from contributing to Innocent X’s funeral expenses, and he
remained unburied for quite some time as a result. Pope Alexander VII Chigi began his reign by forming
an inquest into the extent of her misappropriation while she was at the Vatican. Alexander VII banished
Maidalchini to Orvieto and barred her any participation in Queen Christina’s triumphal entrance. Stolpe,
Christina of Sweden, 196, 206.
257
Because she chose to ride a horse, the queen was removed farther back in the lineup and
the empty carriage held her place in front of church dignitaries led by Maffeo Barberini,
Prior of Rome and Prince of Palestrina. His costume included a long train and his coat
was covered in diamonds the same as Pamphilj.381
The Pope’s drummers, trumpeters and mace bearers headed the next section that
included the Captain of the Swiss Guard and the Master of Ceremonies. Behind this
grouping rode the College of Cardinals on mules in front of bishops and prelates leading
Christina.382 The queen rode flanked by the two principle Cardinal Deacons, Orsini and
Costaguti, and was surrounded by Swiss Guards on foot. She was followed by her sedan
chair, her traveling coach, and several other lavish carriages including one lent to her by
the pope.383
Georgina Masson’s study of Christina’s receipt of pontifical gifts references many
related expenditures in the papal treasurer’s 1655 ledger. The number of register entries
dealing with the carriage, litter, sedan chair and corresponding animals indicates the
resources devoted to Christina’s arrival. 384 A document from 14 October 1655 describes
381
Bjurström, Feast and Theatre, 12-16; and Fredrick Hammond, The Ruined Bridge: Studies of Barberini
Patronage, (Sterling Heights, MI: Harmonic Park Press, 2010) 208.
382
Cardinals had to maintain their own livery and were required to have a mule for important ceremonial
occasions. The animal was usually covered in black velvet with tassels and the same number of red braids
as the cardinal’s rank. Mules are strong-willed creatures and cannot be trained like a horse, so cardinals
riding in processions were usually led by a stable hand. The power of each cardinal corresponded with
their personal wealth and social status. Within the college, there were four distinct classes: nobility,
patriciate, new families, and humble families. Rodén, Church Politics in Seventeenth-Century Rome, 78;
and Dandelet, Spanish Rome, 133.
383
Bjurström, Feast and Theatre, 12-16.
384
Georgina Masson, “Papal Gifts and Roman Entertainments in Honour of Queen Christina’s Arrival” in
Queen Christina of Sweden: Documents and Studies editor, Magnus Von Platen (Stockholm: Kungliga
Boktryckeriet P.A. Norstedt and Söner. 1966), 244-245.
258
the complexity of the papal commissions to demonstrate the amount of effort that went
into the joint project. The order tells that it was for the pope, but does not elaborate that
it was to be a gift for the Queen of Sweden. Instead, it focuses on procuring a newly
constructed coach from Monsù Antonio Fornieri, a French engraver and wood carver,
Gaspar Tander, a German locksmith, and Carlo Fabri, an Italian coach builder.385
Gianlorenzo Bernini was charged with supervising construction and created the initial
sketch for the project (Fig. 88). 386 Bernini made the carriage’s overall design, but it was
up to Giovanni Paolo Schor to translate his vision into working drawings (Fig. 89). Schor
was a well-respected expert on carriages and trusted to manage every aspect of
construction, from metalworking the silver elements to the upholstery embroidery.387
Francesco Perone was the silversmith employed to embellish the carriage, sedan, and
litter. His decorative theme of the wheat sheaf held by two putti appeared on harness
ornaments, saddle stirrups, pommels, and was incised on the heads of 4,370 nails!388
Angelo Broncone embroidered the azure velvet upholstery that decorated the
carriage, litter, and sedan. Fragments of the textile still exist as Torah decorations in the
Museo Ebraico di Roma (Fig. 90). A repetitive pattern of crowns are present across the
fabric with symbols of Christina’s origins. The crowns are situated above a panel of the
385
Treasurer’s register from14 October 1655 (Archivio Segreto Vaticano Sacri Palazzi Apostolici Serie
Varia, Vol 771, fol. 63).
386
Bernini and the papal carpenters, Antonio Chiccari and Francesco Gualdo, were instructed to split their
time between the Cathedra Petri, already in progress, and Queen Christina’s carriage. Priorato, Historia
della Sacra Real maestà, 234-235.
387
Galeazzo Gualdo Priorato, The History of the Sacred and Royal Majesty of Christina Alessandra, Queen
of Swedland: With the Reasons of Her Late Conversion to the Roman Catholique Religion. As also a
Relation of the Severall Entertainments given Her by Divers Princes in her Journey to Rome, with Her
Magnificent Reception into that City, translator, John Burbury ( London, 1658); and Treasurer’s register
from 14 October 1655 (Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Sacri Palazzi Apostolici, Serie Varia, vol. 771, fol. 63).
388
Masson, “Papal Gifts,” 246-247.
259
Figure 88. Gianlorenzo Bernini (Italian, 1598-1680), sketch for Queen Christina's
Carriage, 1655, drawing, Biblioteca Chigiana - Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican
City.
260
Figure 89. Johann Paul Schor (Austrian, 1615–1674, active in Rome), Diagram for Queen
Christina's Carriage, 1655, drawing, Biblioteca Chigiana - Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana. Vatican City.
Figure 90. Angelo Broncone (attr.), Torah decorations made from curtains of the coach
the Pope gave Christina for her entrance into Rome, 1655, Embroidered Velvet, Jewish
Museum of Rome, Rome, Italy.
261
Vasa wheat sheaf or the three-crown symbol of the Swedish monarchy. The blue and
silver colors were a likely complementary contrast to the purple and gold of papal
carriages. The interior of Christina’s carriage had white silk cushions with gold brocade
and was fitted with a matching canopy. Every edge had silver fringe that was
embellished by braids, and there were corresponding laces lining the glass windows.389
The elaborate transport was to be a glittering case that placed the newly converted
Christina on display for all to see.
The Curia issued a papal medal with the legend Fel Favs Q Ingres to
commemorate Queen Christina’s passage through the Porta de Popolo and held a
competition. The Depositeria Generale accepted submissions from two sculptors for the
commission.390 One was Gaspare Marone Mola with the other Alberto Hamerani.391
Both utilized the same format, with Pope Alexander VII Chigi on one side and the same
scene of Christina entering the Porta del Popolo with the cardinals on the other. Mola’s
entry featured a bust portrait of the pope on the recto with the entrance scene on the verso
(Fig. 91). The scene has fine architectural elements that Nathan Whitman describes as
detail more likely to be found in an engraved print rather than a medal.392 Christina is
central but she does not stand out amongst the others and appears to blend in with the
other characters. This is reasonable considering that it was a papal commission with an
389
Ibid., 246-247.
390
Bildt, Les Medailles romaines de Christine de Suède, 40-41.
391
Gaspare Morone Mola succeeded his uncle, of the same name, as the chief engraver at the papal mint.
He held his position from 1640 until 1669 and produced medals for all the popes that reigned during his
tenure. Alberta Hamerani was Mola’s assistant at the papal mint from 1657 until 1669. Nathan T.
Whitman, Roma Resurgens: Papal Medals from the Age of the Baroque (Ann Arbor: The University of
Michigan Museum of Art, 1983), 188-189.
392
Ibid., 96.
262
Figure 91. Gaspare Morone Mola (Italian; Rome, active 1627–1669), Fel Favs Q Ingres,
1655, bronze, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 298.83).
263
interest in promoting the new pope. Hamerani, who was Mola’s assistant at the papal
mint and signed his work with his supervisors monogram, entered a medal with extra
detail in Alexander VII’s vestments (Fig. 92).393 This design enlarges the pope’s head to
the point that his cap extends into the lettering. Mola responded by presenting a revised
entry that crops out most of the vestments and concentrates on Alexander VII’s face (Fig.
93). Mola’s second entry was selected as the winner and he was awarded 1,335 scudi to
cast 214 medals.394 These medals were reserved as papal favors, but a print by Horatio
Marinari commemorating Christina’s entry with the cardinals was widely disseminated
(Fig. 94). Marinari’s etching is a four part image that recreates the highlights of the
triumph, with Christina and her escorts being the main focus. The lower scenes depict her
passing through the Porta del Popolo, her supplication at the altar in St. Peter’s Basilica,
and her audience with the pope when she kneels at his feet. The image expands the
beginning narrative, addressed by Mola and Hamerani’s medals, to elaborate on events
throughout the day. This succinctly reviewed what took place and served as visual
documentation for those unable to see it first hand or wanted a memento.
Triumphal portraits of Christina as she entered the city correspond with written
accounts and help to describe the event as well as to commemorate the episode for
posterity. The arrangement of participants within the processional cortege reinforces the
dialog between Christina and Rome. Marin articulates the effect of parades as the
intersection of two domains – actor and spectator. Unlike theater, where the audience
393
394
Gaspare Morone Mola was awarded an additional purse of 598 scudi which was paid in full from the
papal treasury on 3 July 1656. Libro della Despositeria generale di Alessandro VIII, 1656 fol. 129, Archive
di Stato Rome, cited in Bildt, Les Medailles romaines de Christine de Suède, 40.
264
Figure 92. Alberto Hamerani (attr.), (Italian; Rome, 1620-1677), Fel Favs Q Ingres,
1655, bronze, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 298.83a).
Figure 93. Gaspare Morone Mola (Italian; Rome, active 1627–1669), Fel Favs Q Ingres,
1655, bronze, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 298.83b).
265
Figure 94.Horatio Marinari, Queen Christina rides into Rome between Cardinals Orsini
and Costaguti, etching, 1655, Kungliga Bilbioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP CHR A 78).
266
passively watches the performer, parades engage viewers as active participants, since in a
parade it is just as important for the spectators to be seen by the actors and by other
spectators.395 Christina’s triumph was no different and much of the city was involved in
the preparations. An edict from the Popolo Romano from 20 December 1655 declares
that the day of Christina’s processional was to be an official holiday and all neighborhood
businesses were to close. Everyone living along the route was instructed to adorn their
windows with fine tapestries, to make at the Swedish Queen feel as though she had
entered into a splendidly decorated palace.396 Roman nobility and foreign aristocrats were
expected to participate as audience members along the course as civic representatives.397
It is likely that the processional cortege was intended to demonstrate a uniform display,
but success was dependent on public witnesses. Such an event requires two participatory
groups – those traveling along the route, and those watching from a sedentary position.398
Marin asserts that processions create new political discourse and serve to formalize the
relationship between all participants and create political unity between the sovereign and
the city.399
395
Marin, “Notes on a Semiotic Approach,” 227-228.
396
Archivio di Stato di Roma, Bandi, Busta 21 as cited in San Juan, “Entrance and Departures,” 114-115;
and Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 198.
397
Nicolo Angelo Tinassi, Vera e distinta relatione della solenne cavalcata fatta in Roma nell’ingresso
della real Maesta di Christina Regina di Suetia li 23 Decembre 1655, (Rome: Archivio di Stato di Roma.
Cartari-Febei, Busta 77), as cited in Rose Marie San Juan, Rome a City out of Print (Minneapolis and
London: University of Minnesota Press, 2001), 125.
398
399
Ibid., 226-227.
267
Select publishers were awarded special privileges to ensure maximum awareness
by printing eye-witness accounts. 400 Francesco Cavalli described Christina in his
pamphlet:
She is the very portrait of virtue in the cavalcade, a woman riding dressed
only with a vestment embellished in front with gold stitching, and the
overcoat covered with the same, a habit without pomp, though rich, and
she also wore a black veil around her shoulders with a simple little gold
cord in her black hair. 401
Both Cavalli and Carlo Festini wrote how Christina’s humble appearance indicated that
she recognized the authority of the heavenly kingdom present in Rome. These
descriptive texts were useful to spread the word, but were limited by the possibility of
readers interpreting the story differently. Etched prints, by contrast, give a snapshot
vision and have the advantage of efficiently influencing collective visual memory. An
engraving by Giuseppe Maria Testana reinforces Cavalli’s description of Christina’s
simple costume encircled with lavish surroundings (Fig. 95). Festini notes that
Christina’s sigil was the Vasa family wheat sheaf, rather than the Swedish royal arms,
and this symbol is present in Testana’s print on the breastplate of the horse.402 The artist
also places her amidst significant monuments to stress that she has submitted to papal
400
Licenses helped give printing workshops an edge in the competitive Roman print market. Processional
prints were a lucrative product and remained in stock inventories for over twenty years. Giacomo de’ Rossi
in Roma alla Pace, Indice della Stampe intagliate in Rome, al bulino, & all’acquaforte esistenti nella
stamperia di Gio, (Rome, 1677) 18, as cited in San Juan, “Entrance and Departures,” 108.
401
“È il ritratto lo stesso della virtù nel cavalcare cavalco da Donna vestita sotto con una veste guarnita
dinazi con maglie di oro, e la sopravest coperta delle stesse, habito senza pompa, benche ricco, portava
anco un velo negro dietto le spalle, con capello negro con un semplice cordoncino d’oro. [sic]” Francesco
Cavalli, Vera relatione del viaggio fatto dalla Maestà della Regina di Svetia per tutto lo Stato
Ecclesiastico. Rome. 1655, as cited in San Juan, Rome: a City out of Print, 127. Chrisitna wore a simple
dark-green mantle embroidered with silver thread. Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 197.
402
Carlo Festini, “Trionfi della Magnificenza Pontifica nello Stato Ecclesiastico e in Roma per la Maestà
della Regina di Suetia” (Rome: Stampieria della Reverenda Camera Apostolica, 1656), as cited in San
Juan, “The Queen's Body and Its Slipping Mask,” 36-38.
268
Figure 95. Giuseppe Maria Testana (Italian; Rome, 1648-1679), Queen Christina rides
into Rome, 1656, engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 267).
269
authority. Christina turns her back on the imperial column and proceeds forward toward
Saint Peter’s Basilica. The inscription lists her name as Maria Alexandra Christina – the
name she adopted at her confirmation in honor of Pope Alexander VII Chigi and the
Virgin.
Procession prints are instruments that advance the dialogue between Christina and
her collective audience. As in this example by Giovanni Giacomo de’ Rossi, the
presentation crosses and curves across the page in a single uniform line; this is what
distinguishes the processional prints from other forms produced to commemorate
Christina’s arrival (Fig. 96). Processional etchings had the advantage of displaying the
entire cavalcade at the same time, while a view of the actual event was limited to one
vantage point along the parade route. Viewers have freedom to access the entire journey
with clarity. Such control made them aware that they were seeing a restaged event, but
also introduced a clearer message about the overall procession and how the route,
participants, and purpose represented a larger idea or potential philosophy.403 Christina
does not have a leading role but joins the group as supporting cast member — she is
usually difficult to actually locate. This generated a communal sentiment that had the
potential to establish a stronger, even emotional, personal response. The print had the
ability to reach a large audience and permit people of all classes to take part by
psychologically joining the scene.
Processional prints from Christina’s triumph also illustrate the complex
relationship between local interests and the papacy. Even though it covered a large part
of the city, De’ Rossi’s print only shows papal monuments along the route – restaged
403
San Juan, “Entrance and Departures,” 110-112.
270
Figure 96. Giovanni Giacomo de' Rossi (Italian; Rome, 1627-1691) Ingresso Solenne in
Roma della Maestà della Regina di Svezia il di XXIII. FEB. M.DCLV, 1655, etching,
Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP CHR C 33).
271
with a strategic choice of geographical specificity.404 The print follows the serpentine
template to emphasize Christina’s litter and carriages, attendants, horses, and luggage.
The city, on the other hand, displays a harmonious unity among the diverse inhabitants
and participatory groups. The Popolo Romano, civic government, is clearly identified
with regalia and ritually functions throughout to guide the procession through the urban
space.405 Trumpeters lead the procession and are dispersed, with drummers throughout,
along with guards, pages, honorific horses and groups of Roman nobility. In this
commemorative aspect, the queen and capital are expected, but there is another factor
that appears in the royal and civic displays: the papacy.
Tension between papal and civic authorities manifested in the Vatican’s
dominance as the prominent feature of the entry.406 Ecclesiastical presence appears in
both sides of the procession’s visual communication. Not only was Christina
accompanied by cardinals and Swiss Guard, but the magnificence of her conveyance is
improved by papal gifts. Furthermore, architectural imagery associated with the church
displays the extent of the pope’s involvement. The Porta del Popolo, alongside the
Basilica of Santa Maria del Popolo, features the Chigi emblem once again to claim the
space as papal territory. The Castel Sant’Angelo is included along the route and is
recognizable as papal structure because it issues fireworks normally reserved for special
religious festivals. Saint Peter’s Basilica dominates the space in the print’s lower left
corner, and the scale conveys that the massive church is capable of receiving all who
404
The Arco di Portogallo on the Corso is also seen in other versions, but is not given much attention. San
Juan, Rome a City out of Print, 119.
405
Social standing is identified with captions. San Juan, “Entrance and Departures,” 109.
406
San Juan, Rome a City out of Print, 112-119.
272
enter. The scale of the intimidating structure is exaggerated by the device of shrinking the
size of participants in the procession as they approach. The visual cues of the image do
not promote Queen Christina, but rather stress the ability of the Catholic Church to win
over supplicants from all backgrounds.
Another version of Christina’s entry, by Giovanni Battista de’ Rossi, shares many
of the same formal characteristics as the other prints from the De’ Rossi workshop (Fig.
97). However, when one compares the two De’ Rossi published prints, it is clear that the
Master of Ceremonies title is given to a civic leader in Giovanni Battista de’ Rossi’s
version, while the office is held by a papal representative in Giovanni Giacomo de’
Rossi’s version.407 This is a curious difference considering that between the two
factions, civic and papal, only one occupied the coveted position. The written accounts
describe the Master of Ceremonies in the processional order, but they do not report who
held the title. It is likely that a municipal official fulfilled the role, but such discrepancies
suggest that the papacy may have been trying to claim the spot in the historical
literature.408
Another example of the papal officials rewriting history comes from the diary of
Carlo Cartari, now in the Archivio di Stato di Roma. After Christina’s entrance, Cartari
collected three pamphlets and six single sheet representations – including one by Horatio
Marinari published by the De’ Rossi family (Fig. 98). In his copy of Marinari’s
impression, Cartari makes a notation in the procession that reads, “It was not the
407
Ibid., 114.
408
Some discrepancies may be accounted for by the fact that such prints, especially the cheaper ones, were
made before the actual event so they could be sold then. John Beldon Scott, personal communication, 2
December 2015.
273
Figure 97. Giovanni Battista de’ Rossi (Italian; Rome, c.1601 - 1678), Ingresso della
regina Cristina di Svezia a Roma, 1655, etching, Museo di Roma, Rome, Italy (GB 95).
274
Figure 98. Horatio Marinari, Published by Giovanni Battista de’ Rossi (Italian, c.1601 -
1678), Cavalcata di Christina di Svezia, etching, 1655, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm,
Sweden (HP CHR A 77).
275
Stewards of Honor. From here are missing the Consistorial Solicitors.” 409 As deacon of
the Solicitors and processional participant, Cartari appears to want accuracy in the print’s
edited portrayal and to assert that his role not be lost in the restaging. Such evidence
reinforces the theory that the papacy intended to slight the role of civic officials in favor
of its own involvement. As a publisher indebted to the Vatican for advantageous
licenses, the De’ Rossi likely went along with the systematic replacement of Roman
representatives with those of Church leadership. Papal authority endeavored to shape
posterity and influence public recollection in its favor.
Queen Christina’s triumph concluded at St. Peter’s Basilica and was followed by
an audience with the pope. As soon as Christina entered the Basilica, she was escorted to
the altar to be shown the holy sacraments. The nave was decorated with gold-colored
tapestries with emblems representing Christina arranged throughout the space. After a
processional benediction, Christina was led to the Sistine Chapel to salute Pope
Alexander VII Chigi and publically submit to his authority.410 A great feast followed
with representatives of the noble households serving the meal. Organizers dealt with the
same issues as when they were planning her stay in the Torre dei Venti of the Belvedere.
Christina was the guest of honor, but administrators had to find precedent for the pope to
dine with a woman. The main concern was seating: where, how, and on what? After
much debate, planners reached a compromise that placed Christina at a table beside the
pope but not elevated as high as his Holiness. Alexander VII’s table was to be entirely
under the baldachin, but Christina was only permitted to be halfway under the canopy.
409
“Non ci furono li Camerieri d’honore, mancano qui’ gli’ Avvocati Concistoriali.” Ibid., 126-127.
410
276
Her chair was the biggest complication. A high backed chair with arms usually used for
kings was not suitable for Christina, but a stool with a lower back and no arms was
equally inappropriate. Gianlorenzo Bernini was assigned to create a custom seat that was
a hybrid of the two unsuitable options. Bernini designed a seat with a midsized back and
smaller rounded arms, just large enough for Christina to rest her elbows on.411 These
arrangements solved the problems of protocol and became the established precedent for
the papal banquets in the future. Christina was invited to another papal banquet the
Sunday after her entrance as a farewell for her as she moved into the Palazzo Farnese.
Queen Christina’s transfer to the Palazzo Farnese was a theatrical event
punctuated by a display that honored her arrival. Windows along the route were lit up
and the streets were lined with torches the evening of her procession, including bonfires
assembled in the fountains at the Piazza Farnese. Carlo Rainaldi was commissioned to fit
the Palazzo with a temporary façade around the central windows above the main
entrance. Although it was only a temporary structure, a conceptual drawing by Rainaldi
shows his addition of faux pilasters between the windows (Fig. 99). This is a pronounced
alteration considering that the Palazzo Farnese’s normal permanent façade is one of
simple elegance and austere strength. The sketch does not include that the central panels
framed scenes from Christina’s life and Old Testament stories along the periphery. To the
left of the lower five windows is Humility; on the right is Royal Nobility. The existing
cartouche of Pope Paul III Farnese (r. 1534-1549) was left in place, but plastered over
with the arms of Pope Alexander VII Chigi and flanked by figures of Fame. To the left
was the crest of Sweden, held by figures of Strength and Wealth, while on the right was
411
Gualdo Priorato, Historia della Sacra Real Maestà di Christina Alessandra Regina di Svetia (Rome,
1656), as cited in Bjurström, Feast and Theatre, 52.
277
Figure 99. Carlo Rainaldi (Italian; Rome, 1611- 1691), Temporary façade on the Palazzo
Farnese, 26 December, 1655, drawing, Staatliche Museen, Berlin, Germany (1144).
278
Christina’s personal arms with the allegorical figures of Wisdom and Generosity. A more
detailed working drawing shows that there were medallions with scenes of Esther before
Ahasuerus on the left, opposite a triumphant queen figure accompanied by Virtue and
Fate (Fig. 100). The third story held paintings of resolute historical women. To the left of
center is Judith lifting the head of Holofernes; on the right, Jael impales Sistera with a
tent nail. The outside figures are representations of Other-worldliness and Honor. The
uppermost figure is Roma seated on the trophies with wheat-sheafs on either side
supported by Generosity and Grace, and Goodness and Steadfastness. The entire structure
was painted to imitate marble and gold, including the forty-two torches attached to it.412
These images all coincide with the theme of strong holy women, in an attempt to praise
Christina while also promoting the Farnese family’s ability to welcome her with such
style.413
The Barberini Carousel
On 28 February 1656, the Barberini family staged a grand carousel in Queen
Christina’s honor to celebrate carnival at the courtyard of their palazzo.414 The Barberini
412
413
The niceties would not last though because as soon as Christina arrived she determined that the fig
leaves and drapery additions on the sculpted nude were inaccurate and unnatural and had them removed.
Hugh Honour, “Queen Christina as Art Collector,” Connoisseur (1966), 10.
414
The Barberini also held an opera in honor of Christina in their private theater, the Teatro delle Quattro
Fontane, located at the eastern end of the Palazzo’s north wing. The opera, La Vita Humana, overo Il
Trionfo della Pietà was performed on 31 January 1656. The libretto was written by Cardinal Giulio
Rospigliosi (Pope Clement IX, r. 1667-1669) with music by Marco Marazzoli. Pope Alexander VII Chigi
suggested the opera choice to the Barberini because the plot would emphasize the accepted code of
behavior for a woman in Roman society. Preparations began in November 1655, with the Pope permitting
singers to miss mass in the papal chapel for special rehearsals. Queen Christina seems to have enjoyed the
performance and attended encore performances on 3 February and 28 February. The short run was
concluded with the outdoor carousel on 28 February 1656. Terra Murdoch, “Queen Christina of Sweden as
a Patron of Music in Rome during the Mid-Seventeenth Century,” in The Music Room in Early Modern
France and Italy, editors, Deborah Howard and Laura Mauretti (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012),
264, 267.
279
Figure 100. Unidentified artist, Temporary façade on the Palazzo Farnese, 26 December,
1655, drawing, Staatliche Museen, Berlin. Germany (1143).
280
wielded remarkable influence during the lengthy pontificate of Pope Urban VIII
Barberini, but their power was diminished during the subsequent reign of Innocent X
Pamphilj.415 Their faction in the Sacred College of Cardinals was still strong, but many of
the family’s leaders spent the last decade exiled in France. The election of Pope
Alexander VII Chigi and the corresponding arrival of Queen Christina gave them reason
to return. The new pope forbade any elaborate displays by Roman noble houses in an
effort to promote moral decency, but carnival festivities were allowed. Many papal
families took advantage of Christina’s arrival shortly before carnival to stage events for
the Swedish queen as an excuse to self-promote, and the Barberini were no exception.
No effort or expense was spared to restore the Barberini’s status as one of the
preeminent Roman households. Three adjacent buildings were razed to construct the
courtyard, and records show that payments exceeded 7,200 scudi — well over half a
million dollars in today’s money.416 Giovanni Francesco Grimaldi was in charge of
building the arena, designing the floats and costumes, and managing the actors. Tiers of
seats had to be built into the side of the palazzo, and once constructed the stands had to
be adorned with colonnades hung with tapestries. The stands were built to hold 3,000
spectators, and a special box was made for Christina and a select group of guests that
included Cardinals Retz, Imperiale, Borromeo, and Azzolino. The entrance to the
415
A pope typically honors his predecessor by awarding a cardinal’s biretta to a member of the previous
pope’s family. However, when Pope Innocent X Pamphilj was elected in 1644, he formed an inquiry to
investigate papal misappropriation by the Barberini family during the pontificate of Pope Urban VIII
Barberini. Innocent X refused to elevate any of the Barberini and censured the family for misconduct.
Cardinals Anotonio, Francesco and Taddeo Barberini fled to France to avoid prosecution. Hostilities
between the Pamphilj and Barberini family lingered until 1653 when Innocent X Pamphilj finally agreed to
raise Carlo Barberini into the College of Cardinals. Rodén, Church Politics in Seventeenth-Century Rome,
43-45.
416
Records in the Barberini archive, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, as cited in Murdoch, “Queen Christina
of Sweden as a Patron of Music,” 263-264.
281
performance area was opposite Christina’s place and was in the shape of a triumphal
arch, decorated with paintings and reliefs complete with a place for an orchestra on
top.417 Cardinal Francesco Barberini was credited as the corago, creator of the
allegorical program, but no other authors or composers were identified.418 Torches and
braziers were staged around the courtyard to illuminate the area because the performance
was scheduled for after dark.419
A painting, now in the Museo di Roma, by Filippo Gagliardi and Filippo Lauri
was commissioned to record the splendor (Fig. 101).420 The mural sized canvas shows the
extent to which the northern side of Palazzo Barberini was transformed into a vast
outdoor theater. Galeazzo Gualdo Priorato’s is the only known written description of the
Barberini carousel. His account is not very detailed; he wrote that he was obliged to
“relate it succinctly, leaving the more distinct particulars to be brought to common notice
by a more learned and happier pen.”421 He tells of two competing teams in a carousel —
Cavalieri and Amazzoni. Each side had twelve members, with eight trumpeters and one
hundred and twenty horsemen. The Cavaliers had costumes of red and gold while the
Amazons wore blue and silver. The performance began with the entrance of the goddess
Roma who proclaimed that she had come forward to meet a princess so great that she
417
Bjurström, Feast and Theatre, 34; and Hammond, The Ruined Bridge, 233-241.
418
Murdoch, “Queen Christina of Sweden as a Patron of Music,” 263.
419
Bjurström, Feast and Theatre, 34.
420
An inventory of June 1672 lists the painting as part of Cardinal Antonio Barberini’s estate. Archivio
Barberini, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, as cited in G. Incisa della Rocchetta, “Tre quadri Barberini
aquistai dal Museo di Roma,” in Bollettino dei Musei Comunali di Roma (1959): 26; and Bjurström, Feast
and Theatre, 30.
421
“Così mi oblige à farne un succinto raccanto, lasciando io che le particolarità più distinte ne sino portate
alla notitia commune da penna più erudite, e felice. [sic]” Priorato, Historia della Sacra Real Maestà, as
cited by Bjurström, Feast and Theatre, 35.
282
Figure 101. Filippo Gagliardi (Italian; Rome, d.1659) and Filippo Lauri (Italian; Rome,
1623-1694), Carousel Given at Palazzo Barberini in Honor of Christina of Sweden on 28,
February 1656, c. 1670 oil on canvas, Museo di Roma, Rome, Italy (MR 5698).
283
elected to give up her throne for the head of the world (i.e. Rome). Roma was followed
by a chariot with Amor and the three graces who also sang praises to Christina.422 A
musical duel between the Cavalieri and Amazzoni ensued, followed by a summons to
battle. Groups of two, three, four, five, six, and twelve from each side had a ballet dance-
off accompanied by pistol fire. The troop was interrupted by a gigantic float in the shape
of a dragon entering through the archway. The character Hercules rode on top of the fire-
billowing vehicle, and offered each side a golden apple to assist them. More conflict
followed as each side tried to capture the opposition’s apple. Once these skirmishes were
complete, all the participants lined up in front of the royal box and sang of Rome’s love
for Christina. Neither side won, as was typical for carousels of the time.
Gagliardi and Lauri’s painting exhibits how spectators populate the surrounding
risers and observation boxes.423 Spectators’ eager faces lean forward to see the
performance reach its finale; even outsiders attempt to catch a peek by clamoring over the
barricades found in lower right — the excitement is palpable. Of the animated faces
located throughout the crowd, the majority are recognizable portraits of those in
attendance. The Barberini cardinals occupy the specially decorated boxes on the center
of the palazzo’s façade. Presumably she is seated with the Barberini, but evident paint
loss prevents a positive identication.424
422
Ibid., 35.
423
Filippo Gagliardi and Filippo Lauri were still working on the painting when Gagliardi died in 1659.
Lauri continued, but it is uncertain when the painting was finished — sometime between 1659 and 1672.
424
Apparently the small figure of Christina at the center of the central box has peeled away. Close
examination shows some remnants of the pigment. John Beldon Scott, personal communication, 2
December 2015.
284
Life in Rome: Existence in an Unfamiliar Climate
There were many reasons why Queen Christina chose Italy, but she did not settle
into her life in Rome easily. The foremost benefit was that in any other country she
would have to subordinate herself to another sovereign. The pope was obviously the
pinnacle of Roman society, but apart from him, no one rightfully claimed superiority over
Christina. Thomas Dandelet diagrams the social hierarchy of patronage in Rome as a
pyramid with the Pope or a monarch at the top. The Roman nobility and cardinals were
next on the spectrum, followed by the Roman people and non-Italian factions. In this
chain of command, the top awarded support to their clients. The nobility and cardinals
(i.e. princes of the church) received patronage from crowned heads or the papacy and
dispersed their benevolence to clients of their own. Members of the bottom accepted
support from above, but did not award commissions themselves. Ambassadors and other
high-ranking diplomats held the unique place of representing their sovereign, who
traditionally did not have a residence in the city. As stand-ins for a royal patron,
ambassadors occupied a place within the hierarchy that was above the cardinals and
nobility but not equal to the pope on top.425 Queen Christina occupied a complicated role
because she was indeed a sovereign, but no longer held dominion over a nation. She was
not equal to the pope or a ruling monarch, so she fell into a special niche. She was
essentially on the same grade as the ambassadors, but asserted that she was their superior,
because she was a true royal while they merely represented one in absentia.
Christina was a stone out of place within the highly structured pyramid, and
protocol precedents were difficult to find. She was only willing to genuflect to the pope,
425
Dandelet, Spanish Rome, 125.
285
and often lost her temper if an ambassador did not bow to her. Christina vehemently
defended her social position; her papers are rife with complaints written to France and
Spain about their diplomats’ lack of respect. Pope Alexander VII Chigi hoped that
Christina would settle into a pious life, but reports of her irascibility caused trepidation
that she was not going to be an ideal daughter of the Church.426 After Cardinal Sforza
Pallavicino reported a disturbatio he witnessed, of Christina screaming and sobbing over
her perception of a slight by the Jesuits brothers at Il Gesù, he updated the pope saying,
Her behavior is only gradually improving; for this is such a delicate matter
that no one dare speak to her about it. With her downright manly
disposition, she lacks any sense of obligation to act with feminine reserve
and comply with the Italians’ own deliberate circumspection. She gives
full vent to her natural high spirits and that excitability which makes it
impossible for her to stay still for long or maintain gravity of voice and
expression, so necessary if people are to respect her and not merely
disparage her.427
Atto Melani, a castrato in Christina’s service, wrote an appeal to his previous employer
complaining that she was habitually impatient and volatile that he wanted to return to his
old position.428 In another instance, her introduction to a relative of Saint Charles
Borromeo, was spoiled when she wryly told him it was obvious that “saintliness was not
426
The concern fueled worry that perhaps her conversion was not sincere, but rather an insidious Protestant
plot to cause the papacy long-term embarrassment. Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 192-193.
427
Ibid., 217.
428
Letter from 8 January 1565 quoted in Roger Freitas, Portrait of a Castrato: Politics, Patronage, and
Music in the Life of Atto Melani (Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 98.
She intimidated performers with threats. When her castrato Antonio “Ciccolino” Rivani left her service,
Christina wrote, “if he does nothing for me, he will not sing for anyone else long.” On one occasion she is
supposed to have locked the doors on her theater so no one could leave the performance without her
permission. Letter from Christina to Giacomo d’Alibert of 7 March 1668, and Avvisi di Roma (6418)
dated 26 February 1678, fol. 58v, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Avvisi di Roma (6414) dated 25
February 1676, fol. 57r, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, as cited in Valeria De Lucca, “Strategies of
Women Patrons of Music and Theatre in Early-Modern Rome: Maria Mancini Colonna, Queen Christina of
Sweden, and Women of their Circle,” Renaissance Studies 25 (2011), 388.
286
an inheritable trait.”429 Christina’s lack of respectability in Rome was evinced in regular
gaffes, routine tantrums and acidic quips.
The political alignment of the Curia when Christina arrived in Rome was split
between Spain and France. She seemed willing to stay neutral initially, but in effect she
disliked both sides. Although she was under Spanish protection when she arrived in
Italy, Christina refused to give them preferential treatment. She disagreed with Spanish
dignitaries so frequently that general Don Antonio de la Cueva wrote to the pope that
Christina was “the biggest putana in the world.” Cueva was polite to the Swedish queen’s
face, but obviously held a different opinion away from her. When Christina apprehended
the situation she wrote to Philp IV that it was only her respect for the Spanish king that
kept her from beating Cueva to death.430 The list of offenses includes a meeting with
Philip IV’s ambassador, Diego Tagliavia d’Aragona, Duke of Terranova, when she
became incensed that the haughty man refused to remove his hat. The ambassador
believed his position was a stand-in for King Philip IV and needed to be received as
Christina’s equal. Terranova also claimed insult by only being offered a tabouret seat
instead of a chair with proper arms, although the tabouret was in fact the customary
furniture used to receive an ambassador.431 Christina protested to Philip IV that she was
appalled that Terranova refused to remove his hat in her presence. The king apologized,
but only after reminding Terranova that he was responsible for maintaining his majesty’s
429
430
Ibid., 224-225.
431
Rodén, Church Politics in Seventeenth-Century Rome, 125-126.
287
sovereign reputation and encouraging him to not acquiesce.432 Christina repeatedly
complained to Philip, eventually succeeding in getting Terranova recalled to Madrid.
The disagreement appears to have been reason enough to shirk her reliance on Spain, and
renew her alliance with Cardinal Mazarin and France.433 Pope Alexander VII Chigi
eventually intervened and instructed her to conduct herself in a manner that reflected
better on the Holy See — reminding her that her papal allowance of 12,000 scudi per
annum could be rescinded for bad behavior. 434 Within six months of her arrival, the
Pope refused to permit her an audience and proposed that she leave Rome.435
Sojourn to France
Christina’s journey to the court of Louis XIV became a French variation of her
entrance into Rome, with triumphal processions and souvenirs to celebrate the occasion.
The art created does not bear the hallmark of her independent patronage, because her
hosts, like the papacy, commissioned artists that presented her as product of its influence.
Christina’s welcome appears to honor, more than just her conversion, a cause more
exciting to Louis XIV’s government: her unraveling alliance with Spain. Christina’s goal
was to become a mediator between France and Spain in their contest to control Naples.
The people of Naples had revolted twice against their Spanish rulers during the first half
of the seventeenth century. Christina involved herself with the idea that she could
432
Letter from Philip IV of Spain to Diego Tagliavia d’Aragona, Duke of Terranova, dated 30 March 1565
in the Archivo del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Archivio de la Embajada de España cerca de la Santa
Sede, Madrid, as cited in Dandelet, Spanish Rome, 207.
433
434
Paul Hoffman, The Vatican’s Women: Female Influence at the Holy See (New York: St. Martin Press,
2002), 26.
435
288
become the king of Naples — taking the territory from Spain while not implicating the
French. Her plan detailed that she lead French troops to take Naples, and rule until
bequeathing the crown to France after her death.436 Images associated with her journey
suggest that the French did not appreciate her regnant sovereignty, and consequently
relegated her to be just another royal woman — a former one at that. It seems that
Christina was initially an honored guest on a diplomatic mission, but her political
adversity prompted subpar esteem and motivated her to lash out, in light of her situation,
with a reaction that irrevocably damaged her reputation.
Initially, Cardinal Mazarin gave instructions that Christina be celebrated and
entertained in every town from Marseilles to Paris. She arrived in the port of Marseille
on 29 July 1656 and was met by Henri de Guise, who escorted her along her six-week
approach to Paris.437 Throughout her visit, Christina was received with curiosity and
amusement, mainly because of her peculiar fashion sense and eccentric behavior. Henri
de Guise wrote in a personal letter,
I feel inclined to send you an amusing description of the Queen of

Sweden… Her hairdress is curious: her large peruke, which she wears far
back on her forehead, is very thick at the sides. In back and in front,
however, thin wisps of her own hair are visible. Her bodice is tied so
tightly in the back that it looks like a man’s doublet. Her shirt sticks out
over her dress, which she wears in slovenly fashion. She rarely wears
436
Queen Christina needed to legitimize her claim to the Naples throne because it was dynastically
controlled by the House of Anjou. Henri de Guise was the closest Anjou descendent, but Christina argued
that she was also a contender by tracing lineage through Vasa relations in Poland that were connected by
blood to the Anjou. Christina presented this heredity with the added promise that she would name a French
prince as her heir. Åkerman, “Raimondo Montecuccoli and Queen Christina’s Betrayal,” 71; and
Goldsmith, Christina of Sweden, 200-201.
437
Mazarin’s orders were that she be met as a ruling head of state and not to be received as a convert by
church representatives, in order to avoid aggravating France’s already complicated alliance with Sweden.
Instead she was praised with epithets such as the tenth muse and the Sappho of our time. Goldsmith,
Christina of Sweden, 202-204; Jacques Lacombe, The History of Christina Queen of Sweden (London:
George Kearsly, 1766), 163; and Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 250.
289
gloves, and she wears men’s shoes, and her voice and manner are very
masculine. She is determined to appear like an Amazon.438
A rather awkward print signed by one Saincton announcing Christina’s arrival in
Marseille depicts her in frankly masculine attire, astride a horse in the pose recalling the
early printed equestrian portraits of her father (Fig. 102). Those who made Christina’s
acquaintance generally focused their remarks on her clothing: “most of the women and
the courtiers of France observed nothing in this queen-philosopher, except that she did
not wear her hair in the French fashion and that she danced badly.439 Even Mademoiselle
de Montpensier, who admired Christina greatly, remarked disparagingly that “she dressed
in an exceedingly dirty yellow petticoat, with a jacket worn quite thread-bare, and a cap.
I thought her now as ugly as she had appeared pretty to me the first time I saw her.”440
Numerous prints document Queen Christina’s journey and were the dominant
medium used to promote her visit throughout France. Most were, like Saincton’s,
equestrian portraits showing her during various stages of travel, but a print series
published by Pierre Mariette presents her in more dignified fashion, like a trophy,
triumphantly processing into Paris riding a stately horse. In subsequent impressions
Christina rides from the coast, along the land, and arrives at court at Fontainebleau.
Taken together, Mariette’s prints simulate a montage of Christina’s travels to the French
capital. The first vignette presents her wearing an outfit reminiscent of Bourdon’s
portraits, with a plumed hat, and riding a white horse named Unicorn, lent to her by Henri
438
439
Margaret Goldsmith attributes this comment to Voltaire, though he was born in 1694, so it would have
been an observation after the fact. Ibid.
440
Quoted in Jacques Lacombe, The History of Christina Queen of Sweden (London: George Kearsly,
1766), 180.
290
Figure 102.Saincton, Christina hunting in men's clothes while visiting France, 1656,
291
de Guise (Fig. 103).441 Christina’s appearance is austere compared with her mount; the
animal is decorated from head to tail with bowed ribbons. A fleet of ships, presumably
French, are visible in the distance below her, while a putto holds a laurel wreath above.
Another print comprises the second leg of the journey in a nearly identical view, with a
procession below in place of the ships (Fig. 104). Close examination reveals that the
group is Christina’s entourage parading with her at the center. The scene therefore
exhibits two simultaneous views of Christina to give an overall image of the cavalcade
while also presenting a close-up audience.
Mariette’s image of Christina arriving at Fontainebleau also shows her riding the
white horse and provides the most convincing visual evidence that the images were based
on precedents of royal women in France (Fig. 105). Christina sits on the horse the same
as the other views and has the putto overhead, but she is bare-headed and her mount lacks
extensive decoration.442 The absence of her hat can indicate a sign of respect to the
hosting monarch, as seen in the equestrian portrait by Bourdon given to Philip IV of
Spain, but a print cannot personalize such a message to one individual audience member.
This portrayal is clearly not just for Louis XIV, because it was designed for mass
consumption. That goal reduces Christina’s respectability as a regnant queen in favor of
dismissing her as a woman of former authority (ie. someone of interest but not
praiseworthy). Aside from the subtle signs of rank, there are not any clear symbols of her
441
Henri de Guise led a French attack on Naples that was supported with by a group of Italian soldiers
sponsored by Queen Chrisitna. Unicorn was his personal horse and he lent it to her for her French journey
as a token of friendship. Curt Weibull, Drottning Christina och Monaldesco (Stockholm: Bokförlaget
natur och culture, 1936), 4; and Åkerman, “Raimondo Montecuccoli and Queen Christina’s Betrayal,” 70.
442
The hat and equestrian adornments are additions Mariette made to his other prints, showing this was the
first completed.
292
Figure 103. Published by Pierre Mariette (French, 1634-1716), Christina travels in

France, c. 1657, engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 270).
293

294

295
royal station. This indicates that the presentation is of French agency, because overt
iconography of Christina’s sovereignty is limited while symbols of her regnant status are
overshadowed by clear precedents of royal women in France — a treatment that offered
her respect, but denied her equal consideration among her male counterparts.
The print is a reworking, or faithful rendition, of a plate picturing Anne of Austria
now at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Fig. 106). Besides the obvious difference
of sitters, the pose, horse, putto, and even the view of the château at Fontainebleau in the
distance are identical for both Anne and Christina. Two notable differences however are
Anne’s attendant, carrying a parasol, and the fact that the putto delivers a crown instead
of the laurel wreath. Why does Anne have a regal crown while Christina does not? It
makes sense that the crown appears with Anne as an attribute of her position, but it is
strange that it was apparently removed in favor of a laurel for Christina. One reason is
that the laurel symbol of accomplishment or fame was an appropriate element for
Christina as she traversed across France. However, it can also be argued that denying her
an overt royal sign reduced her portrayed status. Both queens rightfully deserve to be
shown with the badge of their office — more so for Christina, as queen regnant, than the
queen consort Anne.443
Christina arrived in Paris 8 September 1656, where a party of 22,000 greeted her.
A colored engraving documents Christina’s arrival to reveal the great extent of rich visual
material woven together — referencing many ideas within a singular work (Fig. 107).
443
This hypothesis lends credence to the assumption that Christina did not always receive proper reverence
during her stay in France — a slight that usually irked her deeply. If she objected to the lacking reverence
of her sovereignty, Christina must have kept silent in order to maintain the focus on the sensitive
diplomatic mission of her trip.
296
Figure 106. Unidentified French Artist, Anne of Austria on horseback, n.d. engraving,
Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, France (FOL-QB-201 47).
297
Figure 107. Unidentified artist, Christina receives a throne canopy from city officials at
her entry into Paris, 1657, colored engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden
(SHP Chr C 36).
298
The image is straightforward as a group portrait that describes the pleasantries exchanged
as escorts from the trade guilds delivered her to the city gates. The mayor greeted her at
St. Antoine to present her the keys of the city in the king’s name. Government and
Church leaders, along with representatives from the Academy, Sorbonne, and diplomatic
corps received her wearing gala uniforms. Christina accepted the salutation seated on a
white stallion while wearing a black hat, bearing a Marshall’s staff, and surrounded by
large pistols hanging from her saddle.444 The printed view has a journalistic quality in the
accuracy of the proceedings, but that is not to say that it was entirely original. A double
portrait of Louis XIII and Anne of Austria by Charles Le Brun, reproduced for mass
distribution by Pierre Daret in 1640, bears remarkable similarities to the 1657 print of
Christina (Fig. 108). Queen Anne’s white horse is nearly identical to Christina’s, with its
foreshortened turning head, voluminous mane, and raised foot; both queens’ attitudes on
the animal are also somewhat comparable. Louis XIII’s horse arches its head forward in
the same way as that of the opposing horse greeting Christina: a mixed display of honor
and strength.
Both prints were meant to reach a wide audience, and the print of Christina’s
arrival was recognizable as a design employed by the Bourbon dynasty. The French
applied customary format to Christina in order to make her recognizable as a monarch
while also modeling her celebrity after its own cultural precedents. There is no available
evidence that Christina contributed to the color engraving’s impetus, but she seems to
have approved of the earlier double portrait. A print of Christina and her successor, Karl
X Gustav, created before she left Sweden, is a more direct adaptation of the double
444
Goldsmith, Christina of Sweden, 208-209; and Lacombe, The History of Christina Queen of Sweden,
167.
299
Figure 108. Pierre Daret (French, c.1604-1678), (after) Charles Le Brun (French, 1619-
1690), Published by Pierre Daret ( French, c.1604-1678), Louis XIII and Anne of Austria,
1640, engraving, British Museum, London, United Kingdom (1878,0713.2619).
300
portrait of Louis XIII and Anne of Austria which also precedes the colored engraving
(Fig. 109). Shared elements among the characters in all three prints stress continuity and
balance of power. Anne supports Louis as queen consort, and went on to rule as regent
after his death in 1643, while Karl X Gustav sits beside Christina as an equal, qualified to
rule after abdication. These narratives stress that the future of monarchical power is
secure and communicates that royal unity will endure transition between reigns.
In the 1657 colored print, the adaptation from the earlier composition to depict
Christina joining Parisian officials visually reiterates the permanence of sovereign
authority while celebrating a beneficial coalition. The Franco-Swedish alliance had
historically wrought mutual growth; now it offered Christina an opportunity to seize real
terrestrial power in Italy while becoming a proxy of France’s expanding influence.
Christina’s sumptuous reception highlighted her international celebrity, though not
necessarily for her benefit. The queen’s arrival became a prime opportunity for Paris to
compete with Rome in their ever-growing rivalry. The celebrations in Christina’s honor
was a triumph of her pilgrimage away from Italy, in favor of France, as much as just
welcoming a visiting monarch — after all, she was not a head of state, only a notable
former-ruler. The engraving of Christina’s arrival hints at the cyclical visual dialog
between France and Rome.
While Christina’s appearance here was clearly derived from that of Anne of
Austria in the double portrait with Louis XIII, the ribbons throughout her horse’s mane
suggest an additional source. An image by Giovanni Giacomo de’ Rossi made to
commemorate her arrival in Rome features a steed with animated mane also bedecked
with bows; the similarity of decoration common to both images is pronounced (Fig. 110).
301
Figure 109. Paulus Fürst (publisher, German; Nuremburg, 1608-1666), King Karl X
Gustav and Queen Christina, c. 1654, engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm,
Sweden (SVP 273).
302
Figure 110. Giovanni Giacomo de' Rossi (Italian; Rome, 1627-1691), Queen Christina's
entry into Rome, 1656, etching, Statens Museum of Kunst, Copenhagen, Denmark (401a
63).
303
The comparison suggests the Parisian artists knew of this Roman prototype and
incorporated it into their own design to augment their message of French preeminence.
The flow of artistic exchange can also be seen in the 1656 printed portrait of Christina at
her Roman triumph by Giuseppe Maria Testana (Fig. 95). The view of Christina entering
Paris the following year faithfully repeats the Italian artist’s image of her, in mirror-
image, with only minor adjustments. The fascinating aspect of the Italian image is that
its own visual precedent is French — bringing the dialog full circle, from France to Italy,
and back again. Testana’s work appears to be inspired by Jérôme David’s print of Anne
of Austria on horseback (Fig. 111). David has cropped Daret’s double portrait to focus
on Anne, adjusting her pose to include a commanding gesture. The visual repartee
between contending territories highlights the French interest in using Christina’s arrival
to outshine its Italian rivals.
The primary objective was to stress that Paris was capable of honoring Christina
more magnificently than Rome. After the welcome speeches were given, the group
moved along a six-mile route toward the city center. An estimated 200,000 people lined
the streets and cheered Christina along the way — slowing the procession to a pace that
took five hours to make the journey.445 If it was Paris’ goal to outshine Christina’s
Roman triumph, they succeeded. Cannons fired from the Bastille throughout the parade
and one hundred of Louis XIV’s Swiss Guard formed Christina’s personal escort.446 The
triumphal entrance made its way to Notre Dame for a celebratory service and then
Christina continued on in an open carriage to the Louvre, where she resided in the royal
445
Buckley, Christina Queen of Sweden, 216.
446
Paris was the most populous city Christina visited — it was three to four times the size of Rome and
thirty to forty times that of Stockholm. Buckley, Christina Queen of Sweden, 216.
304
Figure 111. Jérôme David (French, 1600-1662), published by Jean Le Blond I (French,
c.1590-1666), Anne of Austria on Horseback, 1638-1643, engraving, British Museum,
London, United Kingdom (1878,0713.2620).
305
apartments for the next four days.447 Christina was reportedly well received and seemed
quite popular. The only complaints were that she had no female attendants in her
entourage and that she wore a red dress she had been seen in before. Numerous theater
performances were enacted in her honor and she enjoyed being celebrated in such grand
surroundings. Nonetheless, Christina ventured without a retinue to explore the winding
medieval streets and wander around Les Halles independently. Veronica Buckley states,
“She was not at all what the city was accustomed to in personage royale, hopping down
from her chair to chat with the local people, popping into a shop to watch cakes being
baked or a book being printing, rummaging in the market stalls, teasing the children.”448
Cardinal Mazarin finally met with Christina in the French royal court at
Compiègne on 22 September 1656.449 He seemed intrigued by the Naples plot and
encouraged her but stopped short of committing himself to the coup. Christina took the
Cardinal’s attention in hindsight as approval, referring to the agreement as “the treaty she
made with him.” Mazarin, however, gave her no official sponsorship and called it “the
treaty which she suggested.”450 Christina stated her impression in a letter saying,
Mazarin is a careful, clever, and sensitive man, but he makes it his

business to be a man of honor, and this sometimes makes him a hypocrite.
All of his passions are under control; yes, one might say that he has only
one single passion, a very admirable one: ambition… He is a man who
would sacrifice everything to his ambition, and who would spare nothing
to attain his ends. He is not particularly interested in peace, but he is able
to make gullible people believe that he wants peace.451
447
Lacombe, The History of Christina Queen of Sweden, 167.
448
Buckley, Christina Queen of Sweden, 217, 220-221.
449
450
Quoted in Goldsmith, Christina of Sweden, 200-202.
451
Ibid., 210-211.
306
Queen Christina left the Compiègne on 23 September with a small retinue and no
marks of royalty. She traveled to Pesaro, Italy and stayed ten months waiting for the
plague to leave Rome. Mazarin did nothing to advance her Naples plan and Christina lost
patience and returned to Fontainebleau. Despite notifying Mazarin of her return,
Christina was not met with any pomp whatsoever. She stayed two weeks without an
audience of welcome or any notice whatsoever by the court — until news broke that she
had her Equerry Gian Rinaldo Monaldeschi killed.452 Christina accused him of treason
and sentenced him to die shortly after midnight on 10 November 1657. He declared his
innocence, but Christina refused clemency. She supervised as her other servants struck at
him through his chain mail and chased him for hours around the gallery. Rumor and
gossip quickly circulated after Monaldeschi’s death that characterized Christina as a
hysterical and emotionally disturbed woman.453 A passionate love affair gone wrong was
widely speculated to be the cause, but shrewd contemporaries realized that the death was
politically motivated.454
In the subsequent days, Christina came to realize that her political clout in
international affairs would never be considerable as dowager regnant. The snub at
Fontainebleau demonstrates that the lofty position she envisioned for herself was
452
For a detailed eye-witness account of Monaldeschi’s demise see Père Le Bel, “Relation de la mort du
marquis Monaldeschi.” in Voyage dans une partie de la France, ou Lettres descriptive et historiques
adressées à Mademoiselle la Montesse Sophie de Strogonoff, Count Grigorii Vladimirovich Orlov (Paris:
Bossange, 1824). Another version of Le Bel’s testimony, as well as Queen Christina’s response, is quoted
in Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 232-241; Goldsmith, Christina of Sweden, 216-218; and Lacombe, The
History of Christina Queen of Sweden, 176-177.
453
Goldsmith, Christina of Sweden, 222; and Lacombe, The History of Christina Queen of Sweden, 182,
191-192.
454
Cardinal Decio Azzolino wrote that Christina’s plans to take the Neapolitan throne were thwarted by
Monaldeschi, and he was executed for betraying her trust. Letter from Cardinal Decio Azzolino to
Monsignore Marescotti, 13 April 1669, as cited in Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 229.
307
unattainable. Christina’s abdication agreement stated that she retained independent rule
over her own household, yet exacting that right while in another country and inside the
home of another sovereign was perceived as a tremendous faux pas — no matter her
privilege. Mazarin launched into damage-control mode and encouraged Christina to
avoid a scandal by asking her to mask the truth. He implored her to keep silent:
The offence that Your Majesty has committed toward the King of France
is so serious and its consequences could be so shameful for you, that the
Cardinal has not been willing to inform the king that such an attack has
been made in one of his own châteaux. He therefore trusts that Your
Majesty will deny any involvement in this distressing affair.455
Christina responded, “I cannot believe that the King of France assumes any power over
me. That would be incompatible with my birth and my standing, since in that respect I
am the equal of any ruler on earth. I recognize no superior save God alone.”456 Mazarin
appealed to Christina again yet she defiantly refused to submit to his counsel, responding,
I beg you to believe that I will willingly do anything to please you —

except be afraid of you. You must be aware that any man, who is over
thirty, has ceased to be afraid of bogies; and I, for my part, find it much
less difficult to strangle any one than I do to be afraid of them. As for
what I did in regard to Monaldeschi, I assure you that had I not already
done this, I should do so before going to bed tonight. I have no reason to
regret my action, but every reason to be relieved by it.457
Christina had entered Paris in triumph only to outlast her welcome and depart
amidst scandal. The French soon regarded her as defiantly arrogant and downright
bloodthirsty, not so much because a man had died in her service, but rather for the
gruesome way in which the act was carried out, and, more so, where he was killed. The
debate of whether Christina had the right to pronounce a death sentence lingered in the
455
Letter from Cardinal Mazarin to Queen Christina quoted in Buckley, Christina Queen of Sweden, 241.
456
Letter from Queen Christina to Cardinal Mazarin quoted in Buckley, Christina Queen of Sweden, 241.
457
Letter from Queen Christina to Cardinal Mazarin quoted in Goldsmith, Christina of Sweden, 222.
308
decades following her visit and inspired artists in the nineteenth century to represent her
as a femme fatale. Felicie de Fauveau’s 1827 bas-relief depicts a scene consistent with
witness accounts of Monaldeschi pleading for his life before the hard-hearted queen as
she refused to recant her decision. The infamous exchange between Christina and her
doomed emissary also became fodder for Alexandre Dumas’ Christine: Stockholm,
Fontainebleau et Rome and for a painting by Eugène Delacroix based on the play.
Despite the catastrophic fallout of her choice, Christina was arguably authorized to have
Monaldeschi killed because he was her personal attendant, and she had retained full
sovereignty over her household. Christina’s frustration with Mazarin’s lack of action
regarding Naples seems to have motivated her to exercise her rights as dowager regnant
— a punitive reminder of her sovereign authority.
The fallout, however, was a devastating blow to Christina’s ability to influence
current events because her credibility was so drastically diminished. Her fiduciary
position was not much better, so much so that Mazarin paid her travel expenses to
expedite an exodus she could otherwise not afford. Despite her dowager regnant
position, Christina was now unwanted, insolvent, and ridiculed as a bloodthirsty deviant;
she was in desperate need to reclaim some sense of authority.458
Sojourn to Sweden
Christina’s situation grew worse with death of Karl X Gustav in 1660, causing her
to return to Sweden.459 She was supposed to be given a post-abdication pension of
458
Cardinal Sforza Pallavicini wrote that “the antechambers of the queen, which in other times had been
filled with prelates and barons, now seemed a desert.” Quoted in Rodén, Queen Christina, 24.
459
Karl X Gustav revived Gustav II Adolf’s quest to consolidate the Baltic territories into a single
Scandinavian Empire by setting his sights on conquering the Danish sound. He took advantage of the hard
winter weather in January 1658 to march across the frozen sea in a brilliant victory that took the Danes by
surprise. When he died in 1660, Sweden was 10 million Riksdalers in debt because many of Karl’s
309
200,000 Riksdaler, but barely received a third of that amount. Christina set out to secure
her apanage by traveling to address the Rikstag, only to receive a formal letter before she
arrived informing her that she was not welcome and instructing her to return to Rome.460
She responded with an ultimatum that default obliged her to retake the throne should the
new king’s fragile health result in his death without a successor. She waited for a reply in
Norrköping by spending the time sitting for a portrait and directing a set of paintings to
be given to Sweden’s current leaders.
A painting by Abraham Wuchters presents Christina in a three-quarters portrait,
complete with a backdrop of battle (Fig. 112).461 Christina’s white dress is reminiscent of
David Beck’s elegant 1650 portrait of her in satin — an image known within the Swedish
court (Fig. 73). But the fashion’s softness is offset here by Christina’s pose and the
warfare staged beyond the curtain. Her rigid pose appears aggressively defensive; her
hand on her hip juts her elbow directly toward the viewer, in the assertive body language
known as the Renaissance elbow — a gesture indicative of bold control. The pose is an
expression of the self-possession associated with those accustomed to giving commands.
Joaneath Spicer defines the Renaissance elbow as a masculine format typically presented
military endeavors were financed by credit. With the added expenses of a 2.5 million Riksdalers annual
military budget, the country’s finances were deplorable, and the treasury was forced to impose rigid
austerity measures to avoid default. Maintenance for their former queen was the least of their concerns, yet
Christina persisted over the next decade to receive her pension. Childs, Warfare in the Seventeenth
Century, 117; and Roberts, The Swedish Imperial Experience, 40, 55.
460
The Riksdag went so far as to pass a law forbidding Swedish citizens from being members of the
Catholic Church — even the monarch. Christina was not allowed entry based, in part, on her conversion.
Kari Elisabeth Børrensen, “Converts ab Aquilone: Queen Christina and Nicolaus Steno,” in Kirke,
protestantisme og samfunn, editors, Roger Jensen, Dag Thorkildsen, Aud V. Tønnesen (Trondheim, 2006),
105.
461
Sven Stolpe asserts in his commentary on Christina’s portraits that Wuchters was the only artists “who
dared to tell the truth about her.” Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 339.
310
Figure 112. Abraham Wuchters (Dutch, 1608-1682), Queen Christina of Sweden, c.

1661, oil on canvas, Skoklosters Slott, Skokloster, Sweden (615).
311
as an authority extending one arm, sometimes holding a scepter, with the other akimbo.462
In defiance of the motif’s traditionally male preserve, Christina deploys it to define her
own role, one that is likewise protective and controlling. The vivid blue sash, ribbon, and
jewel-pinned bow at the elbow draw attention to the assertive pose, and the decorative
loops on her upper arm recall shoulder guards of Imperial Roman armor to stress still
further that, despite her feminine attire, she is battle-ready.
Wuchters also painted a portrait group of Sweden’s royals for Christina to give as
gifts. A painting of the deceased Karl X Gustav memorializes his status as the warrior
king, which Christina had promoted during her abdication negotiations (Fig. 113). The
full-length image of Karl dressed in armor alongside the Swedish regalia draws upon the
portrait format Jacob Heinrich Elbfas had utilized during the reign of Gustav II Adolf and
Christina. Wuchters employs a similar design for his portrayal of Queen Hedvig
Eleonora, now queen regent for her son’s minority (Fig. 114). The artist portrays the
current queen wearing a dress nearly identical to that in Christina’s portrait — a tactic
that would remind Hedvig that they were both queens of Sweden while stressing that
Christina was the more senior of the two.463 Moreover, Christina was queen by virtue of
her sovereign blood while Hedvig could not claim the same legitimate birthright.
Christina’s determination to abdicate and crown Karl X Gustav was what elevated
462
Joaneath Spicer, "The Renaissance Elbow," in A Cultural History of Gesture, editors, Jan Bremmer and
Herman Roodenburgh (Oxford: Polity Press, 1991), 85, 93.
463
Hedvig Eleonora of Holstein-Gottorp was married to Karl X Gustav on 24 October 1654 when she was
eighteen years old, and was a widow by the time she was twenty-three. Hedvig reigned as Dowager Queen
of Sweden for fifty-five years. In light of the heir being so frail, the constitutional rewrite of 1634 was
overturned in 1660 to name Hedvig Karl XI’s Regent, and safeguarding against Christina’s claim to the
throne. Hedvig was made Regent a second time when her grandson, Karl XII, became king in 1692.
Granlund, "Queen Hedwig Eleonora of Sweden,” 57-58; and Roberts, Sweden as a Great Power, 49-50.
312
Figure 113. Abraham Wuchters (Dutch, 1608-1682), Karl X Gustav, c. 1660., oil on
canvas, Nationalmuseum-Statens Portrattsamling, Gripsholm, Sweden (NMGrh 464).
313
Figure 114. Abraham Wuchters (Dutch, 1608-1682), Queen Hedvig Eleonora, c. 1660,
oil on copper, Nationalmuseum-Statens Portrattsamling, Gripsholm, Sweden (NMGrh
469).
314
Hedvig — she was indebted to the dowager regnant for the position she had come to
occupy. Wuchters’ full-length format for Hedvig makes her seem even more diminutive
compared with the tightly-framed and fuller-figured Christina, lending gravity to the
image of Christina while making Hedvig appear less significant. Both women display
their scepters in a similar position, but Christina’s is considerably larger.
The program also included a painting of Karl XI emerging onto a battlefield (Fig.
115). The five-year-old boy is dwarfed by the space of the image, making him look frail
compared to his parents. Wuchters situates Karl XI all alone, outside the castle’s
defenses, resting his tiny pale hand upon a cannon. His gesture denotes that he is fated to
follow in line with his father and Gustav II Adolf — warrior kings who did not enjoy
long life. The towering dark sky warns of a bleak future, peril Christina had formally
threatened to capitalize on should he fail to satisfy her demands. Karl XI and Hedvig
Eleonora’s legitimate positions were made possible by Christina’s desire to place Karl X
Gustav on the throne. These portraits commend Karl X Gustav for honoring his promise
to financially maintain the dowager regnant, while compelling the current monarchs to
sustain that assistance.
In another particularly striking portrait by Wuchters from the same time, Christina
slumps before an utterly black background, staring outward with a dour expression (Fig.
116). The simple format does not excuse the viewer from her glare — the queen’s mien is
raw and inescapable. Her lower lip protrudes, as if to speak, but it is her eyes that lock
the gaze. Wuchters’ painting is more exacting than Christina’s other presentation. By
1660, she seems more dejected, acrimonious, perhaps even remorseful of giving up
315
Figure 115. Abraham Wuchters (Dutch, 1608-1682), Karl XI, c. 1660, oil on copper,
Nationalmuseum-Statens Portrattsamling, Gripsholm, Sweden (NMGrh 447).
316
Figure 116. Abraham Wuchters (Dutch, 1608-1682), Christina of Sweden, 1660, oil on
board, Universitetes Konstsamlingar, Uppsala, Sweden (UU 381).
317
the crown.464 Financial strain was of grave concern to Christina; it was in fact her
motivation for traveling to Sweden, since she had had Karl X Gustav’s promise that she
would receive lifelong financial maintenance, but there was no such assurance from his
heir. The years following abdication had brought papal disregard, scandal in France, and
wars that interrupted her Swedish revenues. Yet in the event, reasserting herself in
Sweden went a long way towards rectifying her business affairs and laid the groundwork
for salvaging her credibility across Europe. 465
Return to Rome: Revival 1665-1668
The mid 1660s was a transformative period for Christina as she rebounded from
the disappointments that had plagued her the previous decade. She embarked on an
agenda to rebuild her battered reputation by returning to iconography from early in her
career and inserting herself into papal politics. A medal by Gioacchino Francesco Travani
from 1664/1665 demonstrates how Christina drew upon imagery tested in her youth for
her Roman audience (Fig. 117).466 The recto face shows Christina as Minerva with
Regina Christina circling her helmed profile. This image is a modification of an earlier
medal commission Christina had awarded to Alberto Hamerani after her return from
France in 1659 (Fig. 118). Hamerani’s unsigned medal is about twice as large as the
Travani medal and is only one-sided; the opposing side is only the back of the casting.
464
Veronica Buckley assessment is that, “the reality of life without a crown has begun to bite, and her
proud expression has become wary and defensive.” Buckley, Christina Queen of Sweden, 178-179. Yet this
opinion discounts Christina’s comportment as a tenacious non-conformist set on an independent lifestyle
defined on her own terms. Christina’s subsequent art patronage was to prove that the waning of her
influence circa 1660 would not endure.
465
Albert Haelwegh reproduced Wuchters’ stark portrait and the large-scale engraving was widely
distributed. An impression is located at the Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm (SVP 166).
466
Bildt states that the medal was commissioned in 1664, but the date 1665 appears on the medal’s verso
side. Bildt, Les Medailles romaines de Christine de Suède, 45-46.
318
Figure 117. Gioacchino Francesco Travani (Italian; Rome, active 1650-

1675), Makelös, 1665, bronze, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S
311.104).
Figure 118. Alberto Hamerani (Italian; Rome, 1620-1677), Christina Alexandra, 1659,
bronze, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 323.127).
319
The later medal is clearly modeled after the earlier project, but focuses on Christina’s
head and neck instead of the larger bust. The hair and collar are the same, and the helmet
is quite similar. The only real difference is the sphinx attribute in Hamerani’s work,
which Travani removes in favor of a bladed crest.
The verso side of the 1665 medal has the date and an image of a phoenix atop a
pyre. Bildt attributes the rising phoenix as a reference to the metamorphosis described by
Dante in the Inferno, which was popular at the time.467 However, this was not the first
use of a phoenix in representations of Christina. A medal Christina’s Regents
commissioned from Sebastian Dadler the year she became Queen of Sweden displays a
similar theme (Fig. 119). Christina’s image and title is on the recto while a burning
phoenix is perched beneath a sun on the verso. The medal’s legend reads “phoenix, born
out of the ashes of Gustav's phoenix.468” The three mountains are metaphors for the three
Scandinavian countries of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, but they are also a reference
to the three-crown emblem of the Swedish state. The greatest peak stands for Sweden
and the beast atop it symbolizes the monarch — once Gustav II Adolf, but now reborn in
Christina. This image helped legitimize Christina’s ascent to the throne, but now it made
the connection with her father to remind people of her status. She was a regnant queen
by divine right and entitled respect as such.
An even more direct template for the phoenix on Travani’s medal is another
medal from the beginning of Christina’s reign, in 1632, by Friedrich Fechter (Fig. 120).
Fechter’s recto displays the profile of Gustav II Adolf with a verso legend that reads
467
Dante Alighieri, La visione: poema diviso in Inferno, Purgatorio, Paradiso (Padoua: Donato Pasquardi,
1629), 392-408 as cited in Bildt, Les Medailles romaines de Christine de Suède, 45-46.
468
“Phoenix phoenicis Gustavi e funera nata.”
320
Figure 119. Sebastian Dadler (German, active 1619-1653), Phoenix Phoenicis Gustavi E
Funera Nata, 1632, silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 253.1).
Figure 120. Friedrich Fechter (Swiss; Basel, active 1629-1653), Perit ut vivat, 1632, gilt
silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 200.204).
321
“he dies that he may live.”469 This likewise emphasizes the enduring nature of
monarchical authority. Christina’s reassociation with the phoenix in Travani’s 1665
medal affirmed the permanence of her regal position, asserting her royal prerogative even
in the aftermath of the Monaldeschi affair.
Travani’s medal features the legend of “magnificent” to describe Christina in an
intellectually droll manner. 470 The Greek word MAKEΛΩΣ (Makelos) means
magnificent or peerless. This was certainly the most obvious interpretation based on the
language in which the word is written. However, Makelos also has a second meaning in
Christina’s native land—the original realm of her power. The Swedish word for Makelos
is Makelös; a term that refers to an unwed woman; Christina was Sweden’s Makelös
queen, comparable to Elizabeth I Tudor as England’s virgin queen. Christina presented
Travani’s medal as a gift to friends, scholars, and leading figures in Rome as a puzzle
needing solving. She seems to have taken pleasure watching curious recipients examine
and contemplate her medal’s composition and the meanings imbedded in its multiple
interpretations.471 Makelos Makelös — a magnificent independent woman whose power
originates and endures as divine will.
Carnival Displays: Social Competition
Christina deployed that visual pageantry most strategically in an ongoing rivalry
with Maria Mancini-Colonna, another great noble patroness. Mancini-Colonna was a
niece of Cardinal Mazarin and the mistress of Louis XIV of France before moving to
469
“perit ut vivat.”
470
The original Greek text reads “MAKEΛΩΣ” which is translated into Swedish as “Makelös” or
“Magnificent” in English.
471
322
Rome in 1661 to marry Lorenzo Colonna. Maria was a formidable social rival who
easily outspent Christina. Moreover, as the darling of Roman society, she had an
extensive network of political connections. The Roman Carnival became an annual event
for the two to showcase themselves, each in an attempt to outshine the other.
In 1656, Christina presented herself during carnival by building a grand
spectator’s box where the Corso meets the Piazza Venezia and used it rather than joining
the parade. A contemporary description tells that the two-tiered balcony was attached to
the façade of a palazzo and cost 3000 scudi to build.472 Giovanni Battista Falda’s
engraving of Christina’s box records how the impressive structure visually dominated the
piazza (Fig. 121). Decorous brocade fabrics jut into the surrounding space, anchored by
cables tethered to adjacent buildings. The focal point is a huge crown over the queen’s
seat. The oversized icon symbolized the success she alone enjoyed as a female patron and
highlighted her exceptional status. It is hard to determine where Christina is though
because her place of honor, beneath the crown, is vacant. The queen occupies the
crowned box’s lower tier; she is accompanied by guests, and leans out to observe the
festivities below — along with making sure she is more visible. Carriages and crowds
bustle at ground level, revealing the congested side streets to add to the excitement. This
was the epicenter of the city’s most vibrant festival and Christina made sure she was at
the very heart of it.
Carnival in Rome was a week of festivities that included a grand parade and
several days of races down the Corso. The Jews’ street race opened the celebration on a
Monday. The race tradition was begun during the early middle ages, when the city’s
472
323
Figure 121. Giovanni Battista Falda (Italian; Rome, 1643-1678), published by Giovanni
Giacomo de' Rossi (Italian; Rome, 1627-1691), Queen Christina's box for Carnival at
Piazza San Marco on the Corso, 1656, engraving, Museo di Roma, Rome, Italy (GS 96).
324
oldest Jew was placed in a cask of nails and rolled down the Monte Testaccio. Over the
centuries it evolved into a quasi-competition that herded Jewish men down the Corso,
either naked or clothed. The Jewish moneylending enterprise was truly the multinational
corporation of their day and Jews helped finance civic-minded endeavors all across
Europe.473 Nonetheless, the Jews were forced to participate in carnival as subjects of
public ridicule. Christina deemed the exploitative race a repulsive excuse to practice anti-
Semitism in public, and she was a leading advocate for the papacy to finally ban the
event in 1668.474 She wrote a manifesto in 1686 in which she called herself prottetoria
delli miserabii, delli oppressi et attriti, a title that claimed dominion over the Jewish
ghetto to safeguard that the race never returned during her lifetime.475
Throughout carnival week, the races were for horses and willing participants.
Tuesdays were dedicated to a horse race of mares, stallions, and Barberi horses.
Wednesdays were runs for mares only, and Thursdays were races of men and boys.
Saturday was an entire day of stallion competitions followed by the great Barberi final
run on Monday. The competitive runs were consistent every year, but the quality of the
mascherate parade fluctuated every year. The mascherate was a procession down the
Corso where noble families entered floats with passengers dressed as mythological or
historical personages. The mascherate varied every year depending on which
participants decided to contribute and the degree of competition among sponsors. If
rumor had it that one family was planning a lavish display, others followed suit to save
473
Childs, Warfare in the Seventeenth Century, 151.
474
475
325
face.476 Another reason the character of the carnival changed every year depended on the
attitude of the reigning pope and if patrons were interested or present in the city at the
time. The mutable support for carnival in Rome made it a cosmopolitan display compared
to the celebration in other cities. Its Venetian counterpart, for example, had more
uniformed participation from the aristocracy which contributed annually and created
consistent pageantry. The Roman carnival by comparison was dependably chaotic and
underfunded by the lack of routine patrons.477
Amidst the chaos was opportunity. Although Christina and Maria Mancini-
Colonna were similar patrons as far as subject and media, their approaches to patronage
demonstrates that they were quite different personalities. Christina seems to have
consciously suppressed her feminine characteristics in order to exercise her masculine
traits. Maria, on the other hand, flaunted her sensuality, nonchalantly fueling gossip of
her sexual exploits.478 Christina and Maria often flew in the face of expectations, but
Christina occupied the moral high ground because, compared to Maria, she appeared
erudite and chaste. Maria’s participation in the carnival parade boldly violated
ordinances forbidding women from appearing in public costumed or masked.479 De
Lucca suggests that “the appearance of the noble lady in the parade must have been a
476
477
Ibid., 70.
478
Valeria De Lucca, “Strategies of Women Patrons of Music and Theatre in Early-Modern Rome: Maria
Mancini Colonna, Queen Christina of Sweden, and Women of their Circle,” Renaissance Studies 25
(2011), 377.
479
Maria Mancini set the standard for elaborate carnival floats and would appear in the parade attended by
scores of cavaliers. Filippo Clementi, Il Carneval romano nelle cronache contempranee (Roma:
Tiberina, 1899), 467.
326
stunning site for the public that gathered to attend the carnival celebrations.”480 In spite of
her financial shortcomings, Christina drew on stratagem to embarrass Maria and
demonstrate that she was a contender. When the Colonna household decided to exhibit a
group of musicians in the Venetian Carnival of 1666, Christina sabotaged their plans after
the Colonna had departed by detaining their orchestra with promises of a lucrative opera
commission — a performance she never fulfilled.481
Christina went north a second time to petition Sweden for financial maintenance,
but when she returned to the 1669 carnival Maria Mancini-Colonna had regained
supremacy over the festival.482 Maria’s plan was to participate in the mascherate parade
dressed at the beautiful sorceress, Armida, accompanied with two dozen dashing
cavaliers dressed as Turks. Christina responded by having her observation box
reassembled to face the central piazza. Pierre-Paul Sevin drew a sketch of the queen’s
grandstand which shows that it was extended along the façade of the adjoining building
(Fig. 122). The crown surmounts the royal box again, but this time the seat has been
relocated to the broad side to oversee the entire square. The enormity of Christina’s
personal box dwarfed the floats Maria or anyone else drove in the mascherate. The
monumental construction, complete with Christina’s signature crown, expressed the
dowager regnant’s incredible power and influence; yet the full extent of her resources
was only complete with the presence of a stellar entourage.
480
De Lucca, “Strategies of Women Patrons of Music,” 376.
481
Clementi, Il Carneval romano, 471.
482
Christina left Rome in May 1666 to travel to Hamburg and sort out her financial affairs with Sweden.
She stayed there until October 1668. Rodén, Church Politics in Seventeenth-Century Rome, 178.
327
Figure 122. Pierre-Paul Sevin (French, 1650-1710), Carnival Tournament in the Piazza
San Marco, 1669, Drawing, Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMH THC 3616).
328
Christina inaugurated her box by arriving at the carnival tournament accompanied
by half the Curia. Eye-witness accounts report that the crowd was astounded that such an
eminent group gathered with Christina and, moreover, that she appeared dressed in a
splendid gown.483 One chronicler questions who had a more impressive following,
Princess Maria Mancini-Colonna with twenty-four Turks, or the Queen of Sweden with
twenty-four Cardinals!484 The rivalry between Christina and Maria abated in subsequent
years as the Mancini-Colonna union broke apart and the artists in their service began to
seek Christina’s patronage.485 Jacob-Ferdinand Voet was a principal artist for Maria who
painted for Christina over the following decade. Voet arrived in Rome in 1663 and had
considerable success catering to avant-garde-minded women.486 His first portrait of
Christina portrays her in a low-cut dress seated with her coronation robe and holding a
golden orb (Fig. 123). Voet’s painting flatters Christina more than her other portraits,
employing the style the artist had developed in Maria’s service. Christina’s flesh is
supple and alluring, her face smooth and soft with an arguably enticing gaze. This is the
golden woman who rose to dominate the pinnacle of Roman spectacle with a giant gilt
crown — the crown that proclaimed Christina’s perpetual sovereignty.
483
Bjurström, Feast and Theatre, 81; and De Lucca, “Strategies of Women Patrons of Music,” 376.
484
Avvisi di Roma, Archivio di Stato, Genoa, as quoted in Clementi, Il Carneval romano, 497.
485
Maria Mancini and Lorenzo Colonna began living separately as she supposedly became the mistress of
Cardinal Flavio Chigi, the papal nephew. Tensions in the Mancini-Colonna marriage came to a head in
1672, when Lorenzo is believed to have attempted to poison Maria, driving her to flee Rome and live the
remainder of her life exiled in a Spanish convent. De Lucca, “Strategies of Women Patrons of Music,” 374;
and Stolpe, Christina of Sweden, 208-209.
486
Jacob-Ferdinand Voet worked in Rome until he was banished on 29 January 1678 by Pope Innocent XI
Odescalchi. Innocent condemned Voet saying that his “paintbrush was a tool for lasciviousness and his
house continually thronged with ladies and cavaliers buying portraits (per essere il suo pennello
strummento alla libidine e la sua casa un continuo ricetto di dame e cavalieri che compravano ritatti).”
Quoted in Christina Geddo, “New Light on the Career of Jacob-Ferdinand Voet,” The Burlington Magazine
143, no. 1176 (March 2001), 143.
329
Figure 123. Jacob-Ferdinand Voet (Flemish, 1639-c.1700), Christina of Sweden, oil on

canvas, c. 1670, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence, Italy (2810).
330
Association with the Squadrone Volante and Pope Clement IX Rospigliosi
Queen Christina nurtured a network of contacts in Rome that helped her maintain
status, usually through her association with well-respected cardinals. Chief among them
was Cardinal Decio Azzolino, because he involved her with the political life of the papal
court by having her support his Squadrone Volante faction inside the Sacred College of
Cardinals.487 The Squadrone Volante was a band of eleven independent cardinals who
broke from the Pamphilj faction to endorse abolishing nepotism and call for reforms that
rejected dynastic ties.488 They were initially perceived as a rebel group that lacked
credibility, but soon developed into a coherent party with a defined platform. Although
the Squadrone Volante did not have an official leader, Azzolino acted as its spokesman.
Queen Christina supported the initiative by acting as its patron to give them legitimacy as
a political entity.489 Her role within the group was usually held by a papal nephew, who
acted as a facilitator and guardian figurehead. As the tradition of nepotism began its slow
death, Christina inserted herself into a position that allowed her an independent function
within the papal court. This allowed her to discontinue her reliance on Spain, France, or
even Sweden, and occupy a niche where she was never a subject — a place of perpetual
sovereignty as a papal nephew in all but name. The Squadrone Volante attained
considerable influence within the Sacred College of Cardinals and became a deciding
487
Cardinal Decio Azzolino began his career in Rome working with the Barberini faction in the College of
Cardinals, but as their influence began to wane in the 1640s, he found support from Donna Olimpia
Maidalchini. Maidalchini proved to be a steadfast patron and facilitated his rise within the Vatican, even
though his association with her was not always positive. Azzolinio’s aptitude for breaking codes and
getting information made him a valuable member of the papal entourage. Rodén, Church Politics in
Seventeenth-Century Rome, 53-56.
488
Papal government has often been characterized by the flux among ruling popes. The long rule of Urban
VIII Barberini provided over two decades of continuity. The Barberini era is known for its unapologetic
nepotism as much as for its patronage of the arts. Ibid., 13, 21, 23, 44.
489
Ibid., 109, 124.
331
swing vote for the conclave of 1667 — when they managed to secure the papal throne for
one of their own.
The election of Giulio Rospigliosi to succeed Alexander VII Chigi as Pope
Clement IX Rospigliosi was a glorious period for Christina.490 One sign of her privilege
is recorded in ceremonial instructions that address protocols expected of elevated
cardinals. The document instructs that ”the newly appointed cardinal, after receiving his
biretta, should visit the entire Sacred College and the Queen of Sweden wearing his full
vestments.”491 The requirement demonstrates the prominence Christina enjoyed,
including an annual pension of 12,000 scudi — equal to a cardinal’s salary.492 The
pope’s generosity was likely a sign of his gratitude for Christina’s association with the
Squadrone Volante faction and her ardent campaigning during the conclave that resulted
in his election. Christina was in Hamburg during the vote, but returned to her home at
the Palazzo Riario in Rome after the results, followed by a celebration in her honor on 9
December 1668. The pope sent his nephew, Don Giambattista Rospigliosi, to escort
Christina to the Porta del Popolo and lead her in a military parade of Swiss Guard to the
Quirinal Palace. She was then given the exceptional honor of dining with the pope at a
banquet.
490
Giulio Rospigliosi had a long career in papal diplomatic service before being elected pope. He was the
secretary of letters to princes (1641-1644), nuncio at the embassy in Madrid (1644-1653) and then
Secretary of State under Pope Alexander VII Chigi (1655-1667). Rodén, “Servants of the Church in an Age
of Transition,” 99.
491
492
Queen Christina was initially awarded 12,000 scudi from Pope Alexander VII Chigi in 1655, but her
pension was revoked as punishment for bad behavior. Clement IX Rospigliosi reinstated her salary, which
she earned each year until 1683, when Pope Innocent XI Odescalchi halted it for good. Rodén, Church
Politics in Seventeenth-Century Rome, 210.
332
Queen Christina’s first triumphal entrance to Rome is well documented in printed
images and written descriptions, but later events are not as thoroughly recorded. An
exception is a volume of sketches in Sweden’s Nationalmuseum that describe some
events from 1668.493 A colored drawing by Pierre-Paul Sevin shows a curious scene of
Christina dining with Pope Clement IX Rospigliosi (Fig. 124). The two sit beside each
other to eat together underneath a baldachin canopy, but their tables are not level. The
room is hung with red brocade embroidered with gold all around, and a great tapestry of
the Virgin seated on an orb flanked by justice and charity with lions serving as a
backdrop.494 Details within Sevin’s drawing show the level of control executed during the
dinner. The audience was kept away from the tables by a balustrade installed around the
dining space. Only men were allowed into the chamber, but women were permitted to
attend behind the wall hangings. The wall to the left shows the peepholes ladies were
permitted to use — faces peering into the room are noticeable. Musicians who performed
during the meal are also visible within a niche beside the peepholes. Courses were timed
so that attendants entered the back doors simultaneously to serve Clement and Christina
at the same time. A server carrying a tray walks toward the right door indicating that
another volley of delicacies is about to be brought out. There were four meat dishes,
493
The sketchbook’s provenance goes back to Karl Gustav Tessin’s collection. The first page has a
notation reading “Feu mon Pere l’aperté de Rome (My late father’s work from Rome).” The inscription
suggests that Tessin inherited the drawings from his father, Nicodemus Tessin the younger, which were
gathered during his journeys to Rome in 1673-1678 and 1688. There is debate among scholars who the
drawings are by, but the generally accepted attribution is of Pierre Paul Sevin because he was a known
associate of both Christina and Tessin who was in Italy from 1666-1671. Bjurström, Feast and Theatre, 47.
494
Terra Murdoch claims that this is the same tapestry still hanging behind the papal throne during public
consistories at St. Peter’s Basilica. Murdoch, “Queen Christina of Sweden as a Patron of Music,” 269.
333
Figure 124. Pierre-Paul Sevin (French, 1650-1710), Banquet in honor of Clement IX and
Christina of Sweden on 9 of December 1667, 1667, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm,
Sweden (H Uts B. 89).
334
numerous sweets, and wine. Centerpieces of spun sugar were removed at the start of the
meal, and then brought back at the end with a wide variety of desserts and fruit.495
Written accounts describe that the festivity between Christina and the pope was
relaxed and cordial, but that protocols adhered to proper etiquette.496 Pope Alexander VII
Chigi’s welcoming banquet of 1655 was cited as precedent, which explains the table
arrangements. Sevin shows both tables situated on a raised platform but the pope’s is
taller; Christina’s royal status required that she sit higher than those around her, but not
high enough to be on the same level as his Holiness. Clement IX’s table is wider and had
a red velvet under-cloth, while Christina’s was red silk. A large white table cloth edged in
gold was laid overtop both tables.497 Sevin’s drawing demonstrates how Clement IX’s
table is centered in the room, entirely under the baldachin, while Christina’s is set only
part way beneath the canopy. The 1655 banquet only permitted Christina to be partially
under the papal baldachin, but it appears that she is nearly covered in Sevin’s illustration.
The more intimate proximity may be because the two tables were allowed to touch as a
gesture of friendship, whereas in the past Christina was kept at a distance. They were not
so close as to be able to speak though, so a monsignor (apparently not pictured) was
stationed between them to relay comments back and forth. Christina insisted on
presenting Clement IX’s napkin to him at the start of the meal and the pope had an extra
chair placed at his table at its conclusion for Christina to come over to chat.498
495
496
Baron Carl Bildt, “Un banchetto al Quirinal nel seicento, Nuova antalogia di lettere, scienze ed arti,”
Ord och Bild 10 (1901), 81-86.
497
498
Murdoch, “Queen Christina of Sweden as a Patron of Music,” 269; and Bjurström, Feast and Theatre,
52-58.
335
Queen Christina’s chair was a fantastic upgrade from Bernini’s custom-made
midsized back seat with smaller rounded arms from 1655. The chairs for the pope and
Christina were comparable with the only differences being that her arms were not gilded
or upholstered and did not have ornamental caps. The similarities are significant because
they indicate that Christina was almost as important as the pope — a remarkable visual
statement within such a rigidly stratified social hierarchy. Ten years of patronage helped
Christina reshape public opinion and rebuild her social standing in Rome. Her efforts
took the form of medals, carnival appearances, and many academic meetings in her
salons. The result was a tightly-knit select group of allies she relied on to respect her
sovereignty. Christina’s association with Cardinal Decio Azzolino and the Squadrone
Volante allowed her to attain a level of political influence inside the Vatican unthinkable
for any other woman of the age. Christina’s rebound from social humiliation to public
acclaim is truly outstanding, and all it took was getting a friend to be elected pope.
Gloria Deo: Medals for Academy Members
Christina founded several academies that gathered the brightest of Rome’s
intelligentsia to her home for scholastic discussion. The Academia Regia della Laeta di
Svetzia was initiated on 24 January 1656, shortly after her arrival to Rome.499 She later
revived the group as her Accademia Reale in 1674 with founding members from the
Curia, including Giovanni Francesco Albani (later Pope Clement XI Albani), and an
entourage of poets.500 There were only eleven initial members, but the collective had the
499
Murdoch, “Queen Christina of Sweden as a Patron of Music,” 268, 271; and Åkerman, Queen Christina
of Sweden and Her Circle, 228.
500
The poets she invited were from Vincenzo Leonino’s group of anti-Marino writers. Christina’s
Accademia Reale became the Accademia dell’Arcadia in 1690. Vernon Hyde Minor, The Death of the
Baroque and the Rhetoric of Good Taste (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 115.
336
prestige of being under Christina’s protection and the privilege of gathering within her
personal residence.501 The group pondered over typical discussion questions such as why
some countries were fruitful while others remain barren, or why writing poetry is easier
in the evenings.502 Christina commissioned medals to give as favors, and these souvenirs
served as conversation pieces.503
Legends and images were the topic of medal-focused dialog, and their
consideration helped refine the artistic ideology accepted by the membership. Giovanni
Pietro Bellori was a regular participant at Christina’s academy gatherings, and wrote his
Vita dei pittori, scultori, ed architetti while in her service. Bellori was assisted by Nicolas
Poussin, and their text highlighted the contributions of classically inspired artists. Their
text went against the comprehensive approach of Vasari and Baglione’s artist
biographies, instead selecting subjects that complemented or contradicted the value of
Greco-Roman aesthetic. Bellori’s Vita condemned Mannerist and Baroque styles as
fanciful or too natural; Caravaggio’s work was criticized as mimesis that lacked
idealism.504 The prevailing attitude of Christina’s scholars seems to be that statues from
501
While the Accademia Reale had Queen Christina’s endorsement, she does not appear to have given them
any financial assistance. Another group that Christina supported was the Accademis Fisica–Mathematica
— founded by Giovanni Giustini Ciampini, a papal prelate, under her patronage in 1678. The group
represented a revival of mathematics, astronomy and other sciences not present in Rome since the
beginning of the seventeenth-century. English gentleman traveling on the grand tour made a point to visit
Queen Christina at the Palazzo Riario and take part in academy meetings. The Palazzo Riario is now the
Palazzo Corsini and the seat of the present Accademia dei Lincei. Alan Cook, “Rome and the Royal
Society, 1660-1740,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 58, no. 1 (January 2004), 4-6, 10-
11.
502
Ruth Stephan, “A Note of Christina and her Academies,” in Queen Christina of Sweden: Documents and
Studies, editor, Magnus Von Platen (Stockholm: Kungliga Boktryckeriet P.A. Norstedt and Söner, 1966)
365-371; and Åkerman, Queen Christina of Sweden and Her Circle, 260.
503
504
Giovani Pietro Bellori, Vita dei pittori, scultori, ed architetti (1672), as cited in Torgil Magnunson,
Rome in the Age of Bernin (Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell International, 1996), 288-290.
337
the Augustan age embodied the perfect balance of idealized nature. Bellori drew on his
considerable experience of art and antiquities to argue that Imperial sculpture was the
apex of artistic perfection and applauded the contributions of Raphael or artists who
followed this example.
Christina initiated a series of medals that commemorated the events of her life.
Her Historie Metaliques was originally planned to feature 118 medals, but only a handful
were actually created between 1675 and 1685.505 Giovanni Battista Guglielmada was
originally awarded the series alone, but then Christina retained permission from the De’
Medici to use their sculptor, Massimiliano Soldani Benzi, to make some additions in
1681.506 Many of Guglielmada and Benzi’s creations appear to be entries that competed
in a final selection process, although versions from both were produced. The overall
group became known as the Gloria Deo series because each medal cast had the initial
“G.D.” on it somewhere to designate it as a part of a comprehensive series.507 The overall
theme attempts to promote Christina as superior to her surrounding — a veritable
apotheosis of her social position.
Gloria Deo variations encompass four subsets of ideas: peerless, monumental,
radiant, and supreme. Two early medals by Guglielmada presents a portrait bust of
Queen Christina opposite images of heaven and earth (Figs. 125–126). The globe
reinforces the notion that Christina is higher than her contemporaries and superior to her
surroundings. The legend of Non Sufficit announces that the world is not enough for this
505
Åkerman, Queen Christina of Sweden and Her Circle, 263-264.
506
507
Ibid., 137-146.
338
Figure 125. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada (Italian; Rome, active 1665-1689), Non
Sufficit, 1675-1680, silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 317.116).
Figure 126. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada (Italian; Rome, active 1665-1689), Sufficit,
1675-1680, silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 318.118).
339
exceptional royal woman. A band illustrating the border between the hemispheres
emphasizes that the entire planet is a trivial place undeserving her concern. The same
portrait of Christina backs a celestial globe with the phrase Sufficit — validating that the
expansiveness of the heavens is a more appropriate domain. Christina’s motif of Sufficit
and Non Sufficit followed a visual precedent set by François I Valois of France. A 1515
medal of the French king featured views of heaven and earth with the legend Unus Non
Sufficit Orbis.508 Christina admired François for founding the Valois dynasty and being a
preeminent patron of art and science during the French Renaissance. She referenced this
historical figure by following his example, thereby asserting that she was just as
noteworthy as an accomplished royal patron.
Benzi’s portrayal of Christina alongside the world turns her shoulders toward the
viewer and adds an ermine robe to reinforce her regnant status (Fig. 127). These slight
alterations are artistic choices that provide an aesthetically pleasing and less austere,
almost intimate, view of the subject. Improvements continue on the verso in the
geographical detail of the globe to clearly define landmasses. Europe and other
continents are identifiably accurate, and a wider border better provides planetary context
in space. It is the stated legend Ne Mi Bisogna, Ne Mi Basta that sends a concretely
profound message that Christina was beholden to no one, save God.509 “Neither
necessary, nor sufficient” declares that while the earth is not a satisfactory setting, it is
also an insignificant domain unworthy of the splendor Christina embodies. The
508
Ibid., 65.
509
Åkerman, “On the Impossibility of Abdicating,” 223.
340
Figure 127. Massimiliano Soldani Benzi (Italian; Florence, 1656-1740), Ne Mi Bisogna,

Ne Mi Basta, 1681, bronze, Museo Nazionale del Bargello, Florence, Italy (8791).
341
astronomical scale of the visual statement places this exceptional woman above all
others, royal or otherwise.
The portrait of Christina with the ermine robe used by Benzi can be found in an
earlier medal by Guglielmada that also hails Christina as not of this earth. A medal from
1679 features the same portrait used in Benzi’s work two years later, however the verso is
a completely different image (Fig. 128). 510 The scene on the back is one showing a bird
in flight amongst the clouds with a legend stating Mi Nihil in Terres. Christina’s
declaration that “the world is not enough for me,” ties into the myth of the bird of
paradise, which purportedly had no legs or feet. Such a creature always flew, because it
could not land, and so forever lives in the atmosphere. The bird reinforces Christina’s
idea that the earth is not her natural habitat — it is an allegorical figure that exists above
the world as a permanent heavenly body. Streamlined plumes trail behind the bird as it
flies aloft; making the comparison that Christina is also distinctly liberated. A following
medal by Guglielmada repeats the bird of paradise theme to refer to Christina’s matchless
place as a dowager regnant (Fig. 129). The legend Libero i Nacqui e Vissi e Morro
Sciolito summarizes Christina’s modus operandi: “I was born, I lived, and I die in
freedom.”511 The phrase is also a quote from a tale of Scandinavian lore, where the
condemned prince Rinaldo defiantly refuses to be taken captive by declaring the same
motto.512 In this regard, Christina compares herself to a legendary compatriot while
510
Bildt, Les Medailles romaines de Christine de Suède, 69-70.
511
512
342
Figure 128. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada (Italian; Rome, active 1665-1689), Mi Nihil
in Terris, 1681, silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 316.111a).
Figure 129. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada (Italian; Rome, active 1665-1689), Libero i
Nacqui e Vissi e Morro Sciolito, 1685, silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm,
Sweden (H1S 313.107a).
343
simultaneously boasting that she remains unattached when surrounded by temptations of
earthly desire.
Guglielmada and Benzi crafted individual medals on the theme of Possis Nihil
Urbe Roma Visere Maius — may you never look upon a city greater than Rome. (Figs.
130–131). Both include this legend on their medal’s verso to associate Christina with the
history of power in Rome. Each has the identical scene of a masculine-looking goddess
seated among trophies — a figure that can be read as several characters. The legend
indicates that she is Roma, which is an appropriate connotation for Christina’s residency
in the Eternal City. A more forthright identification is Minerva, because she wears
medusa aegis armor and holds Victory. Both goddesses are potent inferences for a
Roman audience, and their double layering is a reference for Christina that she is the
premier lady of Rome. Christina’s long personal association with Minerva combined
with that of the divine allegory of Roma fashions a dual persona. But also, her
masculine-looking breastplate makes Christina look like Mars. The ambivalent gender
suggests that she is both Mars and Minera. Such an androgynous connotation is familiar
for Christina, but the allusion to Mars also recalls the Swedish Nobility’s motto arte and
marte, associated with the power possible from Mars and Minerva.
The variation between the rectos portraits suggest the sculptors differed on their
source material that add to their appreciable meaning.513 Guglielmada presents a profile
of Christina quite similar to a bronze bust by Jean Baptise Theodon now at the
Nationalmuseum in Stockholm (Fig. 132). Guglielmada and Theodon’s portraits give a
513
Massimiliano Soldani Benzi’s laurel-wreath portrait and Giovanni Battista Guglielmada’s profile were
both used throughout the Gloria Deo series. The Guglielmada portrait seems to be sort of a stock image
used frequently to place Christina’s picture on a medal, while Benzi’s work was only included
intermittently to stress divinity.
344
Figure 130. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada (Italian; Rome, active 1665-1689), Possis
Nihil Urbe, Roma Visere Maius, 1685, bronze, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm,
Sweden (H1S 303.88a).
Figure 131. Massimiliano Soldani Benzi (Italian; Florence, 1656-1740), Possis Nihil
Urbe, Roma Visere Maius, c. 1680-1685, bronze, Museo Nazionale del Bargello,
Florence. Italy (8771).
345
Figure 132. Jean-Baptiste Théodon (French, 1646-1713), Bust of Queen Christina of

Sweden, n.d., Bronze, Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMSk 1442).
346
straightforward and stark image of the queen that makes it appear documentary rather
than artistically innovative. They both depict Christina in an antique costume and with
her hair pulled up into a bun behind her head. Her form is austere and does little to make
a visual statement other than reproducing a royal face. In contrast, Benzi’s medal
features Christina in garb rendered yet more classical by virtue of the laurel entwined in
her hair. The laureled representation of Christina appears to be based on a sculpture bust
from 1680 by Giulio Cartari (Fig. 133). The sculpture, now in La Granja de San
Ildefonso in Spain, presents Christina in the same type of antique clothing and with a
crown of laurel entwined in her hair. The hairstyle is identical in both the statue and the
medal right down to the lock of curls trailing down the left side of Christina’s neck.
Another aspect shared by both portraits is the pin securing the drapery gathered on the
left shoulder. The bust reveals that the image on the pin is that of a shining sun — a
quality hidden in the medal profile. Laurels and the sun are attributes of Apollo, the god
of music, poetry, healing and the other arts. Christina’s appropriation of these symbols
establishes a clear association between her and Apollo. Cartari’s bust makes a
straightforward connotation linking Christina with one specific god, but Benzi’s medal
adds this additional layer of specification to the visual significance. An invocation of
Apollo alongside Minerva and Roma presents a trinity that Christina claims as traits of
her own character. A metaphorical association with any one of these deities lends
credence to Christina’s authority as a patron in Rome; a combination that aligns the three-
in-one royal being proclaims that she, or rather the power she possesses, is a divine
amalgamation. The three in one connotation has Christian undertones as well which
347
Figure 133. Giulio Cartari (Italian; Rome, active 1665-1680), Christina of Sweden, c.
1680, marble, Patrimino National, La Granja de San Ildefonso, Spain.
348
reinforce the Swedish queen’s celebrity as a convert to the Roman church — her
authority carries weight in both sacred and secular circles.
Some of Christina’s medals were intended to jab at opponents while cultivating
her own reputation. A group bearing the legend Nec Falso Nec Alieno asserts that
Christina is original and genuine. These objects feature a portrait of Queen Christina
paired with a radiating sun on the verso. Among four identified between 1681 and 1685,
the image of the sun as well as Christina’s portraits each show variations. A gilt bronze
medal from 1681 by Massimiliano Soldani Benzi is the only one from the period to bear
the Gloria Deo monogram (Fig. 134). Three others from 1685 by Giovanni Battista
Guglielmada are similar in format while showing their own individual characteristics.
Although based on Benzi’s Gloria Deo original, Guglielmada’s medals utilize different
portraits along with subtle differences of the sun on the opposing side. The first displays
Christina’s profile with hair drawn up and has a sun beneath the legend Nec Falso Nec
Alieno, with the sun’s glowing face centered in the space (Fig. 135). The next uses the
same portrait with the sun in a higher position and radiating three distinct layers of rays in
a more energetic display (Fig. 136).
Guglielmada’s final rendition expands the lines of sunlight to fill the entire recto,
in an effervescent presence that takes over the very lettering of the design (Fig. 137). The
helmed portrait of the queen as Minerva reaches into previous medal designs to borrow
Christina’s portrait from her 1665 Makelos by Alberto Hamerani (Fig. 118). To
reproduce an image from an earlier artwork is an amusing contradiction considering that
the legend translates as “neither false nor borrowed.” However, by reaching into a
successful project from the past, Christina highlights her unique approach to patronage as
349
Figure 134. Massimiliano Soldani Benzi, (Italian; Florence, 1656-1740), Nec Falso Nec
Alieno, 1681, bronze, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 309.98).
Figure 135. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada (Italian; Rome, active 1665-1689), Nec Falso
Nec Alieno, 1685, silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 308.95).
350
Nec Alieno, 1685, gilt silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 308.96).
Nec Alieno, 1685, silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 309.97).
351
a political tool. This becomes more evident when realizing that her use of the sun was a
visual slight aimed at Louis XIV of France. Louis was a monarch Christina once admired
but over the years her dealing with France, in addition to the Monaldeschi affair at
Fontainebleau, had soured her opinion of the French King. Christina found his self-
proclaimed epithet of Sun King to be overly pompous, and his basking in praise from
disingenuous advisors over whom he held absolute control entirely too absurd. Louis’
hubris is justifiable based on his position and a quality Christina shared as an ardent and
self-aggrandizing monarchist. For some reason though, whether insult or jealousy,
Christina found his arrogance excessive — an opinion included into her Nec Falso Nec
Alieno. The statement of “neither false nor borrowed” argues that sovereign authority
comes from within and must be true. Like the sun, a head of state must be held to a
higher standard and their inner light is a beacon to benefit those below. One cannot rule
well by seeking a consensus but must exercise authority based on one’s own conscience.
Royal leadership does not require the opinions of others because there is no substitute for
the validation from one’s own heart.514 She must have perceived Louis as caring too
much about what people thought of him or allowing his government to be steered by
immoral advisors.
A medal from 1685 by Guglielmada entitled A Socio Derelicta A Deo Restituta
Suetia reinforces Christina’s negative opinion of the French King (Fig. 138). The
queen’s portrait is the type Guglielmada routinely used, while the reverse image is unique
to anything produced for Christina. The legend of A Socio Derelicta A Deo Restituta
514
Christina’s message seems to reintroduce Gustav II Adolf’s principles of kingship and the cult of
personality that flourished during his reign. They are also reminiscent of Christina’s authoritative approach
to monarchy during her rule of Sweden.
352
Figure 138. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada (Italian; Rome, active 1665-1689), A Socio
Derelicta A Deo Restituta Suetia, 1685, silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm,
Sweden (H1S 306.92).
353
Suetia narrates “forsaken by her friends, Sweden is uplifted by God.” The verso shows
an allegorical embodiment of Sweden, knocked to the ground, taking hold of God’s hand
as a French rooster flies the opposite direction. It cannot be happenstance that the figure
of Sweden appears to be Christina and is reminiscent of her Minerva avatar, while the
bird is an obvious reference to the Gallic rooster symbol of France. Although a specific
issue or event is not referenced, the notion of Louis turning his back to ignore an
embattled Christina is clear. Perhaps it is a reflection of their interactions relating to the
Monaldeschi scandal. Both were monarchs by divine right, yet Louis refused to support
Christina, even though her defense relied on sovereignty they both enjoyed.
Guglielmada’s medal suggests that Christina expected Louis to reaffirm her royal
privilege by condoning her behavior. Louis abandoned his colleague rather than
reinforce her authority by excusing the situation. This explains the image of a
pusillanimous rooster taking flight, leaving God as the only one the Queen of Sweden can
depend on to understand her cause and provide assistance. Almost thirty years had
elapsed since the affair and this medal indicates that it was a salient episode that Christina
wanted documented for posterity. The experience was a dark and solitary episode in
Christina’s life that she successfully endured, and the Gloria Deo medals also focus on
her strength and courage.
The last installment to the Gloria Deo project was a group of medals by
Guglielmada that feature Christina alongside lions to convey her fortitude. The title
Fortis et Felix is on two medals that pair Christina with the prosperously dominant king
of beasts (Figs 139–140). The first shows Christina in her customary portrait obverse a
354
Figure 139. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada (Italian; Rome, active 1665-1689), Fortis et
Felix, 1685, silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm. Sweden (H1S 305.90c).
Figure 140. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada (Italian; Rome, active 1665-1689), Fortis et
Felix, 1685, bronze, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 305.91).
355
lion in profile, standing on a boat oar and globe with a cornucopia behind him. The
second has Christina wearing the laurel crown and with another version of the lion on the
opposite side. The views of the lions are slightly different with the second being in more
of a rampant pose and with his head turned toward the viewer. The oar and globe are
tilted to align with the lion and the globe has two bands on the second, as opposed to only
one on the first. The visual elements themselves are consistent between both images and
represent symbols pertinent to Christina. Both globes represent the queen’s realm, with
the same message as Guglielmada’s earlier Sufficit and Non Sufficit medals (Figs. 125–
126). The one-banded globe bears the hemisphere of her terrestrial realm with the dual
band representing heaven and earth. Each sits atop a boat oar that indicates Christina
steers her domain empowered with knowledge and skill. Prosperity, in the form of a
cornucopia, accompanies her rule and is provided by strength and courage, as indicated
by the legend.
Christina was born a Sagittarius with Leo in its assent, which was a highly
auspicious celestial placement for a Swedish monarch and made the lion a significant
character in Christina’s iconography.515 The Fortis et Felix lions embody Leo and the
stars placed across their bodies reproduce the constellation’s pattern. The foremost
component of the constellation is the star system Regulus, “the king:” the brightest star of
the Leo group, located at its head. Additionally, the serpentine curves of the lion’s tails
are reminiscent of the Leo’s astrological symbol ♌. Prophetic calculations relied on
Leo as an inevitable force in Christina’s destiny and led to reports that she would exceed
all expectations of greatness. Her association with Leo, and its ever-present crown
515
356
provided by Regulus, is a recognizable claim that her universal sovereignty is an
irrevocable authority ordained by God. Christina’s association with lions is clearly more
than just a visual connection with the majesty of her Swedish background but also an
emblem of the celestial Providence.
The Gloria Deo medals convey Christina’s inherent fortitude by using the lion as
a complete embodiment of her lifelong position. No object states this more visibly than
Guglielmada’s Confidenter et Solus (Fig. 141). Along with her customary laurel-
wreathed portrait, this medal presents an isolated yet sanguine-looking lion framed with
the phrase “confident and alone.” The lion’s simplistic presentation, as a stand-in for
Christina, underscores her lifelong conviction that she possessed unassailable sovereignty
beholden to no one. Christina consistently used her patronage to shape her reputation
during her station as Sweden’s queen and throughout the unbridled period she lived in
Rome; Confidenter et Solus insists that Christina does not require assistance to exert
influence. The statement rejects any sign of dependency because there is no suggestion
of Sweden or her affiliation with the papacy. The Christina lion is autonomous and
unshakeable.
Guglielmada’s remaining medal in the Gloria Deo ratchets up the visual rhetoric
to promote Christina as masterful leader (Fig. 142). Nec Sinit Esse Feros shows a portrait
of Christina on both sides — a recto profile bust opposite a full length view. She wears
the same style of classical costume in each with static composure on the recto compared
to the flowing animation of the verso’s performance. Drapery billows around Christina
as she controls a cluster of tethered lions along with the statement “not permitted to be
357
Figure 141. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada (Italian; Rome, active 1665-

1689), Confidenter et Solus, 1685, silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden
(H1S 306.93).
Figure 142. Giovanni Battista Guglielmada (Italian; Rome, active 1665-1689), Nec Sinit
Esse Feros, 1685, silver, Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 307.94).
358
cruel, uncivilized or savage,” – depending on how one interprets feros. Christina does
not use the spear she holds; nonetheless the pack defers to her management and remains
in control. Claws and gaping jaws exhibit the beasts’ ferocity; however they are kept in
check by leashed bridles that Christina holds in one loose hand. Their gazes survey the
surroundings, except the alpha lion, who cranes his neck to make eye contact with
Christina as he blindly strides forward.
Guglielmada’s composition suggests that the lions represent Christina’s political
surrogates, academicians and other supporters who gathered around her. This group was
the primary audience for the Gloria Deo series because they were the initial recipients of
the medals during the queen’s salons. The imagery would suggest to Christina’s coterie
that their association with her connected them to royalty and improved their standing.
Outsiders would likewise see these people as having a vested interest in promoting or
protecting their patron. Association with Christina made them stakeholders in her
success and supporters for her agenda. Nec Sinit Esse Feros takes on a threatening
quality in this context because it implies that those serving Christina have the potential to
cause great harm if unleashed. Those not initiated into Christina’s circle could read the
scene as a warning not to question her supremacy.
The compositional device of Christina using an arrow-shaped spear creates a
subtext that compares her to the mythological huntress Diana.516 Also known as Artemis,
Diana was proficient in archery in addition to having power over animals. The myth of
Diana and Actaeon is an obvious parallel because it describes the goddess’s deadly
516
Diana was the chaste twin sister of Apollo, God of Art, and it is interesting to note that Christina
associated herself with both deities in an effort to be regarded as strong woman and great patron; both
sexes, sun and moon, bound together in one androgynous body.
359
command over beasts. The story tells the incident of a proud virgin being observed
bathing by a mortal; she turns him into a stag before he is torn apart by a pack of dogs.
Christina’s lions are a cogent comparison to Diana’s dogs and an intimidating reminder
that the Swedish queen has a circle of deputies to assist her. The medals of Gloria Deo
clearly take a lifetime of patronage into account in their overall message and design.
They demonstrate that Christina never forgot a slight or success and that she had grown
accustomed to the symbols and visual language implemented to defend or promote her
position.
Regal Legacy: Amongst Rome’s Monuments
In her final years, Christina’s self-fashioning shifted away from terrestrial
authority to address her posthumous reputation — one, she hoped, of everlasting
sovereignty and religious greatness. Portraits of Christina toward the end of her life
affirm her legacy as an elevated monarch comfortable with her place alongside the
monuments of Rome. The Gloria Deo medals were the beginnings of a lasting image, but
she appears to have wanted to be associated with Roman landmarks, both Imperial and
papal. She invited Swedish artists to her palazzo, spend time visitng with her or studying
her impressive art collection. Christina sat for Michael Dahl in a meeting that produced
the culmination of her dowager regnant portraiture (Fig. 143).
Christina sits in front of a curtain, drawn to reveal St. Peter’s Basilica — the
symbol of the most influential institution in Christendom. A view of the Vatican gives
the portrait a concrete location and places Christina alongside the seat of papal power.
This juxtaposition elevates Christina’s status by situating her before one of the greatest
monuments of Rome, and demonstrates that she is a prominent resident of the world’s
greatest city — caput mundi. She wrote in 1685 that she had now grown to be one of the
360
Figure 143. Michael Dahl (Swedish, c. 1659-1743), Queen Christina, 1687, Grimsthorpe
and Drummond Castle Trust, Bourne, Lincolnshire, United Kingdom (NT 609025).
361
antiquities of Rome, and it was a sentiment expressed throughout her final years.517
Christina’s association with papal monuments puts forward that she is an exceptional
celebrity who occupies a famous place.
In his painting, Dahl positions Christina alongside regalia to stress her status as
the Queen of Sweden, but a gold-lettered ribbon makes a stronger statement. The phrase
reads Ne Mi Bisogna, Ne Mi Basta (Neither necessary, nor sufficient). This was a motto
she employed for a Gloria Deo medal to reinforce her stance that she was superior to the
world around her and that her realm was not limited to a map (Fig. 127). Christina takes
the globe in her hands to bring the northern hemisphere into view. She places her left
index finger on Italy, while resting the other hand on her native land. The line between
her extended fingers is the connecting axis between Sweden and Rome. This gesture
refers to Christina’s journey across Europe and emphasizes that she is of both the north
and the south. Her presumed act of turning the globe and manipulating the map to draw
Europe close conveys that while Christina appears relaxed, she is quite a hands-on
commander. Her fingers are placed on the two areas she must consider to be her
dominion, and by anchoring the apparatus with her elbow, she demonstrates that her
authority will not falter. The pose of her hands makes a visual statement synonymous
with that of royal equestrian portraits that barely hold the reigns; the sitter remains in
absolute control but does so with such ease that command appears to be effortless
instinct.
When taken with the ermined-lined blue robe, the royal objects make an
unequivocal statement that Christina is, and will always be, the anointed Queen of
517
Quoted in Honour, “Queen Christina as Art Collector,” 9.
362
Sweden. The robe was likely intended to be Christina’s coronation robe, but the actual
robe follows tradition and positions one crown below two. This was contrary to Christina
desire to have a single crown represented above the others, but Dahl adjusts the triple-
crown sigil to Christina’s preferred arrangement.518 Crowns placed in Christina’s way
reveal her endorsement of absolutism as the most stable and efficient form of
government. It is apparent from the configuration on Christina’s robe that she believed
she was an absolute monarch. It was a position for the Swedish crown she had held from
her youth and was only now coming to fruition for the current King of Sweden.519 The
presentation of her robe with Ne Mi Bisogna, Ne Mi Basta conveys her aspiration to be
known as more than an earthly monarch — a universal sovereign.
Elements of Christina’s fashion reflect her interest in antiquity as well as
comparing her to respected ancient figures. The clasp gathering her robe on her left
shoulder is a portrait brooch of Alexander the Great, recalling once again that when she
arrived in Rome, Christina had asked to change her name from Christina Maria to
Christina Alexandra.520 Alexander was a lifelong hero for Christina, from the time she
recited his recorded speeches as a child until the maxim she wrote before her death. She
believed that, despite his faults, Alexander was supreme among men; Christina strove to
518
Letter of 8 July 1648 from the Master of the Horse, Hans Wachtmeister, to the Chamberlain of the
Queen, Carl Soop, as cited in Ekstrand, “A Robe of Purple,” 84-85.
519
King Karl XI was given absolute authority by the Riksdag in 1680 by permitting him to make any
commands he wished without consulting the Council of State.
520
The name change took place at her confirmation ceremony and may be a slight against her mother, who
was still living at the time of her abdication. Clearly her fixation with Alexander the Great played a role in
her choice, but some catholic scholar’s debate, Veronica Buckey among others, claiming that it was to
honor the reigning Pope, Alexander VII. The Pope encouraged Christina to retain the Maria in reverence to
the Virgin Mary, but Christina refused and while scholars who are Catholic persist to assign the Maria to
her, she only signed Christina Alexandra after her conversion. I believed she shrewdly decided on
Christina Alexandra to pay homage to Alexander the Great and appeal to Pope Alexander VII.
363
emulate his leadership.521 It was this passion to be a strong ruler that motivated
Chancellor Oxenstierna to hail her as the greatest of queens and to publically predict that
Christina would become a heroina.522 The cameo in Dahl’s portrait demonstrates
Christina’s attraction to Alexander and serves as a visual reminder of her ambitious self-
identity. Christina wears shoulder guards the same as she did in Justus Van Egmont’s
painting of her as the iron-clad Minerva, and as Abraham Wuchters’ 1660 portrait of her
in white satin had also implied (Figs. 83–112). The brooch and necklaces in Dahl’s work
draw attention to the decorative shoulder guards incorporated into her dress. Such guards
were historically part of Imperial Roman armor and made of iron or leather, not the dress’
satin material. Christina’s guards are symbolic rather than functional and make the
statement that she is an intellectual gladiator more than a physical warrior. Their use
signifies that Christina is a person of rank and denotes a respectable quantity of strength
to reflect her royal station.
Christina’s portraits routinely use elements of clothing to reinforce her position
and bolster her designed reputation. A print by Eberhard Werner Happel from the end of
her life shows Christina seated and holding a scarf over her head (Fig. 144). The image of
air billowing inside cloth is similar to David Beck’s 1650 painting of Christina in a satin
dress (Fig. 73). The scarf soars throughout the space in the same way and Christina does
not seem to pay it any attention in either the painting or the print. Her Highness controls
the fabric so effortlessly that she allows it to float above her — not even curving her
fingers. Just as in Beck’s painting, Christina’s pose with the textile insinuates her
521
M.L. Clarke, “The Making of a Queen: The Education of Christina of Sweden,” History Today. No. 28
(April 1978), 230; and Buckley, Christina Queen of Sweden, 53.
522
Danielsson, “Kristinas Alexanderfixering,” 56.
364
Figure 144. Eberhard Werner Happel (German, 1647-1690), Pious Queen Christina, c.
1690, engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 94/5).
365
association with the goddess Fortuna. Another implication can be Christina’s fame,
because a woman with a shawl over her head often represents the presence of Fame in
Ancient Roman statuary. In this respect, fame and fortune reside with Christina and
convey her importance into perpetuity. A book in the queen’s hand makes a dual
statement in conjunction with the overhead scarf. It is a universal symbol of knowledge,
but taken with Christina’s reverently-covered head, it can also be a devotional missal.
This reading adds an additional layer of piety to the scene to make it virtuous as well as
affluent.
In addition to being the source material for Fame, ancient Roman sculpture offers
visual precedents of pious women covering their heads to act as priestesses. A portrait
bust from the period displays Christina with a wrap around her head (Fig. 145). The
black colored drapery contrasts the white flesh to visually push her face forward. The
dark color also carries more visual weight to make the relatively small amount of stone
the composition’s dominant element. This design places emphasis onto the head cloth
and stresses the respectable piety of its subject. A curious aspect of appreciating later
lifetime portraits is that Queen Christina was over sixty years old, yet her face appears the
same as it did in portraits almost four decades earlier.
A rare exception is an often ignored painting by an unidentified Dutch artist (Fig.
146). Taken alongside the other portraits, this provides a striking comparison because it
depicts the sitter’s true age more accurately. Christina’s unflattering features, such as
wrinkled face and plump neck, match a description by Francois-Maximilian Mission
from 1688.
She is more than sixty years old, very small of stature, exceedingly fat and
corpulent. Her complexion and voice and face are those of a man. Her
366
Figure 145. Unidentified Florentine Sculptor, Bust of Queen Christina of Sweden, c.

1685, Marble, Herzog Anton Ulrich, Braunschweig, Germany.
367
Figure 146. Unidentified Dutch artist, Queen Christina elderly, c 1685, oil on canvas,
private collection, Stockholm, Sweden.
368
hair is a light chestnut color, and only a palmsbreath in length; she wears it
powdered and standing on end, uncombed.523
A Gold Crown on a Silver Face: Queen Christina’s Funeral
Christina felt ill at the beginning of 1689, and by 13 February she had fallen into a
coma. Death seemed immanent. She began to settle her affairs, naming Cardinal Decio
Azzolino her universal heir and drafting a letter of apology to Pope Innocent XI
Odescalchi. In a miraculous turn, Christina’s health improved and she began to recover
during the first few weeks of March.524 Throughout her life she had many fevers and
fainting spells; after relocating to Rome she often complained of pain in her lower left
side and her legs swelled regularly, hindering her mobility. These symptoms point to a
diagnosis of diabetes mellitus. In her final days, Christina drifted in and out of
consciousness, and the diagnosis of diabetes explains her sensitivity to food and
propensity to fainting and leg swelling.525 Christina died at six o’clock in the morning on
19 April 1689.526
Cardinal Azzolino was at Christina’s bedside when she passed and immediately
wrote to Cardinal Alderano Cibo, the Pope’s Secretary of State.527 It is recorded in the
Archivio Segreto Vaticano that Azzolino was with Christina five days leading up to her
death, and then stayed in her home to handle funeral arrangements and conduct
523
Christina’s death mask, preserved in the Vatican Museum, matches this description. Francois-
Maximilian Mission (1688) quoted in Buckley, Christina Queen of Sweden, 309.
524
525
Hjortsjö, “The Opening of Queen Christina’s Sarcophagus in Rome,” 150-151.
526
The time is reported to be either 6 am or noon. In seventeenth-century Rome, time was calculated
according to the of Ave Maria (6 pm or 7 pm depending on the season). Christina died 12 hours after Ave
Maria, which is 6 am. Marie-Louise Rodén, “The Burial of Queen Christina of Sweden in St. Peter’s
Church,” Scandinavian Journal of History 12, no.1 (1987), 65.
527
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household business “as his Eminence had continually done that during the period of
approximately thirty-three years that she lived in Rome.”528 Azzolino lived only weeks
after Christina’s death, but during that time he made her funeral arrangements, settled
many of her affairs, and adjusted his own will to account for his inheritance of Christina’s
estate — an honor he considered “mia somma Gloria.”529 Christina’s notary, Lorenzo
Belli, was called to the Palazzo Riario, where her will was opened and read.530
Christina’s final instructions seem to contradict her lifelong approach to patronage
and self-promotion. Per Bjurström notes that
Christina [was] susceptible to drama and festivities, striving to surround

herself with all, participating to the best of her ability in Rome’s
celebration and always ready to attend events arranged to some extent in
her honor, wished to meet death in quite another spirit. [Her will reads] it
is our wish that our body be shrouded in white and buried in the church of
the rotunda (Pantheon) or in some other that our heir may decide; without
exhibition of the corpse and forbidding any funeral pomp and all other
such vanity. The epitaph shall be a simple stone with only this inscription:
D.O.M Vixit Christina Annos LXII. This is our wish, neither more nor
less.531
Christina’s death ended the control she had over her own image and delegated her
agency to Cardinal Azzolino as her heir. Her final request for austerity was dismissed in
favor of a tribute more suitable to her royal status. She was the regnant of a notable
realm, a vocal public figure, and far too important a Catholic convert to be disposed of in
such a private fashion. Sven Stolpe says that from the Church’s standpoint “she was
528
“[…] nello stesso modo appunto, che nel tempo di circa trentatre anni, che ella aveva dimorato in Roma,
continuamente l’Eminenza Sua aveva fatto.” Micellaea Arm. XV, n.89.f147. Relationi diversi. Archivio
Segreto Vaticano, Vatican City as cited by Rodén, “The Burial of Queen Christina,” 65.
529
Letter from Cardinal Decio Azzolinino, Azzolino collection, Riksarchivet, Stockholm. K 449, as cited in
530
Rodén, “The Burial of Queen Christina,” 65.
531
Anonymous author, Infermità morte, e funerae della Real Maestà di Cristina Alessandra Regina di
Svezia. (Roma: Gio. Francesco Buagni, 1689), as cited in Bjurström, Feast and Theatre, 113.
370
dead; there was no need to respect her wishes any longer.”532 Even in death, Christina
still had potential to promote Catholic superiority and serve as the focal point of a public
display highlighting the papacy. Azzolino wrote Cardinal Cibo at the secretariat of state
to ask permission to go against Christina’s wishes and have her entombed in St. Peter’s
Basilica. He argued “the honor of God and his holiness and of the church does not
accord with [Christina’s wishes], and it would mean witnessing the triumph of the
heretics, and scandal of infinite wrongdoing on the part of Rome.”533 Azzolino then went
on to inform Cibo that Christina’s last testament established three permanent chaplaincies
for St. Peter’s and suggested that the funeral cortège conclude at the Vatican. The
cardinal pressed for a quick decision by concluding that the Holy Father should consider
that word had already spread of Christina’s death and many already assumed she was to
be buried in the Basilica. He stresses “that it will please the city very much, whereas not
having the burial there will provoke universal displeasure, and all of Rome will feel
bitterness and rancor.”534 Azzolino’s pressure and insistence for a quick judgment
resulted in Pope Innocent XI Odescalchi approving Christina’s admission into the papal
tombs.535
In the days after her death, Queen Christina was embalmed and dressed in a white
satin gown embroidered with gold brocade. She was wrapped in her coronation robe and
532
533
As quoted in Rodén, “The Burial of Queen Christina,” 65-66.
534
“[…] che alla Città piace assai onde non facendoli dispiacerà molto universalmente, e tutto Roma ne
havrà ammiratione et amarezza.” Ibid., 65-66.
535
Azzolino argued that the St. Peter’s Basilica was the only appropriate place in Rome to bury a Queen of
Christina’s standing, and she was the first foreign monarch to be entombed alongside the popes. Rodén,
Church Politics in Seventeenth-Century Rome, 297-298.
371
adorned with a silver death mask. A gold crown was placed on her head and a selection
of Gloria Deo medals and a scepter were situated in her hands.536 Christina lay in state at
the Palazzo Riario before being taken by a torch-lit procession to the Chiesa Nuova Santa
Maria in Vallicella.537 The church was Azzolino’s apostolic seat in Rome, and selected as
the location for the funeral because it was close enough to the Vatican for a comfortable
procession yet far enough for spectators to line the streets and witness Christina’s final
triumph. Aside from the practical aspect, Christina had been a supporter of the church of
the Oratorians of Saint Filippo Neri in Rome and had regularly attended mass there.538
Nicolas Dorigny engraved the mass of Christian burial that was celebrated in the
presence of the College of Cardinals on 23 April (Fig. 147). Felice Delino, an architect
and engraver for Christina, was in charge of decorating the sanctuary. The queen’s body
was placed before the altar, beneath an immense gilt crown suspended in the crossing.
Four rolls of black cloth were attached to the oversized crown and drawn outward to form
a baldachin canopy above the sovereign’s remains. Black textiles also hung from the
walls and were draped across the archways with silver-skulled festoons.539
The crown not only highlighted Christina’s former queenship, and her
accomplishments as benefactor, but also celebrated the network of contacts that had made
it possible for her to function deftly in a milieu dominated by well-connected and
536
Hjortsjö, “The Opening of Queen Christina’s Sarcophagus in Rome,” 138; and Bjurström, Feast and
Theatre, 122-123.
537
538
Rodén, “The Burial of Queen Christina,” 67.
539
372
Figure 147. Nicolas Dorigny (French, 1658-1746), Christina of Sweden Lying in State in
S. Maria in Vallicella, 1689, engraving, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP
CHR C 38).
373
powerful men. Christina’s final household inventory identifies that the crown used for
her funeral was the very one that had decorated her personal box at the Tor di Nona
theater as well as her carnival box.540 Aside from an obvious reference to sovereignty, the
crown overhead was both literally and figuratively an evocation of her status as an
exceptional patroness. Valeria de Lucca writes that “patronage by prominent men is
usually regarded as highly charged activity motivated mostly by political, dynastic, and
diplomatic reasons, and aimed primarily at publicly displaying the patron’s social rank,
wealth, and intellectual prowess.”541 This statement can apply to Christina just as much
as it does to male patrons. Christina’s conduct and her ties with the papacy gave her a
privileged status above other noble women. Whatever insults she meted out with her
assertive interactions, Christina’s close friendships with various members of the Curia
helped her get past any hurdles to obtain licenses and permits necessary to produce
operas and public festivities.542 Such tactics were inconceivable for any other woman in
Rome, especially during a time when a woman’s ability to appear in public was
vigorously regulated. Female patrons were typically restricted to operating as small-scale
hostesses to slowly build a reputation and network of contacts over a long period of time
within informal gatherings.543 Christina got away with being more blatant in her
endeavors, in part because she was unmarried and held status as a sovereign, but also
540
Ibid., 115; The Tor di Nona Theater only operated four years (1671-1674) but during that time launched
five productions in Christina’s honor: Scipione Affricano [sic] (1671), Eliogabalo (1673), Amor per
vendetta, ovvero L’Alcasta (1673), Massenzio (1674), and Il Caligola (1674). Valeria De Lucca, “L'Alcasta
and the Emergence of Collective Patronage in Mid-Seventeenth-Century Rome,” The Journal of
Musicology 28, no. 2 (Spring 2011), 201.
541
De Lucca, “Strategies of Women Patrons of Music,” 378.
542
Ibid., 388.
543
Ibid., 380.
374
because she seems to have dramatized her masculine qualities. By exaggerating her
unorthodox behavior she was certain not to be treated like other women, and bypassed
rules of etiquette as one of the boys, rather than keeping to the social position of her
gender. By not conforming to expectations, Christina was called erratic, but such
behavior also allowed her to do things unimaginable for other women. That approach in
concert with her royal status permitted her the freedom to express herself as she wished
and pursue projects of her choosing. Valerie de Lucca says that “Christina’s
masculinizing strategies undoubtedly helped her to affirm her status and to appear
socially acceptable as Rome’s most visible patron of her time.” This position “made the
queen immune to the bans that forbade women to attend operas.”544
Rome was transformed into a theater for a few hours more on 23 April 1689,
with Christina playing the lead for one last time. Her requiem mass was attended by
delegations from thirty-two ecclesiastical orders and the entire College of Cardinal save
one — Decio Azzolino was too ill to attend.545 The service concluded at eventide and was
followed by a torch-lit funeral procession that traveled from the Chiesa Nuova to a tomb
amongst the popes within St. Peter’s Basilica. An etching by Robert van Audenaerde
commemorates the event and serves as a record of participants (Fig. 148). The image
conforms to the processional motif to show the cortege in its entirety winding back and
forth across the page. Schoolboys and orphans led the march, followed by the brothers of
the holy sacrament of St. Peter’s and sixteen similar organizations as well as monks from
544
The pleasure was not granted other women because subject material could be inappropriate for a lady, or
the concern that female attendants could cause turmoil among the men. With all her rough edges and
unfeminine traits, Christina was apparently not considered to be easily offended or an alluring distraction.
Ibid., 390-391.
545
Buckley, Christina Queen of Sweden, 317-318.
375
Figure 148. Robert van Audenaerde (Flemish, 1663-1743, active in Rome), published by
Giovanni Giacomo de' Rossi (Italian, 1627-1691), Queen Christina's Funeral Procession,
1689, etching, Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP CHR C 39).
376
fourteen other orders around Rome. Behind them was a company of five hundred lay
people leading the clergy of Saint Dorotea parish church in Trastevere. Each group
carried banners and every individual bore a candle including the singers traveling with
the queen’s household court that escorted the dais bearing her body in full view. The
streets were densely lined with spectators that waited hours to see Christina one last
time.546
Audenaerde includes all these final elements of Christina’s obsequies, right down
to the crowds entering along the margins. Behind Christina are the mounted ensembles:
the Swiss Guard, heralds, masters of ceremonies, arch bishops, and other prelates. The
final contingency was a ten-piece retinue of Christina’s own coaches.547 The line emerges
from the Chiesa Nuova, to the lower right, and travels toward the upper left, where St.
Peter’s Basilica appears in the distance. The Ponte Sant’Angelo and Castel Sant’Angelo
are also visible in the upper right corner because that was a key monument along the
processional route. The view is similar to the many souvenir prints created for
Christina’s triumph almost thirty-five years beforehand, but the great arms of Bernini’s
colonnade, completed since her arrival, now stretch out to accept her final pilgrimage.
546
Bjurström, Feast and Theatre, 117, 123.
547
Ibid., 117.
377
CONCLUSION
This thesis has shown how Queen Christina’s art patronage expressed her power
and shaped her sovereign authority. I have argued that she did this to promote her royal
legitimacy while asserting that she was an individual deserving respect. We have seen
how her development began with the imitation of her father’s approach to securing and
retaining his regal position. Patterns of Gustav’s use of Swedish mythology and wide-
spread patriotism set the standard for Christina’s claim to royal status and inspired her
growth as a patron. Such results made it possible for Christina to rely on art to persuade
her subjects to support her position, in spite of political opposition, and gave her the
confidence to pursue projects that increased her influence. The artistic evidence
demonstrates that Christina’s vision to expand her dominance sprang from a deeply held
belief in her own inescapable greatness, leading to abdication in a quest to follow her
destiny. We have also traced the images communicating Christina’s power that illustrate
her trajectory from royal patron in Sweden to an unprecedented figure in papal Rome. Art
made it possible for Christina to escape the restraint of her youth and evolve into a
shrewd international patron.
The context of Sweden’s political structure is essential for understanding
Christina’s early life. A drawing in Christina’s own hand is telling of the profound
admiration she had for Gustav II Adolf, not so much because he was her father, but
because his decisive leadership was legendary among his people. Gustav’s use of
mythology, in the form of Gothicism, demonstrates his desire to assert his family’s
legitimate claim to the Swedish throne in concert with his use of rhetoric to galvanize his
countrymen in support of his rule. The double portrait by Jacob Heinrich Elbfas is an
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example of Christina’s role in Gustav’s approach of using art to celebrate his success.
Her presence at her father’s side embodies Gustav’s ability to safeguard the realm, his
protection of the border, conquest of new territory, and paternity of a future monarch.
This underscores how Christina’s image was utilized for political clout early on and
demonstrates her participation in an artistic expression of power from an early age. The
line of succession was indispensable for establishing royal credibility, which is why the
House of Vasa was interested in tracing its family tree — a lineage that promoted the
Vasa as descendants of the first man, favored by God. Such dynastic training imbued
Christina with a profound sense of entitlement based on her position within the royal
household. Gustav advanced the crown’s agenda with socio-cultural controls in many
ways; the king established tactics of deploying panegyric art that his daughter’s reign
continued. The Vasa warship’s decoration is a prime example of the artistic symbols the
Swedish crown was using to promote itself. Our exploration of the iconography of the
Vasa reveals the intense celebration of art and force that expressed the crown’s interest in
launching an international reputation. Imagery designed to promote Gustav II Adolf
became part of Christina’s visual language as well. The Vasa evinces a mode of royal
propaganda that delivered a visual statement throughout the Baltic region, just as
broadsheet prints had the ability to reach a foreign audience.
Prints were the medium of choice to promote Christina when she first became
queen, building on Gustav’s practice of legitimizing his daughter’s claim — even though
she was only a small child. Printed illustrations of Christina participating in funeral
processions eased the transition between the reigns of Gustav and Christina by depicting
her as an emerging authority. Engravings of Christina and her mother in mourning

379
present them as Gustav’s devoted family members while also familiarizing subjects with
their new sovereign. These prints help Christina capitalize on the nation’s grief to secure
her position as the king’s natural heir. This was particularly essential because Christina
was not as well known as her father, and the public was hesitant to accept a small girl as
its leader.
The study of Christina’s early portraits highlights the struggle between Queen
Maria Eleonora and the Council of State with each attempting to control her image. I
have suggested that Maria and the Council of State were behind portraits created at the
start of Christina’s reign. In both cases, it was essential for Christina to be established as
a public figure, even though it was accomplished using different forms of iconography.
Christina is displayed as a fashionable beauty in the works believed to result from
Maria’s direction. The dowager queen’s involvement presents Queen Christina as her
daughter, thereby reinforcing an expectation of influence at court. Conversely, a second
portrait indicates Council of State intervention because it focuses on symbols of strength
and continuity. Such an assessment determines the strategic goals of both sides: Maria
wanting to maintain her royal position, while the council sought to stress a smooth
transition between Gustav and his daughter. This reading suggests that Christina initially
had limited control over her own patronage as others steered her image for their own
benefit. The identifiable location of the early Elbfas portrait with a window onto the
shipyard and Swedish warships emphasized the realm’s stability. Precedents in Gustav II
Adolf’s patronage indicate that the references to Swedish naval power were regarded as
significant. Swedish dominance of the Baltic Sea was a foreign policy shared by the
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administrations of both Gustav and Christina, and became a hallmark of Christina’s reign
as she reached her majority.
Christina’s response as she matured was indeed restrained by a constitutional
rewrite that limited her power to govern. The stratagem of her regency focused on
adhering to Gustav II Adolf’s precedent while beginning to highlight her own intellectual
talents. As the Thirty Years’ War ended, Christina sought international acclaim by
commissioning prints and medals that portray her as the wise goddess of just war,
Minerva. This was an appropriate comparison considering Christina’s inheritance of
Gustav II Adolf’s nationalized war machine. Her association with Minerva helped
facilitate a transition away from methods of established patronage toward her own
innovations. Images of Christina as the one who had brought about long-desired peace
establish her as a majestic leader in her own right, demonstrating that she had finally
lived up to her family’s promise of peace and prosperity. Christina’s Minerva avatar
promotes her intelligence and signifies that it is her sagacity that enables her to be a
capable leader. Her scholastic acumen makes her superior to other women and able to
enact the wise decisions that benefit all.
Swedish taste for fashion and culture drastically changed after the war in what
became a transitional period for Queen Christina’s patronage. Coronation festivities,
portraiture, and abdication proceedings, all served political ends throughout this period of
dramatic historical developments. Public spectacle and portrait commissions were
increasingly important to cultivate Christina’s domestic authority while maintaining her
international status. The Thirty Years’ War had been a profitable enterprise for the
Swedish Empire, but lucrative war-time revenues dried up after the Peace at Westphalia,
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having a major impact on the national treasury. Instead of austerity, Christina proposed
courtly splendor and made little effort to live within her means. The queen and her
nobles were driven to emulate the lifestyle introduced by their treasures of conquest, but
these projects had a hefty price tag as conspicuous consumption took priority over fiscal
prudence.
With regard to Christina’s coronation, the dissertation has addressed a lacuna in
the existing Queen Christina scholarship, by looking beyond the coronation proceedings
to address the significance of parade routes and other public displays. The long delay of
Christina’s coronation, with its attendant social and cultural changes and mounting
political tensions, had made a public ritual a political necessity. While there was no
precedent for a royal investiture of a female sovereign over the Swedish Empire,
Christina’s coronation festivities symbolically affirmed her legitimacy and enhance her
power with an expression of public support. The coronation’s processionals and
ceremonies were multisensory events that reinforced Christina’s position as the nation’s
leader at the dawn of a prosperous age. Stockholm’s urban fabric was reorganized during
Christina’s early reign to transform the city from a medieval citadel into a well-appointed
capital city; period maps clarify how the parade routes were calculated along
Drottninggatan (Queen’s Street) and other thoroughfares, incorporating various
monuments and spaces to underscore this, and to symbolically establish connections with
all her subjects. The queen’s physical presence throughout the various areas of the city
metaphorically claimed the range of locations as a part of her dominion. Christina’s
procession took the royal spectacle to the various areas of the city in order to allow her
subjects, regardless of social position, to witness their monarch in their neighborhood.

382
The regalia and other objects were important royal symbols, but the act of parading them
throughout the capital city emphasized that the populace, regardless of station or estate
affiliation, was subject to Christina’s rule. Nobles, clergy, burghers, and peasants all took
part as participants in the parades or as witnesses of the pageantry. The inclusive
spectacle sent a definitive message that Stockholm was now the epicenter of political
authority and artistic greatness — a contender for Europe’s cultural center with Christina
at its helm.
Public spectacle communicated Christina’s authority to the masses, but portraits
made an interpersonal statement. The coronation was an event open for all to see, but
Christina’s portraits create an intimate link between the sovereign and individual viewers.
Royal portraits were used as gifts more frequently between Sweden and its allies as the
realm became internationally prominent. This practice helped initiate a reputation and
establish a polite dialog between monarchs; portraits helped craft an impression that
added to the personal dimension of foreign relations. The connections between Christina
and the designated recipients of her portraits were often enhanced by meaningful
elements that intimated particular messages she desired them to understand. David Beck
was one artist whose work contributed to Christina’s portrayal of sophistication,
intelligence and personal fortitude. His portraits utilize visual elements that suggest
Christina’s psychological character and her intellectual concentration. Beck’s overt
images make the queen appear confident and inviting, but there are underlying details
that elicit respect through intimidation. The subsidiary elements change from one portrait
to another, while the overall template remains constant. The variations suggest that the
subordinate aspects are intentional clues that convey a context meant for an individual
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recipient. Sébastien Bourdon continued Beck’s practices for Christina, especially with the
equestrian portrait given to Philip IV of Spain. The painting’s subtle visual clues express
clandestine messages from Christina about her plan to abdicate.
Christina’s ceremony of abdication was organized to convey a reluctant, yet
seamless, transition between the reigns of Queen Christina and her successor, Karl X
Gustav. Our discussion has noted that Christina’s resignation was an unnatural transfer of
royal power because her abdication ceremony took the place of a state funeral to mark the
transition between two reigns. Karl Gustav’s public entry into Uppsala was similar to
Christina’s processional entrance in Stockholm for her coronation. The event was
structured to publicly emphasize that he was more capable than the queen to head
Sweden’s government. Christina’s performance during the welcoming ceremony
communicated that Karl Gustav was more capable to lead the nation than she, her
participation thus helping to rouse public support on his behalf. Christina’s abdication
was a reversal of her coronation and divestment of the regalia back to the Swedish state.
The ceremony was regimented to simultaneously lament Christina’s departure and yet
also stress continuity going forward into Karl Gustav’s regime. The event was a
production of statecraft meant to maintain Christina’s status as queen in the future while
promoting continuity for the realm and aiding in the legitimacy of a new regime.
I have addressed ways Christina grappled with her curious post-abdication
position as a queen without a country. Justus van Egmont’s revival of Christina’s
Minerva persona cultivated an image of strength and wisdom while she prepared to
convert and relocate to Rome. Reproduced in multiple print impressions for distribution
around Europe, this furthered her aim to stay politically relevant despite no longer being
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a head of state. Christina utilized art during this period of transition to convey that she
was confident in her newfound position and prepared to occupy a role in international
diplomacy. The artistic evidence indicates that, throughout this eventful period when
countries were configuring into their modern form, her intention was to continue to wield
influence in current events. This posed a problem for Christina’s expatriate life, because
residency in a sovereign country would relegate her under the protection of another
monarch, but papal Rome was thus an obvious choice for Christina, because there she did
not have to submit to another’s sovereign authority. Her conversion and professed
obedience to the pope thus made possible this personally expedient relocation, but the act
of an ordained queen from a Protestant country openly defying her native religion was
also cause for the Catholic Church to celebrate, and she was welcomed into Rome in
grand fashion.
Queen Christina’s triumphal entrance into Rome was commemorated by civic and
papal leaders alike, but this curtailed the control she had over her own image. The
extensive preparations and commissions associated with Christina’s entry serve as
evidence to demonstrate that although it was planned as a civic event, the papacy became
the dominant voice in the visual communication. A woman like Christina had never been
entertained in such a way within the Vatican, and this caused protocol problems, which
were resolved by getting creative with precedent. Special apartments were created within
the Torre dei Venti to show that Christina was essentially the pope’s guest without her
having to be housed in the Villa Belvedere or the Apostolic Palace. The pope also
acquired elaborate conveyances to give Christina for her triumph, but she only
acquiesced to the least sumptuous of these, desiring to demonstrate restraint and

385
moderation within her new surroundings. Her choice to ride a horse rather than a carriage
communicated modesty while also displaying majestic dignity. This suggests that Queen
Christina attempted to present herself as a humble royal making a pilgrimage to St.
Peter’s Basilica, despite the splendid parade organized by the Catholic Church.
Preparations for Christina’s arrival indicate that events were planned in order to
maximize her audience, but prints and other souvenirs objectify Christina as a two-
dimensional character publically submitting to the Church. The Congregatio de
Propaganda Fide produced a number of prints that were mass-produced and
disseminated; these had the benefit of reaching people across Europe for an even wider
secondary audience. Recreating the actual momentary arrival, such images replayed an
event that emphasized the power of the papacy. Processional prints and other souvenir
objects rebroadcast the papacy’s acquisition of Christina as a living trophy; our scrutiny
has proven moreover that the order of participants in these processionals was manipulated
in order to maximize the papacy’s apparent standing.
Roman noble houses followed the pope’s example of welcoming Christina, but
our examination has revealed that activities were orchestrated more to promote the
individual families rather than Christina. Our case study of the Barberini Carousel offers
such an instance, where this substantial festivity celebrated the Barberini family more
than the Swedish Queen. This illuminates the situation in which Christina found herself,
with a title, but lacking the wealth or social contacts to compete with the influence of
papal families. Her reliance on etiquette to demand respect for her sovereignty met with
only limited success.

386
Christina’s trip to France was her attempt to broker a diplomatic mission. Her
Parisian reception suggests the French attempted to outdo the grand fashion of even her
papal welcome in Italy; our analysis of the prints from her journey has revealed that her
image there was largely based on depictions of Queen Anne of Austria. However,
Christina’s diplomatic mission did not advance as she hoped; apparently she felt it
required a demonstration of her sovereign rights, which she executed by commanding
Monaldeschi’s death. Her decision plunged her into an international scandal.
In its wake, we find Christina apparently focusing on patronage in an effort to
repair her damaged reputation. She twice returned to Sweden in unsuccessful attempts to
demand reparations due to her as a part of her abdication agreement; during her first
journey north, Christina commissioned Abraham Wuchters to create portraits of herself
and the Swedish royal family to instigate a favorable outcome to her financial situation.
This reading suggests that Wuchters’ portraits praised the King of Sweden while
reiterating that Christina’s sovereignty must be honored.
Another tactic to repair her stained reputation seems to be found in the medals
Christina commissioned, reviving her Minerva avatar to recall her past accomplishments.
She astutely gave these as gifts to a select group of influential people, who in turn
promoted her. Christina’s academicians thus became the infantry who helped bolster her
recovery. Her sponsorship of the Squadrone Volante was particularly fruitful because her
contacts within the Curia made it possible for her to insert herself within papal politics —
eventually successfully electing a friend pope. Our investigation has documented that her
involvement within the Vatican occasioned further panegyric endeavors that revived her
position in Roman society: the colored drawing by Pierre-Paul Sevin illustrates a papal
387
banquet to prove the unprecedented privilege and influential status she attained within the
pope’s court.
Our discussion of her rivalry with Maria Mancini-Colonna points to Christina’s
motives for another strategic artistic display: the observation box she had built along the
major thoroughfare of the Roman carnival. Although Maria was a noteworthy participant
in the festivities, Christina was determined to compete for attention, despite being less
affluent. Artworks by Giovanni Battista Falda and Pierre-Paul Sevin record the size and
place of the structure Christina had devised to engage the crowd. Their images document
the construction of a prominent observation box for carnival that put Christina on display
for the public to see beneath a monumental crown, surrounded by an exclusive entourage.
The box enabled Christina to participate without requiring her to perform in the
mascherate parade. This approach made it possible for her to be noticed while being
surrounded by a select group of cardinals. Her ability to witness festivities at the Piazza
Venezia alongside distinguished guests was a recognizable display of power.
Medals from the Gloria Deo series present Christina’s project to commemorate
her life’s accomplishments. Her patronage of Giovanni Battista Guglielmada with
Massimiliano Soldani Benzi resulted in a comprehensive series that asserts the queen’s
superiority. Once again, Christina gave these medals as gifts to her academicians to
solidify her standing among them, thereby inspiring them to circulate the visual
narratives to their associates as well. The premier medals propose that Christina is
superior to those around her because heaven is her natural habitat. One motto — “I was
born, I lived, and I die in freedom” — communicates Christina’s determination to remain
independent; while “the world is not enough for me” stresses that the earthly realm is
388
unworthy of her splendor. Such distinctions place her above her surroundings to
emphasize her individuality, and even imply a sort of apotheosis. Gloria Deo clearly
argues that sovereign authority must be authentic and personal — neither false nor
borrowed. The iconographic program repeats this subject through various details to stress
Christina’s originality while condemning opponents such as Louis XIV of France. The
project’s last installment features Christina alongside lions to stress the permanence of
her sovereignty while rejecting any sign of dependency. A culmination of Christina’s
patronage, the Gloria Deo series represents an endeavor to shape her reputation that
draws on sources from throughout her life.
Gloria Deo’s creation coincided with Christina’s other final efforts to establish a
legacy of everlasting sovereignty. Michael Dahl created late portraits of Christina that
place her alongside venerated Roman monuments. These images declare that she is
analogous with the prestige of the historic environment in which she resides. The
queen’s patronage demonstrates her goal of establishing a resounding repute that would
endure after her demise, and the simplicity of Christina’s final testament suggests that she
was satisfied with her established standing: somewhat out of character, she left directions
for a modest funeral. Nonetheless, ironically, the very stratagems of artistic patronage
that she herself had wielded so effectively throughout her lifetime served in the end to
overturn her humble last request. Disregarding her instructions, the papacy took this as
one last opportunity to exploit her image to the benefit of the Church. Queen Christina
was the regnant of a notable realm, a vocal public figure, and far too important a Catholic
convert to be disposed of in a private fashion. Her final request for austerity was
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dismissed in favor of a tribute more suitable to her royal status — a majesty still evident
more than three centuries after her death.

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APPENDIX
Figure References
Figure 1: Queen Christina. Gustav II Adolf, Konung av Sverige. c. 1632.

Watercolor. Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMGrh 419). From:
Nationalmuseum, http://www.nationalmuseum.se/ (accessed 23 August
2014).
Figure 2: Jacob Heinrich Elbfas attr., Gustav II Adolf and Christina, c. 1632, Oil on
canvas. Jäders kyrka, Eskilstuna, Sweden. From: Johan Rosell and Per
Sandin, editors, Bilder av Kristina: drottning av Sverige - drottning i Rom,
(Stockholm: Livrustkammaren, 2013), 78.
Figure 3: Unidentified Artist. Gustavus Adolphus with German cities under his
control. 1632. Etching. Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP G
II A C 15). Photograph by author.
Figure 4: Unidentified Artist. Vasa Dynasty family tree originating from Noah, from
Genealogia se u successio regum suecia by Isaac Habrecht.1633.
Engraving. Uppsala Universitetsbibliotek, Uppsala, Sweden. Photograph
by author.
Figure 5: Henrik Hybertsson and Arendt de Groote (shipwrights). Vasa. 1626-1628.
Timber with other materials. Vasamuseet, Stockholm, Swden. Photograph
by author.
Figure 6: Ingvar Jörpeland, Stefan Bruhn and Jan Claesson. Reconstructed Vasa
model. 2008. Wood with pigment. Vasamuseet, Stockholm, Sweden.
Photograph by Karolina Kristensson courtesy of Maritime Museum
Archives, Stockholm, Sweden (Fo183439DIG_003DIG).
Figure 7: Mårten Redtmer – head sculptor. Vasa – detail: Lion Figurehead. 1626-
1628. Gilt wood. Vasamuseet, Stockholm, Sweden. Photograph by Anneli
Karlsson courtesy of Maritime Museum Archives, Stockholm, Sweden
(Fo179217_17DIG).
Figure 8: Mårten Redtmer – head sculptor. Vasa – detail: Breakhead. 1626-1628.
Timber with other materials. Vasamuseet, Stockholm, Sweden.
Photograph by author.
Figure 9: Mårten Redtmer – head sculptor. Vasa – detail: Sterncastle Transom.
1626-1628. Gilt wood with pigment. Vasamuseet, Stockholm, Sweden.
1626-1628. Wood with pigment. Vasamuseet, Stockholm, Sweden.
Photograph by Anneli Karlsson courtesy of Maritime Museum Archives,
Stockholm, Sweden (Fo179217_58DIG).
423
1626-1628. Wood with pigment, Vasamuseet, Stockholm, Sweden.
1626-1628. Wood with pigment. Vasamuseet, Stockholm, Sweden.
Figure 13: Johann Jakob Gabler. Allegorical Funeral Procession for King Gustav II
Adolf. 1633. Etching. Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP
CHR B 6). Photograph by author.
Figure 14: Unidentified Artist. Funeral Cortege of King Gustav II Adolf at Wolgast
26, July 1633. c. 1633. Etching. Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden
(HP CHR B 4). Photograph by author.
Figure 15: Michel Le Blon. Queen Christina in Mourning. 1633-34. Engraving.
Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 24). Photograph by
author.
Figure 16: Michel Le Blon. Queen Marie Eleonora. 1633. Engraving. Kungliga
Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP M E 5). Photograph by author.
Figure 17: Jan van Looff. Dextra Manus Suecia Superest Pereunte Sinistra. 1632.
Silver. Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S
204.214). Photograph by Gabriel Hildebrand courtesy of Kungliga
Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden.
Figure 18: Gabriel Rollenhagen. Lex regit et arma tuentur, Plate 3, from Selectorum
emblematum centuria secunda. 1613. Engraving. Special Collections and
University Archives, The University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City, Iowa,
United States (xN7740.R6). Photograph by author.
Figure 19: Jacob Heinrich Elbfas. Queen Christina as a child. c. 1632. Oil on canvas.
Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NM 6693). From:
Nationalmuseum, http://www.nationalmuseum.se/ (accessed 3 June 2013).
Figure 20: Jacob Heinrich Elbfas. Queen Christina of Sweden as a Child. 1634. Oil
on canvas. Nationalmuseum-Statens Portrattsamling, Gripsholm, Sweden
(NMGrh 504). From: Nationalmuseum, http://www.nationalmuseum.se/
(accessed 29 May 2013).
Figure 21: Michiel Jansz. van Mierevelt. Queen Maria Elenora of Brandenburg.
1619. Oil on canvas. Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMGrh
2245). From: Nationalmuseum, http://www.nationalmuseum.se/ (accessed
14 November 2012).
424
Figure 22: Matthaeus Merian the Elder. Queen Maria Eleonora. c. 1630. Engraving.
Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP M E 6). Photograph by
author.
Figure 23: Matthäus Merian. Gustav II Adolf in a Polish Coat. c. 1630-1632. Oil on
canvas. Skokloster Slott, Skokloster, Sweden (614). From: Skokloster
Slott, http://skoklostersslott.se/ (accessed 18 November 2014).
Figure 24: Anselmus van Hulle, attr. King Gustav II Adolf of Sweden. 1630. Oil on
canvas. Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMGrh 2087). From:
Nationalmuseum, http://www.nationalmuseum.se/ (accessed 8 September
2014).
Figure 25: Sebastian Dadler. Imperium Proles Gustavi Maxima Magni Suscipit:
Innumeris Vivat Christina Triumphis. 1644. Silver. Kungliga
Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 264.16). Photograph by Gabriel
Hildebrand courtesy of Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden.
Figure 26: Sigismund Vogel after Johan Neander. Frontispiece for the Finnish Bible.
1642. Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 164A). Photograph
by author.
Figure 27: Jacob Heinrich Elbfas. Queen Christina. c. 1637. Oil on canvas. Strängnä
College, Strängnä Sweden. From: Boo von Malmborg, “Porträts der
Königin Christina vor ihrem Regierungsantritt 1644,” in Queen Christina
of Sweden: Documents and Studies, ed., Magnus Von Platen (Stockholm:
Kungliga Boktryckeriet P.A. Norstedt and Söner, 1966), 237.
Figure 28: Jacob Heinrich Elbfas. Queen Christina. 1641. Oil on canvas. Stadshuset,
Stockholm, Sweden. From: Johan Rosell and Per Sandin, editors, Bilder
av Kristina: drottning av Sverige - drottning i Rom, (Stockholm:
Livrustkammaren, 2013), 91
Figure 29: Dirik Dirichsen. Frontisepiece of the Christina Bible. 1646. Engraving.
author.
Figure 30: Unidentified Artist. Gustav II Adolf as Jupiter. 1636. Engraving. Kungliga
Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP A II G 358). Photograph by author.
Figure 31: Balu, attr. Queen Kristina Imperatrix. c. 1648. Engraving. Kungliga
Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 9). Photograph by author.
Figure 32: Pierre Signac. Queen Christina. c. 1647-1651. Miniature.
Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMB 89). From:
Nationalmuseum, http://www.nationalmuseum.se/ (accessed 3 February
2015).
425
Figure 33: Gabriel Rollenhagen. Flavescent, Plate 44, from Selectorum emblematum
centuria secunda. 1613. Engraving. Special Collections and University
Archives, The University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City, Iowa, United
States (N7740.R6). Photograph by author.
Figure 34: Gabriel Rollenhagen. De parvis grandis acervus erit, Plate 50, from
Selectorum emblematum. 1613. Engraving. Special Collections and
Figure 35: Sebastian Dadler. Repertrix. 1648. Silver. Kungliga Myntkabinette,
Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 268.20). Photograph by Gabriel Hildebrand
courtesy of Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden.
Figure 36: Jeremias Falck. Queen Christina as Minerva. 1649. Engraving. Kungliga
Figure 37: Gabriel Rollenhagen. Sapientia Constans, Plate 2, from Selectorum
emblematum. 1613. Engraving. The University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa
City, Iowa, United States (xN7740.R6). Photograph by author.
Figure 38: Gabriel Rollenhagen. Scientia Immutabilis, Plate 11 from Nucleus
emblematum sectectissimorum. 1611. Engraving. Special Collections and
Figure 39: David Beck. Queen Christina. c. 1648. Oil on canvas. Suomen
kansallismuseo, Helsinki, Finland (H32100:94). Photograph by author.
Figure 40: Gabriel Rollenhagen. Studio et vigilantia, Plate 67, from Selectorum
emblematum. 1613. Engraving. The University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa
City, Iowa, United States (xN7740.R6). Photograph by author.
Figure 41: Unidentified Parisian artist. The Trophy Coach. c. 1648-1650. Wood and
textile. Livrustkammaren, Stockholm, Sweden (4019 750). From:
Livrustkammaren, http://livrustkammaren.se/ (accessed 14 May 2013).
Figure 42: Simon Jüterbock. Queen Christina's Coronation Saddle. 1650. Emroidered
leather. Livrustkammaren, Stockholm, Sweden (9026, 9027). From:
Livrustkammaren, http://livrustkammaren.se/ (accessed 14 May 2013).
Figure 43: Ruprecht Miller. Crown of Queen Maria Eleonora. 1620 with additions in
1650. Gold, enamel, diamonds and rubies. Skattkammaren, Stockholm,
Sweden. From: Astrid Tydén-Jordan, Drottning Kristina kröningskaross
1650, translator, Roger Tanner (Stockholm: Livrustkammaren, 1989), 33.
Figure 44: Johan Sasse. Queen Christina's Coronation Procession. 1651. Engraving.
Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP CHR C 30). Photograph by
author.
426
Figure 45: Unidentified Cartographer. Map of Stockholm. 1625. Drawing.

Stadsarkiv, Stockholm, Sweden. From: Nils-Olof Olsson, Stockholm Seen
by Five Centuries of Artists, trans. Paul Britten Austin (Stockholm:
Stocholmia Förlag, 1997), 25.
Figure 46: Unidentified Cartographer. Map of Stockholm, 1642, drawing, Kungliga
Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden. From: Nils-Olof Olsson, Stockholm Seen
by Five Centuries of Artists, trans. Paul Britten Austin (Stockholm:
Figure 47: Unidentified Cartographer. Map of Stockholm. 1645. Drawing. Det
Kongelige Bibliotek, Copenhagen, Denmark (X 1967/99). From: Nils-
Olof Olsson, Stockholm Seen by Five Centuries of Artists, trans. Paul
Britten Austin (Stockholm: Stocholmia Förlag, 1997), 35.
Figure 48: Illustration of 1642 city map with the processional route of Queen
Christina's entrance into Stockholm highlighted. Photograph by author.
Figure 49: Jean Marot. Queen Christina’s Coronation Arch 1650, Plate from Erik
Dahlberg’s Suecia antiqua et hodierna. c. 1660. Engraving. Kungliga
Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP CHR B 138). Photograph by author.
Figure 50: Jean Marot. Queen Christina’s Coronation Arch 1650, Plate from Erik
Dahlberg’s Suecia antiqua et hodierna. c. 1660. Engraving. Kungliga
Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP CHR A 67 2). Photograph by author.
Figure 51: Simon de la Vallée with contributions from Heinrich Wilhelm, Joost
Vingboons, and Jean de la Vallée. Riddarhuset. 1641-1672. Stockholm,
Sweden. Photograph by author.
Figure 52: Simon de la Vallée. Proposed Riddarhuset plan. 1641. Drawing.
Riddarhuset, Stockholm, Sweden. From: Nils-Olof Olsson, Stockholm
Seen by Five Centuries of Artists, trans. Paul Britten Austin (Stockholm:
Figure 53: Gabriel Rollenhagen. Arte et Marte, Plate 68, from Selectorum
emblematum centuria secunda. 1613. Engraving. Special Collections and
Figure 54: Illustration of 1642 Stockholm map with the procession route of Queen
Christina's coronation highlighted. Photograph by author.
Figure 55: Wolfgang Hartmann, View over Stockholm from the east – made for the
coronation of Queen Christina. 1650. Engraving. Skokloster Slott, Sweden
(15808, 15809). Photograph by author.
Figure 56: D van den Bremden. Queen Christina. 1649. Engraving. Kungliga
427
Figure 57: Unidentified Artist. Queen Christina's Coronation Robe. 1650. Embroided
velvet and fur. Livrustkammaren, Stockholm, Sweden (6213 3447). From:
Livrustkammaren, http://livrustkammaren.se/ (accessed 27 March 2014).
Figure 58: Pierre Boucher, attr. Coronation Baldicchino of Queen Christina. 1648.
Embroidered textile. Livrustkammaren, Stockholm, Sweden (6214 3872).
From: Livrustkammaren, http://livrustkammaren.se/ (accessed 27 March
2014).
Figure 59: Unidentified Artist. Uppsala Cathedral – Crossing Ceiling. Begun 1270 –
consecrated in 1435. Uppsala, Sweden. Photograph by author.
Figure 60: Wolfgang Hartmann. The Crowning of Queen Christina of Sweden. 1650.
Etching and engraving. Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP
CHR C 29). Photograph by author.
Figure 61: Abraham Drentwett the Elder. Queen Christina’s Silver Throne. 1650.
Wood with silver repouseé. Kungliga Slottet, Stockholm, Sweden. From:
Marie-Louise Rodén, “La Regina Cristina e la Politica europea del
Seicento” in Cristina di Svezia e le Colezzioni Reali (Rome: Palazzo
Ruspoli; Stockholm: Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, 2003), 35.
Figure 62: Gabriel Rollenhagen. Donec totum impleat orbem, Plate 99, from
Selectorum emblematum centuria secunda. 1613. Engraving. Special
Collections and University Archives, The University of Iowa Libraries,
Iowa City, Iowa, United States (xN7740.R6). Photograph by author.
Figure 63: Nicolas Vallari. The Illustrious Splendors of Felicity. 1650. Gouache
drawing. Suomen kansallismuseo, Helsinki, Finland (NB 79077).
Figure 64: Nicolas Vallari. The Illustrious Splendors of Felicity – detail. 1650.
Gouache drawing, Suomen kansallismuseo, Helsinki, Finland (NB 79077).
Photo courtesy of Suomen kansallismuseo, Helsinki, Finland.
428
Figure 69: Lozeleur de Villiers, publisher. Mount Parnassus and cave with Furies in
the Triumphal Entry of Duke François d’Anjou into Antwerp. 1582.
Engraving. Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge,
Massachusetts, United States (530.82.468). From: Louis P. Grijp, "Music
Performed in the Triumphal Entry of the Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand into
Antwerp (1635)," in Art, Music, and Spectacle in the Age of Rubens: The
Pompa Introitus Ferdinandi, editors, Anna C. Knaap and Michael C. J.
Putman (London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 2013), 105.
Figure 70: Unidentified Artist. Mount Parnassus in the Triumphal Entry of Archduke
Ernest of Austria into Brussles. 1594. Engraving. Museum Plantin-
Moretus, Antwerp, Belgium. From: Louis P. Grijp, "Music Performed in
the Triumphal Entry of the Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand into Antwerp
(1635)," in Art, Music, and Spectacle in the Age of Rubens: The Pompa
Introitus Ferdinandi, editors, Anna C. Knaap and Michael C. J. Putman
(London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 2013), 106.
Figure 72: David Klöcker Ehrenstrahl. Karl X Gustav. c. 1661-1675. Oil on canvas.
Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMGrh 3924). From:
Nationalmuseum, http://www.nationalmuseum.se/ (accessed 18 May
2015).
Figure 73: David Beck. Christina, Queen of Sweden. 1650. Oil on canvas.
Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NM 308). From: Nationalmuseum,
http://www.nationalmuseum.se/ (accessed 12 October 2012).
Figure 74: Anthony van Dyck. Lady Frances Cranfield, Lady Buckhurst, later
Countess of Dorset. c. 1637. Oil on canvas. The National Trust, the
Sackville Collection, Knole, United Kingdom (NT 129918). From:
National Trust Collections, http://www.nationaltrustcollections.org.uk/
(accessed 8 February 2015).
Figure 75: David Beck. Queen Christina. 1651. Oil on canvas. Statens Museum for
Kunst, Copenhagen, Denmark (KMSsp288). From: Statens Museum for
Kunst, http://www.smk.dk/ (accessed 20 May 2014).
Figure 76: David Beck. Christina, Queen of Sweden. c. 1651. Oil on copper.
Livrustkammaren, Stockholm, Sweden (24726 87:8). From:
Livrustkammaren, http://livrustkammaren.se/ (accessed 27 March 2014).
429
Figure 77: Sébastian Bourdon. Equestrian Portrait of Queen Christina. 1653. Oil on
canvas. Museo National del Prado, Madrid, Spain (P01503). From:
Museo National del Prado, https://www.museodelprado.es/ (accessed 14
June 2011).
Figure 78: Sébastian Bourdon. Christina receives the Herculean Arms. 1652-1653.
Drawing. Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (H Uts A 159).
Figure 79: Diego Velásquez, after Peter Paul Rubens. Allegorical Equestrian Portrait
of Philip IV of Spain. 1628. Oil on canvas. The Uffizi, Florence, Italy.
From: Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/ (accessed 7
December 2014).
Figure 80: Cornelius Arendtz. Gustav II Adolf on horseback. 1636. Oil on canvas.
Uppsala University Art Collection, Uppsala, Sweden. From: Allan
Ellenius, “Stormaktstida konst och miljö i mentalitetshistoriskt
perspective,” in Mare Nostrum. editor, Kerstin Abukhanfusa (Stockholm:
Ekblad and Company, 1999), 173.
Figure 81: Cesare Ripa, publisher. Esilio from Iconologia. 1603. Engraving. The
University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City, Iowa, United States
(xN7740.R49). Photograph by author.
Figure 82: Jean Parise. A Deo et Christina. 1654. Silver. Kungliga Myntkabinette,
Stockholm Sweden (H1S 341.10). Photograph by Gabriel Hildebrand
courtesy of Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden.
Figure 83: Justus van Egmont. Queen Christina as Minerva. 1654. Oil on canvas.
Statens Portrattsamling, Gripsholm, Sweden (NMGrh 3989). From:
Nationalmuseum, http://www.nationalmuseum.se/ (accessed 12 October
2012).
Figure 84: Giuseppe Peroni, attr. Head of Christina of Sweden as Minerva. C. 1655.
Marble. Rikssalsstiftelsen Uppsala Slott, Uppsala, Sweden. Photograph by
author.
Figure 85: Philips Fruytiers. The Enlightened Christina. 1655. Etching. Kunglinga
Figure 86: Comune de Roma. Monument Commemorating Queen Christina's
Triumphant Arrival to Rome. c. 1655. Marble and plaster. Castellani Hall
3, Palazzo dei Conservatori, Musei Capitolini, Rome, Italy. Photograph
by author.
430
Figure 87: Typographia Sacrae Congregationis - Congregatio de Propaganda Fide.

Christinae Suecorum Gothorum Vandalorumque Reginae Piae Felici.
1656. Typeset. Newberry Library, Chicago, United States (BS2485
C34 1519). From: Newberry Library, https://www.newberry.org/
(accessed 7 July 2013).
Figure 88: Gianlorenzo Bernini. Sketch for Queen Christina's Carriage. 1655.
Drawing. Bibloteca Chigiana - Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican
City. From: Georgina Masson, “Papal Gifts and Roman Entertainments in
Honour of Queen Christina’s Arrival” in Queen Christina of Sweden:
Documents and Studies ed. Magnus Von Platen (Stockholm: Kungl,
Boktryckeriet P.A. Norstedt and Söner. 1966), 248.
Figure 89: Johann Paul Schor. Diagram for Queen Christina's Carriage. 1655.
Drawing. Bibloteca Chigiana - Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vatican
City. From: Georgina Masson, “Papal Gifts and Roman Entertainments in
Honour of Queen Christina’s Arrival” in Queen Christina of Sweden:
Documents and Studies ed. Magnus Von Platen (Stockholm: Kungl,
Boktryckeriet P.A. Norstedt and Söner. 1966), 248.
Figure 90: Angelo Broncone, attr. Torah decorations made from curtains of the coach
the Pope gave Christina for her entrance into Rome. 1655. Embroidered
Velvet. Jewish Museum of Rome, Rome, Italy. From: Johan Rosell and
Per Sandin, editors, Bilder av Kristina: drottning av Sverige - drottning i
Rom, (Stockholm: Livrustkammaren, 2013), 183.
Figure 91: Gaspare Morone Mola. Fel Favs Q Ingres. 1655. Bronze. Kungliga
Figure 92: Alberto Hamerani, attr. Fel Favs Q Ingres. 1655. Bronze. Kungliga
Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 298.83a). Photograph by
Gabriel Hildebrand courtesy of Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm,
Sweden.
Figure 93: Gaspare Morone Mola. Fel Favs Q Ingres. 1655. Bronze. Kungliga
Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 298.83b). Photograph by
Sweden.
Figure 94: Horatio Marinari. Queen Christina rides into Rome between Cardinals
Orsini and Costaguti. Etching. 1655. Kungliga Bilbioteket, Stockholm,
Sweden (HP CHR A 78). Photograph by author.
Figure 95: Giuseppe Maria Testana. Queen Christina rides into Rome. 1656.
Engraving. Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 267).
431
Figure 96: Giovanni Giacomo de' Rossi. Ingresso Solenne in Roma della Maesta
della Regina di Svezia il di XXIII. FEB. M.DCLV. 1655. Etching.
Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (HP CHR C 33). Photograph by
author.
Figure 97: Giovanni Battista de’ Rossi. Ingresso della regina Cristina di Svezia a
Roma. 1655. Etching. Museo di Roma, Rome, Italy (GB 95). From:
Cesare, Roma val bene un’abiura: storie romane tra Cristina di Svezia,
Piazza del Popolo e l’Accademia d’Arcadia (Rome: Fratelli
Palomb, 1976), 69.
Figure 98: Horatio Marinari, published by Giovanni Battista de’ Rossi. Cavalcata di
Christina di Svezia. Etching. 1655. Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm,
Sweden (HP CHR A 77). Photograph by author.
Figure 99: Carlo Rainaldi. Temporary façade on the Palazzo Farnese, 26 December,
1655. Drawing. Staatliche Museen, Berlin, Germany (1144). From: Per
Bjurström, Feast and Theatre in Queen Christina’s Rome (Stockholm:
Nationalmuseum, 1966), 19.
Figure 100: Unidentified artist. Temporary façade on the Palazzo Farnese, 26
December, 1655. Drawing. Staatliche Museen, Berlin, Germany (1143).
From: Per Bjurström, Feast and Theatre in Queen Christina’s Rome
(Stockholm: Nationalmuseum, 1966), 138.
Figure 101: Filippo Gagliardi and Filippo Lauri. Carousel Given at Palazzo Barberini
in Honor of Christina of Sweden on 28, February 1656. c. 1670. Oil on
canvas. Museo di Roma, Rome, Italy (MR 5698). From: Wikimedia
Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/ (accessed 26 June 2015).
Figure 102: Saincton. Christina hunting in men's clothes while visiting France. 1656.
Figure 103: Published by Pierre Mariette. Christina travels in France. c. 1657. Etching.
author.
author.
author.
432
Figure 106: Unidentified French Artist. Anne of Austria on horseback, n.d. engraving.
Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, France (FOL-QB-201 47). From:
Bibliothèque nationale de France, http://www.bnf.fr/ (accessed 5 May
2014).
Figure 107: Unidentified artist. Christina receives a throne canopy from city officials
at her entry into Paris. 1657. Colored engraving. Kungliga Biblioteket,
Stockholm, Sweden (SHP Chr C 36). Photograph courtesy of Kungliga
Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden.
Figure 108: Pierre Daret, published by Pierre Daret. Louis XIII and Anne of Austria.
1640. Engraving. British Museum, London, United Kingdom
(1878,0713.2619). From: British Museum, http://www.britishmuseum.org/
(accessed 18 May 2014).
Figure 109: Paulus Fürst. King Karl X Gustav and Queen Christina. c. 1654.
Figure 110: Giovanni Giacomo de' Rossi. Queen Christina's entry into Rome. 1656.
Etching. Statens Museum of Kunst, Copenhagen, Denmark (401a 63).
Photograph courtesy of Statens Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen,
Denmark.
Figure 111: Jérôme David, published by Jean Le Blond I. Anne of Austria on
Horseback. 1638-1643. Engraving. British Museum, London, United
Kingdom (1878,0713.2620). From: British Museum,
http://www.britishmuseum.org/ (accessed 18 May 2014).
Figure 112: Abraham Wuchters. Queen Christina of Sweden. c. 1661. Oil on canvas.
Skoklosters Slott, Skokloster, Sweden (615). From: Skokloster Slott,
http://skoklostersslott.se/ (accessed 12 November 2014).
Figure 113: Abraham Wuchters. Karl X Gustav. c. 1660. Oil on canvas.
Nationalmuseum-Statens Portrattsamling, Gripsholm, Sweden (NMGrh
18 October 2014).
Figure 114: Abraham Wuchters. Queen Hedvig Eleonora. c. 1660. Oil on copper.
Nationalmuseum-Statens Portrattsamling, Gripsholm, Sweden (NMGrh
18 October 2014).
Figure 115: Abraham Wuchters. Karl XI. c. 1660. Oil on copper. Nationalmuseum-
Statens Portrattsamling, Gripsholm, Sweden (NMGrh 447). From:
Nationalmuseum, http://www.nationalmuseum.se/ (accessed 18 October
2014).
433
Figure 116: Abraham Wuchters. Christina of Sweden. 1660. Oil on board.

Universitetes Konstsamlingar, Uppsala, Sweden (UU 381). From: Ulrich
Hermanns, Christina, Königin von Schweden (Bramsche: Rasch Druckerei
und Verlag, 1998), 69.
Figure 117: Giovacchino Francesco Travani. Makelös. 1665. Bronze. Kungliga
Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 311.104). Photograph by
Sweden.
Figure 118: Alberto Hamerani. Christina Alexandra. 1659. Bronze. Kungliga
Sweden.
Figure 119: Sebastian Dadler. Phoenix Phoenicis Gustavi E Funera Nata. 1632.
Silver. Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S
Figure 120: Friedrich Fechter. Perit ut vivat. 1632. Gilt silver. Kungliga
Sweden.
Figure 121: Giovanni Battista Falda, published by Giovanni Giacomo de' Rossi. Queen
Christina's box for Carnival at Piazza San Marco on the Corso. 1656.
Engraving. Museo Di Roma, Rome, Italy (GS 96). From: Per Bjurström,
Feast and Theatre in Queen Christina’s Rome (Stockholm:
Nationalmuseum, 1966), 75.
Figure 122: Pierre-Paul Sevin. Carnival Tournament in the Piazza San Marco. 1669.
Drawing. Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMH THC 3616).
From: Per Bjurström, Feast and Theatre in Queen Christina’s Rome
(Stockholm: Nationalmuseum, 1966), 83.
Figure 123: Jacob-Ferdinand Voet. Christina of Sweden. Oil on canvas. c. 1670.
Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence, Italy (2810). From: Tomasso Montanari,
“Bernini e Cristina di Svezia: Alle origini della storiografia berniniana.”
in Gian Lorenzo Bernini e I Chigi tra Roma e Siena. editor,
AlessandAngelini (Milian: Silvana, 1999), 477.
Figure 124: Pierre-Paul Sevin. Banquet in honor of Clement IX and Christina of
Sweden on 9 of December 1667. 1667. Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm,
Sweden (H Uts B. 89). Photograph courtesy of Kungliga Biblioteket,
Stockholm, Sweden.
434
Figure 125: Giovanni Battista Guglielmada. Non Sufficit. 1675-1680. Silver. Kungliga
Sweden.
Figure 126: Giovanni Battista Guglielmada. Sufficit. 1675-1680. Silver. Kungliga
Sweden.
Figure 127: Massimiliano Soldani Benzi. Ne Mi Bisogna, Ne Mi Basta. 1681. Bronze.
Museo Nazionale del Bargello, Florence, Italy (8791). From: Tomasso
Montanari, “Bernini e Cristina di Svezia: Alle origini della storiografia
berniniana.” in Gian Lorenzo Bernini e I Chigi tra Roma e Siena. editor,
Alessandro Angelini (Milian: Silvana, 1999), 452.
Figure 128: Giovanni Battista Guglielmada. Mi Nihil in Terris. 1681. Silver. Kungliga
Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 316.111a). Photograph by
Sweden.
Figure 129: Giovanni Battista Guglielmada. Libero i Nacqui e Vissi e Morro Sciolito.
1685. Silver. Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S
313.107a). Photograph by Gabriel Hildebrand courtesy of Kungliga
Figure 130: Giovanni Battista Guglielmada. Possis Nihil Urbe, Roma Visere Maius.
1685. Bronze. Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S
303.88a). Photograph by Gabriel Hildebrand courtesy of Kungliga
Figure 131: Massimiliano Soldani Benzi. Possis Nihil Urbe, Roma Visere Maius. c.
1680-1685. Bronze. Museum Nazionale del Bargello, Florence, Italy
(8771). From: Tomasso Montanari, “Bernini e Cristina di Svezia: Alle
origini della storiografia berniniana.” in Gian Lorenzo Bernini e i Chigi
tra Roma e Siena. editor, Alessandro Angelini (Milian: Silvana, 1999),
452.
Figure 132: Jean Baptise Theodon. Bust of Queen Christina of Sweden. nd., Bronze,
Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, Sweden (NMSk 1442). From:
Nationalmuseum, http://www.nationalmuseum.se/ (accessed 10 Decebmer
2013).
Figure 133: Giulio Cartari. Christina of Sweden. c. 1680. Marble. Patrimino National,
La Granja de San Ildefonso, Spain. From: Fundación Berndt
Wistedt, Esculturas para una Reina: la Colleción de Cristina de Suecia
(Madrid: Funcación Berndt Wistedt, 2007), 56.
435
Figure 134: Massimiliano Soldani Benzi. Nec Falso Nec Alieno. 1681. Bronze.
Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 309.98). Photograph
by Gabriel Hildebrand courtesy of Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm,
Sweden.
Figure 135: Giovanni Battista Guglielmada. Nec Falso Nec Alieno. 1685. Silver.
Sweden.
Figure 136: Giovanni Battista Guglielmada. Nec Falso Nec Alieno. 1685. Gilt silver.
Sweden.
Figure 137: Giovanni Battista Guglielmada. Nec Falso Nec Alieno. 1685. Silver.
Sweden.
Figure 138: Giovanni Battista Guglielmada. A Socio Derelicta A Deo Restituta Suetia.
1685. Silver. Kungliga Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S
Figure 139: Giovanni Battista Guglielmada. Fortis et Felix. 1685. Silver. Kungliga
Myntkabinette, Stockholm, Sweden (H1S 305.90c). Photograph by
Sweden.
Figure 140: Giovanni Battista Guglielmada. Fortis et Felix. 1685. Bronze. Kungliga
Figure 141: Giovanni Battista Guglielmada. Confidenter et Solus. 1685. Silver.
Sweden.
Figure 142: Giovanni Battista Guglielmada. Nec Sinit Esse Feros. 1685. Silver.
Sweden.
Figure 143: Michael Dahl. Queen Christina. 1687. Grimsthorpe and Drummond Castle
Trust, Bourne, Lincolnshire, United Kingdom (NT 609025). From:
National Trust Collections, http://www.nationaltrustcollections.org.uk/
(accessed 8 February 2015).
436
Figure 144: Eberhard Werner Happel. Pious Queen Christina. c. 1690. Engraving.
Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden (SVP 94/5). Photograph by
author.
Figure 145: Unidentified Florentine Sculptor. Bust of Queen Christina of Sweden. c.
1685. Marble. Herzog Anton Ulrich, Braunschweig, Germany. From:
Ulrich Hermanns, Christina, Königin von Schweden (Bramsche: Rasch
Druckerei und Verlag, 1998), 61.
Figure 146: Unidentified Dutch artist. Queen Christina elderly. c 1685. Oil on canvas.
Private collection, Stockholm, Sweden. From: Wikimedia Commons,
https://commons.wikimedia.org/ (accessed 7 December 2014).
Figure 147: Nicolas Dorigny. Christina of Sweden Lying in State in S. Maria in
Vallicella. 1689. Engraving. Kungliga Biblioteket, Stockholm, Sweden
(HP CHR C 38). Photograph by author.
Figure 148: Robert van Audenaerde, published by Giovanni Giacomo de' Rossi. Queen
Christina's Funeral Procession. 1689. Etching. Kungliga Biblioteket,
Stockholm, Sweden (HP CHR C 39). Photograph by author.

Expressions of Power: Queen Christina of Sweden and Patronage in Baroque Europe

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Expressions of power: Queen Christina of

Nathan Alan Popp

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Doctor of Philosophy

Thesis Supervisor: Associate Professor Julie Berger Hochstrasser

NATHAN ALAN POPP

All Rights Reserved

This is to certify that the Ph.D. thesis of

Nathan Alan Popp

Thesis Committee: __________________________________________

Queen Christina of Sweden

fruition, and thank them for their support.

guidance have significantly contributed to the methodology of my research and their

insight has enabled me to develop as a scholar. I am particularly indebted to Professor

and I am sincerely grateful.

International Dissertation Research Fellowship from the Graduate College and a

College Summer Fellowship allowed me to concentrate on the critical stage of writing. I

am sincerely grateful for these sources of support.

(Royal Armory) in Stockholm. I appreciate the support of Malin Grundberg, Sofia

Robert Ekstrand gave me access to archives at the Sjöhistoriska (National Maritime

Myntkabinettet (Royal Coin Cabinet) is a rich source of material and I am appreciative to

Many thanks to Annika Jägerholm at Stockholm’s Stadsmuseum for putting me in touch

The majority of my time in Stockholm was spent in the Kungliga Biblioteket

want to give special recognition to Kanwal Qadri for arranging my admittance to

Stadsarkiv, Kungsholm church, Nationalmuseum in Stockholm and the Statens

Porträttsamling (State Portrait Collection) at Gripsholm Castle were additional Swedish

institutions that allowed me to use their collections.

Conservatori in the Musei Capitolini among them. I wish to convey my appreciation to

study her family’s collection. My gratitude extends to Luisa Capaccioli, administrator of

accommodating my many visits. I want to recognize IES Abroad for facilitating my

study in Rome, including arranging an apartment in the beautiful Prati neighborhood.

introducing me to so many art historians, thereby making it possible for me to expand my

to do primary source research so close to home.

enough to spend time. Marie-Louise Rodén, Stefano Fogelberg Rota, Susanna

scholarship and appreciate the opportunity to add my voice.

Friends and family are a constant source of encouragement. Andreas Nilsson

provided excellent assistance in finding housing in Stockholm and adopting Sweden as a

get acclimated with my surroundings. I would be remiss not to mention Karissa

constructive feedback. I am certain that my conclusions would be far less interesting

and applaud my interest in higher education. I dedicate this thesis to my children,

fundamental consideration in my decision-making process. They will always be my

Christina’s use of art to safeguard authority as Swedish regnant, or her expressions of

sovereignty as an erstwhile Protestant queen in Rome, but no scholarship to date has

equation to provide a comprehensive understanding of how Queen Christina’s patronage

The deployment of the arts was necessary to assert Christina’s authority in a

patriarchal environment and ultimately, to politically legitimize herself as an independent

(1594-1632) provides the background for examination of early patronage promoting

throughout her life.

My research contributes to our understanding of Christina’s development as art

patron by examining commissions that counteract this administrative system that

capitalize on her unique status in the history of Baroque Europe.

LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................... xi

CHAPTER ONE: MUD, BLOOD, AND THE FATHERLAND ..................................... 13

Family and Faith: Pillars of Power ............................................................................................ 13

CHAPTER TWO: A SUN ON BOTH HORIZONS ...................................................... 112

Coronation: Preparation and Entrance ..................................................................................... 113

CHAPTER THREE: DOWAGER REGNANT PATRONAGE .................................... 238

Post-Abdication Adjustment .................................................................................................... 238

CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................... 377