Berossos and Manetho - Verbrugghe, Gerald P. & Wickersham, John

Berossos and Manetho,
Introduced and Translated

Berossos and Manetho,
Introduced and Translated
Native Traditions in Ancient
Mesopotamia and Egypt
Gerald P. Verbrugghe
John M. Wickersham
AnnArbor
THE tiNivERSrrr OF MrcmGAN PRESS
First paperback edition 2001
Copyright© by the University of Michigan 1996
All rights reserved
Published in the United States of America by
The University of Michigan Press
Manufactured in the United States of America
§Printed on acid-free paper
2003 2002 2001 4 3 2
A Cl P catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Verbrugghe, Gerald
Berossos and Manetho, introduced and translated : native
traditions in ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt I Gerald P. Verbrugghe
and John M. Wickersham.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-472-10722-4 (hardcover: alk. paper)
1. Berosus, the Chaldean Babyloniaka. 2. Babylonia-History.
3. Manetho. 4. Egypt-History-To 332. B.C. I. Wickersham, John
M. (John Moore), 1943-. II. Title.
DS73.2.V47 1996
932-dc20 96-1860
CIP
ISBN 0-472-08687-1 (pbk. : alk. paper)
ISBN-13 978-0-472-08687-0
No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or

transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise,
without the written permission of the publisher.
Contents
Conventions Vll
Map 1-Berossos's and Manetho's Hellenistic World facing page 1
General Introduction 1
Languages and Scripts of Ancient Mesopotamia 2, Languages and
Scripts of Ancient Egypt 6, Two Native Attempts to Preserve the His-
tory of Ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt 8.
Berossos
Map 2-Berossos' s Mesopotamia facing page 13

Chapter 1. Introduction to Berossos 13
Berossos's Life and Work 13, Berossos's History of Babylonia-
Sources, Methods, and Reliability 15, Berossos's History of Babylo-
nia-Reception and Transmission 27, Berossos's History of Babylo-
nia-Goals and Accomplishments 31.
Chapter 2. Berossos-Ancient Testimony 35
Chapter 3. Berossos-Fragments 43
History of Babylonia, Book 1 43, History of Babylonia, Book 2 46,
History of Babylonia, Book 3 53, History of Babylonia, Unplaced
Fragments 63, Astronomical or Astrological Information 64, Miscel-
laneous 66.
Chapter 4. Berossos-Tables 69
Table A. Time Outline-Mesopotamia 69, Table B. Mesopotamian
Ruler-Lists 70, Table C. Jacoby's Numbering for Berossos's Testi-
mony and Fragments with Our Corresponding Numbering 84, Table
D. Our Numbering Corresponding to Jacoby's and Burstein's Number-
Vl Contents
ing for Berossos' s Fragments 87, Table E. Ancient and Medieval

Authors Who Preserve or Mention Berossos 89.
Manetho
Map 3-Manetho's Egypt facing page 95

Chapter 5. Introduction to Manetho 95
Manetho's Life and Work 95, Manetho's History of Egypt-Sources,
Methods, and Reliability 103, Manetho's History of Egypt-Reception
and Transmission 115, Manetho's History of Egypt-Goals and Ac-
complishments 119.
Chapter 6. Manetho-Ancient Testimony 121
Chapter 7. Manetho-Fragments 129
History of Egypt, Volumes 1-3 129, History of Egypt, Volume 1 153,
History of Egypt, Volume 2 155, History of Egypt, Volume 3 164,
Against Herodotus 165, Sacred Book 165, On Antiquity and Religion
165, On Festivals 166, On the Preparation of Kyphi 166, Digest of
Physics 167, Miscellaneous 167.
Chapter 8. Pseudo-Manetho-Ancient Testimony and Fragments 173
Apotelesmatika (Astrological Influences) 173, Book of Sothis 174.
Chapter 9. Manetho-Tables 183
Table A. Time Outline-Egypt 183, Table B. Ancient Egyptian Ruler-
Lists, Manetho's List, and a Modem List Compared 185, Table C. Ja-
coby's Numbering for Manetho's Testimony and Fragments Compared
with Our Corresponding Numbering 204, Table D. Our Numbering
Corresponding to Jacoby's and Waddell's Numbering for Manetho's
Testimony and Fragments 207, Table E. Ancient and Medieval
Authors Who Preserve or Mention Manetho 210.
Bibliography 213
Index 217
Conventions
T + # refers to an ancient source in our edition that contains information or

testimony about Berossos, Manetho, Berossos's History, or Manetho's
History and other writings.
F + # refers to an ancient source in our edition that contains information
which originally appeared in Berossos's History or Manetho's History
and other writings.
. . . indicates that text of an ancient author has not been translated, as it did
not concern Berossos or Manetho or it did not form part of Berossos 's or
Manetho's writings.
lac. indicates that text of an ancient author is missing or illegible in the
manuscript tradition or that a document is defective.
( ) Words, phrases, and sentences enclosed in parentheses are additions we
have made in our translations of the ancient texts, usually to make them
more readily understandable.
ANET3 = James B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the
Old Testament, third edition (Princeton 1969).
BM =British Museum (with index number for the tablet).
CAH2 =Cambridge Ancient History, vols. 3-5, 2d ed. 1982-92.
CAH3 =Cambridge Ancient History, vols. 1-2, 3d ed. 1970-75.
FGrHist = Felix Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, vols.
I-III (Leiden and Berlin, 1923-1958)-a collection of the fragments of
those historical works written in Greek, which survive mainly by being
quoted or cited by more fortunate authors whose works have been pre-
served. Some of the volumes of fragments are accompanied by companion
volumes of commentary. Some of these volumes of commentary are in
German, some in English. Unfortunately, Jacoby did not live long enough
to write a commentary for the fragments of either Berossos or Manetho.
viii Conventions
Testimony and fragments of Berossos are in FGrHist vol. III C 1 (1958),

pp. 364-97. Berossos = FGrHist #680. Testimony and fragments of Man-
etho are in FGrHist vol. III C 1 (1958), pp. 5-112. Manetho = FGrHist
#609.
FHG = Carolus Muller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, 5 vols. (Paris,
1841-1870). The testimony and fragments of Manetho are in FHG
2:511--616.
Karst = Josef Karst, Die Chronik aus dem Armenischen ubersetzt, vol. 5 of
Eusebius, Werke (Leipzig 1911), five volumes which offer a translation
of Eusebius's surviving writing. Volume 5 contains a German transla-
tion of the Armenian translation of Eusebius's Chronicon (The Chroni-
cle).
With one exception, only passages that ancient authors specifically at-
tributed to Berossos or to Manetho are given, not passages for which Beros-
sos or Manetho is the presumed source. The one exception is Manetho F29b.
Testimony or information about Berossos and Manetho is arranged in
chronological order of the authors of that information.
Fragments of Berossos' s History and Manetho' s History and other writ-
ings are in the order they would have appeared in those works, that is, for
the most part in chronological order.
We used what might be called reformist spelling for transliterating proper
names from ancient Greek to English, as we try to preserve the Greek spell-
ing and sound rather than give a spelling derived from the original or sup-
posed original Mesopotamian or Egyptian script. We have tried to be
consistent, but it is difficult. Some Mesopotamian and Egyptian names have
become standardized in English, and it seemed at times too strange to
change those already so familiar names by using a straight transliteration
from Greek to English letters. We therefore apologize for any inconsisten-
cies the reader may notice. In addition, we have standardized our translit-
eration of the Greek spelling of our two authors' Greek names. Berossos is
always spelled Berossos, even though his name appears in various different
Greek forms in the manuscripts, and Manetho is always spelled Manetho,
even though in Greek it more properly is Manethon. In chapters 4 and 9,
where the individual rulers named by Berossos and Manetho are listed, for
names derived from Mesopotamian or Egyptian lists we give modem
equivalents, which are more closely based on the supposed Mesopotamian
and Egyptian pronunciation of proper names.
Conventions lX
We give the numbers assigned by Jacoby in FGrHist to the historians

mentioned in the texts we translate. Where possible, we also give the testi-
mony number or fragment number.
We give both Latin titles and English titles of the ancient authors' works
that preserve the histories of Berossos and Manetho. We give the standard
English names for the Latin authors and the standard latinized forms for the
surviving Greek authors, for example, Pliny for the Latin Plinius, Josephus
for the Greek transliteration Josephos. For fragmentary Greek authors, how-
ever, we use a reformist transliteration, since these names have not become
standardized in English-for example, Hestiaios rather than Hestiaeus. In
rare cases, when we translate the names of Greek authors from a Latin
original, we give the Latin spelling of the Greek name.
For the names of the kings of Judah, we use the standard English translit-
erations of the Hebrew.
For Eusebius's text, when both treat the same material, we have preferred
the Greek text of Syncellus's Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Ex-
cerpts), which preserves parts of Eusebius's Chronicon (The Chronicle), to
Karst' s German translation of the Armenian translation of Eusebius' s
Chronicon.
Caspian Sea
.
Mt. Ararat • Boris
• SordJs
• Toous
.Anhoeh
Mediterranean Sea
oamoscu;
Map 1. Berossos's and Manetho's Hellenistic World

General Introduction
Before Alexander the Great and the Greeks, both ancient Mesopotamia and
Egypt had known foreign conquerors. These rulers, however, had usually
lasted only a short time, or, if they were able to establish themselves for an
extended period, the native traditions of Egypt and Mesopotamia over-
whelmed them. Even the Persians, who had conquered and then ruled both
Mesopotamia and Egypt for the two hundred years before Alexander, had
had little effect on the traditional society of either. The Hellenistic king-
doms, established after Alexander's conquest of Egypt in 332 B.c. and of
Mesopotamia from 331 to 330 B.C., had a much different and much greater
effect. It is not that they changed the traditional civilizations of ancient
Mesopotamia and Egypt. These would continue for many more centuries as
they were before Alexander. Rather, the establishment of Hellenistic king-
doms in Mesopotamia (the Seleucids in 311 B.c.) and Egypt (the Ptolemies
in 305 B.C.) began a new civilization that became equal and parallel to the
native civilizations.
This new civilization did not seriously threaten the existence of native
Mesopotamian and Egyptian civilizations, but it did become the vehicle by
which new ideas about religion, government, literature, and art were brought
to Mesopotamia and Egypt. The languages and scripts, which had served so
well the older, traditional native civilizations for millennia, were not used to
express these new ideas. More important, fundamental changes caused by
the introduction of new languages, new scripts, and new religions in Meso-
potamia and Egypt meant loss of knowledge about the old languages and the
old scripts that had preserved ancient Mesopotamia's and ancient Egypt's
past. The native histories of Egypt and Mesopotamia before Alexander the
Great, created and preserved by the older civilizations and continued during
2 Berossos and Manetho
the Hellenistic kingdoms, were ultimately forgotten and lost. The new lan-
guages and scripts would not preserve the past of the older civilizations.
Languages and Scripts of Ancient Mesopotamia
Shortly after 3500 B.C., the Sumerians in extreme southern Mesopotamia

began to develop a system of writing. All those who ruled after the Sumeri-
ans in Mesopotamia (the area drained by the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers)-
Akkadians, Amorites, Mittani, Kassites, and Assyrians-as well as ancient
peoples who did not even inhabit Mesopotamia, such as the Hittites, from
the third millennium through the first millennium B.C. used the Sumerian
script to write their own languages. Cuneiform is the modem name of this
script. Cuneiform means "wedge-shaped," derived from the Latin word for
wedge. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries A.D., travelers from
western Europe in the Turkish Empire began to notice, collect, and bring
back to western Europe clay tablets incised with wedge-shaped written sym-
bols that they could not read. Clay tablets were the preferred writing medium
for the cuneiform script.
Of all the languages written with cuneiform, the two most important for
the civilization that developed in Mesopotamia were Sumerian and Ak-
kadian. No other language is related to the Sumerian language, and it is,
therefore, not possible to place Sumerian in any family of languages. Ak-
kadian, however, belongs to the Semitic family of languages, the eastern
branch, with two main dialects: Assyrian and Babylonian. The Babylonian
dialect belonged properly to Babylonia, the lower valleys of the Tigris and
Euphrates Rivers, that is, south of a line drawn between Hit on the Euphra-
tes River and Samarra on the Tigris River to the Persian Gulf, but centered
on ancient Babylon. The Assyrian dialect of Akkadian was the language of
Assyria, the upper Tigris River valley, most especially the area around and
between the Greater Zab River and the Little Zab River, near where various
capitals of the Assyrian Empire were located: Ashur, Kalhu (biblical Calah),
and Nineveh. Although Sumerian was no longer a spoken language after
1800 B.c., it remained a religious and literary language for the eastern Sem-
ites of Mesopotamia. They continued the use of the Sumerian cuneiform
system of writing and developed it further to represent their own Akkadian
language. Indeed, the cuneiform system of writing for the eastern Semites
remained stable and constant even as their language changed or evolved
over 1,500 years. Thus, the well-trained scholars and scribes of Mesopota-
mia, both of Babylonia and Assyria, could read and maintain the entire liter-
ary output of Mesopotamia, preserved in cuneiform, whether the text was in
the Sumerian language or in one of the dialects of Akkadian. A tradition of
learning that had begun in the fourth millennium B.c. survived intact to the
beginning of the first millennium A.D.
In the eighth century B.c., Chaldeans, who had settled in the extreme
southwest of Babylonia, the marshlands north and west of the mouths of the
Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, began to vie with Assyrians and native Baby-
lonians for control of all of Mesopotamia. Scholars debate today whether or
not the Chaldeans were native speakers of Aramaic, a western Semitic lan-
guage. Whether they were or not, in Babylonia under the Chaldeans or Neo-
Babylonians, with the fall of the Assyrian Empire in 609 B.C., Aramaic be-
gan to replace Akkadian, which had predominated in Mesopotamia since the
fall of the Third Kingdom of Ur at the end of the third millennium B.C. In-
deed, even earlier, in the eighth and seventh centuries B.C., the Assyrians
had used Aramaic as a sort of official bureaucratic language to run their
empire, which had included native Aramaic speakers in what is today Syria,
Lebanon, Israel, and Jordan. It is most likely then that even before the Neo-
Babylonian Empire, when the Assyrians ruled all of Mesopotamia, Aramaic
had became the lingua franca of the entire Ancient Near East, and it would
remain the predominant language under the Chaldeans, the Persians, and
the Greeks. Aramaic was, however, written in its own alphabet, not with the
cuneiform script or on clay tablets. The usual writing material for Aramaic,
papyrus or animal skins, was, however, much more perishable than clay, and
this accounts for the relatively few surviving official documents in Aramaic
from the first millennium B.c. compared to the many thousands of clay tab-
lets written in cuneiform in either the Sumerian or Akkadian language.
The arrival of Greek rulers with their Greek armies, Greek colonists, and
Greek traders in the fourth century B.C. meant the introduction of yet an-
other language and script, Greek. The eastern Semitic languages and their
script, cuneiform, thus were suffering, so to speak, a double blow after Alex-
ander's conquest. Mesopotamian scholars continued their literary tradition
by incorporating the new Chaldean, Persian, and Greek kings into their lists
and chronicles of kings written with cuneiform for the next two hundred
years. 1 Indeed, examples of cuneiform writing on clay tablets survive even
from the first century A.D. and indicate the strength of that tradition. Never-
theless, that tradition would come to an end, as the changes introduced by
the new Greek rulers did not help preserve the old traditional civilization.
1. For example, the Uruk King-List, ANEr3 566, given in chapter 4, table B.5; and Chronicles
10-13 from the Seleucid Period in A K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (Locust
Valley, N.Y., 1975), 113-124.
To be sure, many things continued as before: the new Greek rulers main-
tained the satrap system of government introduced by the Persians and gave
generous monetary and other practical support to millennia-old religious
practices. It was reasonable that they not interfere with long-established
traditions. Nevertheless, there were changes. Babylon on the Euphrates, the
center of old Semitic empires and of the Persian Empire, lost its governmen-
tal position of preeminence, as Seleukos founded on the Tigris a new capital
for Mesopotamia, Seleukeia, named for himself. Papyrus from Egypt was
becoming the standard writing material, and as Aramaic had become the
standard spoken language of the people, it assumed more and more impor-
tance. In addition, Greek was now another language of the bureaucracy,
which ran the empire. True, cuneiform texts were still being copied. Tradi-
tional old Babylonian texts from the school curriculum for scribes were even
being transliterated into Greek letters. 2 Perhaps, and of this there is no
proof, cuneiform texts were even being translated into Aramaic or Greek.
The traditions, however, of Assyria and Babylonia ended. After the first
century A.D., there are no more cuneiform texts, and there are no more at-
tempts to use the Greek alphabet to write Akkadian; no translations of Su-
merian or Akkadian literature, religious or secular, survive; no mention in
Greek or Aramaic literature of there ever having been such translations ex-
ists.
Instead, the Greek and Aramaic languages, so to speak, prospered and
thrived. They were used to carry the new literature and the new religions.
Due to the Greek language's spread from Syria to the Indus River valley
during Hellenistic times and its continued acceptance both by the Parthians
after they assumed control of Mesopotamia around 150 B.c. and by the Ro-
mans as they came to rule the eastern Mediterranean, Greek became a world
language. With the spread of Christianity and its adoption as the religion of
the Roman Empire, Greek then became the preeminent religious language of
the Ancient Near East, as the sacred texts of Christianity are written in
Greek and major Christian writers throughout the East from Egypt, Asia
Minor, Syria, and northern Mesopotamia used Greek. Greek, of course, re-
mained the second language of the Roman Empire for its first three centu-
ries, but with the establishment of Constantinople in A.D. 330 as a capital
city equal to Rome and with the emergence of a thoroughly Greek empire in
the east after the end of a Roman empire in the west in the fifth century A.D.,
2. See Susan Sherwin-White and Arnelie Kuhrt, From Samarkhand to Sardis (Berkeley, 1993),
160, for mention of these texts with attendant bibliography.
the Greek language and its literature, both religious and secular, survived,
with some great losses, as a living and still vital tradition to the modem age.
Aramaic, of course, even with the new Hellenistic kings after Alexander,
remained the spoken language of the vast majority of people, whether rich or
poor, in Mesopotamia and along the eastern Mediterranean. It along with
Greek also served the educated elite as a major written language. For exam-
ple, Josephus originally wrote his account of the Jewish revolt of A.D. 66-73
in Aramaic, but he translated his work into Greek (Bel/um Judaicum [The
Jewish War] 1.3) to find an even wider audience. The Greek version has
survived from antiquity; the Aramaic original has not. The Parthians
adapted the Aramaic alphabet, not the Greek alphabet, to write their own
Parthian language. Mani, the third-century A.D. religious leader, the founder
of Manichaeism, wrote his seven main canonical religious treatises in Ara-
maic. Unfortunately, none of those works survive, and modem scholars
wishing to reconstruct his teachings are forced to use secondary sources that
describe or translate in part what he wrote. 3 The Jews of Palestine and
Mesopotamia used Aramaic as the language of both the Babylonian and Je-
rusalem Talmuds, written between 400 and 600 A.D.; and the eastern Chris-
tians of Syria and northern Mesopotamia from the fourth to the fourteenth
century used Syriac, a local dialect of Aramaic centered in ancient Edessa
(modem Urfa in Turkey), to compose a rich and varied Christian religious
literature. 4 The spread of Islam, however, with the introduction of Arabic,
another western Semitic language, but one with its own alphabet, meant the
end of both Syriac and Aramaic as mainstream literary languages, although
they remained sacred languages for a very small minority of Christians and
Jews. After the Islamic conquest, neither Syriac nor Aramaic remained a
living language, as Arabic became the spoken language of the vast majority
of people in Mesopotamia as well as along the eastern Mediterranean coast
in what today is modem Syria, Lebanon, Israel, and Jordan.
The religious, civil, legal, and historical texts written with cuneiform and
representing Sumerian and eastern Semitic dialects with a tradition over
3,000 years old were therefore totally alien to the Greek, Parthian, Roman
(Byzantine), Sassanid, and Islamic empires and were completely forgotten.
3. See Samuel N. C. Lieu, Manichaeism in the Later Roman Empire and Medieval China, 2d
ed. (Tubingen, 1992), 8.
4. For a survey of Syriac religious literature see William Wright, A Short History of Syriac Lit-
erature, in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed., 1887, vol. 22 (reprinted and enlarged, Philo Press,
1894 and 1966) and W. Stewart McCullough, A Short History ofSyriac Christianity to the Rise of
Islam (Chico, Calif, 1982).
With the vast changes introduced by new peoples with new languages, new
scripts, and new religions, there was no concern to preserve the old. No
provision was made to safeguard the past contained on clay tablets written
with cuneiform; there were no translations into either Aramaic or Greek;
there was no preserving of the old languages, the old script, the old religious
texts, the old ways. The past of Mesopotamia disappeared, as Mesopotamia
became in succession Greek, Parthian, Sassanid, and Islamic, part of differ-
ent empires with different religions, languages, and scripts over the course
of a thousand years. The skills necessary to read Mesopotamia's past were
lost. Only in the nineteenth century were they relearned.
Languages and Scripts of Ancient Egypt
Many of the same forces that worked to remove Mesopotamia's ancient past
also removed ancient Egypt's. Egypt, soon after 3,000 B.C., began to develop
its own writing system, and two different scripts emerged: (1) the hiero-
glyphic script, usually reserved for texts or inscriptions on monuments, that
is, carved or painted on stone; and (2) the hieratic script, more cursive and
much less pictorial than the hieroglyphic script, for more literary or religious
texts to be written on papyrus. These scripts were used to preserve in written
form the languages or dialects spoken in ancient Egypt from the predynastic
period through the New Kingdom and into the Third Intermediate Period.
Modem scholars have given these names to these scripts, but both names are
derived from the ancient Greek name for all native Egyptian writing. Edu-
cated ancient Greeks usually did not bother to learn foreign languages. In-
deed, only one Greek ruler of Egypt, Cleopatra VII (69-30 B.c.), is said to
have learned to speak Egyptian (Plutarch Antony 27.4-5). Educated Greeks,
because they could not read the native Egyptian writing, but since so much
of it was written on temple walls, referred in Greek to all native Egyptian
writing as "holy writing," that is, "hieroglyphics."
After 700 B.c. a new script, the demotic, began to emerge in Egypt. It be-
came the script of choice for bureaucratic use. Although there were foreign
invasions of Egypt before the Greeks (e.g., the Hyksos, the Libyans, and the
Nubians, as well as the Persians), Egypt did not have to endure, so to speak,
the introduction of a new language as Mesopotamia had with Aramaic. Nev-
ertheless, the spoken language of the Egyptians naturally changed over the
course of three thousand years. The maintenance, though, of the hiero-
glyphic and hieratic scripts, even with the introduction of demotic script, en-
abled scribes to read texts written over two thousand years earlier. It was,
however, with the introduction of the Greek language and its alphabet that
the demise of the hieroglyphic, hieratic, and demotic scripts began.
As in Mesopotamia, so in Egypt Greek was the language of the court and
the highest-level bureaucrats under the new Greek pharaohs with their new
capital at the newly founded Alexandria. The Romans, after they came to
rule in Egypt in 30 B.c., kept Greek as the "national" language. To be sure,
native Egyptian was maintained at all levels in society; many Greeks, most
likely those with native wives or husbands and especially those living on the
land far from cities, certainly spoke Egyptian; and Hellenization was thor-
ough only at the king's court or governor's palace at Alexandria, not really
located in the Egypt of the Egyptian pharaohs. Pharaonic Egypt consisted of
two Egypts: Upper Egypt, the long, narrow Nile River valley from the first
cataract at Elephantine in the south to the delta, and Lower Egypt, the Nile
Delta, where the Nile divides into many streams to empty into the Mediter-
ranean. Alexandria actually is situated to the west of the delta. Nevertheless,
Greek language and script, even if seemingly isolated, began to edge out the
native languages and scripts. By A.D. 200 the native Egyptian language, now
called by scholars Coptic, had changed into its final form and was being
written with the Greek alphabet. Coptic with its Greek script became the
language of the native Egyptian Christian church.
During the Greek, Roman, and Byzantine rule of Egypt, the religious,
philosophical, and historical material of Egypt from the Old Kingdom
through to the Third Intermediate Period, written in hieroglyphics or hi-
eratic, was no longer being copied and was not even, so to speak, brought up
to date. Old texts were not rewritten in the demotic script, nor, later, were
they written or transformed into Coptic. New works were being written in
traditional Egyptian genres in demotic, 5 and, indeed, after 100 B.C., pagan
religious texts of Egypt were even being written in Greek in the Greek lan-
guage. But the texts written under Egyptian pharaohs were neither translated
nor written in demotic, Coptic, or Greek. Thus, the literary output of over
two thousand years was not preserved as part of continuing Egyptian-Greek
culture and life under the Greeks, Romans, and Byzantines, pagan or Chris-
tian. Knowledge of how to read and write the old scripts would take a long
time to die out, and there is an inscription in hieroglyphics that dates from
the fourth century A.D., the last we know of. Most telling, however, of the
5. Thus, for example, Miriam Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, Vblume III: The Late
Period (Berkeley, 1980), 125-217, which includes typical classic genres of Egyptian literature in
demotic: narratives and instructional literature.
real situation in Egypt about the old scripts and the languages of Egypt used
during the third and second millennium is a scene Tacitus describes (Annals
2.60). When Germanicus, heir apparent to the Roman Empire, traveled in
Egypt in A.D. 19 and was naturally curious about the hieroglyphics he saw
on the walls of ancient monuments, an old priest was found who could in-
terpret the writing. He told of a vast and strong empire that could field large
armies, as he translated a list of contingents of a New Kingdom army. But
no attempt was made to preserve for the new masters of Egypt, the Romans,
Egypt's written past by translating into Greek what was there on the walls of
Egypt's great temples. It was a tradition closed to Greeks, maintained by the
native Egyptian priestly caste. When that caste died out, replaced by Chris-
tian priests and monks, its history was lost. Only in the nineteenth century
A.D. did it become possible to write ancient Egypt's past by using again what
the ancient Egyptian scripts told.
Two Native Attempts to Preserve the History of Ancient

Mesopotamia and Egypt
Only two men partially succeeded in preserving the old Mesopotamia and
Egypt for the new Greek Mesopotamia and Egypt. Berossos wrote a history
of Babylonia in Greek, and Manetho wrote a history of Egypt in Greek. Un-
fortunately, their works have not survived from antiquity. Especially unfor-
tunate is that neither Berossos nor Manetho inspired successors who would
build on the history each had written and so ensure the continuation and
flowering of histories of Babylonia and Egypt before the Greeks arrived.
With such writers as Berossos and Manetho, who produced what one might
legitimately consider authoritative histories, one would think that the sur-
vival of Mesopotamian and Egyptian history was assured.
Both Berossos and Manetho were men of two cultures. 6 Both were native
priests of their lands and both knew Greek, yet the only remains of their
histories survive in the works of others who happened to cite or quote them.
6. Wolfram von Soden, "Zweisprachigkeit in der geistigen Kultur Babyloniens," Oster-

reichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophische-Historische Klasse 235 (1960): 1-33
describes the ability of the ancient Mesopotamians to have a two-cultured society, which was both
Sumerian and Semitic, as the carriers of this culture were fluent in two different languages and cul-
tures, Sumerian and Akkadian. Both Berossos and Manetho, because of their ability in both their
native languages (for Berossos the ability to read cuneiform and for Manetho the ability to read hi-
eroglyphic and the hieratic script) and Greek, were thus able to participate fully in each of the cul-
tures now dominant in their native lands.
Other men after them also wrote histories of Mesopotamia and Egypt, but
none was as uniquely qualified to write history as Berossos and Manetho,
and little or nothing remains of those histories. Although Jacoby in FGrHist
gives the names of over twenty men who wrote histories of Mesopotamia
(included in his section on the histories of Babylonia, Assyria, Media, or
Persia, #680-96), not one was also a priest in Mesopotamia. Indeed, almost
all have Greek names and almost all came from Greek cities. And again,
although Jacoby in FGrHist (#608--65) gives the names of over fifty men
who wrote histories of Egypt, almost all have Greek names and are Greek
scholars. It is true that some of these men, even though they have Greek
names, were priests-for example, Khairemon of Alexandria (FGrHist
#618) and Ptolemaios of Mendes (FGrHist #611)-and perhaps they built on
what Manetho had started. Almost nothing, however, of their work survives,
and it is impossible to know if they added anything to what Manetho had al-
ready written by doing their own research and investigation of Egypt's pre-
Greek past. Certainly in what does survive, nothing indicates new research
into pharaonic records written in the hieroglyphic or hieratic script. Indeed,
we do not know of what cult these later Egyptian historians were priests,
whether of old native Egyptian cults or of the Greco-Egyptian cults that
emerged during the Greek rule of Egypt. We are, therefore, almost totally
dependent on Berossos and Manetho for what knowledge the Greek world
managed to preserve of Mesopotamian and Egyptian history, and we are to-
tally dependent on what survives from Berossos and Manetho for an orga-
nized attempt to present the entire history of ancient Babylonia and ancient
Egypt from a native standpoint.
Because of the great importance of Berossos and Manetho, in this book
we want to present what remains of them. We have three basic aims. The
first is to give in a concise and relevant form what information we have
about these two native historians of Babylonia and Egypt. The second is to
present an interpretation of their accomplishments based on what survives of
their works. We want to make intelligent judgments about the accuracy of
their works, their purpose in writing, and the reasons why their works did
not survive and were not successful in integrating the early history of Baby-
lonia and Egypt into Greco-Roman civilization. The third is to present what
remains of their works in translation into English with, where needed, short
explanatory notes. At times it is necessary to present more information on a
topic than Berossos or Manetho gives, to make clearer for the modem reader
what Berossos and Manetho meant. Also, at times, the text that preserves
what Manetho or Berossos wrote is not clear, and we must give some expla-
nation or justification of our translation. In addition, we present various ta-

bles, lists, maps, and so on that will serve most conveniently to help readers
understand better the histories of Babylonia and Egypt that Berossos and
Manetho tried to present. We want to add that it is not our goal to present a
complete and scholarly commentary on Berossos's and Manetho's histories.
There are many difficulties in their texts, and a lengthy scholarly bibliogra-
phy has grown around these difficulties at which we can at times but hint.
Rather, we want to present in one volume an accurate translation of what
remains of Berossos' s and Manetho' s histories in a form that will appeal to
the student interested in ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt as well as to one
interested in Hellenistic Mesopotamia and Egypt.
Berossos
Little Zab River
Euphrates
River
Samarra
H~ CD
LJ Ancient Cities mentioned by Berossos

4> Other Ancient Cities
CD Modem Cttios
Map 2. Berossos's Mesopotamia

CHAPTER 1
Introduction to Berossos
Berossos's Life and Work
Berossos was born during Alexander's reign over Babylon (T6), between
330 and 323 B.C., and became a priest of Marduk or Bel at Babylon (T2).
Belu means lord or master in Akkadian, and Bel became another name for
Marduk, the head god of Babylonia, who was the lord or master of all the
gods, of all of creation. Scholars postulate that Berossos's native Akkadian
name was Bel-re-uS-u, a name that would mean "Bel is his shepherd." 1 The
name, when Hellenized, had a variety of spellings, as there was no agree-
ment in antiquity on how the sound of the Akkadian vowels should be ren-
dered into Greek, and both the Akkadian s, ash sound, and the consonant
combination lr had no equivalent in ancient Greek. Berossos is a translit-
eration of one of the main Greek spellings of his name, as other Greek
spellings of his name have survived in the Greek manuscripts. He probably
served at the Great Temple of Esagila, where he would have had access to its
records (T7a). He published his History of Babylonia in Greek (T4), most
likely around 290 B.C. for the Macedonian king Antiochos I (T6), co-ruler of
the Seleucid Empire, which stretched from the Indus River in the east to the
Mediterranean Sea in the west. Antiochos I was first associated with the rule
of his father, Seleukos I, as king of the eastern satrapies in 292 B.c.
(Plutarch Demosthenes 38.10; Appian Syriaca 59). 2 Later, Berossos moved
to the island of Kos off the coast of modem Turkey in the Mediterranean,
1. See G. Komoroczy, "Berosos and the Mesopotamian Literature," Acta Antiqua Academica
Scientiarum Hungarica 21 (1973): 125, with attendant references.
2. See Susan Sherwin-White and Amelie Kuhrt, From Samarkhand to Sardis (Berkeley,
1993), 23-24, with attendant references.
13
where he founded a school of astrology or astronomy (Tla-b). Here he was

no longer a subject of King Antiochos but a subject of the king of Egypt,
who controlled most of the Aegean Islands at this time. We do not know
when Berossos died.
Not all modem scholars accept the brief outline given above of Berossos' s
life. Some argue that Berossos was born sometime before 340 B.C.-because
Berossos is called a contemporary of Alexander the Great (T7), when he
conquered Babylonia-and that our ancient sources have in fact information
about two different men named Berossos and have combined their lives:
there was a Berossos who was an astrologer and another who was the histo-
rian. It is difficult, some scholars maintain, to imagine the same Berossos
writing a historical work for a Seleucid and then, so late in his life, moving
to start a school in astronomy or astrology in an area controlled by a
Ptolemy. The Seleucids and Ptolemies in the 280s B.C. were usually at war
over eastern Mediterranean lands. Our most ancient sources (Tla-T3b)
mention a Berossos interested exclusively in astronomy, while it is only later
historical writers who mention a Berossos who wrote history. It is difficult,
some scholars maintain, to place in the history of Babylonia, which a Beros-
sos wrote, the astronomical and astrological fragments (F16-F22), which are
also attributed to a Berossos, and there is no indication that the Berossos
who wrote a historical work also wrote an astrological work (Fl9). 3
These objections to treating everything that survives about a Berossos as a
reference to one man are not convincing. Our ancient sources know only one
Berossos, and there is nothing inherently contradictory in the pieces of in-
formation they preserve about him. Even if Berossos were born before 340
B.c. and published his History of Babylonia in 278 B.C., the third year after
Seleukos I's death and the beginning of Antiochos I's sole rule, Berossos's
departure for a more central area of Greek culture is readily understandable.
His skill in astronomy or astrology made him, so to speak, much in demand.
His fame in antiquity must have been considerable, since Athens even
erected a statue to honor him (T3b). Although there is no information to ac-
count for Berossos's leaving the patronage of Antiochos I to take up resi-
dence in an area controlled by Egypt, it is easy to imagine reasons why
Berossos might find it practical to move. Babylon under the Seleucids, what-
ever religious favors Seleukos I or Antiochos I showed to the Great Temple
at Babylon, was no longer the intellectual center of the now Greek empire of
3. See Robert Drews, "The Babylonian Chronicles and Berossus," Iraq 37 (1975): 51-52, for
a sununary of the arguments that there were two diff'!i:ent men named Berossos, one a historian and
the other an astrologer.
Introduction to Berossos 15
the Seleucids. The foundation in 312 B.C. of Seleukeia on the Tigris created
a great economic and political rival to Babylon. Seleukeia became the major
city of Mesopotamia. Babylon was becoming an intellectual backwater. 4 The
Seleucids depended on Greeks, not native Babylonians, to run their govern-
ment. But whatever the reason for Berossos' s desire to emigrate, it is not
difficult to believe that the same Berossos who wrote a history of his native
land for the Macedonian king of that land would leave Babylon for the
Greek Aegean of the Ptolemies. Berossos's age when he left Babylon,
whether he was in his 30s or 40s (born after 330 and publishing his History
in 290) or in his 60s (born before 340 and publishing his History in 278),
does not have to be considered an important factor in deciding whether there
were one or two men named Berossos. Most important, Josephus (T4) men-
tions that Berossos the historian also wrote about ancient Babylonian astron-
omy.
There is no proof that Berossos the historian wrote a separate astronomi-
cal work. There is a reference in Latin that indicates such a work by a Be-
rossos (F21), called Procreatio (The Creation), which would be the
translation of the Greek title Genesis. The citation of a particular work by a
title, however, is very rare in antiquity. Rather, the subject matter of a work
or of a particular part of a work is most often used to refer to a work or part
of a work, and the phrasing of that citation can vary. Thus, what is referred
to in F21 is most likely a part of Berossos's History, book 1, which dealt
with primordial creation and the establishment of order in the world by
Marduk (Bel). Astronomical or astrological references and information
(Fl6-F22) as part of a work of Babylonian history by someone with a pro-
fessional interest in those matters are easily understandable. Such informa-
tion could play an especially important role in a description of creation
based on ancient wisdom given by the gods (Fl).
Berossos's History of Babylonia-Sources, Methods, and Reliability
In what remains of Berossos' s History there is no indication of what specific

or particular sources he used. The ancient authors who cite what Berossos
4. It is a matter of debate how well or how badly Babylon was treated under its new Greek rul-
ers. For a description of how favored Babylon was under the Seleucids, see R. J. van der Spek., "The
Babylonian City," in Hellenism in the East, ed. Amelie Kuhrt and Susan Sherwin-White (London,
1987), 60-70. Even if he is correct and "Babylon continued as a traditional Mesopotamian city with
its own institutions" (69), it was still an intellectual backwater compared to what was going on in
Greek circles.
had to say about the sources he used report that he did use ancient, but un-
named records (T4 and Fl). Perhaps Berossos cataloged his sources in his
History to impress on his readers the antiquity and, therefore, the reliability
of his own History. Ancient cuneiform sources with what might be called
primary historical information have survived from the Mesopotamian past,
and it is possible to compare what Berossos wrote with them. Because, how-
ever, so much of the literary output of Mesopotamia has not survived, it is
not possible to form a judgment on how accurately Berossos has transmitted
the Babylonian past from the written records he would have had at his dis-
posal. That Berossos gives information different from what survives in exist-
ing cuneiform texts may be due to Berossos' s use of cuneiform texts that did
not have the good fortune to survive to the present.
What Berossos intended in his statement that he had used ancient records
is not that the information he had at his disposal was more trustworthy than
the information others had published but that he had access to information,
temple records, sacred priestly lore, and so on that had not been used before
by anyone attempting to write Babylonia's history and that was surely not
available to any ordinary citizen of Babylon. Rather, Berossos's History is
the result of the effort and care he took in assembling what information he
had available to construct a connected narrative of the history of Babylonia
to his present. He had no native narrative history to follow and was writing a
history in a form foreign to the literary traditions of Babylon.
In Berossos' s first book he described the creation of the world and how
humans learned about creation. Berossos has retold the Creation Epic, the
Enuma Elish, as Marduk saved creation from Tiamat, the goddess of the
primeval salt waters, and brought order to it {Fl). Berossos used as the basis
of his description of creation in his work of history the main religious text of
ancient Mesopotamia, which was recited at the beginning of every new year.
Numerous copies of it exist. Although no extant text is older than the first
millennium B.C., all scholars think that it was composed centuries earlier.
The view that it dates to the early second millennium, the Old Babylonian
period, is no longer held, as scholars now date it to the second half of the
second millennium. 5 No matter when it was composed, Babylonians of the
first millennium B.C. held it sacred. They were devoted to their god, Mar-
5. See ANEI3 60 for the view that the Creation Myth is early second millennium B.C., but
most recent scholarship divides between a date in the fifteenth century B.C. and a date in the late
second millennium. Thus, see Benjamin R. Foster, Before the Muses: An Anthology of Akkadian
Literature (Bethesda, 1993), 1:351, for the view that the poem belongs to the late second millen-
niumB.C.
duk, and Berossos was one of his priests. There are a few instances in Beros-
sos' s account where his narrative differs from that of the Creation Myth, but
they are relatively minor.
Berossos also in his first book tells how humans learned about what Mar-
duk had done in creating order in the world from Oannes and other similar
monsters from the sea. These monsters not only taught humans about crea-
tion but gave them the gift of civilization. Oannes and the others who are
named in Berossos's text do not appear in ancient Semitic literary texts and
are not mentioned with the antediluvian kings in king-lists. They are not,
however, Berossos's creations. A late Babylonian tablet found at Uruk men-
tions these teachers of humans with antediluvian kings: 6 the tablet is based
on Sumerian mythology or speculation on it by Kassites (in the late second
millennium B.C.) and Neo-Babylonians (in the early first millennium B.C.).
Based undoubtedly on Berossos' s account are the names of the kings and
monsters preserved in the History Abydenos wrote in the second or third
century A.D. 7 The similarities of the names on the list preserved on the tablet
and those found in Berossos and Abydenos are striking. In addition, images
of these teacher-creatures were most likely set up in the Great Temple of
Marduk in Babylon, and Berossos' s description of them was undoubtedly
based on their likenesses. Berossos is not merely preserving ancient Mesopo-
tamian traditions by copying or translating them into Greek. He is integrat-
ing what information he has found from disparate sources and presenting to
his readers his understanding and interpretation of what happened.
It is in the first book of Berossos' s History that the astronomical and as-
trological fragments (Fl6-Fl9), which ancient authors attributed to him,
should be placed. No reference to book numbers survive in these fragments,
but there is no more logical place for them. There is no evidence of a sepa-
rate book on Babylonian astronomy or astrology by Berossos. According to
Berossos, all knowledge was revealed to humans by Oannes in the very first
year after creation (FI). Therefore, the narrative of how Marduk created or-
der in the world after subduing Tiamat would have been the proper place to
reveal all the knowledge about the universe that ancient Babylonian science
possessed.
In his second book, Berossos narrated the history of the world after crea-
tion down to the reign of Nabonassaros (747-734 B.c.). He undoubtedly has
made use of ancient king-lists originally compiled in the third, second, and
6. See chap. 4, table B.2b, Tablet W 20030,7.

7. See chap. 4, table B.2b, Abydenos's List.
first millennia s.c. In addition, his story of the Great Flood is very similar in
general outline to that found in the Epic of Gilgamesh, the Sha nagba imuru.
The ancient Mesopotamians did not have what modem scholars call nar-
rative history, such as the ancient Greeks wrote. Nor does it seem that the
ancient Mesopotamians, even in the last stages of their civilization under the
Neo-Babylonians or the Persians, developed a narrative in any way similar
to that which the ancient Israelites had in the biblical books of Samuel or
Kings. Rather, the ancient Mesopotamians had only what modem scholars
call king-lists, annals, and chronicles. 8 Of these three, only the Assyrians
had annals, which celebrated an individual king's reign and achievements.
Berossos most likely had no familiarity with or knowledge of such docu-
ments, since all the archival centers of the Assyrian Empire were completely
destroyed two hundred years before he wrote. Of the remaining two, not all
modem scholars agree that a distinction is to be made between king-lists and
chronicles, 9 and there can be scholarly disagreements into which class an
ancient document should fall. Certainly the ancient Mesopotamians never
recognized a difference between these two categories of what modem schol-
ars call historical documents. Nevertheless, this distinction can serve to il-
lustrate well how Berossos used his ancient sources.
A king-list is a document that basically lists kings, usually with a set
phrase preceding or following each king's name, such as "The king ruled for
(x number) years." The king's filiation may be mentioned. In addition, there
may be bits of information about individual kings, but the information given
in a king-list is in no way comparable to the amount of information a
chronicle had. Thus, in a chronicle, events that occurred during a king's
reign are mentioned in a sober, dispassionate, and seemingly objective nar-
rative. Royal defeats, internal problems, even rebellions are cataloged, some
of them with what might be considered lengthy descriptions. An ancient
chronicle, though, is not a historical narrative of a king's reign. Although
many of the events described in a chronicle may be intimately connected
with the king, such as a military campaign, some of the events may have
nothing at all to do with the king. No attempt is made in the narrative part
8. There are other documents that modern historians would also class as ancient Mesopotamian
attempts at history. For example, besides chronographic texts, A K. Grayson, Assyrian and Baby-
lonian Chronicles (Locust Valley, N.Y., 1975), 4 mentions "pseudo-autobiographies, prophecies,
historical epics, royal inscriptions, and miscellaneous texts." These all undoubtedly had an influence
on Berossos, although it is impossible to attribute specific pieces of information that survive in Be-
rossos to a specific prophecy, epic, inscription, and so on.
9. For a discussion of this, see AK. Grayson, "Assyria and Babylonia," Orientalia 49 (1980):
171-72.
of the chronicle to draw logical or specific connections between the events

mentioned during a king's reign or, if a number of kings' reigns are treated,
between kings. Some scholars have argued that there are implicit connec-
tions between events mentioned or described and the kings who are listed,
and that these connections would be known to the ancient reader and can,
with some imagination, be found by the modem reader. It is, however, very
difficult to prove this convincingly, since the connection that is presumed is
usually either so trivial or so general as to be useless in an analysis of
chronicles. For example, a chronicle that included a king's victories in vari-
ous battles obviously contributes to the glory of that king. But such a
chronicle on a clay tablet in an archive can not be meant for a general read-
ing public. There was no general reading public in ancient Mesopotamia,
with a literacy rate probably at less than 1 percent. Even if there were a
relatively large number of people who knew how to read, an inscription
commemorating a specific victory or victories would be much more appro-
priate to a king's glory than a chronicle of his victories with a great deal of
other information stored in an inaccessible archive. We have no evidence
that these tablets would have been read aloud at specific events or on certain
days during the year. Indeed, why they were even compiled is as puzzling a
question as why they were preserved.
There are many differences between what Berossos records in his second
book and information the ancient king-lists and chronicles record. As an ex-
ample, in chapter 4, tables B.la-b there is the list of Berossos's antediluvian
kings of Babylon (F3) and the list of antediluvian kings mentioned by what
might be called the main canonical copy of the Sumerian King-List, com-
piled at the time of the Third Dynasty of Ur (ea. 2200-2000 B.c.). 10 Numer-
ous exemplars of it have been found in Mesopotamia, as it became what one
might call a mainstay of Mesopotamian historiography, although its major
purpose was religious and mythic, not historical. The Sumerian King-List
cataloged a time long before its present and established the divine and long
tradition of kingship in Mesopotamia. The differences between it and Beros-
sos' s list are striking. Berossos has two more kings than the Sumerian King-
List, although most of the names mentioned there have counterparts in Be-
rossos' s list (e.g., Euedorankhos and En-men-dur-Anna of Sippar). The
lengths of the reigns of the kings are different as is the total of the years all
the kings reigned before the Great Flood. Most interesting is Berossos' s last
king of Babylon before the flood, Xisouthros, who is rewarded by the gods
10. Thorkild Jacobsen, The Sumerian King List (Chicago, 1939), 140-141.
with immortality after surviving the Great Flood. He does not appear in the
main canonical copy of the Sumerian King-List, nor is that the name of the
man to whom the gods gave immortality in the Epic of Gilgamesh. Although
there are a number of short Sumerian epic poems that mention the Great
Flood and a number of short poems about individual exploits of Gilgamesh,
it is the Semitic Epic of Gilgamesh that has the longest and most popular
account of the Great Flood. It might be called the national poem of Mesopo-
tamia. It was written in Akkadian sometime between 1900 and 1600 B.C.
and reached its final form on twelve tablets around 1250. 11 In the Epic of
Gilgamesh the name of the man to whom the gods give immortality is
Utanapishtim, and he is not a former king of Mesopotamia.
Berossos has not simply reproduced the Sumerian King-List in its stan-
dard form or recounted the Great Flood by translating the Epic of Gil-
gamesh. Xisouthros is most likely the Greek equivalent of the Sumerian
name Ziusudra, who in Sumerian mythology is connected with the Great
Flood. There is a Sumerian poem on the Great Flood that mentions Ziusudra
as king, 12 and Ziusudra appears in the Diyala and Sippar king-lists as the
last king before the flood. Berossos has used his research to present an older
and perhaps to him, therefore, more historically accurate account of the
Great Flood based on Sumerian records and myths, which are anterior to
Semitic records and myths.
For the kings after the Great Flood, Berossos gave only the names and
number of years that kings reigned, with scarcely any mention of anything
that an individual king did down to the reign of Nabonassaros (F3). While
the Sumerian King-List and other king-lists give the names of kings from
after the Great Flood to the reign of Nabonassaros and the length of their
reigns as well as the length of their dynasties, it is difficult to compare them
with what survives from Berossos, since hardly any names of kings survive
from Berossos's account. In addition, there are possible problems with the
text of Berossos, as scribes copying ancient manuscripts could easily make
mistakes when transcribing numbers. Thus, scholars are not sure to whose
reigns or to what dynasties Berossos is referring in his mention of eighty-six
kings who ruled for 33,091 years, eight kings of the Medes, or nine kings of
the Arabians; nor are they sure what sources or what lists he had at his dis-
posal. Thus, for example, it seems Berossos did not use the Sumerian King-
List as he does not mention the first two kings of the First Kingdom of Kish
11.ANmJ 72-73, 97.

12. ANmJ 42-44.
who, according to the Sumerian King-List, ruled immediately after the Great
Flood (see chap. 4, tables B.2a-b).
Most interesting in the second book of Berossos's History is his refusal to
include information that was most likely available to him. Berossos simply,
it seems, compiled a listing of the kings of Babylon. For example, there were
narratives or information available on the reign of Sargon of Akkade (ea.
2300 B.C.), as there survive three distinct sources about Sargon that would
probably have been available to Berossos. There is a document that contains
a birth-legend about Sargon from the first millennium B.C. 13 There is also
an epic poem on Sargon written during the second millennium B.C., which
has been preserved at El-Amarna in Egypt, but also exists in a later Assyrian
version found at Nineveh. 14 Last, there is a Neo-Babylonian chronicle on
Sargon which survives on two clay tablets in the British Museum. 15 Beros-
sos chose to ignore whatever information had survived about Sargon. Surely
the great king Hammurabi (ea. 1750 B.C.) would have been worthy of more
than just mention, and the history of Babylonia under the Kassites (ea.
1500-1150 B.C.), a rather brilliant historical period with its international
relations with Egypt, would have provided abundant material for his history.
It is, therefore, surprising, given Berossos' s lack of specific information
in his second book, that he specifically contradicts Greek historians about
what they had written on Semiramis, fabled queen of Babylon. If there is any
truth behind the stories Greeks told of her, she was in reality Sammuramat,
a wife of Samshi-Adad V of Assyria (824-811) and the mother of Adad-
Nirari III (810-782), and she was perhaps a queen of Assyria, although
there is no evidence she bore a title equivalent to the modern conception of
what a queen is. A newly discovered and published inscription, a boundary
stone, does give her, however, a prominence that is uncommon for Assyrian
women. It mentions her threefold relation to kings of Assyria, "palace
woman of Samshi-Adad, mother of Adad-Nirari, and daughter-in-law of
Shalmaneser." 16 Greek historians, however, had made her not only the
queen of Assyria but Babylon's founder and builder. Herodotus mentions her
in passing (1.184), but Ktesias of Knidos in his Persica had a lengthy de-
scription of her reign (FGrHist #688). He wrote twenty-three books, of
13. AN~ 119 = Benjamin R. Foster, Before the Muses: An Anthology ofAkkadian Literature
(Bethesda, 1993), 2:813.
14. Foster, Before the Muses, 1:250-59.
15. AN~ 266-267 = BM 26,472 and BM 96,152.
16. Veysel Donbaz, "Two Neo-Assyrian Stelae in the Antakya and Kahramanmara8 Museums,"
Annual Review of the Royal Inscriptions ofMesopotamia Project 8 (1990): 9.
which books 1--6 dealt with history before Cyrus established the Persian
Kingdom. In these books he narrated Assyrian and Babylonian history. Al-
though Ktesias's Persica has not survived to modem times, his narrative on
Semiramis has, as part of Diodorus Siculus's World History (2.4-20 =
FGrHist #688 Fl). Although Diodorus correctly says she was not responsible
for constructing the Hanging Gardens of Babylon, his account is, neverthe-
less, full of astounding misinformation. He described her as the daughter of
Derketo, a Syrian goddess, and as married to Ninos, the legendary founder,
for the Greeks, of Nineveh and the Assyrian Empire. How much information
Berossos gave about her is, of course, unknown. Since she would have been
a queen, so to speak, of Assyria and not of Babylon, and since Berossos is
said to have given hardly any information about individual rulers in his sec-
ond book anyway (F3), perhaps all he did was to say that she was not a
queen of Babylon, as Greek historians had written.
Berossos' s third book, which covered the history of Babylon from the
reign of Nabonassaros (747-734 B.C.) to, presumably, King Antiochos I
(joint rule with his father 292-281 B.c.; sole ruler 281-261 B.C.), included
extensive historical narrative. It is not possible to state which particular an-
cient sources, king-lists, and chronicles he followed. Among the sources that
survive to the present, which modem historians use as a source for Mesopo-
tamian history and which might have served Berossos, are King-List A and
Chronicle 1. Berossos, however, if he used them, felt free to construct his
own chronology and narrative, as what remains of his history at times does
not agree with what they have preserved. In chapter 4, tables B.3a-b, we list
the kings Berossos mentions and the length of their reigns for comparison
with those of King-List A and Chronicle 1. In addition, we include the
names and length of reigns preserved by the Synchronistic King-list and the
Ptolemaic Canon.
King-List A was originally a date-list. A scribe usually dated an important
or legal document in Mesopotamia by noting the name and the year of the
reigning king when the document was drawn up. How old a document was
or in what year a document was drawn up could be found by finding a match
in King-List A. It survives in only one copy, made most likely sometime in
the sixth or fifth century B.c. 17 Chronicle 1 survives in three copies-one of
which was written in the twenty-second year of Darius, 18 around 500 B.C.-
and recounts events from the third year of Nabu-nasir's reign to the first
17. J. A Brinkman, A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia 1158-- 722 B.C., vol. 43 of
Analecta Orientalia (Roma, 1968), 16.
18. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, 69.
year of Shamash-shuma-ukin' s reign (741-667). The Synchronistic King-list

gave the names of the Babylonian and Assyrian kings in parallel columns.
While it is possible that Berossos consulted either King-List A or Chronicle
1, the Synchronistic King-list 19 undoubtedly was not available to Berossos.
Only four such texts are known, all four found at Assur. This royal city of
Assyria was sacked and completely destroyed at the end of the seventh cen-
tury B.C., and therefore its records lost or covered over until archaeologists
of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries A.D. discovered them. Furthermore,
Berossos was not interested in writing or compiling lists of contemporaneous
kings in Mesopotamia. He was interested only in the one king of Babylonia.
Unfortunately, hardly anything of Berossos's narrative survives about the
various kings of Babylon during the last century of the Assyrian Empire.
Some information that originally appeared in Berossos's account does sur-
vive about Senakheirimos (Sennacherib), Assyrian king from 704 to 681
B.c. and king of Babylon twice, from 704 to 703 and from 688 to 681 B.C.
It is impossible, however, from the pieces of information that survive, to
derive what interpretation, if any, Berossos made about the struggles that
were occurring within the Assyrian Empire or between the Assyrian Empire
and other peoples. Not only were there terrible dynastic struggles in Assyria,
but there were wars between Assyria and Elam for control of Babylonia, as
well as an ever-present struggle between the dying Assyrian Empire and the
coming Neo-Babylonian or Chaldean Empire. What Berossos chose to de-
scribe and how he determined what kings deserved mention as legitimate
kings of Babylon are questions just as intriguing as the question of what
sources Berossos used. As there are differences between the list of kings that
can be made from Berossos's account and the list that survives in King-List
A or Chronicle 1, so are there differences between them and the list of kings
that survives in Claudius Ptolemy's Canon of Babylonian Kings from the
second century A.D., 20 which is itself based on a source different from Beros-
sos, King-List A, and Chronicle 1.
Much more survives, however, of Berossos's account about the founda-
tion of the Neo-Babylonian or Chaldean Empire, the height of its power un-
der Naboukhodonosoros (Nebuchadnezzar II, 604-562 B.c.), and its demise
under Nabonnedos (Nabonidus) in 539 B.C. For the first time there survive
in Berossos 's account moral judgments that most likely indicate his interpre-
tation of historical events. Thus, for example, Berossos describes Euilmara-
19. ANEr3 272-74 which calls it Synchronistic Chronicle.

20. See chap. 4, table B.4.
dokhos (Evil-Merodach) as ruling capriciously and Laborosoardokhos

(Labashi-Marduk) as evil. He seems to approve of their removal from the
kingship, even of the murder of Laborosoardokhos, when the king was still a
child. There are a number of chronicles that survive about the kings of the
Neo-Babylonian Empire, such as the Chronicle of Nabonidus. 21 These
chronicles appear to modem scholars to take a moral stand also. Thus, in the
Chronicle of Nabonidus various facts of Nabonidus's reign are mentioned:
the occurrence or nonoccurrence of the celebration of the Akitu, which was
the great New Year Festival held in March or April; Cyrus's defeat of the
Babylonian army by the Tigris; the fall of Sippar and then of Babylon with-
out another battle or a siege; and the capture ofNabonidus in Babylon. Some
modem scholars maintain that the Chronicle of Nabonidus offered an ex-
planation of why Cyrus was able to take Babylon, that is, the gods were dis-
pleased with Nabonidus and his neglect of them, and, therefore, they made
Cyrus victorious. If such an interpretation is true and if Berossos offered a
similar interpretation of events of the sixth century B.c. (i.e., moral conduct
determined the success or failure of a king), then it would seem that Beros-
sos has mirrored the value system of the Babylonian chronicle writers. Al-
though there does dominate in some Greek historical writing a rationalistic
interpretation of human activity, there is also a heavy strain of moralizing in
many Greek historical writers, both classical and Hellenistic. For example,
Xenophon in his Hellenica (Greek History) 5.4.1 interprets a Spartan defeat
as punishment for the Spartans' failure to live up to an agreement they had
made. Thus, it is very difficult to determine from what survives of Beros-
sos' s History not only which Babylonian chronicles he used as sources for
his History but also whether he adopted a typical Babylonian outlook on life
or used the moralizing tone that appears in a large number of Greek histori-
ans. It is clear, however, that Berossos did not give a rationalistic Greek in-
terpretation of events, such as the Greek historian Thucydides tried to offer
in his history of the Peloponnesian War.
Although a number of chronicles do survive about the last Babylonian
kings of all of Mesopotamia, it is difficult to compare their narrative of
events with Berossos's to judge how accurately Berossos has transmitted
Babylonian history. Both the native chronicles and Berossos's account, as it
survives, are meager in their narrative and in details. Nevertheless, there are
some differences between them, as there are also differences between Beros-
sos' s account and what some Greek historians have recorded. We note these
where they occur in the fragments of his work.
21. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, l 04-11.

Whatever the difficulties in assessing how well Berossos used his sources,
his achievement was unique. He combined Mesopotamian and Hellenistic
historiography, as he took lists, legendary and mythic accounts, and bare
chronicles-all that Mesopotamian literature had produced-and turned
them into a connected Greek narrative of the past, chronologically ordered.
What marks Berossos's History as a Greek history, besides the language in
which it was written, is his direct imitation of Greek historical form.
First, Berossos identified himself to his readers at the beginning of his
History. This is the source of what knowledge we do have of him. Similar,
for example, would be the beginnings of the histories written by Herodotus
or Thucydides, where each identified himself to his reader and stated what
particular resources he brought to writing his history. We have practically no
knowledge about any author of any piece of Mesopotamian literature. We do
know the names of a number of Mesopotamian scribes and of some supposed
authors of Mesopotamian literature, but there is no comparison possible be-
tween the personal and pertinent information Berossos gave about himself
and what meager scraps of information can be gleaned from a cuneiform
tablet about a scribe who copied lists or poems or about the reputed author of
a poem or hymn.
Second, Berossos offered in his History a narrative account of the sacred
myths of the Mesopotamians. Stories about the gods were an integral part of
the early histories produced by the Greeks in the fifth century B.C. For ex-
ample, both Hellanikos (FGrHist #5) and Pherekydes (FGrHist #3) wrote,
either as separate works or as parts of other historical works, cosmologies or
theogonies. These contained the stories or the myths of the gods. While
these early Greek historians may have had some misgivings about the verac-
ity or accuracy of these stories about the gods, Berossos most likely would
not have doubted that what he described about the gods had taken place. The
philosophical or naturalistic interpretation, then, of Mesopotamian myths,
mentioned in F 1, is most likely due not to Berossos but to later Greek writers
who could not imagine that Berossos had not seen the myths of Mesopota-
mia as allegories.
Third, Berossos included in his History a geographical description of
Babylonia. This is typical of Greek history writing. Indeed, the Greeks even
developed a specific genre of writing that might be called geographical
writing, which could be combined with history. For example, Herodotus, the
father of history, gave a physical description of Egypt (2.5-34) as part of his
history of Egypt. Such descriptions of foreign lands found a natural audience
among Greeks. Besides, it would hardly be necessary to describe Babylonia
for native Babylonians. In addition, in the geographical section of his His-
tory of Babylonia Berossos uses terms and descriptions typical of Greek

classifications, such as his list of grains that grew in Babylonia (Fl).
Fourth, Berossos seems to have taken very seriously his task of investiga-
tion. He has presented only that information for which there was evidence.
He does not add information. Hence, in book 2 he presents a long, almost
recipe-like list of kings who have ruled Babylonia. Only as his narrative
neared his present, after Nabonassaros's (Nabu-nashir's) rule, when there
were evidently records he trusted to be accurate, does his History resume a
true narrative form.
Unfortunately, no direct evidence survives from Berossos's History to
explain why he wrote his History. In keeping with the usual form of a Greek
historical work, he most probably explained in an introduction to his work
not only who he was and what his credentials for writing a history were but
also why he was writing. Modem scholars have given various reasons to ac-
count for Berossos's History. Perhaps there was a commission either from
King Antiochos I or from the priests of the Great Temple. It may be that
King Antiochos wanted a history of the land that was part of the Seleucid
Empire, just as it may be that the priests found in their number someone
who could explain or justify to the new king or his court the important role
that the Great Temple and the worship of Marduk had always played in
world history. 22
It is, however, possible to come to some conclusions about the purpose of
Berossos' s History from what survives. First, his history was obviously
meant for Greeks. It was written in Greek and presented in Greek form, that
is, Greek narrative history. The ordinary means by which a literary work
was published in classical antiquity was by a public reading. Then the author
or patron of the author would give copies of the work to those to whom he
wanted to give copies. Others who wanted to have a copy of the work would
have to procure one for themselves by finding someone who had the work
and by arranging to have it copied. There was no copyright in antiquity, and
authors did not earn money by selling copies of their work. Although we
have no information about what patronage Berossos may have enjoyed, it is
impossible to imagine that such a work as Berossos's History was produced
without the monetary support of the Seleucid King or the Great Temple. 23
22. For speculation on why Berossos wrote, see Amelie Kuhrt, "Berossus' Babyloniaka and
Seleucid rule in Babylonia," 53-56 in Hellenism in the East, Amelie Kuhrt and Susan Sherwin-
White (London, 1987).
23. There is little reason to believe Moses of Chorene's statement (see TIO) that the Egyptian
ruler, Ptolemy II, urged Berossos to write his history.
Second, since Berossos was a Babylonian and since he was, so to speak,
writing national history with the support of either the king or the priests of
the Great Temple or perhaps of both, it is not difficult to believe that the
purpose of Berossos's History was to treat Mesopotamia's history favorably.
There survives nothing in Berossos' s History that could be considered det-
rimental to Mesopotamia, although there is nothing to survive that could be
considered favorable to Mesopotamia. Nevertheless, it does not seem im-
probable that one of the purposes Berossos had in writing his History was to
glorify Babylonia by describing its great age, the importance of the city of
Babylon, and the importance of the worship of Marduk.
Berossos's History of Babylonia-Reception and Transmission
Classical antiquity did not value highly Berossos's History. It was not
thought worth the effort to preserve, as no copy of it has survived to the pres-
ent. It was also little read and consulted in antiquity; Ktesias of Knidos's
Persica, ea. 400 B.C. (FGrHist #688, Fl-F33) remained the standard narra-
tive account of the history of ancient Mesopotamia. Berossos' s account
served only as a mine for information on astronomical opinions and miscel-
laneous information or as a sourcebook for scholarly abbreviated accounts of
Mesopotamian history.
Ancient authors whose works have survived to the present and have pre-
served parts of Berossos's History most likely did not do so directly. All
those ancient writers on astronomy or astrology who cite Berossos as a
source of information about Babylonian science probably never read Beros-
sos' s History themselves. They are most likely dependent on what Posei-
donios of Apamea (135-50 B.C.), a Greek philosopher and historian,
recorded about Berossos in his various works. 24
Only three ancient authors who mention Berossos as their source for as-
tronomical or astrological information consulted Poseidonios directly for
their knowledge of what Berossos wrote:
1. Vitruvius Pollio (Tla-<: and Fl6), a contemporary of the emperor Augus-

tus and the author of a book on architecture;
2. Pliny the Elder (T3a-b, F15a, and F20), who died in A.D. 79 and was the
author of a compendium of all knowledge; and
24. What follows on the transmission of Berossos 's text is dependent on Paul Schnabel, Beros-
sos und die Babylonisch-Hellenistische Literatur (Leipzig, 1923), 33-171; see especially the
charts on Schnabel 's pp. 169 and 171.
3. Seneca the Younger (T2 and Fl9), who died in A.D. 65 and was an author
of numerous philosophical works.
The seven later pagan writers who mention Berossos as their source for
astronomical or astrological information are most likely dependent on at
least one intermediary source, who would then have reported what Posei-
donios had preserved from Berossos. These seven writers are:
1. Cleomedes (Fl8) of the last half of the second century A.D., who was a
writer on astronomy;
2. Aetius (Fl 7a-<:) of the first or second century A.D., who summarized the
opinions of various Greek thinkers on natural phenomena;
3. Pausanias (T5), a writer of a travel description of Greece ea. A.D. 150;
4. Athenaeus (F2), author of The Philosophers Learned Banquet, ea. A.D.
200, which contained witty conversations, allusions, and so on of diners
well educated in classical learning;
5. Censorinus (Fl5b), a third-century A.D. Roman grammarian, who wrote a
work brimming with classical erudition as a birthday gift for Q. Caerel-
lius for his forty-ninth birthday in A.D. 238;
6. Palchus (F22) of the sixth century A.D., who was a writer on astronomy;
and
7. the anonymous author (F2 l) of a Latin commentary on the Greek poem
Phaenomena by Aratus of Sikyon (ea. 315-240/239 B.c.).
While Poseidonios is the most likely main source for all surviving cita-
tions of Berossos by pagan writers of antiquity, the most likely main sources
for Christian or Jewish writers who cite Berossos were two epitomators who
incorporated portions of Berossos' s History in their compendia of world
history: Alexander Polyhistor (FGrHist #273), ea. 65 B.c., and Juba of
Mauretania (FGrHist #275), ea. 50 B.C.-<:a. A.D. 20. Alexander wrote nu-
merous works, one of which was on Assyrian and Babylonian history. One
of his main sources for this work was Berossos. We do not know how long
Alexander's history was, but undoubtedly it was shorter than Berossos's
three books. Juba of Mauretania wrote a work titled On the Assyrians in two
books, which also used Berossos' s History as a principal source. Josephus
(T4, F4b, F6, F8a, F8c, F9a, FlOa, and Fl5c), who lived during the last half
of the first century A.D. and who wrote a number of historical works25-all
25. His most important writings are Bellum Judaicum (The Jewish War), Antiquitates Judaicae
(Jewish Antiquities), and contra Apionem (Against Apion). He participated in the Jewish revolt
concerned with the history of the Jews-most likely did not use Berossos's
History directly, although he cites Berossos as if he had that work in front of
him. Rather, he is dependent on Alexander Polyhistor's epitome of Beros-
sos's History. The three Christian apologists of the second and third century
A.D. are also most likely dependent on Alexander's historical work, as well
as on Juba's for their citations of Berossos. These three apologists are:
1. Tatianus of Syria (T7) of the second century A.D., born in Assyria, but
educated in Syria;
2. Theophilus (F9c), a bishop of Antioch ea. A.D. 180; and
3. Titus Flavius Clemens (T7, F12) from Alexandria, in exile in A.D. 200 in
Cappadocia.
Unfortunately, both Alexander's and Juba's works have not survived to

the present, but even by the second century A.D. their historical works were
considered too long and too detailed. Thus, Abydenos (FGrHist #685) of the
second or third century A.D., who wrote about the ancient Assyrians and
Babylonians, and Sextus Julius Africanus of the early third century A.D., who
wrote a Chronographiae (Chronologies), a five-book history of the world
from creation to A.D. 221, excerpted passages from the works of Alexander
Polyhistor and Juba ofMauretania that contained parts of Berossos's history.
But just as the works of Alexander and Juba, their works have not survived
to the present and were considered too long. Therefore, Bishop Eusebius of
Caesarea (ea. A.D. 260-340) in his work Chronicon (The Chronicle), an
epitome of world history that sought to synchronize pagan (Greek, Roman,
Egyptian, Mesopotamian, etc.) history with Hebrew and Christian history,
excerpted passages from the works of Abydenos and Sextus Julius Africanus.
Chronicon contained lists of kings, magistrates of cities, bishops, and so on.
Chronicon itself has not survived to the present and exists only in what sur-
vives from Jerome's Latin translation of Eusebius's chronological tables, in
an Armenian translation of the entire work (FI, F3, F5, F8b, FIOb, FI I)
made between A.D. 500 and 800, and in excerpts from it in Georgius
Syncellus's Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts-Tl la-c, Fl,
F3, F4a, F7). What remains of Jerome's Latin translation of the chronologi-
cal tables in Eusebius's Chronicon preserves nothing of Berossos's history.
We know practically nothing about the circumstances of the Armenian
translation. Syncellus was a Byzantine monk who in the first decade of the
against Rome (A.D. 66-73) but came over to the side of the Romans early in the war and won great
favor. His historical works are apologetic in nature, for his religion, his people, and himself
ninth century wrote his epitome of world history that sought to bring to-
gether pre-Christian and Christian times up to his present. His work, how-
ever, reached only to Diocletian's time (A.D. 285-305). Besides citing
Berossos in his Chronicon, Eusebius also cites him a number of times in his
Praeparatio Evangelica (Preparation for the Gospels). Unfortunately these
citations do not increase our knowledge of Berossos's text, as almost all of
them are excerpts from the surviving works of Josephus (F4b, F6, F9a, FlOa,
Fl5c) and another is from a work of Tatianus (T7). The only citation not
taken from another surviving author is inconsequential (F9b).
Thus, for the majority of the historical excerpts that survive from Beros-
sos' s History, there is a rather long line of authors through whom a passage
had to travel to survive-from Berossos's History to either Alexander Poly-
histor or Juba of Mauretania, then from them to either Abydenus or Sextus
Julius Africanus, then from them to Eusebius, and from Eusebius to either
the Armenian translation of the Chronicon or Syncellus. Only the fragments
of Berossos' s History from Josephus have come down to us in a somewhat
direct line-from Berossos to Alexander Polyhistor to Josephus. Unfortu-
nately, because of the constant excerpting ancient authors did from what
were already excerpts of Berossos' s History, most of the names of the kings,
which Berossos's original text had given, are now lost. Only the names of
the ten antediluvian kings and some of the names of the kings of Babylon
after Tiglath-pileser III (728-727) to Berossos's own time have survived.
Excerptors have preserved the numbers of kings Berossos mentioned with
some attempt to localize groups of them in time (see F5), but it is impossible
to compare what has survived from Berossos with the Sumerian King-List to
determine either how accurately Berossos has reproduced it or where he
disagreed with it. It seems, however, that whether Berossos used it as a
source or not, he adopted the same convention the Sumerian King-List used.
Both assume that there was only one king of Babylonia (Mesopotamia) at a
time. Modem historians, however, when they try to use the Sumerian King-
List as an historical source that mentions the names of actual kings who
ruled, disregard the long life spans recorded and make several of the king-
lists of different cities contemporaneous (see chap. 4, tables B.3a-b). What
survives from Berossos helps not at all in clarifying what has survived from
the Sumerian King-List.
For later Christian writers or sources after A.D. 400 who incidentally cite
Berossos, Eusebius' s Chronicon was their most likely source. These writers
and sources are:
1. Agathias (Fl3), A.D. 536-82, who wrote a history of the reign of Justinian
(A.D. 552-58), although he might have had still available to him Alexan-
der Polyhistor's work;
2. Moses of Chorene (TIO), who lived most likely in the eighth century A.D.,
an Armenian historian of Armenia whose first book dealt with the origin
of the Armenian people;
3. Hesychius of Alexandria (Fl4), a compiler of a Greek glossary in the fifth
century A. D.;
4. Pseudo-Justinus (T8), who wrote, sometime between the third and fifth
centuries A.D., apologetic works that were attributed to Justin Martyr of
the second century A.D.;
5. an anonymous geographer (T9) of unknown date who mentions Berossos
in passing; and
6. the Suda (Tl2), a Byzantine dictionary or encyclopedia compiled in the
tenth century A.D.
Berossos's History of Babylonia-Goals and Accomplishments
Whatever the original purpose Berossos had for his History, it had very little
effect on classical antiquity. His History failed to become the standard work
on Mesopotamia before Alexander the Great' s conquest, and his chronology
of ancient Babylonian rulers failed to be adopted by later Christian writers.
Ktesias of Knidos's Persica, written in the fourth century B.c., remained for
the Greco-Roman world the standard account of Mesopotamian history, with
an emphasis on Assyria and Media. Berossos's History was little read and
copied. We owe what does remain to chance quotations on obscure matters
from pagan writers and to the need felt by one Jewish writer of the first
century A.D., Josephus, and by one Christian writer of the fourth century
A.D., Eusebius, to give some corroborating evidence for what Hebrew Scrip-
ture said.
Why did Berossos's History neither survive nor have influence? It is not
that his History, especially his first book, contained too many unbelievable
stories about Mesopotamian gods, wise monsters, or Babylonian kings. Dio-
dorus has preserved in his first book basic Egyptian mythology, which was
as strange to the Greco-Roman world as anything Berossos wrote. The fault
lies in the failure of Berossos to produce stories that would interest his read-
ers and in the loss of Babylonia to the Greco-Roman world.
Although the Seleucid Empire was the largest of the successor states in
Alexander's Empire and although Babylonia was an important and rich
area, after 150 B.c. Mesopotamia was no longer part of the Greco-Roman
world. The Parthian Empire, an enemy of Rome, controlled the ancient river
valleys. Only under the emperor Trajan did Babylonia become once again
for three years (A.D. 114-117) part of a Mediterranean empire. Under the
Parthians, Babylon did not regain the political importance (as capital of a
large empire) it had lost when Seleukeia on the Tigris was founded. For the
Parthians, Ktesiphon, on the Tigris across from Seleukeia, became the most
important city of Mesopotamia, and by 50 B.c. Babylon was practically de-
serted. The cults of its ancient temples no longer functioned. In addition,
since the Mesopotamians used sun-dried bricks, not stone, as their main
building material, there did not survive to arouse interest great monuments
to a great imperial past, as had survived from ancient Egypt. Babylonia was
not an area of importance or interest to the Greco-Roman world.
More important, Berossos seems not to have written a history that con-
tained interesting stories about people, about great rulers. His second book
for Mesopotamian history after the Great Flood was little more than a list of
rulers, and his third book, at least as far as can be judged from what re-
mains, did not have narratives that stirred readers. It is not the fault of the
material that Mesopotamian history provided. The death of Sennacherib by
his own son, the fall of the Assyrian Empire, the fall of the Chaldean Em-
pire, the revolts of the city of Babylon, and many other events would have
provided ample raw material for the type of stories that could have fasci-
nated the reading public of the Greco-Roman world.
Perhaps Berossos was a prisoner of his own methodology and purpose. He
used ancient records that he refused to flesh out, and his account of more
recent history, to judge by what remains, contained nothing more than a bare
narrative. If Berossos believed in the continuity of history with patterns that
repeated themselves (i.e., cycles of events as there were cycles of the stars
and planets), 26 a bare narrative would suffice. Indeed, this was more than
one would suspect a Babylonian would or could do. Those already steeped in
Babylonian historical lore would recognize the pattern and understand the
interpretation of history Berossos was making. If this, indeed, is what Beros-
sos presumed, he made a mistake that would cost him interested Greek read-
ers who were accustomed to a much more varied and lively historical
narrative where there could be no doubt who was an evil ruler and who was
not. In addition, if Greek readers were accustomed to think of a succession
of empires-Assyrian, Median, Persian, Macedonian, and Roman27-
26. For a fuller development of this line of reasoning, see Drews, "The Babylonian Chronicles
and Berossus."
27. See Aelius Aristeides Panathenaic Speech (Jebb) 183 as an example of this commonplace
on the successive five empires. See also Robert Drews, "Assyria in Classical Universal Histories,"
without mention of Babylon, Berossos could not overcome the preconceived

notion of the succession of empires with his own devotion and love for the
eternal kingship that remained centered at Babylon.
Later ancient pagan historians, impressed by the lists that Berossos had
compiled, did continue to give either his lists of rulers or the total number of
regnal years for the dynasties he had compiled, but neither the later histori-
ans nor Berossos himself found favor with an audience who needed what
they had written. When the Roman Empire became Christian, only Beros-
sos' s antediluvian Babylonian kings with their long reigns and his narrative
of now false gods were maintained, since they were obviously incorrect as
they contradicted the Bible and needed to be refuted. Berossos' s lists of
kings after the Great Flood, however, were of no interest. Not only did their
names disappear from Christian literature, but the names and lengths of
their various dynasties became garbled (see F5). The names and some of the
events of the last independent Babylonian dynasty, the Chaldeans, did sur-
vive due to interest in the biblical account of the Chaldean capture of Jerusa-
lem, the exile of the Jews, and their return. Only two men preserved
Berossos's narrative: a Jewish apologist, Josephus, who wrote in Greek and
found favor with later Christian writers; and a Christian bishop of the fourth
century A.D., Eusebius. Josephus needed to refute the charges that other
peoples were older than the Jews; Eusebius needed to construct a consistent
chronology of the pagan and Jewish-Christian world; hence, they needed to
quote Berossos and prove the chronology of the Bible correct.
Therefore, what remains of Berossos is not of major importance in re-
constructing the history of ancient Mesopotamia. To understand what Beros-
sos is describing it is necessary to integrate what he writes with the
information that survives from other ancient sources. In our notes, we try to
give enough historical data to make his text comprehensible. Unfortunately,
Berossos' s History does not close the large gaps in our knowledge of ancient
Mesopotamia. Only a small number of names of kings survives in Berossos,
unlike the long list of pharaohs' names that survives from Manetho' s His-
tory. It is equally unfortunate that the numbers of years that excerptors say
Berossos covered in his list of kings do not help solve the major difficulty
facing ancient historians in setting dates for the dynasties of Mesopotamia in
the second and third millennia B.C.
Historia 14 (1963): 129-42 and D. Mendels, "The Five Empires: A Note on a Propagandistic
Topos," American Journal ofPhilology 102 (1981): 330-37, with addendum by H. Tadmor, 338-
39. See also F8b.
Because the king-lists of the Neo-Babylonians are connected to the king-

lists of the Persians and the Seleucids and thus grounded in the history of the
classical world, and because they are in tum connected to the king-lists of
the Assyrians and Kassites, a firm chronology exists for the first millennium
B.c. and for the first half of the second millennium B.c. The king-lists that
mention the First Dynasty of Babylon, however, which included Hammu-
rabi, are anchored to neither Assyrian king-lists nor Babylonian king-lists.
Therefore, it is impossible to know for sure when to date an astronomical
event mentioned as occurring in the reign of one of the kings of the First
Dynasty of Babylon. Three dating systems, labeled high, middle, and low,
have been proposed for the end of this dynasty caused by the raid of the
Hittites on Babylon: high-1651, middle-1595, low-1531. The preceding
dynasties of Larsa, Isin, and Ur III and the First Dynasty of Babylon thus
float at the end of the third millennium and the beginning of the second
millennium B.C. The middle chronology, given in chapter 4, tables B.3a-b,
has found the most favor with modem scholars. In addition, nothing has
been found to close the gap in the king-lists between the Third Kingdom of
Ur and the Akkadian dynasties, that is, the Gutian period. 28 While Beros-
sos' s numbers, even if they had survived, would not have solidly grounded
the dynasties of the Early Dynastic Period, his list of the length of reigns and
names for the kings of the late third and early second millennium B.c. would
have been invaluable.
It seems, therefore, that the remains of Berossos' s History have not pro-
vided much of value. This is too harsh a verdict. What does survive shows
an attempt to put forth in Greek format the history of an ancient land and
people from its beginnings to the then present. It is an attempt to establish
historical narrative for the Babylonians.
28. Jean-Jacques Glassner, La Chute d'Akkade: L 'evenement et sa memoire (Berlin, 1986),

53-54, especially the table of events on pp. 96-98, postulates no gap at all between the Third King-
dom of Ur and the Akkadian dynasties; that is, the dismemberment of the Akkadian Empire hap-
pened contemperaneously with the raids of the Gutians.
CHAPTER2
Berossos-Ancient Testimony
Tla
Vitruvius de Architectura (On Architecture) 9.6.2: Concerning astrology: in

determining what effects the twelve signs, the five planets, the sun, and the
moon have on the course of human life, the calculations of the Chaldeans
must hold first place, because they have the ability to cast horoscopes 1 so
that they can explain the past and the future from their calculations of the
heavens. They have, moreover, left their findings, and those who are de-
scended from the Chaldean nation have the greatest skill and wisdom in
these matters. The first of these was Berossos who settled in the city of Cos
on the island and opened a school. Afterward, Antipater was a student there,
as was Athenodorus, 2 who had a method to cast not only horoscopes based
on birth dates but also horoscopes based on conception dates.
1. The casting of horoscopes based on the situation of the heavens to explain either what hap-
pened or what would happen was for the Greeks and Romans a specialty of Babylonian or Chaldean
lore. The ancients divided the heavens into the twelve signs of the zodiac and knew of only five
planets: Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. Although a number of records--called astro-
nomical diaries, which preserved on a daily basis observed celestial phenomena-survive from the
seventh century to the second century B.C. and are, so to speak, the raw material from which horo-
scopes could be cast, horoscopes, whether in Mesopotamia or among Greeks and Romans, are rare.
Our earliest Greek horoscope comes from after 100 B.C., and our earliest Mesopotamian horoscope
comes from the Persian period, late fifth century B.C.; see 0. Neugebauer and H. B. van Hoesen,
Greek Horoscopes (Philadelphia, 1959), 161. Nevertheless, Cicero in his de Divinatione (On
Divination) devotes a long section (2.87-99) to debunking such belief, which must indicate how
popular such practices really were.
2. The manuscripts' reading for this name is in doubt. Neither Antipater nor Athenodorus, if
Athenodorus is an accurate restoration ofthe manuscripts' reading, can be identified with certainty.
35
Tlb
Vitruvius de Architectura (On Architecture) 9.2.1: Berossos, who emigrated

from the city in the land of the Chaldeans (Babylonia) to Asia, opened up a
school in the Chaldean discipline. He taught as follows about the moon.
(Continued in Fl6.)
Tlc
Vitruvius de Architectura (On Architecture) 9. 8.1: Berossos the Chaldean is

said to have invented the half-circle sundial cut out of a square block.
T2
Seneca Naturales Questiones (Questions About Science) 3.29.1: Berossos,

who interpreted the prophecies of Bel, (Continued in Fl9.)
T3a
Pliny Natura/is Historia (Natural History) 1.7: My research (for the contents
of book 7)3 comes from the following authors ... Berossos ...
T3b
Pliny Natura/is Historia (Natural History) 7.123: In knowledge of various

sciences, innumerable men stand out. It is, nevertheless, proper for me to
pick out the best. In astrology it was Berossos, in whose honor, because of
his divine predictions, the Athenians set up in the gymnasium a statue of
him with a gold tongue. In grammar it was Apollodorus4 (FGrHist #244
Tl9) ...
3. Unfortunately, Pliny the Elder does not specifically cite Berossos as a source in book 7, al-
though he lists him here as one ofhis sources for book 7 and does mention him later (see T3b) as an
especially famous astrologer. Book 7 has a number of themes, but one that would be very relevant to
Berossos is "gentium mirabiles figurae, prodigiosi partus de homine generando" [wondrous shapes
of people, marvelous births from human beings). For examples ofthese shapes, see FI.
4. Apollodorus was a second-century B.C. Athenian, who also resided in Pergamon and Alex-
andria. He was the author ofa number ofworks, none of which has survived.
Berossos-Ancient Testimony 37
T4
Josephus contra Apionem (Against Apion) 1.128-31: I will now mention

what the Chaldeans have to say about us in their writings and history. They
are in basic agreement with what our writings say on various matters. (129)
Berossos is proof of this. He was a Chaldean by birth, but known in educated
Greek circles, because he translated into Greek works on the astronomy and
the philosophy of the Chaldeans. (130) This Berossos followed carefully the
most ancient writings and wrote both about the Great Flood that occurred
and about the destruction of mankind that followed, just as Moses himself
had done. 5 Berossos also mentions the ark in which Noah, the father of our
race, was saved and how it came to rest on the peaks of the Armenian
mountains. 6 (131) Then Berossos catalogs the descendants of Noah down to
the time of Nabopalassaros, a king of the Babylonians and the Chaldeans,
and tells how long they reigned. (Continued in F9a.)
T5
Pausanias Graeciae Descriptio (Description of Greece) 10.12. 9: There was

a woman prophet, later than Demo, who lived among the Hebrews beyond
Palestine. Her name was Sabbe. Her father was, they say, Berossos, and her
mother Erymanthe. Some say she was the Babylonian Sibyl; others called
her the Egyptian Sibyl. 7
T6
Tertullian Apologeticum (The Defense) 19.4--6: Even if the other prophets

are not as great as Moses, even the most recent of them are not inferior to
your leading philosophers, lawgivers, and historians. (5) It is not so much a
difficult task as it is an enormous one, not so much a laborious task as it is a
time-consuming one to prove this . . . one must even open up the archives of
the gentiles-Egyptians, Babylonians, Phoenicians. (6) One must call up
5. According to later Jewish belief, Moses was the author of the Torah or Pentateuch, the first
five books of the Hebrew sacred scripture: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy.
6. See F4a. Josephus identifies Berossos's Xisouthos as the Bible's Noah (Genesis 6.5-9.17).
7. There were a number of Sibyls (ancient sources disagree on the exact number, but range
from two to ten) who the Greeks and Romans believed could foretell the future, as they became di-
vinely inspired or possessed. As Berossos was closely identified with horoscopes (see Tl), it would
be natural for him in popular opinion to have some connection with the Sibyls. See also T8.
those of their citizens who made records: a certain Manetho, an Egyptian;

Berossos, a Babylonian; and Hieronymus (FGrHist #794 F5c), a Phoenician,
king of J'yre; as well as their followers: Ptolemy of Mendes (FGrHist #611
T2), Menander of Ephesus (FGrHist #783 T2), Demetrius of Phaleron
(FGrHist #643 T2), King Juba (FGrHist #275), Apion (FGrHist #616 T12),
and Thallus (FGrHist #256 T3), 8 and, for critical commentary on the others,
Josephus of Judea, a native defender of Jewish antiquities.
T7
Tatianus Oratio ad Graecos (Speech to the Greeks) 36 (= Clemens of Alex-

andria Stromata [The Carpets] 1.122.1; Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica
[Preparation for the Gospel] 10.11.8-9): Berossos, a priest of the god Bel,
was born and raised in Babylonia during Alexander's reign. In the third year
of King Antiochus, he published his work in which he described the course
of Chaldean history in three books and told of the deeds of their kings. He
singled out one of them, Naboukhodonosoros by name, who led an army
against the Phoenicians and the Jews. We were already informed by our
prophets of these events that happened long after Moses' s time, seventy
8. Tertullian has merely assembled a list of writers who dealt with non-Roman, non-Greek
peoples. It is doubtful he had direct knowledge of them, but, as he himself indicates, he knew of
them because Josephus had mentioned them. Most of them had connections to the great libraries of
antiquity, either at Alexandria or Pergamon, are most likely dependent for whatever knowledge they
had of Babylonia or Egypt on Berossos and Manetho, and, seemingly, drew up chronological tables
of events, kings' reigns, and so on.
Hieronymus was not a king of Tyre but was rather an Egyptian who wrote a history of Tyre and
its kings. Josephus identifies him correctly (see F15c).
Ptolemy of Mendes was an Egyptian priest who wrote about the deeds of the Egyptian kings in
three books. His work was filled with accounts of natural wonders. When he lived and wrote is not
known, but since Josephus mentions him, he was active sometime before A.D. 90.
Menander of Ephesus wrote on Phoenician history. When he lived and wrote is not known, but
most likely he was active sometime before 133 B.C.
Demetrius of Phaleron was more a philosopher and statesman than a historian. He found refuge
in Egypt around 307 B.c.
On Juba, king of Mauretania, a contemporary of Augustus, who wrote a number of historical
works, see "Berossos's History of Babylonia-Reception and Transmission" in chap. 1.
Apion, who lived ea. A.D. 30, wrote Aigyptiaka (Egyptian History) in five books. Josephus
wrote his contra Apionem (Against Apion) to dispute what Apion had written that depicted the Jews
in an unfavorable light.
Thallus, who lived sometime during the Roman Empire, wrote a universal history or history of
the world.
years before the Persian rule. 9 Berossos is a most able man. An indication of
this is that Juba (FGrHist #275 F4), writing about the Assyrians, says he
learned their history from Berossos.
T8
Pseudo-Justinus ad Gentes (To the Gentiles) 37: Of the ancient Sibyl,

they say she was sired by the Babylonian Berossos, a daughter of the man
who wrote the Chaldean history. I do not know how she got to Campania to
deliver her oracles. 10
T9
Expositio Totius Mundi et Gentium (Description Of the Whole World and Its
Peoples) 2 (Riese Geographi Latini Minores p. 104): After Moses, the order
of regions and seasons was described by Berossos, a learned Chaldean,
whose writings were followed by the Egyptian prophet Manetho, and also by
the learned Egyptian Apollonius 11 ...
TlO
Moses of Chorene Historia Armeniae (History of Armenia) I. I: Many fa-

mous and illustrious men of letters from Greece have not only actively
sought to have works that were housed in the royal archives and temples of
other peoples translated into Greek, as we understand Ptolemy (II) Philadel-
9. Jeremiah 25.11 and 29.10 prophesied that the land of Judah would endure an exile of sev-
enty years. For the author of 2 Kings 24.12-17, the exile began in 597 B.C. when the Babylonian
king exiled the king of Judah and a large number of important people to Babylon and installed a
new king on the throne. To calculate the seventy years of Jeremiah, however, most believers in
Jeremiah's prophecy would follow the author of 2 Chronicles 36.20-21, who saw the exile begin
with the destruction of the temple in 587/6, and the author of Ezra 6.15, who saw the exile end with
the return of temple vessels and the completion of the second temple in 516 under King Darius.
Cyrus, the first Persian king, had initially allowed the Jews to return home in 538 B.c. (Ezra 1-6).
10. One of the most famous locations of a Sibyl was in Campania. According to legend, she had
originally been the Sibyl of Erythrai before moving, so to speak, to Cumae, and her name was Hero-
phile. Here Pseudo-Justinus has confused the Babylonian Sibyl (see T5) with the much more famous
Sibyl ofCampania. Vrrgil Aeneid 6.9-13 has the most famous description of the Campanian Sibyl.
11. This Egyptian writer, Apollonius, is unknown.
phosl 2 urged on a Berossos, a Chaldean, skilled in every discipline, but they

have ...
Tlta
Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 25-27: Beros-

sos, who recorded the foundation stories of the Chaldeans, was a contempo-
rary of Alexander of Macedon, as he himself says. He found the public rec-
ords of many of those who had settled in Babylonia carefully preserved.
These records covered a little more than 150,000years, 13 and he recorded in
a somewhat boastful tone their stories about the sky, the earth, and the sea,
about the ancient history of the kings and their deeds, about the settlement of
Babylonia and its fertility, about beings who appeared out of the Persian
Gulf and who had forms unlike all others in nature, and about other mythic
creatures as well. All of these are, to make some logical sense out of what he
wrote, representations of natural forces. Nevertheless, I think it necessary to
record the times of all the events in Berossos's history and list them begin-
ning in the actual 1,059th year of the creation of the world, 14 just as if I
were convinced of the truth of what Berossos and those who followed him,
Alexander Polyhistor (FGrHist #273 F79) and Abydenos (FGrHist #685),
recorded in their desire to prove and demonstrate that the Chaldean people
are the oldest people of all. It is, though, much more logical to conclude
from the Holy Scripture, from the writings of our own ancestors, and from
the natural order of things as well, that all the land we now live in, includ-
ing the land of the Babylonians and Egypt, was uninhabited before the Great
Flood. (26) Scripture itself (Genesis 3.24) says: "And God expelled Adam,
and they dwelt on the other side of the garden of Paradise." Babylonia and
all the land we now live in lie far from Eden in the east where we say para-
dise was located .... (27) ... I think that for those of the faith this is suffi-
cient proof that those who lived before the Great Flood inhabited the land
12. Although Ptolemy II is closely identified with the library at Alexandria, this very late notice
by Moses of Chorene is difficult to believe. Most likely, Moses simply associated Berossos 's History
and Ptolemy II's concern to acquire texts.
13. The manuscript reading of this number is in doubt. Pliny the Elder (see F20) says Berossos
had records going back 490,000 years; Khairemon of Alexandria (FGrHist #618 F7), who was the
emperor Nero's tutor and was most likely referring to Berossos, says that Babylonian records go
back over 400,000 years; and Cicero de Divinatione (On Divination) l.36 gives the number of
years for which Babylonian records supposedly existed as 470,000.
14. This is, according to Syncellus 's calculations, the year in which the flood Berossos described
(F4a) really occurred. Syncellus identifies that flood with the one described in Genesis (see T4).
between the ocean and Paradise and that Babylonia had not yet come into
existence, nor was there yet kingship in Babylonia, as it seems to be for Be-
rossos and those who follow him in direct contradiction of the Holy Scrip-
ture, nor was there yet an Egyptian dynasty, as there seems to be for Man-
etho, that fabricator and boaster, in his writings about Egyptian affairs.
T11b
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 29-30: It is

very clear that the Chaldean Empire began with Nebrod, 15 and it is just as
clear, if not more so, that what Manetho of Sebennytos wrote to Ptolemy (II)
Philadelphos about the Egyptian dynasties is full of lies, written both in
imitation of Berossos and at about the same time as Berossos or a little later.
Moreover, what these men wrote is still useless even though many historians
were to draw up chronological lists based on what Berossos and Manetho
wrote.... (30) If one carefully examines the underlying chronological lists of
events, one will have full confidence that the design of both is false, as both
Berossos and Manetho, as I have said before, want to glorify each his own
nation, Berossos the Chaldean, Manetho the Egyptian. One can only stand
in amazement that they were not ashamed to place the beginning of their
incredible writing each in the one and the same year. 16
T11c
Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 32: Manetho

of Sebennytos ... born later than Berossos, in the time of Ptolemy (II) Phila-
delphos, wrote to this same Ptolemy, telling lies just as Berossos did, ...
T12
Suda (Fortress of Knowledge), s.v. "The Delphic Sibyl": Berossos is called

the father of the Chaldean Sibyl, her mother Erymanthe. 17
15. Nebrod = Nimrod, founder of the Assyrian Empire according to the ancient Hebrews in
Genesis 10.8-12.
16. On the calculations needed to place in the same year both Berossos's and Manetho's story of
creation, see footnote 15 on Manetho T1 Ob.
17. See T5 and T8.
CHAPTER3
Berossos-Fragments
History ofBabylonia, Book 1
Fl
Eusebius Chronicon (The Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica

Chronicle), p. 6, line 8-p. 9, line 2 (Chronological Excerpts) 50-53:
Karst, in an Armenian translation: From Alexander Polyhistor (FGrHist
Whatever Berossos wrote in his #273 F79), on the ten Chaldean rulers
first book, I will report and add it before the Great Flood, the Great
to what I have already narrated Flood, and Noah and his ark. In his
from his first book. This is exactly account, he mentions some incredible
what Polyhistor (FGrHist #273 events, as recorded in Berossos' s
F79) did when he cited Berossos' s writings. (Syncellus continues as fol-
work. Polyhistor recorded one lows.)
event in Berossos's history right
after another, corresponding in the
following manner in his form of
presentation. (From here the Ar-
menian version basically agrees
with Syncellus's Greek.)
Berossos reports in the first book of his Babylonian history that he was a
contemporary of Alexander, the son of Philip, and that many public records,
which covered a period of over 150,000 years ago 1 about the history of the
sky and the sea, of creation, and of the kings and of their deeds, had been
preserved with great care.
1. The manuscript reading of this number is in doubt. See Tl la.
43
First he says that the land of the Babylonians lies between the Tigris and
the Euphrates rivers. It produces wild wheat, barley, chickpea, and sesame,
and even, in its marshlands, edible roots, called gongai. 2 These roots are the
equal of barley in nutrition. The land also produces dates, apples, and all
sorts of other fruit, as well as fish and birds, field birds as well as waterfowl.
There are also in the land of the Babylonians waterless and infertile re-
gions near Arabia, while lying opposite Arabia there are hilly and fertile ar-
eas. In Babylonia there was a large number of people of different ethnic
origins who had settled Chaldea. (51) They lived without discipline and or-
der, just like animals.
In the very first year there appeared from the Red Sea (the Persian Gulf)
in an area bordering on Babylonia a frightening monster, named Oannes,
just as Apollodoros 3 (FGrHist #244 F84) says in his history. It had the
whole body of a fish, but underneath and attached to the head of the fish
there was another head, human, and joined to the tail of the fish, feet, like
those of a man, and it had a human voice. Its form has been preserved in
sculpture to this day. Berossos says that this monster spent its days with
men, never eating anything, but teaching men the skills necessary for writ-
ing and for doing mathematics and for all sorts of knowledge: how to build
cities, found temples, and make laws. It taught men how to determine bor-
ders and divide land, also how to plant seeds and then to harvest their fruits
and vegetables. In short, it taught men all those things conducive to a settled
and civilized life. Since that time nothing further has been discovered. 4 At
the end of the day, this monster Oannes went back to the sea and spent the
night. It was amphibious, able to live both on land and in the sea.
Later other monsters similar to Oannes appeared, about whom Berossos
gave more information in his writings on the kings. Berossos says about
Oannes that it had written as follows about the creation and government of
the world and had given these explanations to man.
2. Gongai would appear to be a native name for these edible roots and has no Greek or English
equivalent.
3. On Apollodoros the grammarian, see T3b. Jacoby (FGrHist #244 F83-F87, see Kommen-
tar), however, considers mistaken late authors, such as Eusebius, who say that Apollodoros used
Berossos as a source.
4. One of the concerns of the ancients was to account for how humans learned to do things. For
those who saw the gods as responsible for all things, as here for Berossos, a solution to this question
was to attribute all learning, all skills, all science, all art to the instruction of the gods, their gift. The
idea of humans themselves learning how to do things, of making progress, was not taken into ac-
count. Also, on a purely logical basis, since the battle among the gods, which Oannes goes on to
describe, took place before Marduk created human beings, it would be necessary for them to be in-
formed of what had happened before Marduk created them.
Berossos-Fragments 45
(52) There was, he says, a time when the universe was only darkness 5
and water, and in it there were wondrous beings with peculiar forms who
were able to engender other living beings. For men with two wings were
born, as were other men with four wings and two faces. Some of these had
one body but two heads, male and female, and two sets of sexual organs,
male and female. Further, there were other men with the legs of goats and
the horns of goats on their heads. Yet others had horses' feet, and others had
the body of a horse for their lower extremities and human bodies for their
upper body, which are the forms of hippo-centaurs. Bulls were engendered
with human heads, as were dogs with four bodies, who had fish tails on their
hindquarters. There were also horses with dogs' heads, men and other crea-
tures with the heads and bodies of horses, men with tails of fish, and all sorts
of creatures who had the forms of all sorts of animals. In addition, there
were fish, snakes, crawling things, and many other amazing creatures that
had the appearance of two different animals combined. Their images are
preserved one next to the other in the temple of Bel. Over all these a woman
had control, named Omorka, who in Chaldean is named Thalatth (Tiamat),
but in Greek her name is translated as Thalassa (i.e., Sea) or, with the same
value of the letters in the name, Selene (i.e., Moon). 6
While the world was in this state, Bel rose up against the woman and cut
her in half. (53) Out of the first half he made the earth and out of the second
the heavens. The animals who were in her he destroyed. All this, he says, is
an allegorical explanation. For when all was water and only monsters were
in it, the god cut off his own head, and the other gods mixed the flood of
blood with earth and created men. Because of this men have reason and
share in the gods' wisdom.
But then Bel, whose name is translated into Greek as Zeus, cut through
the darkness and separated the sky and the earth from one another and es-
tablished order in the universe. The monsters could not endure the strength
of the light and were destroyed. Bel, however, as he saw an empty and bar-
ren region, gave an order to one of the gods to cut off his own head and mix
5. Darkness most likely was not what Berossos wrote but was added later to make a reading
more like the description of creation given in Genesis 1.2.
6. Greek letters also served as numbers. By adding the numerical value of each letter in a word,
the word's numerical value could be determined. The Greek letters to spell Omorka have the same
value when added together as those of the Greek letters that spell Selene. This use of numerology,
ascertaining the numerical value of a word and then freely substituting like values, provides an in-
teresting and entertaining, if not always logical, way to offer new interpretations or explanations of
things.
earth with the flowing blood and to create men and the animals that could
breathe the air.7
Bel created the stars and the sun and the moon and the five planets. 8 All
this, according 10 Polyhistor (FGrHist #273 F79), Berossos reported in his
first book.
F2
Athenaeus Deipnosophistae (The Philosophers' Banquet) 14.44: Berossos in

the first book of his Babylonian history says that the feast of Sakaia begins
on the sixteenth day of the month Loos, 9 and lasts for five days. During the
celebration the custom is that the masters are given orders by their slaves
and that one slave, wearing the royal robes of the king, rules the house. This
slave is called Zoganes. Ktesias (FGrHist #688 F4) also relates this festival
in the second book of his Persica (Persian History). 10
History of Babylonia, Book 2
FJ
Eusebius Chronicon (The Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographica

Chronicle) p. 4, line 11-p. 6, line 4 (Chronological Excerpts) 53, 30, 71-
Karst, in an Armenian translation: 72:
And in Berossos' s second book (53) In his second book, Berossos
he chronicled the kings, one after described the ten kings of the Chal-
the other, as he says, "At the time deans and the length of their reigns,
7. Syncellus in section 53 has preserved two different versions of how Bel (Marduk) created
the human race. In the first, Marduk cuts off his own head and makes humans from his own blood.
In the second, it seems that another god willingly at Marduk 's order serves as the raw material not
only for humans but for all life. The second is closest to the description found in the Creation Epic,
the Enuma Elish, the central religious text of first-millennium B.C. Babylon. In it, Marduk defeated
the forces of chaos led by Tiamat. He cut her in half and used one part of her for the sky and the
other for the earth Then Marduk, after other gods incriminated Kingu, a god who had sided with
Tiamat in her fight against him, has them make humankind from his blood. See ANET1 60-72.
8. See Tla-b.
9. The twelve months of the Babylonian year were Nisanu, Aiaru, Simanu, Duzu, Abu, Ululu,
Tashritu, Arasamnu, Kislimu, Tebetu, Shabatu, and Addaru; see E. J. Bickerman, Chronology of
the Ancient World (Ithaca, 1968), 20. Loos would most likely be Duzu, corresponding to June/July.
10. Zoganes does not appear elsewhere in Greek literature. In Strabo Geographica 11.8.4
Sakaia is an annual sacred festival in Zela in Armenia among the Sakai to celebrate a Persian defeat,
but in 11.8.5 Strabo gives an alternate explanation that it was a Persian festival to celebrate a victory
over the Sakai.
Nabonassaros was king." Either he altogether 120 saroi or about 432,000
merely lists the kings in chrono- years until the Great Flood.
logical order and only as an aside
does he even mention any of their
deeds and then in no detail, or he
only gives the number of kings that
ruled, as he does not think their
names even worthy of mention. He
began to write in the following
manner.
Apollodoros 11 (FGrHist #244 ... (30) Berossos used in his ac-
F83) reports that Berossos said the counts saroi, neroi, and sossoi. A
first king at Babylon was Aloros. saros is a unit of time that consists of
He was a Chaldean, who reigned 3,600 years, a neros of 600 years, and
ten saroi. A saros 12 consists of a sossos of 60 years ....
3,600 years, a neros of 600, and a
sossos of 60. Such counting is due
to some very old original method of
the ancients.
Berossos reports, according to (71) Berossos records that Aloros, a
Apollodoros, that there were ten Chaldean from Babylonia, was first
kings from Aloros, the first king, to king at Babylon. He reigned ten saroi.
Xisouthros, under whom, he says, (Syncellus continues as follows.)
~
the First and Great Flood took
place, which Moses also described.
The times of this rule of these
kings he reckoned as 120 saroi,
which approximately consists of
430,000 years. Individually he
writes of each of these as follows.
(From here the Armenian version
agrees with Syncellus' s Greek.)
11. On the likelihood that Apollodoros used Berossos as a source, see F 1.

12. Although modem astronomers use saros as the name of the cycle of eighteen years and ten
and two-thirds days in which solar and lunar eclipses repeat themselves, there is no connection be-
tween it and the Babylonian saros. It is not known why the Babylonians used a base of sixty for
recording years, although some scholars have tried to see a connection between the 360 degrees of a
circle with the twelve signs of the zodiac (each sign roughly occupying 30 degrees of the heavens)
and the numbering of time.
Alaparos next reigned, and after Alaparos, Amelon from the city of Pau-
tibiblon. And after Amel on, Ammenon the Chaldean 13 reigned. During his
reign, the monster Oannes, the Annedotos, 14 appeared from the Red Seas
(the Persian Gulf). Alexander Polyhistor 15 (FGrHist #273) claims he ap-
peared in the first year, Berossos after forty saroi, and Abydenos (FGrHist
#685 F2) says he was the second monster, the second Annedotos who ap-
peared after twenty-six saroi. After Ammenon Amegalaros from the city of
Pautibiblon reigned for eighteen saroi. After him came the reign of Daonos,
the shepherd from the city of Pautibiblon, for ten saroi. During his reign Be-
rossos says monsters appeared again, four of them, from the Red Seas (the
Persian Gulf) with the same form as those mentioned above, a mixture of
man and fish. Then Euedorankhos from the city of Pautibiblon reigned for
eighteen saroi. During his reign there also appeared from the Red Seas (the
Persian Gulf) another man-fish being whose name was Odakon. 16
(72) Berossos says that this monster explained in detail what Oannes had
originally said in summary fashion. Abydenos (FGrHist #685) says nothing
about him. Then came the rule of Amempsinos, the Chaldean from Laran-
khos. He was king for eighteen saroi. Then came the rule of Otiartes, a
Chaldean from Larankhos. He reigned eight saroi. Then after the death of
Otiartes, his son Xisouthros reigned eighteen saroi. During his rule the
Great Flood occurred. All together there were ten kings, 120 saroi.
These then are the accounts taken from the grandiloquent historians Al-
exander Polyhistor (FGrHist #273) and Abydenos (FGrHist #685 F2) and
Apollodoros (FGrHist #244 F83) on the Chaldeans. I have related all this to
show their basic illogicality and unbelievability and to serve as an aid to
those who read them. For those of our historians who record these stories
and because of that are deceived should not believe them as if they contained
anything of the truth.
(The Armenian text adds the table given below, which also appears in
Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 31-32, but
without the implied attribution to Berossos that the Armenian text makes.)
13. Here Berossos obviously has Mitten anachronistically by calling these early kings Chai-
deans. For Berossos, Chaldean must have been synonymous with Babylonian.
14. Only Berossos and Abydenos (see chap. 4, table B.2b), a historian whose main source is Be-
rossos, use the word Annedotos; its meaning is not clear.
15. Here Syncellus (or Eusebius) refers to what he had Mitten earlier in 51 (in Fl), but he did
not specifically cite Alexander Polyhistor in that section.
16. See chap. 4, tables B.2a-b for a list ofthe monsters Berossos records and the corresponding
kings with Abydenos 's list and a Hellenistic list, roughly contemporaneous with Berossos.
1. Aloros 10 saroi
2. Alaparos 3 saroi
3. Amel on 13 saroi
4. Ammenon 12 saroi
5. Amegalaros 18 saroi
6. Daonos 10 saroi
7. Euedorankhos 18 saroi
8. Amempsinos 10 saroi
9. Otiartes 8 saroi
10. Xisouthros 18 saroi
In all ten kings, 120 saroi. 120 saroi ought to equal 430,000 years, if a
saros is equal to 3,600 years. So Alexander Polyhistor (FGrHist #273) re-
cords.
F4a
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 53-56: In the

second book Berossos records the ten kings and the length of their reigns,
120 saroi or 432,000 years until the Great Flood. For Alexander (FGrHist
#273) himself, from the writings of the Chaldeans, again proceeding from
the ninth king, Ardates (Otiartes), to the tenth king, called by them
Xisouthros, says the following. (54) After Ardates (Otiartes) had died, his
son Xisouthros reigned for eighteen saroi, and in his reign occurred the
Great Flood. He records the following.
Kronos 17 appeared to Xisouthros in a dream and revealed that on the fif-
teenth of the month Daisios 18 mankind would be destroyed by a great flood.
He then ordered him to bury together all the tablets, the first, the middle,
and the last, and hide them in Sippar, the city of the sun. 19 Then he was to
build a boat and board it with his family and best friends. He was to provi-
sion it with food and drink and also to take on board wild animals and birds
and all four-footed animals. Then when all was prepared, he was to make
17. Kronos was the father of Zeus, as Enki was the father of Marduk. Berossos or Syncellus here
has used the Greek equivalent for the Babylonian god.
18. For the months of the Babylonian year, see F2 n. 9. Daisios would most likely be Aiaru,
April/May.
19. These tablets would contain all the knowledge humans had that had been given by the gods
through the wise sea-monsters (see F3). After the Great Flood, the tablets would be necessary for
humans to relearn all that the gods had previously taught them.
ready to sail. If asked where he was going, he was to reply, "to the gods, to
pray that all good things will come to man." He did not stop working until
the ship was built. Its length was five stades (1000 yards) and its breadth two
(400 yards). He boarded the finished ship, equipped for everything as he had
been commanded, with his wife, children, and closest friends.
After the waters of the Great Flood had come and quickly left, Xisouthros
freed several birds. They found neither food nor a place to rest, and they re-
turned to the ship. After a few days he again set free some other birds, and
they too came back to the ship, but they returned with claws covered with
mud. Then later for a third time he set free some other birds, but they did
not return to the ship. (55) Then Xisouthros knew that the earth had once
again appeared. He broke open a seam on a side of the ship and saw that the
ship had come to rest on a mountain. He disembarked, accompanied by his
wife and his daughter together with the steersman. He prostrated himself in
worship to the earth and set up an altar and sacrificed to the gods. After this,
he disappeared together with those who had left the ship with him. Those
who remained on the ship and had not gone out with Xisouthros, when he
and those with him had disembarked, searched for him and called out for
him by name all about. But Xisouthros from then on was seen no more, and
then the sound of a voice that came from the air gave the instruction that it
was their duty to honor the gods and that Xisouthros, because of the great
honor he had shown the gods, had gone to the dwelling place of the gods
and that his wife and daughter and the steersman had enjoyed the same
honor. The voice then instructed them to return to Babylonia to go to the city
of Sippar, as it was fated for them to do, to dig up the tablets that were bur-
ied there and to tum them over to mankind. The place where they had come
to rest was the land of Armenia. After they understood all this, they sacri-
ficed to the gods there and went on foot to Babylonia.
To this day a small part of the ship that came to rest in Armenia remains
in the Korduaian Mountains in Armenia, 20 and some people go there and
scrape off pieces of bitumen to keep them as good luck charms.
(56) And those who had arrived in Babylonia dug up the tablets in the
city of Sippar and brought them out. They built many cities and erected
temples to the gods and again renewed Babylonia.
20. Genesis 8.4 says Noah's ark came to rest on Ararat, which tradition identified with a moun-
tain in ancient eastern Armenia, called today Mt. Ararat. It is in modern eastern Turkey, near the
modern Armenian and Iranian borders. No other ancient author besides Josephus and Eusebius, who
is in reality quoting Josephus, mentions the Korduaian Mountains.
All of the above is from Alexander Polyhistor (FGrHist #273), who in

turn took it from Berossos, the false prophet of the Chaldeans. It is possible
for those wishing to understand correctly what really happened to refer to
the holy writings of Genesis (6.5-9.17) to see how much they differed from
the above account of the Chaldeans, full of unbelievable stories.
F4b
Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae (Jewish Antiquities) 1.93: All those who

wrote histories of non-Greek peoples record the Great Flood and the ark.
Among these is Berossos the Chaldean. Writing about the Great Flood, he
tells the following.
It is said that a part of the boat is still in Armenia on the Korduaian
Mountains, and that men still take a piece of the bitumen used to cover it
and they hold it sacred as they think it wards off evil. Hieronymos the Egyp-
tian (FGrHist #787 F2), who wrote the foundation stories of the Phoeni-
cians, also records these events, as does Mnaseas and many others. Even
Nikolaos of Damascus in his ninety-sixth book (FGrHist #90 F72) recorded
the story as follows. 21 There is lying opposite Minyas a large mountain in
Armenia called Baris, 22 on which legend has it that many who fled the
Great Flood were saved and that one man, carried by the ark, came to rest.
There are still remnants of its wood in great part preserved there. This man
might be the same man whom Moses, the lawgiver of the Jews, mentioned. 23
F5
Eusebius Chronicon (The Chronicle) p. 12, line 17-p. 13, line 9 Karst, in an
Armenian translation: Alexander Polyhistor (FGrHist #273) adds the follow-
ing to the narrative. After the Flood, Euekhoios ruled over the Chaldean
21. On Hieronymos the Egyptian, see T6.

Mnaseas of the third century B.C. wrote numerous works on myth and natural wonders. He did
not receive a specific number in FGrHist.
Nikolaos of Damascus, a contemporary of Augustus, wrote a universal history in 144 books, as
well as a work concentrating on the different customs of various peoples.
22. Josephus is the only author who identifies the resting place of the ark on a Mt. Baris. See
also F4a n. 20, on Mt. Ararat as the resting place of the ark.
23. Josephus identifies Berossos's story of the Flood with that in Genesis 6.5-9.17. On Moses,
seeT4n. 5.
land four neroi. After him, his son Khomasbelos took over and ruled four
neroi and five sossoi. 24
From Xisouthros and the Great Flood until the Medes25 took Babylonia,
Polyhistor counts in all eighty-six kings. He mentions by name each of them
from Berossos's books. Their reign he calculates altogether as lasting 33,091
years. 26
And after this, after these great dynasties, the Medes, having assembled a
large army, took Babylonia and established themselves as its lords. Here he
adds the names of the kings of the Medes, eight in number who reigned 244
years and again eleven kings and 28 years, then the Chaldeans, forty-nine
kings for 458 years, and then the Arabians, nine kings for 245 years. After
these years, he records the reign of Semiramis over Assyria. Then he once
again lists only the names of the individual kings, forty-five of them, and
their total regnal years, 526. 27 After these, he says, the king of the Chal-
deans was Phulos (Tiglath-pileser III), whom the history of the Hebrews
mentions and also calls Phulos (2 Kings 15.19). About him they say that he
campaigned against the land of Judea. And after him, so reports Polyhistor
(FGrHist #273), Senakheirimos was king whom also the Hebrew books
mention as king. He was king when Hezekiah was king of Judea and when
Esau was prophesying. So says the Holy Scripture (2 Kings 18.13), which ...
24. The names and the length of their reigns Berossos gives for the first two post-flood kings in
no way correspond to those in the Sumerian King-List. See chap. 4, tables B.3a-b.
25. Medes here most likely equals the Gutians, who came from the same general area the Medes
later controlled, the Zagros Mountains to the east and north of Mesopotamia; see Paul Schnabel,
Berossos und die Babylonisch-Hellenistische Literatur (Leipzig, 1923), 192-94. The Gutians
invaded Mesopotamia during the twenty-second century B.C. and ended the dynasty that had been
established by Sargon of Akkade.
26. Compare these figures, eighty-six kings and 33,091 years, with those given by the Sumerian
King-List, chap.4, table B.3b.
27. Although there may be almost universal agreement that the Medes of Berossos 's text can be
identified as the Gutians (seen. 25 in this chapter), further attempts to make sense out of the names
of succeeding dynasties and the lengths oftheir reigns founder. There are no easy correspondences in
the surviving king-lists, and reconstructions need to do serious violence to the names and figures that
survive from Berossos to bring them into line with other information surviving from cuneiform tab-
lets. For an attempt, see Stanley Burstein, The Babyloniaca ofBerossus, Sources and Monographs:
Sources from the Ancient Near East, vol. 1, no. 5 (Malibu, 1978), 175-177, Appendix 2. The only
relatively sure identification possible is that Semiramis is really Sammuramat, a wife of Samshi-
Adad V of Assyria (824-811) and mother of Adad-Nirari III (810-782). See chap. 4, tables B.3a-b.
for the dynasties and their lengths (which the Sumerian King-List and King-List A give) compared
to the information that survives from Berossos 's account.
F6
Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae (Jewish Antiquities) 1.158: Berossos records

our father Abraham. He does not mention him by name but reports the fol-
lowing. After the Great Flood, in the tenth generation, among the Chaldeans
there was a man, great, just, and all-knowing about the heavens. 28
History of Babylonia, Book 3
F7
Syncellus Ec/oga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 390: The

Chaldeans kept accurate records of the times of the movements of the stars
from Nabonassaros's reign on. The Greek astronomers preserved the Chal-
dean records. As Alexander (FGrHist #273) and Berossos record, both of
whom have recounted the foundation stories of the Chaldeans, Nabonassa-
ros, having collected the deeds of the kings who ruled before him, destroyed
them, 29 so that only from his reign on is there an accurate record of the
Chaldean kings.
F8a
Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae (Jewish Antiquities) 10.20: Herodotus

(2.141) thus recorded the above about Senakheirimos, but Berossos, the
writer of the Chaldean history, records the kingship of Senakheirimos and
says that he ruled the Assyrians and that he campaigned throughout Asia
and Egypt. 30 He wrote the following. (Our manuscripts do not preserve what
Josephus wrote.)
28. It is not known whom from the text of Berossos Josephus identifies with Abraham. It is
doubtful that it could be, after the Flood, another wise monster who would have come to teach hu-
mankind more about the world.
29. Based on the Armenian translation, the passage "having collected the deeds of the kings who
ruled before him, destroyed them" could be translated as "kept only lists of kings but suppressed
what they did as not worthy of mention."
30. On the campaigns of Senakheirimos (Sennacherib) in Judah, Phoenicia, and Philistia, see 2
Kings 18.1-19.36 andAN£r3 287-88. Sennacherib had no campaigns in Egypt.
F8b
Eusebius Chronicon (The Chronicle) p. 13, line 18-p. 15, line 4 Karst, in an
Armenian translation: The Chaldean historian (Berossos) records Sena-
kheirimos and his son Asordanios and then Baladas. After these he mentions
Naboukhodonosoros, as the excursus given here is written in reference to
them in the following words: Alexander (FGrHist #273) on Senakheirimos
and on Naboukhodonosoros and their deeds and accomplishments.
After the reign of the brother of Senakheirimos and after the reign of
Akise over the Babylonians: before Akise had ruled thirty days, he was
killed by Baladas. Baladas maintained himself as king for six months, and
then a man whose name was Belibos killed him and became king. In the
third year of his reign Senakheirimos, king of the Assyrians, led an army
against Babylonia, showed a bold front, and conquered. He took captive Be-
libos and his friends and brought them to Assyria. He then ruled over Baby-
lonia and made his son Asordanios king over them. Then he went back to
Assyria.
When he was informed that Greeks were marching against Cilicia, he
hurried against them, confronted them, and, after many of his troops had
been struck down, he won the battle. As a memorial of his victory, he had a
statue of himself erected on the battlefield and inscribed it in Chaldean
script as a remembrance of his bravery and heroic deeds as a memorial for
the future. He founded the city of Tarsus, as he records, on the plan of
Babylon, and he called the city Tharsis. 31
And after describing all the remaining deeds of Senakheirimos, he re-
marks by adding that he lived eighteen years, and then a conspiracy was
readied against him by his son Ardumuzan, and he died. 32 This is what
Polyhistor (FGrHist #273) records.
31. The modem city of Tarsus sits directly on ancient Tarsus. Therefore, archaeological work
has not been able to establish a secure foundation date. The city seems to have been an ancient Se-
mitic settlement but was not founded by Senakheirimos (Sennacherib). Indeed, in Senakheirimos's
(Sennacherib's) own records, he records the taking of the city; see Daniel Luckenbill, Ancient Rec-
ords of Assyria and Babylonia (Chicago, 1927), 2:137. And in 833 Shalmaneser in his twenty-
sixth regnal year received tribute from Tarsus; see again Luckenbill, 1 :207-08.
32. According to 2 Kings 19.37, two sons, Adrammelech and Sharezer, assassinated him, but
Assyrian records say only one son conspired against him but do not name him; see A K. Grayson,
Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (Locust Valley, N.Y., 1975), 81 in Chronicle 1 = BM 75977.
Abydenos, a second- or third-century A.D. historian who mainly followed Berossos 's account of
Babylonian history, gives the name of the murderer as Adramelos (FGrHist III C #685 FS), a name
more similar to what the Bible gives than what has survived in Berossos's text. Simo Parpola, "The
Murderer of Sennacherib," in Death in Mesopotamia, ed. Bendt Alster (Copenhagen, 1980), 171-
But here also the dates agree with those given in the Holy Scripture (see 2
Kings 18-25). When Hezekiah was king in Judah, Senakheirimos reigned,
as Polyhistor records, eighteen years, and after him his son eight years. 33
Then Samoges reigned for twenty-one years, and then his brother for twenty-
one years, and then Nabopalassaros for twenty years, and after him Nabou-
khodonosoros for forty-three years. Altogether from Senakheirimos to
Naboukhodonosoros there are eighty-eight years. Also according to the He-
brew Scripture one finds corresponding numbers if one calculates carefully.
For after Hezekiah, Manasses, the son of Hezekiah, reigned over those re-
maining Jews for fifty-five years. Then Amon was ruler for twelve years, 34
and after him Josiah for thirty-one years. Then Jehoiakim reigned. At the
beginning of his reign Naboukhodonosoros invaded, besieged Jerusalem,
and led the Jews away into exile to Babylonia. There were then eighty-eight
years from Hezekiah to Naboukhodonosoros, eighty-eight just as Polyhistor
(FGrHist #273) has calculated from the Chaldean written reports. 35
82 has identified the murderer as Arad-Ninlil, or, more properly, Arda-Mulissi, if one reads the
logographically spelled name with the neo-Assyrian form of the name Mulissi instead of the Baby-
lonian form Ninlil in a Neo-Assyrian letter discovered in the nineteenth century, which concerned the
murder of Sennacherib. This name, Arda-Mulissi, closely matches then the Hebrew (Adrammelech)
and Armenian (Ardumuzan) names that the Bible, Berossos, and Abydenos give. Asordanios (Esar-
haddon) did not participate in the conspiracy that removed his father, Senakheirimos (Sennacherib),
from the throne, but in the civil war that erupted after Senakheirimos's (Sennacherib's) assasination,
Asordanios (Esarhaddon) emerged triumphant.
33. There must be two mistakes here: (1) Senakheirimos (Sennacherib) ruled Babylon twice, the
first time for two years and the last time for eight years, not eighteen years whether in one reign or in
two separate reigns; and (2) his son, Esarhaddon, reigned for thirteen years (see chap. 4, table B.4).
Perhaps, as Stanley Burstein suggests (The Babyloniaca of Berossus 178-79), there is confusion
over how long Senakheirimos (Sennacherib) lived (eighteen years, as mentioned earlier in this text)
after he installed his son Ashur-nadin-shumi as king of Babylon. Berossos or, more likely, Alexander
Polyhistor has confused Senakheirimos's (Sennacherib's) two sons, Ashur-nadin-shumi and Esar-
haddon (Asordanios), as there is no mention in what survives from Berossos of Ashur-nadin-shumi.
34. The manuscripts have twelve years as the length of Amon 's reign, but twelve is a mistake for
what should be two. Amon reigned for two years, and two are needed to make eighty-eight. See also
n. 3 5 in this chapter.
35. The synchronism does not work. There are not eighty-eight years in the cuneiform records
from the beginning of the last reign of Senakheirimos (Sennacherib) over Babylon to the eighth reg-
nal year ofNaboukhodonosoros (Nebuchadnezzar II). There are eight years for Sennacherib, thir-
teen (twelve for Esarhaddon and one for Assurbanipal before he placed his son Shamash-shum-ukin
on the throne) for Esarhaddon, twenty for Shamash-shum-ukin, twenty-one for Kandalanu (= Sar-
danapallos), an interregnum of one year, twenty-one years for Nabu-apal-user, and then eight years
into the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II to 597 B.C. when the first capture of Jerusalem took place (see
T7, n.9); see chap. 4, tables B.4-5. These numbers (8+13+20+21+1+21+8) equal ninety-two, or
counting inclusively from 688, the first year of Sennacherib's second reign over Babylonia, to 597
B.C., the eighth year of Nebuchadnezzar II's reign. The figures that survive in Eusebius's text can
yield eighty-eight years: eighteen years for Senakheirimos (Sennacherib), eight years for his son,
And after all this Polyhistor lists numerous accomplishments and deeds
of Senakheirimos. He also mentions his son and is even in agreement with
the Hebrew scriptures (2 Kings 19.36) about this. He even totals everything
up separately. It is mentioned that Pythagoras, the sage, 36 was a contempo-
rary of these men. After Samoges, Sardanapallos37 gained the throne (lac.)
and (Sardanapallos) reigned over the Chaldeans twenty-one years. Nabopa-
lassaros sent to Astyages, leader and satrap of the Medes, part of the royal
army as aid in order to receive for his son Naboukhodonosoros a daughter of
Astyages, Amytis, as his wife. 38 And Naboukhodonosoros reigned forty-
twenty-one (presumed) for Samoges (Shamash-shum-ukin), twenty-one for Sardanapallos (Kanda-

lanu ), and twenty years for Nabopalassaros (Nabu-apal-usur) equal eighty-eight years, with the
eight years of Naboukhodonosoros's (Nebuchadnezzar Il's) reign not counted. But as mentioned,
Naboukhodonosoros (Nebuchadnezzar II) captured Jerusalem in the eighth year of his reign, not in
the first year.
There are about eighty-eight years between Hezekiah's death (686 B.C.} and Nebuchadnezzar
Il's capture of Jerusalem (597 B.C.} The figures given in F8b, however, (SS for Manasseh, 2 for
Amon, and 31 for Josiah), have nothing to do with the capture of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar II.
Pharaoh Necho, who killed Josiah, removed Jehoahaz from the throne, and installed Jehoiakim,
never captured Jerusalem. It is at the beginning of Jehoiachin 's reign, not at the beginning of Je-
hoiakim 's reign, that Nebuchadnezzar II first captured Jerusalem. Below is a list of the last rulers of
the southern kingdom of Judah from Hezekiah to the final destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchad-
nezzar II in S86 B.C.
Hezekiah 716-686 29 years 2 Kings 18.2
Manasseh 696-641 SS years 2 Kings 21.1
Amon 641-639 2 years 2 Kings 21.19
Josiah 639-608 31 years 2 Kings 22.1
Jehoahaz 608 3 months 2 Kings 23.31
Jehoiakim 608-S98 11 years 2 Kings 23.36
Jehoiachin S98-S97 3 months 2 Kings 24.8
Zedekiah S97-S86 11 years 2 Kings 24.18
The attempted synchronism involving eighty-eight years must be due to Eusebius, not to Alex-
ander Polyhistor, and certainly not to Berossos.
36. Pythagoras, one ofthe seven wise men of Greece, bom on the island ofSamos, but achieving
his fame in exile in southern Italy, most likely lived in the last quarter of the sixth century B.C. This
synchronism is more likely due to Polyhistor than to Berossos.
37. Sardanapallos, or Sardanapalos, is first mentioned in Greek literature by Herodotus (2.lSO)
and seems to have been described with great detail by Ktesias (FGrHist #688 Fl = Diodorus Sicu-
lus 2.23-8). He appears, however, in surviving Greek literature as the legendary last king of
Assyria, who committed suicide while being besieged in Nineveh by the Medes, not as an Assyrian
king in Babylon. He is pictured as a figure of great excesses (see Hellanikos, FGrHist #687a F2)
but most likely corresponds in no way to Assurbanipal, the last great king of Assyria, who restored
for a while the fortunes of the collapsing Assyrian Empire. Assurbanipal's end is not known, al-
though there is some indication that two of his sons exiled him as they fought for the tottering throne
of Assyria.
38. It is difficult to believe the report ofBerossos, if Polyhistor has accurately transmitted Beros-
sos's account. Berossos (through Polyhistor) implies that Astyages was the Median king when the
three years. After assembling an army, he captured Judea, Phoenicia, and

Syria. Polyhistor (FGrHist #273) is in agreement with the Hebrew Scriptures
on all of this, so there is no need of many words here.
F8c
Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae (Jewish Antiquities) 10.34: Berossos also

records the king of the Babylonians, Baladas.
F9a
Josephus contra Apionem (Against Apion) 1.131-44 (134-41 = Syncellus

Ec/oga Chronographica [Chronological Excerpts] 416-18 = Josephus An-
tiquitates Judaicae [Jewish Antiquities] 10.220-28): Berossos reports on
Nabopalassaros, the king of Babylon and the Chaldeans. (132) He records
the following about his accomplishments. He sent his son Naboukhodonoso-
ros with a great army against Egypt and our land, when he learned they had
rebelled against him. He conquered them and destroyed the temple in Jerusa-
lem and caused all our people to settle in Babylonia. It happened then that
our city was deserted for seventy years39 until Cyrus the Persian king. (133)
Berossos says that the Babylonians ruled Egypt, Syria, Phoenicia, and Ara-
Medes ended the Assyrian Empire with the help of the Babylonians under their king Nabopalassa-
ros. In fact, Kyaxares was king of the Medes then, not Astyages, and Nabopalassaros (Nabu-apa-
lusur) arrived too late for the decisive battle in 614 B.C. that resulted in the sack of Ashur: see Gray-
son, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, 93, Chronicle 3 = BM 21901; and Luckenbill, Ancient
Records ofAssyria and Babylonia, 2:419. Herodotus (l.103) also describes the Medes alone as
having conquered the Assyrians. But Nabopalassaros (Nabu-apal-usur) was with Kyaxares two
years later when the Medes and Babylonians sacked Nineveh in 612 B.C.: see again both Grayson,
94 and Luckenbill, 2:419.
Cyrus ended the rule of the Medes in 550 B.C. when he dethroned Astyages: see again Grayson,
106, Chronicle 7, Nabonidus Chronicle= BM 35382, and Herodotus 1.130. Berossos is the only
author who says that Amytis was the daughter of Astyages and married to Naboukhodonosoros
(Nebuchadnezzar II). According to Ktesias (FGrHist #688 F9), she also was the daughter of Asty-
ages but the wife first ofSpitamas and then of Cyrus the Persian. It is difficult to believe the report of
Berossos not only on whose wife Amytis was, but, if Berossos is here reporting on the fall of the
Assyrian Empire, that Astyages was king of the Medes when the Medes ended the Assyrian Empire.
Berossos must not have had a correct synchronism of Median and Babylonian history. According to
Herodotus the Median kings were:
Deiokes 53 years (l.102)
Phraortes 22 years (1.102)
Kyaxares 40 years (1.106) 624-585
Astyages 35 years (l.130) 584-550
39. On the length of the Babylonian captivity, see, T7 n. 9.
bia and that their king by his exploits surpassed all those who had ruled be-
fore him over the Chaldeans and the Babylonians.
(Since Against Apion 134 is irrelevant, it is not translated. For continuity,
we insert Jewish Antiquities 10.219. Against Apion resumes at 135.) The
king Naboukhodonosoros ruled forty-three years, a man vigorous and more
fortunate than all those who had ruled before him in Babylon, as Berossos
says in the third book of his Chaldean history. I will quote exactly what Be-
rossos says. (135) His father, Nabopalassaros, heard that the satrap ap-
pointed for Egypt, Coele Syria, and Phoenicia40 had rebelled. Since he was
not able to lead an army, as he was ill, he appointed his son Naboukhodono-
soros, then in the prime of his life, as commander over part of his army and
sent him against the rebel. (136) Naboukhodonosoros drew up his forces and
joined battle with the rebel. He conquered the rebel and brought the country
under the rule of the Babylonians. It happened at this time that his father
Nabopalassaros fell ill and died in Babylon, having ruled twenty-one years.
(137) Naboukhodonosoros learned soon after of his father's death and
settled the affairs of Egypt and the rest of the country. He gave control of the
prisoners taken from Judea, Phoenicia and Syria, and Egypt to some of his
friends and ordered them with most of his army and the rest of the spoils of
war to march to Babylon. Then he with a few of his followers set out directly
for Babylon across the desert.
( 13 8) He took over the government of the Chaldeans, which during his
absence had been ably administered and ruled by the noblest of them. He as-
sumed command of the whole of his father's realm. He ordered that the most
suitable parts of Babylonia be found for the prisoners when they arrived.
(139) From the spoils of war he most zealously decorated the temple of
Bel and the rest of the holy places. He rebuilt the old city and added a new
one outside the walls and fixed it so that those who intended to besiege the
city could no longer divert the river's course. He built a triple wall around
the inner city and a triple wall around the outer city. The triple wall a-
round the inner city was made of baked brick and bitumen; the triple wall
around the outer city was made of rough brick.
40. Pharaoh Necho II (609-594 B.C.) of the Saite Dynasty ruled Egypt in his own right in the
last decade of the sixth century B.C. He was not a satrap (which was the Persian word for governor
of a province) of the Chaldean Empire, but he was its only rival for control of the eastern Mediterra-
nean. The Chaldeans came to control the eastern Mediterranean, but they did not conquer Egypt.
Coele Syria is an imprecise geographical term, but in the third century B.C. it came to mean the land
between the coast of the eastern Mediterranean and the Euphrates river, not including Phoenicia. It
included what is today modem Syria, Jordan, and Israel, but it did not include Lebanon.
(140) After he had fortified the city and decorated its gates as if they were
holy, he had a new palace built near the old royal palace of his forefathers. It
would take a long time to describe this palace, its height and the rest of its
dimensions. It took, however, only fifteen days to build it, even though it
was exceedingly large and splendidly decorated.
(141) In this palace he had high stone terraces built that gave the appear-
ance of being mountains planted with all kinds of trees. He had constructed
and prepared what are called the Hanging Gardens41 for his wife, who had a
love of the mountains since she had grown up in Media.
(142) Thus Berossos gave his account about the kings mentioned above
and about many other things besides in the third book of his Chaldean his-
tory, in which he also blames the Greek writers for their silly mistake in
saying that Semiramis of the Assyrians founded Babylon and in ascribing to
her its wondrous buildings. 42 (143) The Chaldean writings must be believed.
For the written records of the Phoenicians (FGrHist #790 Fl) on the kings
of the Babylonians confirm Berossos's statements because they say that he
conquered all of Syria and Phoenicia.
(144) Also others agree with Berossos-Philostratos (FGrHist #789 Fl)
in his histories, when he relates the siege of Tyre and Megasthenes43
(FGrHist #715 Fl) in the fourth book of his Indian history, when he tries to
prove that the aforementioned king of the Babylonians surpassed Herakles in
strength and in the glory of his accomplishments, as he says the king con-
quered all of Libya and Spain.
F9b
Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica (Preparation for the Gospel) 10.10.3: The

exile of the Jews, taken prisoners by the Babylonians under Naboukhodono-
soros, lasted seventy years, just as Jeremiah prophesied. 44 Berossos the
Babylonian recorded Naboukhodonosoros in his history ... (5) Cyrus in the
41. The Hanging Gardens of Babylon were one of the seven wonders of the ancient world. In
addition to the Hanging Gardens, there were the Colossus of Rhodes, the Lighthouse at Alexandria,
the Egyptian Pyramids, the Tomb of Mausolos at Halicarnassus, the Temple of Artemis at Ephesus,
and the Statue of Zeus at Olympia. The cuneiform records do not mention the Hanging Gardens of
Babylon. On Naboukhodonosoros's (Nebuchadnezzar II's) wife, Amytis, see F8b.
42. Ktesias originally recorded this, which Diodorus Siculus 2. 7.2-11 preserves.
43. Megasthenes was an ethnographer, who wrote around 300 B.C. on India. Quite obviously,
his history was rather fanciful, if he had a Babylonian king conquer Spain. We know practically
nothing more about this Philostratos than what Josephus tells here.
44. On the length of the Babylonian captivity, see T7 n.9.
first year of his reign, which was in the first year of the fifty-fifth Olympiad
(559 B.C.), because of Zorababel ... caused the first and most celebrated re-
turn of the people, after seventy years had passed, as was recorded in Esdras
(Ezra 1-6) for the Hebrews.
F9c
Theophilus ad Autolycum (To Autolycus) 3.22: Berossos ... who related

many things in agreement with Moses, wrote about the Great Flood and
many other events. He also told many of the same things as the prophets
Jeremiah and Daniel, most especially what happened to the Jews under the
king of Babylon, who was Abobassaros, called by the Hebrews Naboukho-
donosoros. He records how the temple in Jerusalem was destroyed by the
Chaldean king (cf. 2 Kings 25.8), that in the second year of Cyrus's king-
ship the foundations of the temple were laid, and again that in the second
year of Dareios's (Darius's) kingship the temple was completed (cf. Ezra 5-
6).
Ftoa
Josephus contra Apionem (Against Apion) 1.145-53: Concerning the things

mentioned before about the temple in Jerusalem-that it was destroyed by
the Babylonian army and that it was rebuilt after Cyrus had taken the king-
ship of Asia-all this can be proven from what Berossos says. For he says
the following in his third book.
(146) Naboukhodonosoros, after he had begun the building of the walls
mentioned above, fell sick and died. He had reigned forty-three years. His
son Euilmaradokhos succeeded to the kingship. (147) He ruled capriciously
and had no regard for the laws. His sister's husband, Neriglisaros, plotted
against him and killed him. Euilmaradokhos had ruled two years. After the
successful plot and assassination, Neriglassaros ruled four years. (148) His
son Laborosoardokhos, still a child, succeeded to the throne and ruled for
nine months. Because of his evil ways, his friends plotted against him, and
he was beaten to death.
(149) After Laborosoardokhos had been killed, the plotters came to an
agreement that a certain Nabonnedos from Babylon should rule. He was one
of the plotters. Under his rule, the walls of Babylon along the river were re-
inforced with baked brick and bitumen. (150) In the seventeenth year of his
reign Cyrus marched against him from Persia with a great force, captured
the rest of his kingdom, and moved against Babylon.
(151) Nabonnedos learned of Cyrus's coming attack and ordered his army
to assemble and meet him, but he lost the battle and had to flee with a few
followers to Borsippa, where he barricaded himself in. ( 152) Cyrus captured
Babylon and had the walls of the outer city razed, because they presented too
strong a defense for the city. Cyrus went to Borsippa to besiege Nabonnedos.
(153) Nabonnedos did not wait for the siege to begin but surrendered almost
immediately. Cyrus received him graciously, exiled him from Babylonia, but
gave him Kannania45 instead. Nabonnedos spent the rest of his life in that
country and died there. 46
Ftob
Eusebius Chronicon (The Chronicle) p. 15, lines 5-10 Karst, in an Anne-

nian translation: Polyhistor (FGrHist #273 F79), following Berossos, reports
that after Naboukhodonosoros his son, Amelmarudokhos, reigned twelve
years. The Hebrew scripture calls him Ilmarudochos (2 Kings 25.27). After
him, says Polyhistor, Neriglisaros reigned over the Chaldeans four years.
Then Nabodenos (Nabonnedos) reigned seventeen years. While he was king,
Cyrus, son of Kambyses, conquered in battle the land of the Babylonians.
Nabodenos (Nabonnedos) tried to resist but suffered defeat and became an
exile.
Fll
Eusebius Chronicon (The Chronicle) p. 15, lines 11-20 Karst, in an Anne-

nian translation: Cyrus ruled Babylonia for nine years. Then, after having
been engaged in another war on the Daas Plain, 47 he died. After him Kam-
byses ruled eight years, and after him Dareios (Darius) for thirty-six years.
Then Xerxes ruled and the rest of the Persian kings. Just as Berossos records
45. Kannania is in south central Iran, the region called Kennan today.
46. According to the Nabonidus Chronicle (Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles,
110, line 16 = BM 35382), however, Nabonnedos (Nabonidus) was captured in Babylon, whereas
Xenophon in his Cyropaedia (The Education ofCyrus) 7.5.29-30 reports that the king of Babylon
was killed when the Persians took the city. For an account of individual kings of Babylon, see, on
the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II, D. J. Wiseman, Nebuchadressar and Babylon (Oxford, 1983);
and, on the reign of Nabonidus, Paul-Alain Beaulieu, The Reign ofNabonidus, King of Babylon
556-539 B.C. 3d ed. (New Haven, 1989).
47. See Herodotus 1.214 for an account of Cyrus 's death, as he was trying to expand the Persian
Empire beyond the Araxes River. According to Herodotus 1.202, the Araxes was another name for
the Oxus River (modern Amu-Dar'ya), which flows into the Arai Sea but in antiquity seems to have
had a branch that flowed into the Caspian Sea.
events in the context of his condensed version of the Chaldean kingship, so

Polyhistor (FGrHist #273) records the same things. From this it is clear that
it was Naboukhodonosoros who captured the Jews and that from him to
Cyrus was about seventy years-which figure agrees with that given by the
history of the Jews. 48
F12
Clemens of Alexandria Protrepticus (Exhortation) 5.65.2-3: The Persians,

Medes, and Magoi49 do not make statues of their gods from wood or stone
but honor fire and water as the philosophers do .... (3) Berossos, however,
says in the third book of his Chaldean history that later, after the passage of
many years, the Persians did have statues of human figures. This began un-
der Artaxerxes Okhos, son of Dareios (Darius}, 50 who first set up the statue
of Aphrodite Anaitis 51 and showed respect to it at Babylon, Susa, and Ek-
batana, in Persia and Bactria, and at Damascus and Sardis.
F13
Agathias, Historiae (Histories) 2.24: At the time when Zoroaster-Zarades

flourished, 52 he was the Persian leader and guide of the holy rites of the
Magoi. He changed the former rituals and established beliefs that were
blended and varied and mixed. For of old he honored Zeus and Kronos and
all the other gods commonly found among the Greeks, except that he did not
preserve their names, but Zeus was Bel, Herakles was Sandes, Aphrodite
48. On the seventy-year period of the exile, see T7 n. 9.

49. According to Herodotus 1.140, which is our only source for this, the Magoi were originally
a subgroup or tribe of the Medes. One of the Medes then tried to usurp the Persian throne
(Herodotus 3.61-87). Whether from the same group or simply bearing the same name, Magoi be-
came the priestly caste for the native Iranian religion, but among the Greeks they were mistakenly
identified as skilled practitioners of magic, as Origen contra Celsum (Against Celsus) 6.80 says.
50. Clemens is mistaken here, as Artaxerxes III Okhos is not a son of a Dareios (Darius) but the
son of Artaxerxes II Mernnon. Most likely Berossos meant Artaxerxes II Mernnon, who was the son
of a Dareios, Dareios II.
51. The Persian goddess Anaitis (Anahita in the Avesta, the sacred poem of ancient Iranian reli-
gion) was also identified with the Greek virgin goddess Artemis (Plutarch Artaxerxes 27.3). Both
were fertility godesses, but because temple prostitutes played a part in Anaitis's worship, her identi-
fication with Aphrodite is understandable.
52. When Zoroaster lived is a matter of great debate, but he was a prophet and devotee of the
worship of Ahura-Mazda. The Magoi, whatever their origin, became the priestly class for the wor-
ship of Ahura-Mazda.
was Anaitis, 53 and others are called by other names as is told by all those
who wrote of the ancient history of the Assyrians and the Medes, as Berossos
the Babylonian and Athenokles (FGrHist #682) and Simakos (FGrHist
#683). 54
History ofBabylonia, Unplaced Fragments
F14
Hesychius Lexicon (Dictionary), s.v. "Sarakhero": In Berossos's history, the

personal maid of Hera. 55
F15a
Pliny Natura/is Historia (Natural History) 7.160: Epigenes5 6 denies that

man can live to be 112 years old, Berossos that man can live longer than 116
years.
F15b
Censorinus de Die Natali (The Birthday Gift) 17.4: Epigenes says the long-
est life is 112 years, Berossos, however, 116. Others says that it is possible to
exceed 120 years.
F15c
Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae (Jewish Antiquities) 1.107: All the histori-

ans, Greek and non-Greek, who wrote foundation stories, support me in this.
Manetho, who wrote Egyptian history, Berossos, the compiler of Babylonian
history, and Mokhos 57 (FGrHist #784 F3), and Hestiaios (FGrHist #786
53. On Anaitis, see Fl 1 n. 52. Sandes was another name for Herakles, but Nonnus Dionysiaca
34.192 says Sandes is a Cilician god.
54. Nothing further is known about these two historians, Athenokles and Simakos.
55. Sarakhero appears only here in Greek literature and has no counterpart in Sumerian and
Babylonian literature or religion.
56. Epigenes from Byzantium was an astrologer of the second century B.C.
57. Josephus is justifying the biblical account of the long lives of the patriarchs given in Genesis
and cites a number of historians who support his contention that such long lives are possible. Jose-
phus names three writers of Phoenician history:
F2), and besides them the Egyptian Hieronymos (FGrHist #787 Fl), writers
of Phoenician history-they agree with what I am saying, and also Hesiod,
Hekataios (FGrHist #1 F35), Hellanikos (FGrHist #4 F202), Akousilaos
(FGrHist #2 F46), Ephoros (FGrHist #70 F238), and Nikolaos (FGrHist #90
F 141 )-their judgment is that the ancients lived a thousand years.
Astronomical or Astrological Information-Probably

from Book 1, On the Moon
F16
Vitruvius de Architectura (On Architecture) 9.2.1-2: Berossos taught as

follows about the moon. It is a sphere, one half of which emits a white,
glowing heat, while the other half has a dark blue color. When, however, it
passes in its orbit under the orbit of the sun, the moon is overcome by the
sun's rays and the force of its heat, and the half of the moon that emits a
white, glowing heat turns back to the light of day because of the attraction of
light to light. But when the upper parts of the moon face the sun's orbit,
then the moon's lower part, which does not give off a white, glowing heat,
seems to be obscured because of its resemblance to air. When the moon is
perpendicular to the sun's rays, all the light of day is retained on its upper
part and is then called the first moon (new moon).
(2) When the moon in its orbit is in the eastern part of the sky, it has
more freedom from the force of the sun, and the furthest part of the moon's
half that emits a white glowing heat sends its glow to the earth in an exceed-
ingly fine line. This state of the moon is called the second moon. By the
daily retardation of its orbit, the third and fourth moon are numbered on the
successive days. On the seventh day, since the sun is in the west and the
moon, halfway between the eastern and western horizons, holds the middle
areas of the sky, the half of the moon that emits a white, glowing heat is
Mokhos or Laitos, who lived before the first century B.C.;

Hestiaios, who lived before A.D. 90; and
Hieronymos the Egyptian (see T6).
Very little is known about any of them. There does not survive any fragment of their works to
prove Josephus's assertion about their views on long life.
Hesiod was a Greek poet of the late eighth or early seventh century. Hekataios, Hellanikos, and
Akousilaos were early Greek historians, mythographers, and geographers. Ephoros was a Greek
historian who lived in the fourth century B.C. On Nikolaos of Damascus, see F4b.
Most likely all these historians never asserted what Josephus claims but are names Josephus
added merely to give authority to his argument.
turned toward the earth because the moon is half the distance between the
earth and the sun. When there is the entire space of the world between the
sun and the moon and when the sun in the west is opposite to the rising
moon, the moon, where it bums most brightly, is freed from the sun's rays
and on the fourteenth day sends forth its total light. During the following
days, the moon decreases daily to bring the lunar month to a close. In its
revolutions and orbit, the moon feels the sun's wheel and rays, and then the
order of the days of the month is complete.
F17a
Aetius de Placitis Reliquiae (Philosophers' Views of Nature) 2.25.12 Diels

Doxographi Graeci p. 356: Berossos says that the moon is a sphere half con-
sumed in fire.
F17b
Aetius, de Placitis Reliquiae (Philosophers' Views of Nature) 2.28.1 Diels

Doxographi Graeci p. 358: Anaximander, Xenophanes, 58 and Berossos say
the moon has its own light.
F17c
Aetius, de Placitis Reliquiae (Philosophers' Views of Nature) 2.29.2 Diels

Doxographi Graeci p. 359: Berossos says that the moon has turned its un-
fired side towards us.
F18
Cleomedes de Motu Circulari Corporum Caelestium (On the Circular Mo-

tion of the Heavenly Bodies) 2.4: Berossos says that the moon is half fire
and has numerous different movements. One is along its length in accor-
dance with the earth; another is along its width, breadth, and depth in ac-
cordance with the other five planets; and another is in its own center. In this
last movement, Berossos thinks that the moon waxes and wanes as it turns
58. Both Anaximander of Miletos and Xenophanes of Kolophon were early Greek natural phi-
losophers of the sixth century B.C.
toward the sun and that the revolution is done in equal parts of time in con-
junction with the sun. This view, though, is easy to refute.
Miscellaneous
F19
Seneca Naturales Questiones (Questions About Science) 3.29.1: Berossos,

who interpreted the prophecies of Bel, 59 attributes these disasters (the end of
the world and its aftermath) to the movements of the planets. He is so cer-
tain of this that he can determine a date for the Conflagration and the Great
Flood. He maintains that the earth will bum whenever all the planets, which
now have different orbits, converge in Cancer and are so arranged in the
same path that a straight line can pass through all their orbs, and that there
will be a further great flood, when the same planets so converge in Capri-
corn. For under the sign of Cancer occurs the change to summer, under
Capricorn the change to winter. They are signs of great power, occurring
when there are movements in the change of season. 60
F20
Pliny Natura/is Historia (Natural History) 7.193: Epigenes, 61 a most impor-

tant author, teaches that among the Babylonians, observations about the
movements of the stars have been preserved on baked clay tablets for
720,000 years. Berossos and Kritodemos, however, give a shorter period,
490,000 years. Nevertheless, even with this disagreement, it is apparent that
the knowledge of writing is very, very ancient.
F21
Commentariorum in Aratum Reliquiae (Commentary on Aratus) pp. 142-43

Maass: God created and placed the stars. Afterward the most knowledgeable
59. Bel (Marduk) is not normally associated with prophecy, and Seneca may have garbled the
information he is transmitting. See W. G. Lambert, "Berossus and Babylonian Eschatology," Iraq
38 (1976): 171-172.
60. Stoics, such as Seneca, believed in recurring cataclysms. Here it seems Berossos believes
only that the world will end in a grand cataclysm. There is no cuneiform text that expresses any be-
lief in a general cataclysm that will end the world. See Lambert, "Berossus and Babylonian Escha-
tology," 172-173.
61. On Epigenes, see F15a-b.
men gave them their proper names and signs and established the laws of
their movements. . . . These names and placings of the stars in constellations
even Berossos in his Creation 62 admits have nothing to do with the actual
creation of the universe by Jupiter.
F22
Palchus 135 (Cumont ed. Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum

[Catalogue of the Manuscripts of the Greek Astrologers], vol. 5, pars prior
[1904] p. 204): Therefore, we, as followers of the teachings of the divine
Ptolemy, 63 have had the courage to disagree about the energy and the quality
of the thirty bright stars. So that we may be mindful of those who wrote be-
fore he did about the appearance of the fixed stars and about the power of
the rising stars, let us set the record straight. The Babylonians and then the
Chaldeans were practically the first ones to have knowledge about astro-
nomical phenomena, just as we have recognized from those who went before
us. For they tell of Apollonios the Myndian and Artemidoros64 (lac.), and
about all these Berossos has written and others after him.
62. On the meaning of this title, see Berossos's Life and Work in chap. 1.
63. Ptolemy is the famous Claudius Ptolemy of the second century A.D. who wrote numerous
mathematical, astronomical, and astrological works.
64. Both Apollonios and Arternidoros are otherwise unknown.
CHAPTER4
Berossos-Tables
Table A. Time Outline-Mesopotamia
Early Bronze Age, ea. 3100-2100 B.C.

Sumerian Kingdoms, ea. 3100-2350 B.c.
Empire of Akkade, ea. 2300-2100 B.C.
Middle Bronze Age, ea. 2100-1600 B.C.
Third Kingdom of Ur, ea. 2100-2000 B.C.
Old Babylonian Period, ea. 1900-1600 B.C.
Late Bronze Age, ea. 1600-1200 B.c.
Kassite Dynasty, ea. 1500-1150 B.C.
Early Iron Age, ea. 1200-1000 B.C.
Late Iron Age, ea. 1000-539 B.C.
Assyrian Empire, 934-609 B.C.
Neo-Babylonian Empire, 609-539 B.C.
Persian Period, 539-330 B.c.
Alexander's Reign, 330-323 B.c.
Struggle for the Succession, 323-301 B.C.
Seleucid Empire, 311-64 B.c.
Parthian Empire, 247 B.C.-A.D. 227
Parthian rule of Babylonia begins, ea. 140 B.c.
Roman rule of Babylonia, A.D. 115-117
Sassanid Empire, A.D. 227-637
Arab Conquest, A.D. 637
69
Table B. Mesopotamian Ruler-Lists
la. Antediluvian Kings in Berossos (F3) lb. Antediluvian Kings from

the Sumerian King-List1
Aloros of 10 saroi (36,000 Alulium of 28,800 years

Babylon years) Eridu
Alaparos of 3 saroi (10,800 years) Alalgar of 36,000 years
Babylon Eridu
Amelonof 13 saroi (46,800 En-men-lu- 43,200 years
Pautibiblon years) AnnaofBad-
tibira
Ammenonof 12 saroi (43,200 En-men-gal- 28,800 years
Babylon years) AnnaofBad-
tibira
Amegalaros of 18 saroi (64,000 Dumu-zi of 36,000 years
Pautibiblon years) Bad-tibira
Daonos of 10 saroi (36,000 En-sipa-zi- 28,800 years
Pautibiblon years) Anna of Larak
Euedorankhos of 18 saroi (64,800 En-men-dur- 21,000 years
Pautibiblon years) Anna of
Sippar
Amempsinos of 10 saroi (36,000 Ubar-Tutu of 18,600 years
Larankhos years) Shuruppak
Otiartes of 8 saroi (28,800 years)
Larankhos
Xisouthros of 18 saroi (64,800)
Larankhos years
total 120 saroi (432,000 241,200

years) years
1. Thorkild Jacobsen, The Sumerian King List (Chicago, 1939), 70-77.

Berossos-Tables 71
la. Berossos's Wise lb. Abydenus's Wise Tablet W 10030,73

Monsters Monsters2
Kings Monsters Kings Monsters Kings Apkallu

(Monsters)
Aloros Oannes Aloros Oannes Aialu UAn
(F3) (Fl) (pre-
sumed)
Alaparos Alaparos Alalgar U Anduga
(F3)
Amelon Amil- 2nd An- Ammelu Enmeduga
(F3) laros nedotos Anna
Ammenon Anne- Amme- Ammegal Enmega-
(F3) dotos (F3) non Anna lamma
Amega- Mega- Enme Enmebu-
laros (F3) lanos Ushumgal lugga
Anna
Daonos 4 mon- Daos Euedokos Dumuzi Anenlilda
(F3) sters (F3) Eneuga-
mos
Eneu-
boulos
Anemen-
tos
Euedo- Odakon Euedo- Anoda- Enmedu- Utuabzu
rank.hos (F3) reskhos phos ranki
(F3)
2. Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 68; Eusebius Chronicon p. 18, line 18-p. 16, line 8
Kam= FGrHistvol. III C 1 (1958), Abydenos #685, F2
3. Jan van Dijk, "Die Inschriftenfunde: II Die tontafeln aus dem res-Heiligtum" in XVIJJ.
vorltiujiger Bericht uber die von dem Deutschen Archtiologischen Jnstitut und der Deutschen
Orient-Gesellschaft aus Mitteln der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft unternommenen
Ausgrabungen in Uruk-Warka (195911960), Heinrich J. Lenzen (Berlin 1962), 43--61.
3a. Postdiluvian Kings mentioned by 3b. Postdiluvian Kings Mentioned by Other Sources to Tiglath-pileser m
Berossos to Tiglath-pileser m
First Two Kings After the Flood First Two Kings after the Flood from the Sumerian King-Lis~
according to Berossos
Euekhoios (F5) 4 neroi (2,400) Ga(lac. )ur of Kish 1,200 vears

Khomasbelos 4 neroi and 5 (lac.) 960 years
(F5) sossoi (2, 700)
Numbers of Kings mentioned by Dynasties (Kings' Names omitted) Listed in Modem Reference5
Berossos the Sumerian King-List
First Kingdom 23 Kings 24,510 years, 2900-2700 B.C. Early Dynastic I

of Kish 3 months, 3
and one-half
days
Kings ofUruk 12 Kings 2,310 vears
4. Jacobsen, The Sumerian King List (Chicago, 1939), 77. On its use as a historical source, see "Berossos's History of Babylonia-Sources, Methods, and
Reliability" in chap. 1, and see F5.
5. Dates and modern names are based on William Hallo and William Simpson, The Ancient Near East: A History (New York, 1971) and J. A Brinkman,
"Appendix: Mesopotamian Chronology of the Historical Period," in Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization, ed. A Leo Oppenheim, rev. Erica
Reeves (Chicago, 1977), 335-40.
Numbers of Kings mentioned Dynasties (Kings' Names omitted) Listed in the Modem Reference
by Berossos Sumerian King-List
No correspondences First Kingdom of Ur 4 Kings 177 years 2700-2500 B.C. Early Dynastic II
between the dynasties Kings of Awan 3 Kings 356 years
Berossos lists Kings of Kish 8 Kings 3,195 years
and the dynasties given Kings of Hamazi 1 (?)King 360 (?)years
by the king-lists Kings of Uruk ?Kings ? years
are possible. 6 Kings of Ur 4 Kings 116 years
Kings of Adab (?)Kings 90 (?)years
Kings of Maeri 6 Kings 136 years
King of.Kish 1 King 100 years 2500-2300 B.C. Early Dynastic III
Kings of Ak.shak 6 Kings 99 years
Kings of Kish 7 Kings 491 years
.KingofUruk 1 King 25 years
Kings of Akkade 11 Kings 181 years 2334-2154 B.C. Sargonid Dynasty
Kings of Uruk 5 Kings 30 years
86 Kings and 33,091 years 92+ Kings 31,776 years minimum numbers of kings and years
from Xisouthros to the Medes from the Sumerian King-List
(F5)
6. It is impossible to fmd any correspondences between what has survived in Berossos's text and the king-lists. J. A Brinkman, A Political History of Post-
Kassite Babylonia 1158-722 B.C., vol. 43 ofAnalecta Orientalia (Roma, 1968), 21 writes: "His (Berossos 's) convoluted chronological scheme of the dynasties from
the time of the flood to the accession of Phu!( os) defies unravelling even in the manuscript tradition."
Numbers of Kings men- Dynasties (Kings' Names omitted) Listed in the Modem Reference
tioned by Berossos Sumerian King-List
8 Kings of the Medes7 Gutians 21 Kings 91 years and 40

(F5) 244 years days
KingofUruk I King 7 years, 6
No correspondences months, 15 days
between the dynasties Kings of Ur 5 Kings 108 years 2112-2004 B.C. Third Kingdom of Ur
Berossos lists and the Kings of Isin 14 Kings 203 years 8 2017-1794 B.C. First Dynasty of Isin
dynasties given by the
king-lists are possible. Dynasties (Kings' Names omitted) Listed in King- Modem Reference
ListA 9
11 Kings (F5) 28 years Kings of Babylon 11 Kings ?10 1894-1595 B.C. First Dynasty of Babylon
49 Kings of the Chai- Kings of Uruku 11 Kings 368 years First Dynasty of the Sea-
deans (F5) 458 years land
9 Kings of the Arabians Kings of??? 36 Kings 576 years, 9 ????-1155 B.C. Kassite Dynasty
(F5) 245 years months
7. On the identification of the Medes ofBerossos's text with the Gutians, see F5 nn. 25 and 27.
8. This marks the end of the Sumerian King-List.
9. ANEr3 272 and Brinkman, A Political History ofPost-Kassite Babylon, 38.
10. Brinkman, "Appendix: Mesopotamian Chronology of the Historical Period," lists the names of the eleven kings and gives their total regnal years as three
hundred.
Numbers of Kings men- Dynasties (Kings' Names omitted) Listed in King- Modem Reference
tioned by Berossos List A
Kings of Isin 11 Kings 132 years, 6 1157-1026 Second Dynasty of Isin

months B.C
No correspondences Dynasty of the 3 Kings 21 years, 5 1025-1005 Second Dynasty of the
between the dynasties Sea Country months B.C Sealand
Berossos lists and the Bazi Dynasty 3 Kings 20 years, 3 1004-985 B.C. Bazi Dynasty
dynasties given by the months
king-lists are possible. Elamite Dynastv 1 King 6 years 984-979 B.C Elamite Dynasty
? 3 Kings(?) ?
Semiramis (F5, F9a)11 E Dynasty 5 Kings(?) ?
3 Kings(?) 10 years
45 Kings, 526 years (F5) The text of King-List A is incomplete, as it is missing kings, dynasties, and regnal years until
to Phulos (Tiglath- Nabushumishkun (see next table).
pileser III)
11. IfSemiramis was an historical figure, she was most likely Sammuramat, wife ofSamshi-Adad V (824--811) and mother of Adad-Nirari III (810-782), kings
of Assyria.
4. Kings of Babylon from Nabu-nashir to Assurbanipal
Kings listed by King-List A 12 Synchronistic King-List13

Berossos Kings of Babylon Kings of Assyria
Nabushumishkun (lac.) (lac.)
Nabonassaros Nabunasir
(F7)
Nabunadinzeri: 2
years
Nabushumukin: l
month, 12 days
Ukinzer: 3 years
Phulos (F5) Pulu: 2 years
Ululaia: 5 years
Mardukaplaiddin:
12 years
Sargon: 5 years
Senakheirimos Sennacherib: 2 Sennacherib Sennacherib

(F5, F8a, F8b) years Nabulaplaiddin
(vizier)
brother of
Senakheirimos
(F8b)
12.ANmJ 272.
13. ANEr3 272-73, there called the Synchronistic Chronicle.
Berossos-Tables 77
Chronicle 1 14 Ptolemaic Kings of Babylon Kings of

Canon 15 Assyrial6
Nabu-sarna- Assur-nirarir
iskum (760?- (754-745)
748)
Nabu-nasir: 14 Nabonassaros: 14 Nabu-nashir Tiglath-pileser III
years years (747-734) (744-727)
Nabu-nadin- Nadios:2 years Nabu-nadin-zer
zeri: 2 years (733-732)
Nabu-shuma- Khinzetros and Nabu-shumaukin
ukin: 1 month, Poros: 5 years II (732)
2 days
Nabu-mukin- Nabu-maukinzeri
zeri: 3 years (731-729)
Tiglathpileser Tiglathpileser III
(III): 2 years (728-727)
Shalmaneser Iloulaios: 5 years Shalmanesser V Shalmanesser V
(V): 5 years (726-722) (726-722)
Merodach- Mardok- Marduk-Baldan Sargon II (721-
baladen II: 12 empados: 12 years (721-710) 705)
years
Sargon (II) Arkeanos: 5 years Sargon II (709-
(lac.) 705)
without a king: 2 Sennacherib Sennacherib
years (704-703) (704-681)
14. AK Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (Locust Valley, N.Y., 1975), 69-87.
15. The Ptolemaic Canon exists in several copies and was much used in Byzantine times. Our
list is based on the copy of the canon that appears in Kurt Wachsmuth, Einleitung in das Studium
der alten Geschichte (Leipzig, 1895), 305-06. Two lists, which appear in Syncellus Ecloga
Chronographica 390-396, seem to be based on the Ptolemaic Canon, but, nevertheless, contain
some spellings and some lengths of regnal years different from those ofthe Ptolemaic Canon.
16. These lists of the kings of Babylon and Assyria are based on Brinkman, "Appendix:
Mesopotamian Chronology of the Historical Period," 335-340 and on the lists in CAH2•
Kings listed by King-List A Synchronistic King-List

Berossos Kings of Babylon Kings of Assyria
Alcise: 30 days Mardukzakir-

(F8b) shumi:l month
Beladas: 6 Marduk-
months (F8b, aplaiddin: 9
F8c) months
Belibos: 3 years Belibini: 3 years
(F8b)
Ashur-nadin- Ashurnadinshumi
shumi 6 vears
Nergalushezib: Nergalushezib
1 year
Ushezib- Mushezib-
Marduk: 5 years Marduk
Senakheirimos: Sennacherib:8 Sennacherib
18 years (F8b) 17 years Kalbu (vizier) Belupahhir
(vizier)
Asordanios: 8 Esarhaddon Esarhaddon Esarhaddon
years (F8b) (lac.)
Ishtarshumersch Nabuzerlishir
(vizier) (vizier)
Samoges (F8b) Shamashshum Shamashshu- Assurbanipal

(lac.) mukin
Brother of Sam- Kandal (lac.) Kandalanu
oges: 21 years Ishtarshumersch
(F8b) = Sarda- (vizier)
napallos 18
17. See F8b n. 33 on the mistake over the number of years Senakheirimos reigned and the
confusion ofSenakheirimos's two sons, Ashur-nadin-shumi and Esarhaddon (Asordanios).
18. On the mistaken identification of Sardanapallos as the son of Assurbanipal, see F8b n. 3 7.
Berossos-Tables 79
Chronicle 1 Ptolemaic Canon Kings of Babylon Kings of Assyria
Marduk-zaki-
shumi (703)
Merodachbal- Marduk-Baldan
adan II (lac.) (703)
Belibni: 3 years Bilibos: 3 years Bel-ibni (702-

700)
Ashur-nadin- Aparanadios: 6 Ashur-nadin-
shumi: 6 years years shumi (699--()94)
Nergal-ushezib: Rhegebelos: 1 Nergal-ushezib
1 year, 6 year (693)
months
Mushezib-Mar- Mesesimordakos: Mushezib-Mar-
duk: 4 years 4 years duk: (692--()89)
without a king: without a king: 8 Sennacherib
8 years years (688--()81)
Esarhaddon: 12 Asardinos: 13 Esarhaddon: Esarhaddon:

years years (680--()69) (680--()69)
Nabu-zer-kitti-
Iishim
Assurbanipal Assurbanipal
(668) (668--()29)
Shamash- Saosdoukhinos: Shamash-shum-
shuma-ukin 20 years ukin: (667--()48)
Kineladanos: 22 Kandalanu (647-
years 627)
S. Kings of Babylon Listed by Berossos Compared to the Uruk King-List,

the Ptolemaic Canon, and a Modem List.
Berossos 's Kings Uruk King-List 19 Ptolemaic Canon20
Samoges (F8b) (lac.) Saosdoukhinos: 20years

Sardanapallos: 21 Kandalan: 21 years Kineladanos: 22 years
years (F8b)21
Sin-shum-lishin and
Sin-shar-ishkun: 1
year
Nabopalassaros: 21 Nabopalassar: 21 Nabopolassaros: 21 years
years (F8b, F9a) years
Naboukhodonosoros: Nebuchadnezzar Nabokolassaros: 43 years

43 years (F8b, F9a, (II): 43 years
F9b, F9c, FlOa, FlOb,
Fll)
Euilmaradokhos: 2 Amel-Marduk: 2 Illoaroudamos: 2 years
years (FlOa), but years
Amelmarudokhos: 12
years (FI Ob)
Neriglisaros: 4 years Neriglissar (lac. ): Nerigasolassaros: 4 years
(FlOa, FlOb) > 2 years, 8 months
Laborosoardokhos: 9 Labashi-Marduk
months (F 1Oa) (lac. ): > 3 months
Nabonnedos(FlOa)or Nabonidus ( lac. ): Nabonadios: 17 years
Nabodenos (FlOb): 17 > 15 years
years
19. ANmJ 566.

20. The Ptolemaic Canon exists in several copies and was much used in Byzantine times. Our
list is based on the copy of the canon that appears in Wachsmuth, Einleitung in das Studium der
alien Geschichte, 305-306. Two lists, which appear in Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 390-
396, seem to be based on the Ptolemaic Canon, but, nevertheless, contain some spellings and some
lengths ofregnal years different from those ofthe Ptolemaic Canon.
21. On the mistaken identification ofSardanapallos as the son of Assurbanipal, see F8b, n. 37.
Berossos-Tables 81
Kings of Babylon Kings of Assyria22
Shamash-shum-ukin (667-648) Assurbanipal (668-629)

Kandalanu (647-627)
interregnum Ashur-etil-ilami
Nabu-apal-usur (625-605) Senshumu-liser

Sin-shar-ishhur (??? -612)
Ashur-uballit II (611-609)
NebuchadnezzarII(604-562)
Evil-Merodach (561-560)
Neriglissar (559-556)
Labashi-Marduk (556)
Nabonidus (555-539)
22. Lists of the kings of Babylon and Assyria are based on Brinkman, "Appendix: Mesopo-
tamian Chronology of the Historical Period," 335-340 on the lists in CAH2•
Berossos's Kings Uruk King-List Ptolemaic Canon
Kyros: 9 years (F9c, Kyros: 9 years Kyros: 9 years

FlOa, FlOb, Fl 1)
Kambyses: 8 years Kambyses: 8 years Kambyses: 8 years
(Fll)
Dareios: 36 years Dareios: 36 years Dareios I: 36 years

(F9c, Fll)
Xerxes (F 11) (lac.) Xerxes: 21 years
Artaxerxes I: 41 years
Dareios II: 19 years

Artaxerxes: 46 years
Artaxerxes Okhos Okhos: 21 years
(Fl2)
Arogos: 2 years
Darius (III): 5 years Dareios III: 4 years
Alexander: 7 years Alexanderof~acedon: 8
vears
Philip: 6 years Philip: 7 years
Antigonus: 6 years Alexander II: 12 years
Seleukos (I): 31 (Egyptian kings listed)
years
Antiochos (I): 22
years
Berossos-Tables 83
Kings of Babylon Kings of Assyria
Cyrus the Great (538-530)
Cambyses (529-522)
Bardija (522)
NebuchadnezzarIII(522)
Nebuchadnezzar IV (521)
Darius I (521-486)
Xerxes (485-465)
Bel-shimanni (482)
Artaxerxes I (464-424)
Xerxes II (424)
Darius II (423-405)
ArtaxerxesIII\1emnon(404-359)
Artaxerxes III Ochus (359-338)
Arses (337-336)
Darius III (335-331)
Alexander III (330-323)
Philip Arrhidaeus (323-316)

AlexanderIV(316-307)
Seleucus I Nicator (305-281)
Antiochus I Soter (281-261)

Table C. Jacoby's Numbering for Berossos's Testimony

and Fragments with Our Corresponding Numbering
Jacoby23 Verbrugghe and

Wickersham
Tl Eusebius Chronicon p. 6, line 14 Karst = Syncellus Tlla

Ec/oga Chronographica 25-27
T2 Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica 10.11.8-9 = T7
Tatianus Oratio ad Graecos 36
T3 Eusebius Chronicon p. 21 Karst= Josephus contra T4
Apionem 1.128-131
Theophilus adAutolycum 3.22 F9c
Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae 1.107 F15c
Tertullian Apologeticum 19 T6
Expositio Totius Mundi et Gentium 2 T9
T4 Moses of Chorene Historia Armeniae 1.1 TlO
T5a Vitruvius de Architectura 9.6.2 Tla
T5b Vitruvius de Architectura 9.2.1 Tlb,Fl6
T5c Vitruvius de Architectura 9.8.1 Tlc
T6 Pliny Natura/is Historia 7.123 T3b
T7a Pausanias Graeciae Descriptio 10.12.9 T5
T7b Suda s.v. "The Delphic Sibyl" T12
T7c Pseudo-Justinus ad Gentes 37 T8
T8a Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae 1.107 Fl5c
T8b Syncellus Ec/oga Chronographica 25 Tlla
T8c Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 390 F7
T8d Agathias Historiae 2.24 F13
T9 Seneca Naturales Questiones 3.29.1 T2,F19
TlO Eusebius Chronicon p. 6, line 14 Karst = Syncellus Tllb
Ec/oga Chronographica 29
Tatianus Oratio ad Graecos 36 T7
Josephus contra Apionem 1.128-29 T4
Tlla Pliny Natura/is Historia 1. 7 T3a
Tllb Palchus 135 F22
Fla Eusebius Chronicon p. 6, line 8-p. 9, line 2 Karst=
Flb Syncellus Ec/oga Chronographica 49-53 Fl
23. FGrHist, vol. III C 1 (1958), Berossos #680, pp. 364-397.

Berossos-Tables 85
Jacoby Verbrugghe and

Wickersham
F2 Athenaeus Deipnosophistae 14.44 p. 639C F2

F3a Eusebius Chronicon p. 4, line 8-p. 6, line 8 Karst =
F3b Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 71-72 F3
F4a Eusebius Chronicon p. 10, line 17-p. 12, line 6 Karst not trans-
lated
F4b Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 53-56 F4a
F4c Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica 9.10.7-9.11.4 = F4b
Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae 1. 93
F5a Eusebius Chronicon p. 12, line 17-p. 13, line 18 Karst F5
F5b Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 147 not trans-
lated
F6 Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica 9.16.2 =Josephus F6
Antiquitates Judaicae 1.158
F7a JosephusAntiquitates Judaicae 10.20 F8a
F7b Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae 10.34 F8c
F7c Eusebius Chronicon p. 13, line 18-p. 15, line 4 Karst F8b
F7d Syncellus Ec/oga Chronographica 396 not trans-
lated
F8a Eusebius Chronicon p. 21 Karst = Eusebius F9a
Praeparatio Evangelica 9.40.1-2 =
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 416-418 =
Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae 10.220-228 =
Josephus contraApionem 1.131-144
F8b Clemens of Alexandria Stromata 1.122.1 = Eusebius T7
Praeparatio Evangelica 10.11.8-9 = Tatianus Oratio
ad Graecos 36
F8c Africanus ex Eusebii Praeparatione Evangelica F9b
10.10.3
F8d Theophilus adAutolycum 3.22 F9c
F9a Eusebius Chronicon p. 23, line 24 Karst= Eusebius FlOa
Praeparatio Evangelica 9.40.3-11 =Josephus contra
Apionem 1.145-153
F9b Eusebius Chronicon p. 15, lines 5-10 Karst FlOb
FlO Eusebius Chronicon p. 15, lines 11-20 Karst Fll
Fll Clemens of Alexandria Protrepticus 5.65.2-3 F12
Fl2 Agathias Historiae 2.24 F13

Wickersham
Fl3 Hesychius s. v. "Sarakhero" f 14

f 14 Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica 9.13.5 = Syncellus Fl5c
Ecloga Chronographica 78 = Josephus Antiquitates
Judaicae 1.107
Fl5 Palchus 135 F22
Fl6a Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 388 (390) F7
Fl6b Pliny Natura/is Historia 7.193 F20
Fl7 Commentariorum in Aratum Reliquiae pp. 142-43 F21
Maass
f 18 Cleomedes de Motu Circulari Corporum Caelestium 2.4 Fl8
Fl9a Aetius de Placitis Reliquiae p. 356 Diels Fl7a
Fl9b Aetius de Placitis Reliquiae p. 358 Diels Fl7b
Fl9c Aetius de Placitis Reliquiae p. 359 Diels Fl7c
f 20 Vitruvius de Architectura 9.2.1-2 f 16
F21 Seneca Naturales Quaestiones 3.29.1 Fl9
F22a Pliny Natura/is Historia 7.160 Fl5a
F22b Censorinus de Die Natali 17.4 Fl5b
Berossos-Tables 87
Table D. Our Numbering Corresponding to Jacoby's24

and Burstein's25 Numbering for Berossos's Fragments
Verbrugghe/ Jacoby Burstein

Wickersham #680
Fl Fl Book One, 1.1-2.4 (pp. 13-15)

f2 f2 Book One, 6.1 (p. 17)
f3 f3 Book Two, 1.1-11 (pp. 18-19)
Book Two, 5.2 (p. 22)
F4a,F4b F4b,F4c Book Two, 2.1-4 (pp. 20-21)
f5 F5a Book Two, 4.1-10 and Book Three, 1 (pp. 21-
22, 23)
F6 f6 Book Two, 3 (p. 21)
f7 Fl6a Book Two, 5.1 (p. 22)
F8a,F8c,F8b f7 Book Three, 2.5a and 6a (pp. 25-26) and Book
Three, 2.1 and 2.2a (pp. 23-24)
F9a,F9b,F9c f8 Book Three, 3.1-3 (pp. 26-28)
FlOa, FlOb f9 Book Three, 4 (p. 28)
Fll FlO Book Three, 5.1 (p. 29)
F12 F11 Book Three, 5.2 (p. 29)
Fl3 F12 not translated
F14 Fl3 Book One, 6.2 (p. 17)
F15a F22a not translated
Fl5b F22b not translated
Fl5c F14 Book Three, 6.1 (p. 29)
Fl6 F20 Book One, 4 (p. 16)
F17 F19 not translated
F18 Fl8 not translated
F19 F21 Book One, 3 (p. 15)
F20 Fl6b not translated
24. FGrHist, vol. III C 1 (1958), Berossos #680, pp. 364-397.

25. Stanley Burstein, The Babyloniaca of Berossus, Sources and Monographs: Sources from
the Ancient Near East, vol. 1, no. 5 (Malibu, 1978). Burstein does not include in his translation any
of the ancient testimony on Berossos.
Burstein includes as part of Berossos's History fragments from a later

Greek historian, Abydenos, 26 which we do not translate.
Jacoby #685 Burstein
FI Book One, 5 (p. 17)

F5 Book Three, 2.21>-4 (p. 24)
Book Three, 2.5b and 2.6b--c (pp. 25 and 26)
F6 Book Three, 3.2b (p. 27)
In addition, Burstein includes as fragments of Berossos' s History two

passages from two other ancient authors, which we do not translate.
Aelian De natura Anima/ium (On Burstein-Book Three, 6.2 (p.

Animals) 12.21 29-30)
Damascius de Principiis (On Beginnings) Burstein-Book Three, 7 (p. 30)
Vol. 1, p. 322
26. FGrHist, vol. III C 1 (1958), Abydenos #685, pp. 398-410.

Berossos-Tables 89
Table E. Ancient and Medieval Authors Who Preserve or Mention
Berossos with Our Corresponding Numbering of the Fragments
Aetius
de Placitis Reliquiae 2.25.12 F17a
de Placitis Reliquiae 2.28.1 F17b
de Placitis Reliquiae 2.29.2 F17c
Agathias
Historiae 2.24 F13
Athenaeus
Deipnosophistae 14.44 p. 639C F2
Censorinus
de Die Natali 17.4 Fl5b
Clemens of Alexandria
Stromata 1.122.1 = Tatianus Oratio ad Graecos 36 = Eusebius T7
Praeparatio Evangelica 10.11.8-9
Protrepticus 5.65.2-3 F12
Cleomedes
de Motu Circulari Corporum Caelestium 2.4 F18
Commentariorum in Aratum Reliquiae pp. 142-43 Maass F21
Eusebius
Chronicon p. 12, line 17-p. 13, line 18 Karst F5
Chronicon p. 13, line 18-p. 15, line 4 Karst F8b
Chronicon p. 15, lines 5-10 Karst FlOb
Chronicon p. 15, lines 11-20 Karst Fll
Josephus contraApionem 1.128-131 = Chronicon p. 21 Karst T4
Josephus contra Apionem 1.131-144 = Josephus Antiquitates Ju- F9a
daicae 10.220-228 = Chronicon p. 21 Karst= Praeparatio E-
vangelica 9.40.1-2 = Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 416-
18
Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae 1.93 = Praeparatio Evangelica F4b
9.10.7-9.11.4
Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae 1.107 = Praeparatio Evangelica F15c
9.13.5
Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae 1.158 = Praeparatio Evangelica F6
9.16.2
Josephus contra Apionem 1.145-153 = Praeparatio Evangelica FlOa
9.40.3-12
Praeparatio Evangelica 10.10.3 F9b
Eusebius (continued)
Praeparatio Evangelica 10.11.8-9 = Tatianus Oratio ad T7
Graecos 36 = Clemens of Alexandria Stromata 1.122.1
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 25-27 = Chronicon p. 6, line Tl la
14 Karst
Syncellus Ec/oga Chronographica 29-30 = Chronicon p. 6, line Tl lb
14 Karst
Syncellus Ec/oga Chronographica 32 Tl lc
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 50-53 = Chronicon p. 6, line FI
8-p. 9, line 2 Karst
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 53, 30, 71-72 = Chronicon p. F3
4, line 8-p. 6, line 8 Karst
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 53-56 = Chronicon p. 10, F4a
line 17-p. 12, line 6 Karst
Syncellus Ec/oga Chronographica 390 F7
Hesychius
Lexicon s.v. "Sarakhero" F14
Josephus
Antiquitates Judaicae 1.93 = Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica F4b
9.10.7-9.11.4
Antiquitates Judaicae 1.107 = Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica F15c
9.13.5
Antiquitates Judaicae 1.158 = Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica F6
9.16.2
Antiquitates Judaicae 10.20 F8a
Antiquitates Judaicae 10.34 F8c
contraApionem 1.128-131 T4
contra Apionem 1.131-144 = Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae F9a
10.220-228 = Chronicon p. 21 Karst = Praeparatio Evan-
ge/ica 9.40.1-2 = Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 416-18
contra Apionem 1.145-153 FlOa
Moses of Chorene
Historia Armeniae 1.1 TlO
Palchus
Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum 135 F22
Pausanias
Graeciae Descriptio 10.12.9 T5
Berossos-Tables 91
Pliny
Natura/is Historia 1.7 T3a
Natura/is Historia 7.123 T3b
Natura/is Historia 7.160 Fl5a
Natura/is Historia 7.193 F20
Pseudo-Justinus
ad Gentes 37 T8
Seneca
Naturales Quaestiones 3.29.1 T2
Naturales Quaestiones 3.29.1 Fl9
Suda s.v. "The Delphic Sibyl" Tl2
Syncellus
Ecloga Chronographica 25-27 = Chronicon p. 6, line 14 Karst TI la
Ecloga Chronographica 29-30 = Chronicon p. 6, line 14 Karst Tl lb
Ecloga Chronographica 32 Tl le
Ecloga Chronographica 50-53 = Chronicon p. 6, line 8-p. 9, Fl
line 2 Karst
Ecloga Chronographica 53, 30, 71-72 = Chronicon p. 4, line 8- F3
p. 6, line 8 Karst
Ecloga Chronographica 53-56 = Chronicon p. 10, line 17-p. F4a
12, line 6 Karst
Tatianus
Oratio ad Graecos 36 = Clemens of Alexandria Stromata T7
1.122.1 = Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica 10.11.8-9
Tertullian
Apologeticum 19 .4--6 T6
Theophilus
Ad Autolycum 3.22 F9c
Vitruvius
De Architectura 9.2.1 Tlb
De Architectura 9.2.1-2 F16
De Architectura 9.6.2 Tla
De Architectura 9.8.1 Tic
Manetho
Mediterranean Sea
ArsinoelEI
Elephantine
111----------.111
Map 3. Manetho's Egypt
CHAPTERS
Introduction to Manetho
Manetho was the Egyptian counterpart of Berossos. Like Berossos, he was

living and active in the earliest phase of the new Hellenistic rulership-when
the successors of Alexander the Great had become kings in their own right
and own name. Like Berossos, he was a native and a priest, representative of
the most expert and learned class of a most ancient and respected non-Greek
nation. Like Berossos, he was most opportunely placed to mediate between
his own ancient national traditions and the new influx of Macedonian rulers
and Greek immigrants.
Manetho's Life and Work
Manetho's name was Egyptian, but no Egyptian version of it has survived.

Conjectures about this original version and its etymology have included "Gift
of Thoth "I "Beloved of Thoth" "Beloved of Neith "2 "Lover of Neith " and
' ' ' '
"Truth of Thoth." Among further suggestions, one assumes an original
Myinyu-heter, meaning "Horseherd," or "Groom," while another advances
Ma'ani-Djehuti, "I have seen Thoth." We are also offered "Beloved by the
Great God" and, most recently, "Temple Guardian." For present purposes, we
should ask how Manetho wrote his name in Greek and how we ought to ren-
1. The versions involving Thoth are immensely apt, since the ibis-headed Thoth was god of
writing and recording. See, for example, the relief from Ramesses' s temple at Abydos that shows
Thoth painting cartouches and annals, reproduced in D. B. Redford, Pharaonic King-Lists, An-
nals, and Day-Books: A Contribution to the Study of the Egyptian Sense of History, SSEA Publi-
cation 4 (Mississauga, Ontario, 1986), plate IV. Also apt would be a version involving the word
menesh, "cartouche."
2. Neith was an old Egyptian goddess of weapons, worshiped at several places, including
Sais. The Greeks equated her with Athena.
95
der it here in the Roman alphabet. The Greek sources present a fine variety,
transcribable as Manethon, Manethos, Manetho, Manethos, Manethos,
Manethon, and even the Egyptian-looking Manethoth. The Latin sources of-
fer Manethon, Manethos, Manethonus, and Manetos. We have decided to
assume that Manethon was our author's Greek version of his own name: this
is the form preferred in our oldest witnesses-the Carthage inscription (Tl ),
the Hibeh papyrus (T2), and Josephus (T3a, T3b, F9-F12).3 It has been the
convention in English-speaking scholarship to render the names of Greek
authors in the Roman alphabet and a classical Latin form (e.g., Platon ->
Plato), so we will refer to Manetho as Manetho.
Manetho came from Sebennytos (T4, TlOb, T12, F25), a settlement on the
east branch of the Nile in the delta. No ancient source mentions a date of birth
or death, but his activities are connected with the reigns of Ptolemy I Soter4
(323-283 B.C.; T4) and Ptolemy II Philadelphos (285-246 B.C.; TlOb). The
papyrus of TI is datable to 241/0 B.C., and if, as is likely, the Manetho men-
tioned in it is our Manetho, then we find him still active in the reign of
Ptolemy III Euergetes (246-222 B.C.).
He was a priest, even a chief priest, and perhaps specifically of the temple
of the sun god Ra5 at Heliopolis (Pseudo-Manetho Book of Sothis Tla-b, Fl).
He acquired influence beyond this, because he became a practical authority in
the cult of Sarapis. The name of the god Sarapis came from the Egyptian
"Osiris-Apis"; from the time of the New Kingdom, bulls named Apis and
kept at Memphis were sacrificed, then mummified and preserved in cata-
combs in the Memphite necropolis at the modem Saqqara. 6 The cult of Sara-
pis was a Greco-Macedonian appropriation of this Egyptian cult, preserving
at least the name and the victim. The new cult seems to have first begun un-
3. Josephus of Judea, born A.D. 37-38, was captured by the Romans in the Jewish War of
A.D. 66-73 and was settled in Rome, where he ultimately attained Roman citizenship. His writ-
ings include de Bello Judaico (The Jewish War), Antiquitates Judaicae (Jewish Antiquities, on
the history of the Jews), and contra Apionem (Against Apion, defending Jewish heritage against a
detractor). The last is especially valuable for the study of Manetho.
4. Ptolemy the son of Lagos was a lieutenant of Alexander the Great. After the death of
Alexander (323 B.C.), Ptolemy took possession of Egypt (as well as the body of Alexander), de-
clared himself king in ea. 305, and founded the Ptolemaic Dynasty, which ruled Egypt for nearly
three centuries until Cleopatra VII and the Roman conquest of Egypt by Octavian (Augustus) in
30B.C.
5. Ra was the sun god and chief god of the Egyptians from the time of the Old Kingdom on.
The Theban god Amon was combined with Ra during the New Kingdom. Amon-Ra was equated
by the Greeks with Zeus.
6. For further information on the Apis cult, see Dorothy J. Thompson, Memphis under the
Ptolemies (Princeton, 1989), 27-31.
Introduction to Manetho 97
der Alexander the Great, in connection with his foundation of Alexandria in

Egypt (332/1 B.C.).7 One central feature-the statue of the god-was lacking
for many years. This need was filled in some year between 286 and 278 B.C.,
when Ptolemy (either Ptolemy I Soter, late in his reign, or Ptolemy II
Philadelphos, early in his) arranged to bring an idol from Sinope, a Greek
colony far away on the Black Sea. 8 Two men were consulted by Ptolemy
throughout the process, the Athenian Timotheus (member of a clan with
authority in the cult of Demeter at Eleusis) 9 and our Manetho (T4). The cult
of Sarapis, often combined with that of Isis(= Demeter), spread well beyond
Egypt. The inscription of Tl connecting Manetho with the cult of Sarapis at
Carthage suggests that Manetho continued to act as consultant for new
foundations. His involvement here shows him mediating between Egyptian
and Hellenic institutions, a role that continues in his literary activities.
All of Manetho's writings were, on the one hand, on Egyptian subjects
and, on the other hand, written in Greek. We do not know when he wrote
each or in what order. Much of the testimony concerning Manetho quite
rightly makes his activities parallel in form and spirit to those of Berossos
(T6, T9, TlOa). TlOb goes farther in asserting that Manetho's work
(specifically the History of Egypt) appeared at about the same time as or
slightly after that of Berossos and was an imitation of Berossos, but we
cannot rely on this report, which is more likely to be an inference from the
other undoubted parallels than a reflection of solid information. Our sources
mention eight separate titles: the History of Egypt, Against Herodotus, the
Sacred Book, On Antiquity and Religion, On Festivals, On the Preparation of
Kyphi, the Digest of Physics, and the Book of Sothis.
The History of Egypt (T3a-b, T6, TI, T8a--d, T9, TlOa-c, Fl-F16) is by
far the most important of Manetho's writings-not only to us, perhaps, but
also to Manetho himself. It was long enough to be divided into three tomoi
("scrolls," "volumes," or "books"). We might imagine it as filling up one av-
erage-sized volume of an Oxford classical text, nearly as much as one-quarter
the bulk of Herodotus' s Histories.10
7. Egypt had had many capitals (i.e., the place of the ruler's throne). Alexandria was the seat
of the Ptolemies.
8. Sinope was founded by Miletos in the eighth century B.C., destroyed by barbarians, and re-
founded by 600 B.C.
9. A sanctuary near Athens, site of the most prestigious mystery cult of the ancient world.
10. Herodotus ofHalicarnassus, ea. 484-ca. 430 B.C., known as the "Father of History," wrote
nine volumes (the Histories) describing the Persian Wars of 490-479 B.C. He included much
about the history and culture of many peoples; all of book 2 and the beginning of book 3 are
devoted to Egypt.
It had a clear chronological organization, proceeding in order from the ear-

liest (the gods) to the latest (just before the conquest by Alexander the Great).
The main thread was the succession of rulers: Manetho named every one he
could and stated the length of the reign. Manetho further divided the series of
rulers into a series of "dynasties." Dynasteia was Manetho's Greek word for
each grouping, and it appears that this was a new and original move. Outside
of Manetho, the Greek word had the abstract sense "governmental power" or
denoted the power of a particular ruler. Only in Manetho does it acquire the
sense of a sequence of potentates with a common origin or other unifying
feature. Manetho did not find this succession of dynasties explicitly so desig-
nated in the Egyptian or other sources he may have used. 11 The Turin Royal
Canon at some points makes a total of years, and these points are often the
same points at which Manetho divides his dynasties, but the thoroughgoing
application of the method was in no sense ready-made for him. 12 Whenever
he perceived a discontinuity in the locale of the rulers, and also if he saw any
other sort of discontinuity, especially of family, he called that a change of
"dynasty" (e.g., Dynasty N from Memphis, Dynasty V from Elephantine). In
the outline for his first dynasty, each successor is explicitly noted as "son";
one must infer that this is to clarify at the beginning what he will mean by a
continuity of "dynasty."13 Manetho, therefore, deserves the credit for coining
this much-used term of historical discourse.
Interwoven with this outline of rulers and dynasties was a substantial fab-
ric of narrative and other historical exposition. One can get the feel of this
component best-if at all-from the excerpts in Josephus's contra Apionem
(Against Apion; F9, FlO, F12).14 As Greek, it is very good Koine, 15 and the
pace is indeed worthy of an ancient Greek historian.
11. Hekataios of Abdera (late fourth century B.C.) wrote historical works, now lost, dealing
with the Jews, the Hyperboreans, and Egypt. The last is suggested by some as a Greek model for
Manetho, but the remains (FGrHist #264) indicate that Hekataios was a successor to Herodotus
rather than a predecessor of Manetho.
12. Further description of the Turin Royal Canon comes later in this chapter.
13. Manetho's reasons for changing dynasties may at times elude us. Dynasties III-VIII are
all from Memphis, Dynasties XI-XIII are all from Thebes, while Dynasties XVII and XVIII are
from Thebes and from the same family. Jaromir Malek, "The Original Version of the Royal
Canon of Turin," Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 68 (1982): 93-106, suggests that the original
layout of the Turin Royal Canon may have influenced Manetho's divisions.
14. On the need to be cautious about these excerpts, see "Manetho's History of Egypt-Re-
ception and Transmission" later in this chapter.
15. Koine means "the common language," the standard international form of Greek in the
Hellenistic period.
Volume 1 contained, first, the predynastic reigns of gods, demigods, hu-

mans, and "spirits of the dead." Here might have been the quasi-heroic myths
involving the divinities of Egypt, especially the struggles of Osiris, Isis, Seth,
and the avenging Horus.1 6 Rather than transliterate, Manetho gave Greek
names for these figures. A set of equivalences was available long before
Manetho: Ptah = Hephaistos, Isis = Demeter, Thoth = Hermes, Horns =
Apollo, Seth = Typhon, and so forth.17 Then began the sequence of fully hu-
man and mortal rulers whose dynasties would run through the rest of the
work. For dynastic Egypt, volume 1 covered Dynasties I through XI. For
Manetho as for us, this meant rulers of all Egypt, the pyramid builders (the
Old Kingdom), then a period of regnal confusion where Manetho could not
specify the names of the rulers (First Intermediate Period), and finally the
beginning of a new stability (early Middle Kingdom). Manetho based the co-
herence of his outline on unity of rulership.
Volume 2 contained Dynasties XII-XIX. Dynasty XII continued the sta-
bility established by Dynasty XI (Middle Kingdom). Confusion set in again
for Dynasties XIII-XIV, while XV-XVII brought a wave of foreign rulers
(Second Intermediate Period). 18 Expulsion of the foreigners, reunited Egyp-
tian rule, and imperial grandeur in Dynasties XVIII-XIX (New Kingdom)
brought this volume to a close.
16. Isis and Osiris were siblings and mates; Horns was their son. Their evil brother Seth at-
tacked Osiris and tore him limb from limb. Horns avenged his father by vanquishing Seth. Isis
collected and reunited the pieces of Osiris, who then passed into eternal life beyond this world
and time. Part of this myth's function was to validate the practice of mummification and the rest
of Egyptian funeral practices and beliefs.
17. In these equivalences, the "Egyptian" names we use are themselves based on ancient
Greek transcriptions. A modem transcription of the ancient Egyptian names (from hieroglyphic,
hieratic, or demotic sources) yields different and stranger results. The name of the the god Thoth
was spelled in hieroglyphs as
~·}>""'""
and is nowadays transcribed as Djehuti. Similarly, Horns would be Hern, Isis would be Aset, and
Osiris would be Usir or even Wesir-very different from our usual versions.
18. Through Josephus (F9), the Egyptian term for the foreign rnlers-"Hyksos"-was rein-
troduced into our tradition of discussing the episode and is now prevalent in our histories of
Egypt. As translations of "Hyksos" Josephus offered "king-shepherds" or "captive-shepherds." It
is not certain that Manetho himself gave "Hyksos" or either of these two interpretations. It is just
as possible that, as the epitome (F2a at D. XVII, version of Eusebius in the Armenian and in
Syncellus) indicates, Manetho translated "Hyksos" into Greek with the meaning "foreign kings,"
a rendering that accords well with modem Egyptologists' interpretation of "Hyksos" as "Lords of
the Foreign Lands": see Alan H. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs (Oxford, 1961), 157; John van
Seters, The Hyksos, a New Investigation (New Haven, 1966), 187; H. W. Heick and Eberhard
Otto, Kleines Worterbuch der Aegyptologie (Wiesbaden, 1987), 156. The Turin Royal Canon
calls them Heka-khasut, "chieftains of a foreign country."
Volume 3 contained Dynasties XX-XXX (or XXXI). Dynasty XXV con-

sisted of Ethiopian 19 rulers, and we refer to Dynasty XXVI as the Saite Re-
naissance. 20 Persian conquest interrupted native African rule, and Dynasty
XXVII comprises eight stages of Persian rule from Kambyses son of Cyrus to
Darius Nothos (father of Cyrus the Younger). 21 Three more native dynasties
carried the series through the fourth century B.C., when Manetho considered
Persian rule to be in abeyance. Dynasty XXXI has three Persian rulers, bring-
ing Egypt to the eve of Macedonian rule. It is disputed whether Dynasty
XXXI was actually included by Manetho or was added by a continuator. F16
and Jerome's Eusebius (see at F2a, D. XXX.3 and D. XXXI) say to stop with
Nektanebos, the last king of Dynasty XXX, but otherwise Dynasty XXXI
seems as well attested as any other dynasty and as well grounded in
Manetho's purpose of showing who held the ruling power (dynasteia). For-
eign rulers-Ethiopians and Persians-were certainly included by Manetho.
Furthermore, it is a fitting ending for Manetho's overall outline in that it is
the last complete dynasty: for Manetho Dynasty XXXII, Macedonians, had
just begun.
Some have suggested that Manetho's Against Herodotus does not actually
represent a separate opus but is a part of the History of Egypt22 or perhaps a
set of excerpts from it. That Manetho disputed Herodotus in the History of
Egypt is attested by Fl. In any case, Manetho had strong reasons for attacking
Herodotus (whose account of Egypt occupies all of his book 2 and the begin-
ning of book 3; the systematic presentation via a ruler-list begins at 2.99).
Our one specific reference to Manetho's criticisms concerns the habits of li-
ons (Fl 7), but the disagreement goes much farther and deeper. As to format,
Manetho's History began with a fairly long list of gods, demigods, heroes,
and so forth. (see F2a and chap. 9, table B), but Herodotus had buried this era
in the middle of his account (2.146) and named only Osiris, Typhon, and
19. Ethiopia here includes Nubia and other territory south of Egypt, the Nile Valley above the
first cataract (at Elephantine).
20. The capital of these rulers was at Sai"s, in the delta.
21. The sixth and fifth centuries of the Achaemenid dynasty of Persia: the founding by Cyrus
the Great (who reigned from 559 to 530 B.C.); his son Kambyses (530-522), who conquered
Egypt; the one-year rule by Bardiya, who was probably Kambyses's brother but is described by
Darius I as an usurper from the priestly caste of Magoi; the dynasty "continued" by Darius I the
Great (522-486; Darius was probably not directly related to Cyrus, but he made use of a geneal-
ogy tracing both himself and Cyrus back to an ancestor Achaemenes); Xerxes I (486-465), who
attacked Greece in the great Persian War of 481-479; Artaxerxes I (464-424); Darius II Nothos
(424-405). Egypt was in revolt under Artaxerxes II (404-358).
22. As part of Iliad 2 was called the "Catalog of Ships," and part of book 1 of Thucydides
was referred to as the "Archaeology" and another part as the "Half-Century."
Horus. As to judgment, Herodotus, who had learned about 348 rulers from
Min, 23 the first king, up to the conquest by the Persian Kambyses, had de-
cided that the first 330 who came after Min were not worth mentioning by
name, except for Nitokris24 and Moiris.25 As to chronological accuracy, al-
though Herodotus and Manetho are close in the number of kings from
Min/Menes until Kambyses (Herodotus 348, Manetho 333), Herodotus's
count of years in that interval (ea. 11,500) is vastly discrepant with
Manetho's (ea. 5,100). Furthermore, Herodotus had excluded the Ethiopian
ruler Sabakos 26 from his count of rulers, but Manetho included him and other
rulers, although of "foreign" origin, in his ordering and reckoning. Also,
Manetho found that the Great Pyramid and its neighbors had been built by the
Fourth Dynasty and 4,300 years before Kambyses; Herodotus had dislocated
the whole dynasty and put it only twelve kings, about four hundred years, be-
fore the Persian conquest. This must have infuriated Manetho-certainly it
still astounds readers of Herodotus.
That the Sacred Book was about Egyptian theology is all that we can say
(T7). Of On Antiquity and Religion, one brief excerpt, concerning the re-
placement of human sacrificial victims with wax mannequins by Amosis, is
all that survives (F18). Of On Festivals, one incidental remark is preserved
(F19). On the Preparation of Kyphi dealt with the preparation of a mixture
and its uses as incense and balm. It is hard to imagine that the whole treatise
can have been much longer than the excerpts we possess (F20-F22). In the
Digest of Physics (F23), Manetho claimed that Egyptian science and philoso-
phy were encoded in certain symbolic animals. Apart from this, it is hard to
separate Manetho from other writers whether they are named in this citation
or not. The Physiologica (On Nature) mentioned in T12 may be the same
work. F24-F29a, which mention Manetho but no title, could also derive from
this book; the subject matter sounds similar.
The medieval monk George Syncellus rescued the outline of the History of
Egypt for us by objectively quoting the entire versions of it that he found in
23. Min is Herodotus's version of the name of the ruler called Menes by Manetho (Dynasty
1.1).
24. Herodotus 2.100 describes the vengeance Nitokris took on her brother's killers. In
Manetho F2a, see D. Vl.6.
25. Herodotus 2.101 describes Moiris's building activities and the creation of Lake Moiris. In
Manetho F2a, see D. XIl.4 (Moiris = Larnares).
26. Herodotus 2.137 notes Sabakos's conquest of Upper Egypt. In Manetho F2a, see D.
XXV.2 (Sabakos = Sebikhos).
Africanus and Eusebius (F2a). 27 At another point, however, he vilified

Manetho for presenting Egyptian history from a native Egyptian stance, and
he quoted yet another version, which he said was called the Book of Sothis,
and which he regarded as the genuine Manethonian history of Egypt, to be
ranked ahead of Africanus's and Eusebius's versions. We are not to believe
these claims of Syncellus. Sothis's dedicatory letter to Ptolemy Philadelphos
calls him "Augustus,"28 a title that is plainly anachronistic and marks the
piece as a forgery (Pseudo-Manetho Book of Sothis Fl). It indeed seems to
show some knowledge of the genuine History of Egypt by Manetho, and it
may be of some interest or even use, especially in regard to the predynastic
dynasties of gods and demigods. It does not, however, preserve the division
into dynasties (although Syncellus says that it does), and the list of rulers is
but a selection of 86 (versus the 129 named and more than 500 enumerated in
the Africanus-Eusebius versions), beginning with the first ruler, but stopping
at what would be the Twenty-sixth Dynasty-it is incredible that the genuine
Manetho would have so amputated the Saite Twenty-eighth Dynasty or the
Twenty-ninth Dynasty from Mendes and the Thirtieth Dynasty from Seben-
nytos, all three so close to Manetho's home. Sothis calls the first human ruler
Mestraim29 as well as Menes, and in many other ways as well it is so contam-
inated by Judaic or Judeo-Christian chronographic material that this element
is dominant, while what may be Manethonian is a small part of its thrust. The
texts preserving this hoax are sequestered as chapter 8 in this book, after the
genuine Manetho fragments in chapter 7.
One other spurious work, the Apotelesmatika (Astrological Influences), at-
tributed itself to Manetho or a Manetho. This work, six books of hexameter
verse, survives complete and deals with astronomy and astrology. It dates,
most likely, from the fourth century A.D. and so cannot be by our Manetho.
Illustrative excerpts from it are included with the Book of Sothis excerpts in
chapter 8 in this book. Some scholars have suggested that it belongs to a
writer genuinely named Manetho. The preambles, however, with their dedi-
cations to "King Ptolemy" and their flourishes about "unenterable sacred
books" and "secret inscriptions" seem a plain attempt to trade on our
Manetho, his name, and the true and false lore about his sources and methods.
There was only one Manetho.
27. On Africanus, Eusebius, and Syncellus, see "Berossos's History of Babylonia-Reception

and Transmission" in chapter 1.
28. No ruler was called Augustus until the first Roman emperor, two centuries later than
Manetho.
29. Mestraim (more familiarly Mizraim) is the Judaic, biblical name for Egypt.
Manetho's History of Egypt-Sources, Methods, and Reliability
As to how and where Manetho gathered his materials, we can be grateful to

Josephus, who assures us that Manetho himself claimed to have translated
from the "priestly writings" (Fl), supplemented by "myths and legends,"
"nameless oral tradition" (FlO). By "priestly writings" we may understand
documents in either hieroglyphs-these would chiefly be inscriptions-or hi-
eratic, the form of writing usual for brush and papyrus. As it happens, we
have preserved examples of ancient Egyptian documents that harmonize with
Manetho's outline based on a king-list. Examples of king-lists from the Old
Kingdom and the New Kingdom are available for comparison with Manetho.
From the Old Kingdom, we have the Old Kingdom Annals, which were on
a slab of diorite stone, originally perhaps seven feet long by two feet high,
and which were inscribed and erected in the Fifth or Sixth Dynasty (ea.
2500-2200 B.C.) In hieroglyphs, this is the earliest of the Egyptian docu-
ments to be compared with Manetho in scope and format. It was inscribed on
both sides with horizontal rows divided vertically into compartments. The
first row dealt with predynastic rulers, and each compartment of that row
contained only the name of one ruler. Thereafter each compartment contained
a record for one year, the series continuing year by year through several
rulers until the end of the monument and the Fifth Dynasty. It is not known
where this inscription was originally erected. This slab was broken and now
survives in fragments as the Palermo Stone, with the largest fragment now in
the museum in Palermo, Sicily; four fragments now in Cairo; and one piece
in the Petrie Museum, University College, London.
The Old Kingdom Annals do not seem to have been Manetho's immediate
source. As far as we know, this was a unique object, whose original location
is unknown, and we cannot say that Manetho would have had access to it. It
is, however, the differences in content and format that are decisive. In the
first place, the Old Kingdom Annals reached only to Dynasty V. Further-
more, whereas Manetho has predynastic deities and demigods, the Old King-
dom Annals have (presumably human) kings of Lower Egypt and kings of
Upper Egypt (see chap. 9, table B).30 Finally, and chiefly, the Old Kingdom
Annals gave year-by-year accounts for the dynastic reigns, whereas we see no
30. Lower Egypt includes the delta. Upper Egypt includes the area from the delta to the first
cataract (at Elephantine).
sign that Manetho's History of Egypt employed this degree of chronological

detaiI. 31
From the New Kingdom, we have Thutmose's list at Karnak, Seti's list at
Abydos, the Saqqara list, and Ramesses's list at Abydos. Thutmose•s32 list at
Karnak presented three walls of inscribed hieroglyphic cartouches33 with a
selection of sixty-one royal names, arranged in an order that is to us difficult
to follow. In his list at Abydos Seti I (father of Ramesses II the Great) in-
scribed seventy-six hieroglyphic royal cartouches from Dynasty I to Dynasty
XIX, in order, ending with Seti himself. Seti and his son are depicted making
offerings to the rulers named in the cartouches. Omitted were rulers from the
Second Intermediate Period, the Hyksos,34 and those rulers of the dynasty
just before Seti who had been close to the heretic Akhenaten. 35 The Saqqara
list was found in the tomb of a scribe and priest named Tenry. Dating from
the reign of Ramesses II, this is also a hieroglyphic inscription, similar to the
preceding, with fifty-eight names, in order, and with the same omissions as
the preceding. As with Seti and Ramesses in the Abydos list, Tenry is de-
picted making prayers to the named rulers. Ramesses's list at Abydos dupli-
cated his father Seti's Abydos list, but brought it up to date with himself.
All of the preceding king-lists from the New Kingdom differ from each
other in arrangement and elaborateness, but they have one feature that dis-
qualifies them all from being Manetho's immediate source: to one extent or
another, each is selective by comparison with Manetho. In other words,
Manetho could not have gotten the comprehensive and orderly outline that is
plain to see in the fragments (especially F2a) by using any or all of these
Pharaonic lists.
31. Between the Old Kingdom Annals and Manetho, there also appears a difference in the
kind of event noted. The Annals recorded Nile heights and cultic acts by the king, while Manetho
mentioned events of more interest to a Greek historian.
32. Thutmose III, ea. 1490-1440 B.C. (Dynasty XVIII). The modem Kamak is in ancient
Thebes.
33. From the Old Kingdom on, it became the custom to enclose two of the pharaoh's names
(specifically the throne name and the personal name) within a lozenge-shaped design: Cl . We
call this enclosure by the French word cartouche. See Jilrgen von Beckerath, Handbuch der
iigyptischen Konigsnamen (Munich and Berlin, 1984), 34-37, which discusses the significance of
this practice and dates its introduction to the reign of Sneferu (first king of the fourth Dynasty).
This practice makes it easy to spot a royal name in a text, and it was immensely helpful to the
modem decipherers of ancient Egyptian writing (e.g., Champollion).
34. The Hyksos were invaders from Asia who dominated Egypt during the Second Interme-
diate Period, ca.1640-1532 B.C. (Dynasties XV-XVI).
35. Akhenaten (Dynasty XVIII) attempted to replace Amon-Ra with Aten, the solar disc that
is a specific aspect of the sun god. His reform hardly survived his own reign.
Furthermore, the purpose of these lists was to cover the walls of a sacred
room in which the reigning Pharaoh (or other worshiper, as in the case of
Tenry and his Saqqara list) made offerings or prayers to his or her predeces-
sors, imagined as ancestors. Each royal house had a particular traditional list
of these "ancestors," different from that of other houses. The purpose of these
lists is not historical but religious. It is not that they are trying and failing to
give a complete list. They are not trying at all. Seti and Ramesses did not
wish to make offerings to Akhenaten, Tutankhamen, or Hatshepsut, and that
is why they are omitted, not because their existence was unknown or deliber-
ately ignored in a broader historical sense. For this reason, Pharaonic king-
lists were generically wrong for Manetho's purposes, and we should com-
mend Manetho for not basing himself on them.
Of course, we must not assume that Manetho took the trouble to travel and
study these immovable lists, some of which lay far up the Nile. If Manetho
preferred to base himself on something near to hand in the library, this would
be quite in accordance with the dominant methods of Hellenistic Greek histo-
riography, Manetho's new adoptive metier. Manetho's main source is most
likely, therefore, to have been something both comprehensive, orderly, and
portable or on hand.
The right sort of thing is exemplified by the Turin Papyrus, containing the
Turin Royal Canon, a papyrus written in the hieratic script. The papyrus it-
self, now in the Museum of Torino, Italy, dates from about the time of
Ramesses II (ea. 1290-1224 B.C., Dynasty XIX). When complete, it con-
tained, in order, the names of over three hundred kings with the lengths of the
life and reign of each. Its special importance for illuminating Manetho lies in
the fact that it is the only one of these Egyptian documents to begin with the
very earliest time, that of the gods. Furthermore, it presents "the remains of a
genuine chronicle remarkably like the Manetho of Africanus and Euse-
bius,"36_that is, in epitome. It may originally have extended its records
down to contemporary kings. It occasionally gave totals of the number of
kings and years elapsed; the number of kings is close to that given by
Manetho. Much of it is now imperfect or missing, especially toward the end
of what survives, which comes almost to the Eighteenth Dynasty.
This Turin Royal Canon was not identical with Manetho's main source,
since there is considerable difference of content in the overlapping portions. 37
It proves, nevertheless, the existence of materials well suited to provide a ba-
36. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs, 41.

37. For further discussion of the relationship between Manetho and the Turin Royal Canon,
see Malek, "The Original Version of the Royal Canon of Turin."
sis for the overall plan of Manetho's historical project. Furthermore, it should
be noted that the other side of the papyrus contains accounts from, apparently,
a government office. There is a connection between the two sides in that
certain governmental records would require a complete and orderly catalog of
rulers, in order to date contracts, leases, debts, titles, and other instruments.
Such a list could not afford the selectivity of, for example, Seti's offering list.
Just as there was a strong reason why royal king-lists were not suitable for
Manetho, there was a strong reason why a bureaucratic office would have a
list that was suitable.
We do not need to imagine, however, that Manetho first conceived of his
project to write a history of Egypt and only then began to search for suitable
materials, such as the king-list with regnal lengths. Because Manetho was an
Egyptian priest and therefore received the highest class of literate education,
it is far more likely that he grew up among such documents, standard equip-
ment for the priestly establishments that were his homes and schools. Because
priestly establishments had a considerable economic aspect involving
produce, manufactures, and rents with the pertinent titles and contracts, a
priesthood was likely to have possessed a complete king-list. It was not nec-
essary for Manetho to comb other bureaus. 38
That Manetho's materials were already known to him well before he exe-
cuted his project should be true not just for his basic outline (the king-list
with lengths of reign) but also for the narrative sections. The priestly libraries
could also possess written accounts of legendary or historical events, and
these accounts would also have been a part of Manetho's education and his
life well before he became a Greek historian. Many such narratives from an-
cient Egypt have survived. They comprise divine myths; quasi-epic material;
tales about rulers, priests, and other dignitaries; and also accounts of histori-
cal events. 39 Not enough of Manetho has survived to allow a specific compar-
ison with any of them. In general, however, they prove the plentiful existence
of relevant material for Manetho to translate. Added to the outline, this narra-
tive element made Manetho's History of Egypt nearly complete. Josephus's
statement (Fl) that Manetho translated the priestly writings into Greek would
therefore be true not merely as to the nature of the language and form of the
writings-the hieroglyphic or hieratic writing, in which the priests were the
38. It is, of course, possible that Manetho used more than one list, as is concluded by H. W.
Heick, Untersuchungen zu Manetho und den iigyptischen Konigslisten, Untersuchungen zur
Geschichte und Altertumskunde Aegyptens 18 (Berlin, 1956), 15-16.
39. Examples can be read in ANET3 3-10, 227-263.
most literate and authoritative-but also as to the content, which was fur-
nished precisely by priestly libraries.
Josephus also mentioned that Manetho used nonwritten sources as well
(FlO: "nameless oral tradition"; F12: "myths and legends"), and Josephus
claims that this declaration, as for the written sources, was made by Manetho
himself. We can certainly accept this claim and understand it as a component
of Manetho's methods. We must beware of the modern historian's avoidance
of oral tradition as unsupported rumor. It was actually one of the main tasks
for historians in antiquity to record and preserve the traditions of the commu-
nity. They did not see why an account would be made more credible merely
by being in writing, or why a written tale would be truer than a tale with
generations of oral transmission behind it. On the contrary, age and tradi-
tional status gave a tale more claim to be believed, not less. To put it in
writing made it more widely portable but did not change its truth. 40 In treat-
ing history as vulgate, Manetho is upholding the same standards as the rest of
the mainstream of ancient Greek historiography, as it was conceived and
practiced by Herodotus and onward. Josephus, to be sure, mentions
Manetho's oral source to attack it as false while the part that comes from the
"priestly writings" is regarded as acceptable. This is, however, because Jose-
phus disgrees with the content of the oral material. It is offensive to
Josephus' s own findings as to Jewish history. If the situation were reversed-
if, that is, Manetho's written sources had said that the Jews originated from a
rabble of Egyptian misfits and pariahs (F12)-then Josephus would still have
refuted the account, regardless of its status as "written."
Manetho's lifelong intimacy with his Egyptian material is simple to imag-
ine. It is more difficult to conjecture how Manetho became learned in Greek
language and literature. It is at least certain that he knew Greek literature well
enough to know Herodotus's writings on Egypt and to make it one of his
goals to correct what he considered Herodotus's mistakes (Fl). 41 One may
also catch some impression of Manetho's command of Hellenic lore, if one
peruses the condensed version of the History of Egypt that appears in F2a. It
contains a few cases where an Egyptian reign is synchronized with Greek
matters. These cases are as follows:
40. See Paul Veyne, Did the Greeks Believe in Their Myths? trans. P. Wissing (Chicago,
1987), chap. 2.
41. Manetho's possible complaints about Herodotus are discussed earlier in this chapter.
Dynasty Ruler Comment in the Condensed Version

XVIII.8 Amenophis It is believed that Memnon, the talking
statue, is this king.
XVIII.14 Armesis This king is also known as Danaos.
(Armais, Armaios) Persecuted by his brother Aigyptos, he
fled Egypt and came to Greece, where
he became king of Argos.42
XIX.6 Thouoris This is the king called Polybos, the
husband of Alkandra, by Homer.43
Troy was captured in his reign.
XXIII.2 Osorkho The Egyptians called him Herakles.
Some have assumed that these synchronisms were added by later editors of
this condensed version of Manetho. This is quite possible, but it is also still
possible that they stood in the original. If one accepts them as authentic, then
one could infer that Manetho was familiar with the Epic Cycle (in which the
Ethiopian hero Memnon comes to the Trojan War and is slain by Achilles), 44
with the myths regarding the prehistory of Argos (Danaos and Aigyptos; see
Aeschylus Suppliants}, and with Homer (Polybos and Alkandra are men-
tioned in Odyssey 4.126.) This evidence, slim and debatable though it is, hints
at a solid grounding in Hellenic lore.45
How did Manetho translate his Egyptian materials into Greek? For some
matters, specifically the names of gods, the Greeks already had standard
translations, and Manetho accepted them. For most names, however, Manetho
42. According to the Greek myth, l.eus dallied with the Argive princess lo. To fool Hera, he
turned lo into a hiefer. Hera, not fooled, sent a gadfly to torment lo, who was driven in pain all
around the world, finally reaching Egypt, where l.eus turned her back into a woman, and she
gave birth to Epaphos. Some generations later, Epaphos's descendant Aigyptos sought to marry
his fifty sons to his brother Danaos's fifty daughters. Unwilling, they fled and were pursued back
to Greece and Argos, where, forced to marry, all of the daughters killed their husbands, except
for Hypermestra, who spared her husband Lynkeus. Hypermestra and Lynkeus were the ances-
tors of Perseus and, most famously, of Herakles.
43. Odyssey 4.126: "Alkandra, the wife of Polybos, who lived in Egyptian Thebes, with a
palace full of wealth."
44. The Greeks had identified their Memnon with the Amenophis of the colossus. For the
talking statue, see further eh. 7, footnote on F2a, D. XVIII.8 n. 11.
45. It must be observed that the order of the myths is wrong: Aigyptos and Danaos, figures of
the deep prehistory of Argos, should come much earlier than Memnon, a figure of the Trojan
War. Herakles also should be before the Trojan War. This anachronism does not, however, mean
that Manetho was ignorant of the proper order: the notices merely make a statement about Egyp-
tian popular belief.
was completely on his own. In fact, even where Greek versions existed,
Manetho sometimes preferred to produce an original transcription. For exam-
ple, the fourth ruler of Dynasty IV had a name that we would now transcribe
as Men-kau-re. Herodotus had already made Mykerinos current as the Greek
version, but Manetho ignored that version and Hellenized Men-kau-re as
Menkheres, and we now would agree that Manetho' s version seems more ac-
curate.
It would be interesting to observe Manetho's methods for transcribing the
names of rulers and other personages. We could do this if we could compare
ancient Egyptian versions of the names (hieroglyphic, hieratic, or demotic)
with the Greek versions of Manetho. The best situation would of course be to
compare the original king-list(s) that Manetho used, but this is not possible.
As noted above, the Turin Royal Canon is likely to be the closest available
parallel to Manetho's original, but it is not the very thing. Modern Egyptol-
ogy, however, does have knowledge of the rulers' Egyptian names that is in-
dependent of Manetho and invites comparisons. This knowledge has been
gathered from various sources. The sources include the retrospective king-
lists already described (the Old Kingdom Annals, the Karnak list, the Saqqara
list, the two Abydos lists, and the Turin Royal Canon). Also available are
contemporary documents: inscriptions on buildings-pyramids or other forms
of tomb, royal temples, and sanctuaries-and on statues, jar seals, private
letters, and so forth. Being contemporary, these inscriptions are of greater
historical value while at the same time less likely to match Manetho's origi-
nal. Taken altogether, however, they give a fuller and clearer picture of the
complexity of royal nomenclature than either Manetho's list or the other ret-
rospective lists.
From these documents comes the striking fact that the rulers had more
than one name each. By as early as the Fourth Dynasty they had five separate
names:
1. The Horns name, preceded by the sign ~Hor, "Horus,"46 or enclosed in
a serekh tif1tn , with Horns on top.
2. The Two Ladies name, preceded by ~ Nebty, representing the god-
desses Nekhbet (Upper Egypt) and Wadjet (Lower Egypt).
3. The Gold Horns name, preceded by ~Bik Nebu, "Falcon of Gold."
46. Horus was always pictured as a falcon.

4. The throne name, also called the praenomen. This name was taken by the
ruler on coronation. It was preceded by either +~ = c.Nesubit (also
read insibya), "Ruler of Upper and Lower Egypt," or j iNetjer Nefer,
"the Good God." It was enclosed in a cartouche 0 .
5. The personal name, also called the nomen, given at birth, preceded by
~ 0 Sa Re', "Son of Ra," and, like the throne name, enclosed in a
cartouche 0 .
The names themselves are significant and could be translated, although
this is not the usual approach. So a full titulature for Thutmose III (D.
XVIIl)47 is
~ ~ ~ +~== ~o
Homs Two Ladies Gold Homs Throne Son of Ra
~1o,........11e x+=~~ +~~ o~~ ~~i~

~1=· oi~o Ve1 I I
Ka-nakht
=
Wah-
i::=J
Sekhem- Men- Djehuti-mesu
Khai-em- mesut-mi- pehti kheper-Re' Nefer-kheperu
Waset Re'-em-pet Djeser-
khau
Mighty Bull Enduring of Powerful in The Form Thoth is Born,
Arising in Kingship Strength, of Ra Beautiful of
Thebes like Ra in Holy of Abides Forms
Heaven Crowns
One sees the immense scale of the situation: modem Egyptology has iden-
tified approximately 375 rulers of ancient Egypt from the predynastic period
until the Macedonians; if each one had five names, there would be 1,875
names to examine. There are not in fact that many, because rulers before the
Fourth Dynasty did not have all five names and because a full set of names
has not been discovered for all. However, some rulers, especially after Dy-
47. For this ruler there is actually more to each of the names, but we simplify here for the
sake of clarity. The example is taken from A. H. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, 3d ed. (Oxford,
1982), 72.
nasty XVIII, had more than one version of each name-Ramesses II, for ex-
ample, had over six Horus names.
Manetho, to judge from F2a, enumerated more rulers than this-about
473. We assume that he also gave a name for each, but only one (in most
cases). Of these 473, 114 names are preserved. Of these 114, 84 are compara-
ble with the names discovered independently by modern Egyptology. In other
words, a ruler with a name preserved from Manetho has been identified with
a ruler in the modern list with some form of name attested.
When one examines the Manethonian names with the recently discovered
ancient names, one sees a spectrum of clarity with some items showing easily
which name Manetho transcribed; others are not so easy, others are difficult
and involve unexpected techniques, and others are still unexplained. Some
examples for each level of difficulty follow.
Level 1. In these examples, it is easy to see which name Manetho was
dealing with, and there are no great puzzles about his handling-that is, we
would transcribe it into Greek in the same way or nearly so.
Dynasty 1.1 Menes (Here we give the number and name as they appear in
the reoresentations of Manetho's results in F2a.)
1.1 Aha
(Here we j?;ive the number and name as j?;iven in a standard modern listinj?;.)
Horus Two Gold Throne Son of King- Manet ho
Ladies Horus Name Ra Lists 48
Aha Men Meni Menes
II.3 Binothris
11.3 Ninetier
Horus Two Gold Throne Son of King- Manetho
Ladies Horus Name Ra Lists
Ni- Nebty- Ba- Binothris
netjer Ni- netjer-
(Netjer- netjer en
en)
The sound tj in netjer did not exist in Greek. Th is a reasonable substitute.
11.7 Nepherkheres
11.6 Neferkare
48. From the Old Kingdom Annals, the Abydos and Saqqara lists, and the Turin Royal Canon
(see chap. 9, table B.)

Nefer- Nepher-
ka-Re' kheres
V. 7 Menkheres
V.7 Menkauhor
Men- Men- Kaiu/ Men- Men-
khau kauhor Hor- kauhor kheres
kaiu (?) I
Men-
kahor
V.9 Onnos
V.9Unas
Wadj- Wadj- Wadj- Unis Unis/ Onnos
tawi em- bik- Unas
Nebtv nebu
Other problem-free examples include Dynasties XVIIl.1 Amosis, XVIII.7
Thoutmosis, and XIX.4 Ramesses I.
Level 2. Some items allow confident identification but with puzzling dif-
ferences, as in the next two examples.
11.5 Sethenes
11.5 Sened
Sened Senedi/ Sethenes
Senedi
We would expect Manetho's version to be Senethes rather than Sethenes;
consonants have been exchanged, as also occurs in the next example.
XIX.6 Thouoris
XIX.8 Twosreffausret
Sat-Re' Ta- Thouoris

Merit- usre(t)
Amen
As with the preceding example, there is a switching of consonants, and
Manetho has Thouoris instead of the expected Thouser-.
Level 3. Some equivalences have a "trick" to them:
XVIII.2 Khebron
XVllI.4 Thutmose II
Ka- Netjeri- Sekhem A'a- Djehuti- A- Khebron
nakht- nesut - kheper- mesiu kheper-
User- khepern en-Re' (+ enre
pehti Ne fer-
kau/
Iri-en-
Amen/
Meri-
Amen/
Tit-
Amen/
Tit-Re')
Here it appears that Manetho has abbreviated and given just the middle sylla-
bles of the throne name, omitting the first and last syllables.
1.4 Ouenephes has puzzled scholars. The Son of Ra name ltti was seen as
the basis of Manetho's 1.2 Athothis (also identified by the modern list as 1.3
Horns Djer), but the alternate Manethonian name (Ouenephes) is unexplained
until one observes that it may be a version of the Gold Horns name En-nebu.
1.3 Dier
Djer En- ltti Athothis/
nebu 49 Ouene-
phes
49. From Beckerath, Handbuch der iigyptischen Konigsnamen.

XVIIl.4 Amensis
XVIII.5 Hatshepsut
Horns Two Gold Throne Son of King- Manetho
Ladies Horns Name Ra Lists
Userit- Wadjet- Netjerit- Ma'at- Hat- Amensis
kau renep- kheperu ka-Re'
shepsut/
ewet Amen-
(khnum)
-et hat-
sheosi50
Manetho's name for Hatshepsut is apparently another abbreviation (using
her Son of Ra name), but instead of using a continuous section of the fuller
name, as with XVIII.2 Khebron, he has "leapfrogged," skipping the begin-
ning, giving Amen, and then cutting to the final syllable si and adding a final
-s to make it Greek. This sort of truncation or syncopation is, as a matter of
fact, paralleled elsewhere in the ancient Egyptian treatment of proper names,
even royal names. For example, the name Meriamoun (which means
"Beloved of Amon") is found shortened to Miamoun (see in FlO, Ramesses
Miamoun). Compare also Manetho's Dynasty I.6, where the Merbiape(n) of
the lists appears as Miebidos
Level 4. There are, lastly, cases in which one cannot as yet see how the
Manethonian name reflects any of the independently attested names. We
should perhaps infer that in fact some rulers were generally known by a name
that was not any of the usual five.
V.6 Rhathoures
V.6 Niuserre
Horns Two Gold Throne Son of King- Manetho
Ladies Horns Name Ra Lists
Set-ib- Set-ib- Netjeri- Ni-user- Ini Ni-user- Rhathou-
tawi Nebty bik- Re' Re' res
nebu
The above is merely a sample of the picture that emerges from comparing
the ruler-names given by Manetho with those gained from independent an-
cient documents. It is plainly not a simple matter: Manetho had several dif-
ferent approaches, and it is not possible to give a one-to-one formula for pre-
dicting how Manetho would have transcribed a given name, nor can one say,
50. Supplied by Beckerath, Handbuch der iigyptischen Konigsnamen. H. W. Heick, Unter-

suchungen zu Manetho und den iigyptischen Konigslisten, 40, had also hinted at this solution.
given Manetho's version, what the original Egyptian form of it must have
been.
Manetho's History of Egypt-Reception and Transmission
Manetho's History of Egypt is a lost work, in that it has not been preserved
through its own tradition of copying and recopying in manuscript. Instead we
have the references to Manetho and citations from Manetho made by other
writers in their own works, which have indeed been transmitted through a
manuscript tradition (see chap. 9, table D.) These are the texts presented in
translation here (in chaps. 6 and 7), and we are totally dependent on these for
our knowledge of Manetho and his writings.
We say that our knowledge of what Manetho wrote depends on indirect
tradition. All of the remains of Manetho' s writings come to us indirectly, and
the fact that none of it has been transmitted directly must warn the student to
be on the alert for errors and distortions that might give a false picture of
what Manetho actually wrote.
There are in fact severe difficulties with the fragments. In the first place,
Manetho's work became involved in a serious polemic that occurred during
the Hellenistic period: various barbarian cultures of the newly Hellenized
kingdoms made claims to being older than Greek civilization and to having
contributed significantly to the formation of Greek culture. Hellenes were on
the whole not averse to viewing their culture as an import from some venera-
ble non-Greek source-lawgivers, for example, were normally said to have
gained wisdom abroad, as the Athenian Solon was supposed to have visited
Egypt and stayed at Sebennytos (which was, by coincidence, Manetho's
birthplace). 51 Leading contestants in this battle to appropriate the origins of
the ruling Hellenic civilization were the Egyptians and the Jews, and there is
a body of literature representing the claims of one party or attacking the
claims of the other.5 2 The consequence for Manetho was that his work as a
whole was lost in antiquity-one cannot say just how early-and replaced by
sets of excerpts designed to be used in the polemic.
51. Solon was an Athenian legislator of the early sixth century B.C. who gave Athens a new
constitution and then, for ten years, left the Athenians to apply the new laws while he journeyed
abroad, to Cyprus, Asia Minor, and Egypt (Plutarch Life of Solon).
52. For examples of how Hellenism was appropriated by Judiasm, see Erich S. Gruen,
"Cultural Fictions and Cultural Identity," Transactions of the American Philological Association
123 (1993): 9-13.
The excerpts from Josephus's counterpolemic contra Apionem (Against

Apion) found in F9-F12 are not in fact a genuine quotation from Manetho's
whole work but citations from a set of altered and distorted excerpts. We
cannot give a thorough discussion here, but the reader can easily see prob-
lems in Josephus's text: the foundation of Avaris is described twice (F9 §§78,
86-87); Osarsephos is introduced twice (F12 §§238, 250); the citation at the
beginning of Fl 0 gives a mere list of seventeen rulers and their lengths of
reign, with no narrative for any-only with the eighteenth does narrative be-
gin; furthermore, this same ruler-list gives no indication of which dynasty is
meant, and it actually runs two of Manetho' s dynasties (Dynasties XV III and
XIX) together without a break. Certainly this is not genuine Manetho. It is
truly unfortunate that this sort of material bulks so large in the supposed quo-
tations from Manetho. It is also unfortunate that Josephus, who furnishes
these texts, is the earliest to cite from "Manetho."
Several scholars have attempted to analyze the citations in Josephus, at-
tributing some portions to pro-Jewish publicists, others to anti-Jewish writers,
others to a Greek whose interest was academic rather than polemical-and
even some sections to Manetho. But the different scholars have offered dif-
ferent allocations, and none has proven authoritative. The problem of seeing
genuine Manetho in these fragments has been called the most difficult prob-
lem in Classics, and so it remains.53
The student must not, therefore, be quick to accept the anti-Jewish mate-
rial (such as in F12 §§232-51) as Manetho's writing. Similar material (the
unclean lepers and misfits) is found in other writers, such as Lysimakhos of
Alexandria, 54 and it may have been injected into Manetho from outside.
Manetho, writing his History of Egypt in the early third century B.C., was
perhaps too early for the rising wave of polemic. He may or may not have
mentioned the Jews and the Exodus; and, if he did, we cannot be certain as to
his point of view. 55
Besides being embellished, altered, and excerpted, Manetho's work was
also converted-probably from the altered version-into a condensed ver-
sion, an epitome, in at least one edition. Again, we cannot say when the epit-
omizing was done or who did it. The results can be seen in F2a: the narrative
was almost entirely cut out, leaving the succession of dynasties with the
53. The problem was so ranked by Augustus Boeckh in 1845 (quoted by W. G. Waddell,
Manetho [Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1940], vi).
54. FGrHist #621; his date and identity are controversial.
55. If Manetho was indeed influenced by Hekataios of Abdera, then his view of the Jews
would have been favorable.
names of the rulers and the lengths of their reigns-an outline very similar to
what Manetho may have begun with.
Besides the bare outline of the dynasties, with the names of the rulers and
the years involved, the epitome of Manetho also preserved a selection of re-
markable facts, about two dozen of them, to go with the sequence. Examples
of Manetho's remarks follow:56
Dynasty Ruler Remark

1.1 Menes Menes was the first king. He was snatched
and killed by a hippopotamus.
1.2 Athothis Athothis built the palace at Memphis. He
practiced medicine and wrote books on
anatomy.
1.4 Ouenephes A great famine seized Egypt. Ouenephes built
the pyramids around Kokhome. 51
The student needs to be careful in using the epitome, no less than with the
excerpts from Josephus in F9-F12. As our presentation in F2a shows, there
are many serious discrepancies in the different versions we have received.
The version that comes by way of Africanus is considered by most to be gen-
erally better than the one used by Eusebius, but this is no guarantee that it is
better in all cases, and there are many spots where we remain unsure what
Manetho actually wrote.
To summarize and illuminate these warnings, we present figure 1, showing
the history of Manetho's History of Egypt, how it was adapted rather than
56. The rest of these remarks are listed in the next note. We give the rulers' names and num-
bering from Syncellus's version of Africanus. We have chosen the items that, according to
Syncellus, appear in both Africanus and Eusebius and that possess character appropriate to
Manetho as a mediator of Egyptian history to Greco-Macedonian culture. We have omitted items
that are likely to be additions by editors with Judeo-Christian interests (such as the comment in
D. XXVI.5 that Nekhao II captured Jerusalem and brought its king "Ioakhaz" [= Jehoahaz] back
to Egypt as a prisoner. We have included D. XVIII.14, even though it is absent from Syncellus's
Africanus, because, as a crucial synchronism with Greek myth, it seems appropriate to regard it
as genuinely Manetho's (compare D. XIX.6, where Thouoris =Homer's Polybos.)
51. The other remarks concern 1.7 Semempses, II.I Boethos, 11.2 Kaiekhos, 11.3 Binothris,
11.7 Nepherkheres, 11.8 Sesokhris, Ill.I Nekherophes, 111.2 Tosorthros, IV.2 Souphis, Vl.6 Ni-
tokris, IX. I Akhthoes, XII.3 Sesostris, Xll.4 Lamares, XV Shepherds, XV .I Saites, XVIll.8
Amenophis, XVIIl.14 Armesis, XIX.6 Thouoris, XXlll.2 Osorkho, XXIV Bokhkhoris, and
XXV.l Sabakon.
preserved and transmitted. The bulk of what remains for us to examine has
come the route illustrated in figure 1. 58
Manetho's original
History of Egypt
(3d c. B.C.)
.,,
Manetho' s text altered
by pro- and anti-Jewish
editors and by Jewish
chronographers
Josephus' s excerpts in An epitome with the

Against Apion dynasties, names of rulers,
(lst c. A.D.) lengths of reign, and a
(F9-F12) few noteworthy facts
~,
.,, ~,
Sextus Julius Eusebius's version Incomplete or

Africanus' s (4th c. A.D.), as preserved contaminated versions:
version in Jerome (4th-5th c. Pseudo-Manetho Book
(3rd c. A.D.), A.D.), Armenian trans- of Sothis (chap. 8);
as preserved lation (6th-8th c. A.D.), Pseudo-Eratosthenes
by Syncellus and Syncellus (9th c. (see note on TlOc); the
(9th c. A.D.) A.D.) (F2a) Baden Papyrus (F15);
(F2a) F5, F6, etc.
58. Figure 1 is based on H. W. Heick, "Manethon (l)," in Der kleine Pauly, ed. K. Ziegler
and W. Sontheimer (Munich, 1975), 3:952-953. Surviving stages are in boxes with darker bor-
ders; lighter borders enclose lost stages.
Manetho's History of Egypt-Goals and Accomplishments
Why did Manetho write, and what did he hope to achieve? The claim is often
made that Manetho wrote at the request of Ptolemy (I or II) and that Ptole-
my' s aim was to inform the Greek and Macedonian ruling class about the
histqry of Egypt from an authentic native point of view. This claim is total
conjecture; there is no statement from Manetho about the occasion for his
project, and there is not any other sort of reliable evidence for it. Nor was
such an aim achieved, since the Hellenic class continued to prefer other writ-
ers, such as Herodotus, for basic reading about Egypt. 59
It is just as plausible to believe that the project was Manetho's own idea
and that his purpose was indeed to serve patriotic truth and in the process cor-
rect Herodotus on Egypt. As we have said, he did not supersede Herodotus,
but he certainly met with another sort of success, because his version of
Egypt was regarded as the one to use in the polemics between Jews and
Egyptians during the centuries after Manetho. That his History was complete,
systematic, and written by a native Egyptian gave it an authority that no other
source-not the Greek Herodotus, a mere tourist self-admittedly ignorant of
the language-could claim. Manetho's text did achieve first place, even
though it was being put to unfortunate use and distorted in the process. There
was lively heated interest in Manetho's work, or in what passed for his work,
down through the time of Josephus. 60
Manetho was picked up by Jewish chronographers and passed on, espe-
cially in epitome, to Christian chronographers, who regarded him as a chal-
lenge (since his chronology disagreed with Scripture) not to be ignored.
Therefore Syncellus, the great summer-up of medieval Christian chronogra-
phy, presented Manetho's epitome not in one version only but-recognizing
that discrepancies existed-from both Africanus's and Eusebius's editions,
and, not content with that, he offered yet a third digest of Manetho by outlin-
ing the hoax known as the Book of Sothis.
In modern times, Manetho has retained his authority. In 1824 Champollion
made it one of his first projects to apply his decipherment of ancient Egyptian
59. Hekataios of Abdera (or of Teos; FGrHist #264), a Greek who lived a bit before
Manetho, had written a philosophical and ethnographic treatise called On the Egyptians, which
received some currency, being cited by writers down to the second century A.O. and heavily
drawn on by Diodorus Siculus.
60. Did Manetho's work find true successors? Writers like Ptolemaios of Mendes (ea. first
century B.C. to first century A.O., FGrHist #611) and Khairemon of Alexandria (first century
A.O., FGrHist #618) may have been such, but what remains of their writings is too little to be
sure.
to the trail of cartouches in the king-lists and the separate documents-keep-

ing the list of Manetho's ruler-names at hand to help suggest or confirm. He
was also eager to validate Manetho in general. Today nearly every book on
Egyptology, popular and scholarly alike, presents the rulers' names in ver-
sions derived from a modem transcription but also mentions the Manethonian
name as well. In many cases the name given by Manetho has become the
conventional one, preferred even to more authentic versions. Manetho's
method of arrangement by dynasties is still used by all. 61 Manetho has not
been superseded or swept aside, and every Egyptologist regards it as a first-
priority task to compare modem findings with the indications of Manetho. To
be sure, the greatest weight in determining the names, order, and reign-
lengths of the rulers is given to documents and monuments predating
Manetho or-best of all-contemporary with the rulers themselves. And
Manetho unsupported is not regarded as a reliable guide to the chronology. At
the least, however, every presentation of Pharaonic Egypt since Syncellus has
based itself on Manetho's foundations, specifically the list of dynasties.62
That he was a native ancient Egyptian leads us, as it did readers in antiquity,
to assume that he knew his land and his material and that we must take his
reports-insofar as we know them-seriously. Only Manetho represents a
complete and systematic version of native Egyptian tradition.
61. The extent to which Manetho's idea has proliferated may be seen in, for example, John E.
Morby, Dynasties of the World (Oxford, 1989), which arranges into dynasties rulers from all
over the world and from all periods of history.
62. Peter M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria (Oxford, 1972), 1:510.
CHAPTER6
Manetho-Ancient Testimony
Tl
Corpus lnscriptionum Latinarum (Corpus of Latin Inscriptions), VIII 1007: I

Manethon.
T2
Hibeh Papyri l .72.4ff.: 2 Memorandum to the overseer Dorion from the high
priest Petosiris: Previously, in the month Choiach, 3 I made a report to you
about the seal of the temple, because Khesmenis and his son Semtheus 4 had
appropriated it on the ninth of Athyr. He did this in order to (put the seal on)5
whatever they would want to write to Manetho and anyone else.
T3a
Josephus contra Apionem (Against Apion) 1.73 (= Eusebius Praeparatio

Evangelica [Preparation for the Gospel] 10.13.1-2; Eusebius Chronicon
[The Chronicle] p. 70, lines 4-8 Karst, in an Armenian translation): First I
will begin from the records kept by the Egyptians. It is not possible to show
I. This is an inscription in Greek letters, of uncertain date, from Carthage, originally below a
marble bust (not preserved) in an ancient sanctuary of Sarapis.
2. This papyrus preserves part of a petition from the high priest of Herakles in Phebichis. The
first part of the cult name (Euthe[lac.]) is preserved. The papyrus ha~ been dated to ea. 241 B.C.
3. The months of the Egyptian calendar were Thoth, Phaophi, Athyr, Choiach, Tybi, Mecheir,
Phanemoth, Pharmuthi, Pachon, Payni, Epeiph, and Mesore.
4. Khesmenis and Semtheus are otherwise unknown.
5. Text missing here; this completion is a reasonable conjecture.
121
the original documents, but there was Manetho, a man of Egyptian birth and
Greek culture, as is plain from the fact that he wrote the history of his country
in Greek. (Continued in F9 and FlO.)
T3b
Josephus contra Apionem (Against Apion) 1.228: For this is the Manetho who
undertook to translate Egyptian history from the priestly writings. (Continued
in F12.)
T4
Plutarch de /side et Osiride (On Isis and Osiris) 28 pp. 361F-362A: Ptolemy
Soter saw in a dream the giant statue of Plouton 6 that was in
Sinope, ... commanding him to bring it as quickly as possible to Alexandria.
Ptolemy did not know that it was the statue of Plouton and did not know that
it was in Sinope. After he described the dream to his friends, a much-traveled
man named Sosibios was discovered, who said that he had seen in Sinope just
such a statue as the king believed he had seen. The king therefore sent Soteles
and Dionysios; they spent a long time and nearly failed, but with the god's
directions they stole the statue and brought it home. When it had arrived and
was inspected, Timotheus the Exegete? and Manetho of Sebennytos, with
their associates, agreed that it was a statue of Plouton, because of the Cer-
berus and the serpent that were also on it, and they persuaded Ptolemy that it
was of no other god than Sarapis. It had not come from Sinope with this
name, but after being brought to Alexandria it received the name "Sarapis,"8
which is the Egyptian name for Plouton.
TS
Aelian de Natura Animalium (On the Nature of Animals) 10.16: ... the
Egyptian Manetho, a man who reached the pinnacle of erudi-
tion .... (Continued in F29a.)
6. A god of the underworld and of the fertility of the earth; a milder figure than Hades.
7. The Exegetai were a hereditary priesthood in the cult of Demeter at Eleusis.
8. For Sarapis, see "Manetho's Life and Work" in chapter 5.
Manetho -Ancient Testi many 123
T6
Tertullian Apologeticum (Defense of Christianity) 19.4-6: Even if the other

prophets are not as great as Moses, even the most recent of them are not infe-
rior to your leading philosophers, lawgivers, and historians. (5) It is not so
much a difficult task as it is an enormous one, not so much a laborious task as
it is a time-consuming one to prove this .... One must even open up the
archives of the gentiles-Egyptians, Babylonians, Phoenicians. (6) One must
call up those of their citizens who made records-a certain Manetho, an
Egyptian; Berossos, a Babylonian; and Hieronymus (FGrHist #794 ), a
Phoenician, king of Tyre-as well as their followers: Ptolemy of Mendes
(FGrHist #611 ), Menander of Ephesus (FGrHist #783), Demetrius of
Phaleron (FGrHist#643), King Juba (FGrHist #275), Apion (FGrHist #616),
and Thallus (FGrHist #256), 9 and, for critical commentary on the others,
Josephus of Judea, a native defender of Jewish antiquities.
T7
Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica (Preparation for the Gospel) 2 preamble 5:

Manetho the Egyptian has in general translated Egyptian history into the
Greek language and handled in his own way the matters concerning their the-
ology in his Sacred Book and other writings.
TSa
Eusebius Chronicon (The Chronicle) p. 63, lines 18-22 Karst, in an

Armenian translation: From the Egyptian records of Manetho, who composed
in three sections the histories of the gods, of the offspring of the gods, of the
spirits of the dead, and of the mortal kings who ruled Egypt until Darius, king
of the Persians.
TSb
Eusebius Chronicon (The Chronicle) p. 74, lines 7-17 Karst, in an Armenian

translation: This (the material of FI, F9, and FIO) is from the writings of the
9. For Hieronymus, Ptolemy, Menander, Demetrius, Juba, Apion, and Thallus, see Berossos
T6 n. 8.
author just mentioned, Josephus, IO from the beginning to the end, in order,
Egyptian antiquity and chronicles up to their king Nektanebos, whom I have
already listed above next to the others. And, after Nektanebos, 11 the Persian
king Okhos acquired Egypt and ruled six years. After him, Arses, son of
Okhos, ruled four years. After him, Darius ruled six years. After him,
Alexander the Macedonian ruled; he slew the Persian Darius and ruled as
king over both Asiatics and Egyptians, and he founded Alexandria in the
sixth year of his reign. After him, because the empire was divided among
many, the Ptolemies ruled over Egypt and Alexandria.
T8c
Eusebius Chronicon (The Chronicle) p. 125, line 11 Karst, in an Armenian

translation: From Manetho's three books concerning Egyptian memorabilia.
TSd
Eusebius Chronicon (The Chronicle) entry for year of Abraham 1671 = 346/5
B.C. =Olympiad 108.3, in Jerome's Latin edition): Okhos held Egypt, with
Nektanebos driven into Ethiopia; destruction of the Egyptian monarchy.
Manetho reaches this point.
T9
Expositio Totius Mundi et Gentium (Description of the Whole World and Its
Peoples) 2 (Riese Geographi Latini Minores p. 104): After Moses the order
of regions and seasons was described by Berossos, a learned Chaldaean,
whose writings were followed by the Egyptian prophet Manetho, and also by
the learned Egyptian Apollonius. 12
I0. The "author just mentioned" was Josephus, but the intended reference is actually to
Manetho, who was being excerpted by Josephus. What Eusebius means is "the writings of the
author just mentioned, Josephus, in which he quotes.from Manetho, whose entire work covered,
from beginning to end," and so on.
11. Nektanebos II (360-343 B.C.) = Dynasty XXX.3.
12. This Apollonius is otherwise unknown.
Manetho-Ancient Testimony 125
TlOa
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 27: I think that

for those of the faith this is sufficient proof that those who lived before the
Great Flood inhabited the land between the ocean and Paradise and that
Babylonia had not yet come into existence, nor was there yet kingship in
Babylonia, as it seems to be for Berossos and those who follow him in direct
contradiction of the Holy Scripture, nor was there yet an Egyptian dynasty, as
there seems to be for Manetho, that fabricator and boaster, in his writings
about Egyptian affairs.
TlOb
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 29-30: It is very

clear that the Chaldean Empire began with Nebrod, 13 and it is just as clear, if
not more so, that what Manetho of Sebennytos wrote to Ptolemy (II)
Philadelphos about the Egyptian dynasties is full of lies, written both in imita-
tion of Berossos and at about the same time as Berossos or a little later. 14
Moreover, what these men wrote is still useless even though many historians
were to draw up chronological lists based on what Berossos and Manetho
wrote .... (30) If one carefully examines the underlying chronological lists of
events, one will have full confidence that the design of both is false, as both
Berossos and Manetho, as I have said before, want to glorify each his own na-
tion, Berossos the Chaldean, Manetho the Egyptian. One can only stand in
amazement that they were not ashamed to place the beginning of their incred-
ible story each in one and the same year.15
13. Nebrod = Nimrud, founder of the Assyrian Empire in Genesis 10.8-12.

14. Syncellus is reacting to the material in the Book of Sothis, which he regarded as genuinely
Manetho's, but which we regard as spurious (see chap. 8.)
15. Syncellus's assertion sounds interesting, but it actually adds nothing new to our knowl-
edge of either Manetho or Berossos. It arises from the following reasoning by later commentators
on Manetho and Berossos (for documentation, see Syncellus 30-33). Christian chronography
(based on the Septuagint version of the Old Testament) dated the Great Flood to the 2,242d year
after Creation. Berossos' s account of Mesopotamian history before the flood counted 120 saroi
at 3,600 years each (see Berossos F3), or 432,000 years. This figure, immensely large compared
to that derived from Scripture, was unacceptable. Syncellus himself was content to regard it as
unredeemably benighted and false. He reports, however, that other, contemporary chronogra-
phers had attempted to manipulate it so as to agree with and support Scripture. The manipulation
assumed that "primitive" gentile chronology was too shortsighted to grasp a solar year and that
shorter periods were actually meant by the word year. The manipulators converted Berossos's
figures by assuming that a solar day was intended; 432,000 days divided by 365 days per year
yields 1,183 and 1/2 solar years. According to the manipulators, therefore, Berossos's informa-
TlOc
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 95, 97: For

among the Egyptians there is an ancient and traditional chronography, from
which I think Manetho has strayed.16 ... (97) And Manetho, the most distin-
tion actually says that he began his account I, 183 and 1/2 years before the Great Aood, which, to
repeat, occurred in the 2,242d year of the world: 2,242 less 1,183 and 112 puts the beginning of
Berossos's account in Year of the World 1058.
Similar sleight of hand was applied to what passed for Manetho's chronology, although the
procedure was more complicated than for Berossus. Since there was no Great Aood explicit in
Manetho's account, the manipulators hypothesized that Manetho's initial era with its reigns of
"gods, offspring of gods, and spirits of the dead" (see F2a, Predynastic) represented the ante-
diluvian age. The manipulators relied on the spurious Book of Sothis (see chap. 5) in dealing with
"Manetho's account." This first era was, according to the Book of Sothis, subdivided into six dy-
nasties of gods ruling for 11,985 years plus nine dynasties of demigods ruling for 858 years.
Manetho's alleged figures for the number of years before the Aood were, plainly, also unaccept-
ably large. As with Berossos, the two figures were reduced on the grounds that "year" had meant
a smaller unit, but for "Manetho" two different bases of conversion were applied. The 11,985
years of gods were interpreted as months of 29 and 112 days each and thus reduced to 969 solar
periods (this conversion was already being used in antiquity: Diodorus Siculus 1.26.3); the 858
years of demigods, however, were interpreted as quarter-years (or "seasons") and so reduced to
214 and 112 solar periods (also an ancient conversion: Diodorus Siculus 1.26.5). The sum of the
two converted components of the supposed Manethonian antediluvian era is 969 plus 214 and 1/2
solar periods, equaling l, 183 and 1/2 solar periods. This, of course, is the same number as was
produced for Berossos's years before the Aood, and hence both Berossos and Manetho could be
said to have begun their native histories with Year of the World 1058.
Syncellus does not subscribe to these conversions carried out on Manetho and Berossos. He
regards their gigantic time spans as simply false, motivated by a desire to exaggerate the antiq-
uity of their peoples, and he feels that it is a waste of time to seek truth in them. Syncellus is in
the unusual position of (a) rejecting Manetho and Berossos for their impossibly long antediluvian
eras, (b) rejecting the efforts of those commentators who reduced Manetho's and Berossos's
numbers so as to bring them into harmony with Scripture, and (c) blaming Manetho and Berossos
for the synchronism that resulted from the harmonization.
16. This alleged "ancient and traditional chronography" (FGrHist#6lO F2) runs as follows:
The time of Hephaistos (uncountable because he shines night and day)

Helios, son of Hephaistos 30,000 years
Agathodaimon 184 years
Kronos and all the other twelve gods 3,984 years
Eight semidivine kings 217 years
Fifteen generations of the cycle of Sirius 443 years
Dynasty Origin Generations Years

XVI. Tanis 8 190
XVII. Memphis 4 103
XVIII. Memphis 14 348
XIX. Diospolis 5 194
xx. Diospolis 8 228
Manetho-Ancient Testimony 127
guished among the Egyptians, wrote about the same thirty dynasties and
plainly based himself on it but greatly disagrees concerning the dates in these
matters. (See F2b.)
Tll
Codex Laurentianus 73.1: 17 Names of medical writers, Egyptian or Greek

and Latin: Escolapius, ... his sons, Asclepius grandson of Escolapius, 18
Hermes Trismegistus, Manetos, Necepso, Queen Cleopatra; also those who
wrote in Greek: Chiron the Thessalian, Hippocrates ...
T12
Suda (Fortress of Knowledge) s.v. "Manethos": From Diospolis19 in Egypt,

or from Sebennytos. Physiologica (On Nature) ... 20
XXI. Tanis 6 121

XXII. Tanis 3 48
XXIII. Diospolis 2 19
XXIV. Sais 3 44
xv. Ethiopia 3 44
XXVI. Memphis 7 177
XXVII. Persia 5 124
XXVIII. Sais I 6
XXIX. Tanis 4 (?) 39
XXX. Tanis I 18
Total of the thirty dynasties 36,525
(The actual total should be 36,531; it appears that Syncellus left out Dynasty XXVIII.)
17. This is a manuscript of the Laurentian Library in Florence. It was written in about the
ninth century A.O., and it contains various materials. The citation in TI 1 comes on the back of
leaf 142, just after Celsus's de Medicina (On Medicine).
18. This list is highly fictitious. Escolapius is a barbarized form of Aesculapius, which is
merely the Latin version of Asklepios, the Greek god of healing, with important sanctuaries at
Epidaurus and Athens. Hermes Trismegistus ("Thrice-greatest Hermes") is a pseudonym put on a
body of mystical writings that was popular in antiquity and the Renaissance. Necepso is un-
known. Chiron would be the centaur tutor of Achilles. Cleopatra and Hippocrates-the famous
Hippocrates of Kos-are historical.
The text itself exhibits corruption, and the ascription to Manetho is owed to a modern editor's
emendation. Assuming it is correct, it remains unclear why Manetho was included in this list;
perhaps his work on kyphi (F20-F22) may furnish the reason.
19. Either Diospolis Magna (= Thebes) or Diospolis Parva.
20. See Pseudo-Manetho Apotelesmatika TI.
CHAPTER 7
Manetho-Fragments
History of Egypt, Volumes 1-3
Fl
Josephus contra Apionem (Against Apion) 1.73: Manetho has written in

Greek the history of his homeland, translating, as he himself says, from the
priestly writings, and he refutes Herodotus, who through ignorance made
many mistakes about Egypt.
F2a
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 99-145 (= Eu-

sebius Chronicon [The Chronicle] p. 63, line 15-p. 69, line 29 Karst, in an
Armenian translation; Jerome Eusebii Chronicon pp. 20-121 Helm): 1
1. In this fragment we attempt to present the epitome of Manetho's History of Egypt. On the
epitome see "Manetho's History of Egypt-Reception and Transmission" in chap. 5. A split pre-
sentation is necessary because of significant discrepancies, not only between the versions of
African us and of Eusebius, but also among the versions of Eusebius.
Africanus's version is preserved by Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological
Excerpts) 99-145;
Eusebius's version is preserved
-in an Armenian translation
-alternating with Africanus's in Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological
Excerpts) 99-145
-in Jerome's Latin edition
When the witnesses must be distinguished,
A = Africanus as transmitted by Syncellus
E= Eusebius
When the witnesses for Eusebius differ, they are distinguished as
129
A,E(svnc) E(arm)
Since the periods of years of Egyp- It is necessary and appropriate also to
tian history from Mestra'im down to add Manetho's report on Egypt,
Nectanebo happen to be useful which seems to give a firmer histor-
among those who are busied with ical foundation.
researches into chronology, and since
the chronologies taken from
Manetho by ecclesiastical historians
are set out with discrepancies
concerning both the names and the
amount of regnal years, and as to in
whose reign Joseph was leader of
Egypt and later Moses, who saw
God, led the journey of Israel out of
Egypt, I (Syncellus) thought it nec-
essary to select two of the most fa-
mous editions and set them out side-
by-side. I mean the one by Africanus
and the one of Eusebius, called son
of Pamphilos.
(Predynastic:)
A E (arm)
The dead, the demigods. 1. The first person among the
Egyptians was Hephaistos, 2 who
also discovered fire for them.
2. From whom was Helios. 3
3. After whom was Kronos.4
4. After whom was Osiris.
5. And then Typhon,5 brother of
Osiris.
E (ann) =the Armenian translation

E (sync) =as transmitted by Syncellus
E (jer) = as transmitted by Jerome
2. Hephaistos is the Greek equivalent of the Egyptian god Ptah.
3. Helios is the Greek equivalent of the sun god Ra.
4. Kronos is the Greek equivalent of Shu.
5. Typhon is the Greek equivalent of Seth.
Manetho-Fragments 131
6. After whom was Oros, 6 son of

Isis and Osiris.
These first reigned over the
Egyptians.
7. After them, the monarchy contin-
ued until Bidis, for 13,900 vears.
8. After the gods reigned the race of
offsprin1.!; of 1.!;ods, 1,255 years.
9. And there also reigned other
kings, 1,817 years.
10. After whom another 30 kings,
from Memphis, 1, 790 years.
11. After whom others, from This, 10
kin1.!;s, 350 years.
12. And then the reign of the spirits
of the dead and of the offspring
of gods was 5,813 years.
Alto1.!;ether there were 11,000 years.
(Dynastic:)
I. After the dead and the demigods comes the First Dynasty, with 8 kings of
whom Menes was the first. He was an excellent leader. In what follows are
recorded the rulers from all of the ruling houses in succession.
1.1. Menes of Thinis, whom Herodotus calls Men, and his 7 descendants.
A E (arm) E (sync)
He ruled 62 years. He ruled 30 years. He ruled 60 years.
He led the army across the frontier and won great glory. He was killed by a
hippopotamus.
1.2. Athothis, his son.
A E
He ruled 57 years. He ruled 27 years.
He built the palace in Memphis. He was a skilled physician and wrote books
on anatomy.
1.3. Kenkenes, his son.
A E
6. Oros= Horus (equated by the Greeks with Apollo).

I.4.
A
Ouene hes,
his son.
A E
In his reign a great famine gripped Egypt. Also he built the pyramids around
Kokhome. 7
I.5.
A E
Ousaphaidos, Ousaphais,
his son. He ruled 20 years.
I.6.
A E
Miebidos, Niebais,
I.7.
A E (arm) E (svnc)
Semempses, Memohses, Semempses,
his son. He ruled 18 years. In his reign there were many extraordinary events,
and there was an immense disaster.
I.8.
A E (arm) E (sync)
Bienekhes, Vibenthis, Oubienthis,
Altogether they ruled
A E (arm) E (sync)
253 years. 270 years. 252 years.
II. Second Dynasty: 9 kings from Thinis
II.1.
A E (arm) E (sync)
Boethos ruled 38 Bokchos. Bokhos.
years.
In his reign a great chasm opened up at Boubastos, and many people died.
7. Or Ko Hill. Neither name corresponds to a known place.

II.2.
A E (arm) E (svnc)
Kaiekhos ruled 39 Kechoos. Khoos.
vears.
In his reign the bulls Apis in Memphis and Mnevis in Heliopolis and the
Mendesian goat were recognized as gods.
11.3.
A E
Binothris ruled 47 years. Biophis.
In his rei nit was 'ud ed that women are entitled to kin shi .
A E
11.4. Tlas ruled 17 years. 4-6. Next came 3 more kings, in
11.5. Sethenes ruled 41 years. whose reigns nothing extraord-
11.6. Khaires ruled 17 ears. in ha ened.
11.7.
A E
Nepherkheres ruled 25 years. A seventh king.
There is a myth that in his reign the Nile ran mixed with honey for eleven
days.
11.8. Sesokhris ruled 48 years. It is said that he was five cubits and three
palms (= ea. eight and one-half feet) tall. 8
11.9.
A E
Kheneres ruled 30 years. Under the ninth king nothing worth
mention happened.
A E (arm) E (svnc)
The first and They ruled 297 years. The first and
second dynasties second dynasties
together lasted for together lasted for
555 years. 549 years.
ill. Third Dynasty:
A E
9 kings from Memphis. 8 kings from Memphis.
8. Or "five cubits (ea. seven and one-half feet) tall and three palms (ea. twelve inches) thick
back to front."
III. l.
A E
Nekherophes ruled 28 years. Necherochis.
In his reign the Libyans revolted from the Egyptians and surrendered because
the moon grew unusually large.
IIl.2.
A E
Tosorthros ruled 29 years. Sesorthos.
For his medical skill he was esteemed as Asklepios by the Egyptians, and he
mventedth e art ofb"ld" Ul m2w1t "h cut stones, andhe stud"d
1e wntin2.
A E
IIl.3. Tyreis ruled 7 years. 3-8. The other 6 did nothing worth
111.4. Mesokhris ruled 17 years. mention.
111.5. Soiiphis ruled 16 years.
111.6. Tosertasis ruled 19 years.
III. 7. Akhes ruled 42 years.
111.8. Sephouris ruled 30 years.
III.9. Keroheres ruled 26 vears.
A E (arm) E (sync)
A
769 ears.
IV. Fourth Dynasty:
A E (arm) E (sync)
8 17 17
ki n2S f rom Memohi s, of a d"ffi
1 eren tfam11v.
·1
A E
IV.1. Saris ruled 29 years.
IV.2. Souphis ruled 63 years. He
built the Great Pyramid, which
Herodotus says was built by
Kheops. He was arrogant toward
the gods. He wrote the Sacred
Book, highly regarded by the
Egyptians.
IV.3.
A E
Souphis ruled 66 years. Souphis built the Great Pyramid,
which Herodotus says was built by
Kheops. He was arrogant toward
the gods until he repented and
wrote the Sacred Book, highly re-
garded bv the E2votians.
A E
IV.4. Menkheres ruled 63 years. Nothing worth mention is recorded
IV.5. Rhatoises ruled 25 years. about the rest.
IV.6. Bikheris ruled 22 years.
IV.7. Seberkheres ruled 7 years.
IV.8. Thamphthis ruled 9 years.
Together they ruled
A E
277 years.9 448 years.
The four d nasties to ether lasted
A E arm
1,046 ears.
V. Fifth Dynasty:
A E
8 kings 31 kings
from El eo1h antme.
A E (arm) I
E (svnc)
V .1. Ouserkheres V.l.
ruled 28 years.
Othios. I Othoes
He was killed by his bodyguards.
V.2. Sephres ruled
13 years.
V.3. Nepherkheres
ruled 20 years.
9. A second manuscript of Syncellus gives 274. The sum of the separate figures is 284.
V .4. Sisires ruled 7 V.4. Phiops. He began his reign at six years of
years. age and ruled until he was one hundred.
V .5. Kheres ruled 20
years.
V.6. Rhathoures
ruled 44 years.
V .7. Menkheres
ruled 9 years.
V.8. Tankheres ruled
44 vears.
V.9. Onnos ruled 33
years.
Added to the
A E (arm) E (sync)
1,046 1,195
ears is
A E s nc
1,294. 1,295.
VI. Sixth Dynasty:
A E
6 kings from Memphis.
A E
Vl.1. Othoes ruled 30 years. He (See Dynasty V.l.)
was killed by his bodyguards.
Vl.2. Phios ruled 53 vears.
Vl.3. Methousouphis ruled 7
vears.
Vl.4. Phiops. He began his reign (See Dynasty V.4.)
at six years of age and ruled until
he was one hundred.
Vl.5. Mentesouphis ruled 1 year.
VI.6. Nitokris, the bravest and most beautiful of her time, blonde in com-
plexion, who built the third pyramid. She ruled 12 years.
Altogether they ruled 203 years.
With these added to the

A E (arm) E (sync)
1,295 years
of the ears is
E s nc
1,497. 1,498.
VII. Seventh Dynasty:
A E
70 5
kin s from Mem his, who ruled
A E
70 da s. 75 ears.
VIII. Eighth Dynasty:
A E
27 kings 5 kings
from Memphis, who ruled
A E
Tota1fior thfi 'hd
e ust euz1 t •11nast1es:
A E (arm) E (sync)
1,639 years. 1,598 years.
IX. Ninth Dynasty:
A E
19 kings 4 kings
from Herakleopolis, who ruled
A E
IX.1. The first was
A E (arm) E (sync)
Akhthoes. Ochthois. Akhthoes.
He was the cruelest of all so far. He hurt people all over Egypt, but later he
went mad and was killed by a crocodile.
X. Tenth Dynasty: 19 kings from Herakleopolis, who ruled for 185 years.
XL Eleventh Dynasty: 16 kings from Diospolis, who ruled 43 years.
After them Ammenemes ruled 16 years.

Volume 1 of Manetho reaches this oint. It covers 192 kin s and
2,300 years, 70 2,300 years. 2,300 years, 79

da s. da s.
From volume 2 of Manetho.
XII. Twelfth Dynasty: 7 kings from Diospolis.
XII.1. Sesonkhosis, son of Ammenemes, ruled 46 years.
XII.2. Ammenemes ruled 38 years. He was killed by his own eunuchs.
XII..3 Sesos tri s rue
1 d 48 vears.
A E
They say that he was four cubits,
three palms, and two fingers (ea.
seven feet and two inches) tall.
He conquered all Asia in 9 years, and Europe as far as Thrace. He erected
monuments everywhere to announce his power over the nations, inscribing on
the monuments male genitals for a brave people and female genitals for the
cowardly. Because of his deeds he was ranked next to Osiris by the Egyp-
tians.
XIl.4.
A E (arm) E (sync)
Lamares. Lampares. Lamares.
He bUl·1 t the Lab1ynn
. th m
. Arsmoe to be h'is tomb.
A E
XII.5. Ameres ruled 8 vears. His successors ruled 42 vears.
XIl.6. Ammenemes ruled 8 years.
XII.7. Skemiophris, his sister,
ruled 4 years.
A E
XIII. Thirteenth Dynasty: 60 kings from Diospolis, who ruled 453 years.
XIV. Fourteenth D nast : 76 kin s from Xoi's, who ruled
A
184 ears.
10. Syncellus reports that he found the figure 284 in another copy ofEusebius.
1 teenthD1ynasty:
XV Ff
A E
6 kings of the Shepherds. They kings from Diospolis, who ruled
captured Memphis and founded a 250 years.
city in the Sethroite Nome. From
there they set out to conquer the
Egyptians.
XV .1. Saites ruled 19 years. The
Saite Nome is named for him.
XV.2. Bnon ruled 44 years.
XV.3. Pakhnan ruled 61 years.
XV.4. Staan ruled 50 years.
XV.5. Arkhles ruled 49 years.
XV.6. Aphobis ruled 61 years.
Total, 284 years.
XVI s·ixteen th D1ynasry:
t
A E (arm, sync) E (jer)
other Shepherds, 32 5 kings from Thebes, Thebans ruled 190
kings, who ruled 518 who ruled 190 years. years.
years.
XVII Seventeenth Dynasty:
A E (arm, sync) E (ier)
other Shepherds, 43 Shepherds, Phoenician
kings, and 43 The- brothers, foreign kings,
bans from Dios- who even captured
polis. Altogether the Memphis.
Shepherds and
Thebans ruled 151
years.
1. Saites, their first
(See Dynasty XV.) king, ruled 19 years.
The Saite Nome is
named for him. They
also built a city in the
Sethroite Nome. From
there they set out to
conquer the Egyptians.
2. Bnon, the second,

ruled 40 years.
A E (arm) E (sync) E (jer)

3. After him 3. Apophis ruled
Archles ruled 30 14 years.
years.
4. Apophis ruled 4. After him
14 years. Arkhles ruled 30
years.

Altogether they ruled Shepherds ruled 103
103 years. years.
XVIII ffIIZIhteenth D1vnaslv:
t
A E (arm, svnc) E (ier)
16 kings from 14 kings from kings from Diospolis.
Diospolis. Diospolis.
XVIII. 1.
A E (arm) E (sync, ier)
Amos. Amoses. Amosis.
He ruled 25 years.
XVIII.2.
A E
Khebros. Khebron.
He ruled 13 years.
XVIIl.3.
Amenophthis ruled Amophis ruled 21 Ammenophis ruled 21
24 years. years. years.
A E (arm) E (svnc) E (ier)

XVIII.4. XVIII.4. XVIII.4. XVIII.3.
Amensis Memphres. He Miphres. He Memphres. He
ruled 22 ruled 12 years. ruled 12 years. ruled 12 years.
years.
A E
XVIII.5. Misaphris ruled 13
years.

XVIII.6. XVIIl.5. XVIII.5.
Misphrag- Myspharmou- Misphragmou- Mispharmou-
mouthosis. thosis. thosis. thosis.
He ruled 26 years.
XVIIl.7. XVIIl.6.
Touthmosis ruled 9 ears.
A E arm E s nc E ·er
XVIIl.8. XVIII.7. XVIIl.7.
Ameno his. Amno his. Ameno his. Ammeno his.
He ruled 31 ears. He is believed to be the Memnon of the talkin statue. 11
A E arm E s nc
XVIIl.9. XVIIl.8. XVIII.8.
Oros ruled
37 years. 28 years. 36 years. 12 38 vears.
XVIII.10. XVIII.9. XVIIl.9.
Akherres Akhenhkheres Akhenkherses Achencheres
ruled 32 ruled 16 years. ruled 12 years.
years.
XVIIl.11. XVIIl.10.
Rhathos ruled Athoris ruled 39 Athoris ruled 8
6 years. vears. vears.
XVIII.11.
Khenkheres Chencheres
ruled 16 vears. ruled 16 vears.
11. The mortuary temple of Amenophis III lay across from Luxor. The approach to it featured
a pair of giant statues of the king. For some reason-perhaps because the names seemed
similar-Greeks identified the king portrayed here as Memnon, the Ethiopian hero who fought in
the Trojan War. The northern statue became a great tourist attraction because of its habit of
making a twanging sound: see Pausanias Graeciae Descriptio (Description of Greece) 1.42.5.
12. Syncellus notes that another copy ofEusebius reads 38 years.
XVIII.12.
Khebres ruled
12 years.
XVIIl.10. XVIIl.12.
Akherres ruled 8 Akherres ruled Acheres ruled 8
years. 12 years. years.
XVIII.13. XVIII.11. XVIII.13.
Akherres Kherres ruled 15 Kherres ruled 15 Cherres ruled
ruled 12 years. years. 15 years.
years.
XVIIl.14. XVIII.12. XVIII.14.
Armesis ruled Armais, also Armais, also Armais, also
5 years. called Danaos, called Danaos, called Danaus,
ruled 5 years. ruled 5 years. ruled 5 years.
Then he was Then he was
exiled from exiled from
Egypt and fled Egypt. Fleeing
for refuge to his from his brother
brother Aigyp- Aigyptos, he
tos. He emi- reached Greece,
grated and where he gained
reached the land power in Argos
of the Greeks. and ruled over
He gained power the Argives.
in Argos and
ruled over the
Argives.
XVIII.15. XVIII.13. XVIII.15.
Rhamesses Ramesses, Rhamesses, Remesses,
ruled 1 year. also called Aigyptos, ruled 68 years.
XVIII.16. XVIII.14. XVIIl.16.
Amenophath Amen ophis Amenophis Menofis
ruled 19 ruled 40 years. ruled 40 years. ruled 40 years.
years.
XIX N.meeent thD'Vnaslv:t

6 kings from 5 kings from Diospolis.
Diospolis.
XIX.1. Sethos.
A E
XIX.2.
A E
Rhapsakes ruled 61 years. Rhampses ruled 66 years.
XIX.3.
A E arm E s nc E ·er
Amenephthes Amenephthis Ammenephthis Amenophis
ruled 20 ruled 8 ruled 40 ruled 40
ears. ears. ears. ears.
A E
4. Rhammeses ruled 60 years.
5. Ammenemnes ruled 5 vears. 4. Ammenemes ruled 26 vears.
6. 5.
Thouoris ruled 7 years. In Homer he is called Polybos, husband of Alkan-
dra.13 He was kin
A DC E ·er
Total, 209 ears.

Total for Total for Total for
Manetho's Manetho's Manetho's
second second second
volume: 96 volume: 92 volume: 92
kings, 2,121 kings, 2,121 kings, 1,121
years. years. vears.
13. Eusebius (Armenian version) has "a muscular man," probably as a mistranslation of
Manetho's Greek phrase that actually means "husband of Alkandra." (This ruler is probably to be
identified with Queen Twosret.)
From volume 3 of Manetho.

XXTwentlet'hD1vnascv:
t
A, E (arm, sync) E (jer)
12 kings from Diospolis.

They ruled 135 They ruled 172 years. They ruled 178 years.
years.
E er
A, E (sync, jer) E (arm)

Psousennes. Psusennos.
:XXl.3.
A E
Nephelkheres. Nepherkheres.
A, E (arm, sync)
He ruled 4 years.
XXI.4.
A, E (arm) E (sync, jer)
Amenophthis. Ammenophthis.
He ruled 9 years.
XXl.5. Osokhor ruled 6 years.
XXI.6.
Psinakhes. Psinnakhes.
He ruled 9 years.
XXI. 7. Psousennes ruled
A E
14 years. 35 years.

Altogether they ruled 130 years.
xxn. Twenty-second orasty:

kings from Bubastis.

XXIl.1.
Sesonkhis. Sesonkhusis. Sesonkhosis.
He ruled 21 years.
XXIl.2.
Osorthon. Osorthos.
H e rue
l d 15 years.
A E
XXII.3-5. 3 more kings, who
ruled 25 years.
6. Takelothis ruled 13 years. 3. Takelothis ruled 13 years.
7-9. 3 more kings, who ruled 42
years.

Altogether they Altogether they ruled
ruled 120 years. 49 years.
E (jer)
from Tanis.
XXIII. 1
A E
Petoubates ruled 40 years. The Petoubastis ruled 25 years.
first Olympiad was held during
his rei_gn. 14
XXIIl.2
A E
Osorkho ruled 8 years. Osorthon ruled 9 years.
The Egyptians called him Herakles.
14. The first Olympiad covers the years from 776 to 772 B.C.
XXIII.3
Psammous. Phramus.
He ruled 10 years.
A E
XXIIl.4. Zet ruled 31 years.

Altogether they Altogether they ruled
ruled 89 years. 44 years.
E ·er
Bocchoris.
A E
44 years.
In his rei
A16 E (arm) E (sync) E (ier)

Total for this
dynasty, 44
years.
XXV. Twenty-fifth Dynasty:
A, E (arm, sync~ E (jer)
3 kings from Ethio ia.
XXV.1.
A, E (sync, jer)
Sabakon.
15. This probably alludes to the "Prophecy of the Lamb," known from other sources. It fore-
told a nine-hundred-year period of disasters; Egypt would be conquered by Assyria, and the gods
would be removed to Nineveh. Egypt was indeed soon conquered by Assyria, in 671 B.C. during
Dynasty XXV. Egypt was then liberated by Psammetikhos of Dynasty XXVI.
16. Africanus also has here the phrase "990 years," unclear and perhaps a corrupt reflex of
the nine-hundred-year period in the "Prophecy of the Lamb."

He captured Bokhkhoris and
burned him alive.
He ruled
A E
8 years. 12 years.
XXV .2. Sebikhos,
his son.
He ruled
A E
14 years. 12 years.
XXV.3.
A E
Tarkos ruled 18 years. Tarakos ruled 20 years.
XXVITwenlv-s1x
t ·1hD'Vnascv:t
9 kings from Sats.

XXVl.1. XXVl.1.
Ameres the Ammeris the Amerres the
Ethiopian ruled Ethiopian ruled Ethiopian ruled
XXVl.1. XXVl.2. XXVI.2. Next,
Stephinates. Stephinathes. Stephinathis. Stephinathis.
He ruled 7 years.
XXVl.2. XXVl.3.
Nekhepsos.
He ruled 6 years.
XXVI.3. XXVI.4.
Nekhao.
He ruled 8 years.
A E arm E s nc E 'er
XXVl.4. XXVI.5. XXVl.5.
Psammetikhos Psametikhos Psammetikhos Psammeticus
ruled 54 ears. ruled 44 ears. ruled 45 ears. ruled 44 ears.

XXVl.5. XXVl.6.
A second Nekhao.
A, E (arm. sync) E (jer)
He was also called Nekhepsos.
Heru1ed6 years.
A E (arm) E (sync) E (ier)
XXVI.6 XXVl.7
Another The other Another Another
Psammouthis Psamuthes, also Psammouthis, Psammuthes,
ruled 6 years. called Psameti- also called also called
chos, ruled 17 Psammetikhos, Psammeticus,
years. ruled 17 years. ruled 12 years.

XXVl.7 XXVl.8
Ouaphris Vaphres ruled 25 Ouaphris ruled Uafres ruled 30
ruled 19 years. 25 years. years.
years.

XXVl.8 XXVl.9
Amosis ruled 44 Amosis ruled 42 years. Amasis ruled 42
years. years.
A E
XXVI.9. Psammekherites ruled 6
months.

Altogether they Altogether they Altogether they
ruled 150 years, ruled 167 years. ruled 163 years.
6months.
XXVII. Twenty-seventh Dynasty:

8
ki ngs f rom p ersia.
A I E (arm) I E (sync) E (jer)
XXVIl.1. Kambyses became king of Egypt in his Cambyses
fifth conquered
Egypt in his
sixth
year as ki ngo f p ers1a
A E (arm) I E (sync) E (jer)
He ruled 6 He ruled 3 years.
years.

XXVII. 2. The Magoi
ruled 7 months.
XXVIl.2. Dareios, XXVII.3. Dareios ruled
son of Hystaspes, 36 years.
ruled 36 years.
XXVIl.3. Xerxes the XXVII.4. Xerxes, son
Great ruled 21 years. of Dareios, ruled 21
years.
A E
XXVIl.4. Artabanos ruled 7
months.

XXVII.5. XXVIl.5. XXVII.5.
Artaxerxes Artashes Artaxerxes
ruled 41 Lon2hand
vears. ruled 40 years.
A : E (arm, sync) E (jer)

XXVII.6. Xerxes
the Second
ruled 2 months.

XXVIl.7. Sogdianos ruled 7
months.
XXVII.8. Dareios, son of Xerxes, The last was Darius, son of Xerxes.
ruled 19 years.
Alto£ether they ruld
e
124 years, 4 months. 120 years, 4 months. 111 years.
A I
E (arm) I E (sync) E (ier)
XXVIII. Twenty-eighth Dynasty: Egypt rebelled
against the
Persians.
Amyrteos I Amyrte I Amyrtaios Amyrtaeus
of Sai's ruled 6 years.
XXIXTwemy-nm t "thD'Ynasry:t
4 kings from Mendes. kings from Mendes.
XXIX.1. Nepherites ruled 6 years. Neferites ruled 6 years.
XXIX.2 Akhoris ruled 13 years. Next, Akhoris ruled 12 years.

XXIX.3. XXIX.3. XXIX.3.
Psamouthis Psamuthes Psammouthis Psammuthes
ruled 1 year.
XXIX.4. Muthes ruled 1 year.

XXIX.4. XXIX.5 XXIX.4.
Nephorites ruled Nepherites ruled Nepherites ruled Next, Nepherites
4 months. 4 months. 4 months. ruled 4 months.
A, E (arm, jer) E (sync)

XXIX.5. Mouthis ruled 1 year.
A, E (arm, sync) E (ier)

Next, Nectanebis ruled 18 years.
Teo ruled 2 years.
A E arm, s nc E er
20 ears, 4 months.
E er
3 kin s from Sebenn tos.

XXX.1. XXX.1. XXX.1.
Nektanebes. Nektanebis. Nektanebes.

XXX.3. Nektanebos ruled Nectanebus ruled
Total, 38 years. Total, 20 years.

Destruction of the Egyptian
monarchy.

XXXI. XXXI. XXXI.
Thirty-first Thirty-first Thirty-first
Dynasty: 3 kings Dynasty: Dynasty: 3 kings
from Persia. Persians. from Persia.
A E (arm, svnc) E (ier)

:XXXl.1. In his twentieth year as king of Persia, Ochus took Egypt af-
Okhos acquired Egypt and ruled ter driving Nectane-
bus into Ethiopia.
This was the de-
struction of the
Egyptian monarchy.
Manetho reached this
point.
2 years. 6 years.
XXXl.2. Arses ruled XXXl.2. Next, Arses,
3 years. son of Okhos, ruled 4
years.
XXXI.3. Dareios XXXI.3. Next Dareios,
ruled 4 years. whom Alexander of
Macedon killed, ruled 6
years.
Total of years in This is from volume 3
volume 3 of Man- ofManetho.
etho, 1,550. Mane-
tho reached this
point.
The sequel comes from Greek writers.
F2b
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 97: With the

113 generations in the three volumes recorded in thirty dynasties, their time
reaches a total of 3,555 years, beginning with the 1,586th year of the world
and ending at the 5,147th year of the world, or about 15 years before Alexan-
der the Macedonian' s conquest of the world.
F2c
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 486: As far as

Okhos and Nektanebos, Manetho recorded the thirty-one dynasties of Egypt,
1,050 years of his third volume. Later matters are from writers of Greek his-
tory; fifteen Macedonian kings.
History of Egypt, Volume 1 (Predynastic and Dynasties 1-XI)
F3a
Malalas, Chronographia (Chronicle) p. 21 Bonn: When therefore Hermes

himself arrived in Egypt (from Italy), Mestraim from the family of Kham
reigned over the Egyptians; on his death the Egyptians made Hermes king,
and he reigned arrogantly over the Egyptians for thirty-nine years.
And after him Hephaistos reigned over the Egyptians for 1,680 days,
which makes 4 years, 7 months, 3 days; for the Egyptians then did not know
how to measure years, but they called the period of the day "years." They
called the same Hephaistos a god, for he was a warrior and mystic. He be-
came lame when his horse fell during a war. The same Hephaistos established
it as law for women to have one husband and remain faithful, and for those
found in adultery to be punished.... The same Hephaistos, in consequence of
a mystical prayer, received out of the air the brilliant idea of making weapons
from iron ... for before him they made war with clubs and stones. After the
death of Hephaistos, his son Helios was king of the Egyptians for 4,477 days,
which would be 12 years and 97 days; for neither the Egyptians at that time
nor anyone else knew how to calculate a number, but instead some counted
the periods of the moon as years while others counted the periods of days as
years. Reckoning by twelve-month periods was developed later, after the
names for taxation intervals were introduced.
After the death of the king Helios, ... Sosis was king of the Egyptians. Af-
ter his reign Osiris was king, and after Osiris, Horus was king. After Horus,
the king was Thoulis, who, with a great army, captured all the land as far as
the ocean. And during the conquest he arrogantly approached the oracle in the
African land, and after sacrificing he made inquiry, saying, "Tell me, 0
mighty in fire, undeceiving, blessed one who runs a course through the blaz-
ing upper heaven: Who before my reign was able to conquer all, or who will
conquer all after me?" And he received this response: "First was god, then
reason, and spirit with them; all were born together and converge in one,
which has eternal power. Walk with swift feet, mortal, as you fulfill your un-
certain destiny." And immediately on leaving the oracular shrine, he was
seized by his own people and slain in Africa.
Manetho recorded these old and ancient reigns of the Egyptians. In his
writings he mentions that the names of the five planets are different, because
they used to call the star of Kronos "the shining one"; Zeus's star was "the
glowing one," Ares's "the fiery," Aphrodite's "the most beautiful," and Her-
mes's "the glistening."
F3b
Lydus de Mensibus (On the Months) 4.86: In volume 3 17 of his History of

Egypt, Manetho says that the first man to be king among the Egyptians was
Hephaistos, who also discovered fire and gave it to them. After him came his
son Helios, and then Helios's son Kronos. Next was Osiris, and then Osiris's
brother Typhon.
F4
Malalas Chronographia (Chronicle) p. 59 Bonn: The Egyptian kingships be-

fore him (Pharao/Narakho; cf. F7a-b) were recorded by the very learned
Manetho.
FS
Excerpta Latina Barbari (Excerpts in Bad Latin) fol. 38a: We have found the
Egyptian monarchy to be the oldest of all monarchies. We write the record of
its beginning, as it is told by Manetho.
First I shall do the reigns of the gods, written by themselves, as follows:
1. Some say the god Hephaistos 18 680 years.

ruled in Egypt
2. After him Sol, son of Hephaistos, 77 years.
3. After him Sosinosiris 320 years.
4. After him Prince Oros 28 years.
5. After him Typhon 45 years.
The total regnal years of the gods: 1,550.
Next the reigns of the demigods are as follows:
17. Lydus's error; he should have written volume 1.

18. This writer of bad Latin wrote lfestus; we have regularized it and other such idiosyn-
crasies.
1. First Anubes (corrupt) 83 years.

2. After him (corrupt) 67 years.
I. After these he puts m 2, 100 years.
kings of the dead, calling
them also demigods and
heroes
II. Mineus and his seven de- 253 years.
scendants ruled
III. Bochus and eight others 302 years.
IV. N°echerocheus and seven 214 years.
others
v. Likewise seventeen others 277 years.
VI. Likewise twenty-one oth- 258 years.
ers
VII. Othoi and seven others 203 years.
VIII. Likewise also fourteen 140 years.
others
IX. Likewise also twenty 409 years.
others
x. Likewise also seven others 204 years.
This is the end of Manetho's first volume, containing 2, 100 years.19
History of Egypt, Volume 2 (Dynasties XII-XIX)
F6
Excerpta Latina Barbari (Excerpts in Bad Latin) fol. 38a:
XI. Dynasty of Diospolis 160 years.

XII. Dynasty of Bubastis 153 years.
XIII. Dynasty of Tanis 184 years.
XIV. Dynasty of Sebennytos 224 years.
xv. Dynasty of Memphis 318 years.
XVI. Dynasty of Heliopolis 221 years.
XVII. Dynasty of Hermoupolis 260 years.
19. This is incorrect. Our better witnesses (F2a) give 2,300 years.
The second volume reaches the Seventeenth Dynasty, covering, as it ex-

plains, 1,520 years. 20 These are the dynasties of the Egyptians.
F7a
Malalas Chronographia (Chronicle) p. 21 Bonn: Afterward the king of the

Egyptians was Sostris, the first from the tribe of Ham, who took arms and
warred against the Assyrians, and he subjugated them and the Chaldeans and
the Persians as far as Babylon. Likewise he subjugated Asia and all Europe
and Scythia and Mysia....
And the king Sostris, taking possession of Egypt, died after his victory,
and after him the king of the land of the Egyptians was Pharao, also called
Narakho. And from his line came the rest of the kings of the Egyptians.
F7b
Malalas Chronographia (Chronicle) p. 59 Bonn: Of the Egyptians (until the

time of Abraham) the first king from the tribe of Ham, son of Noah, was
Pharao, also called Narakho.
F8
Scholiast on Plato Timaeus 21E (p. 282 Greene): Sais: From Manetho's His-
tory of Egypt: The Seventeenth Dynasty were Shepherds, Phoenician broth-
ers, foreign kings, who also took Memphis; their first king, Saites, ruled 19
years, and the Saite Nome is named for him; they also founded a city in the
Sethroite Nome, and setting out from there they conquered the Egyptians.
Their second king, Boon, ruled 40 years; the third, Arkhaes, ruled 30 years;
the fourth, Aphophis, 14 years. Total: 103 years.
Srus added twelve hours to the month, so that it was of 30 days, and 5 days
to the year, and it became one of 365 days.
F9
Josephus contra Apionem (Against Apion) 1.74-92 (= Eusebius Chronicon

[Chronicle] p. 70, line 3-p. 72, line 24 Karst; in an Armenian translation;
20. This is incorrect. F2a gives 2,121 years.

Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica [Preparation for the Gospel] 10.13 ): This

Manetho. in the second volume of his History of Egypt, writes about us as fol-
lows-I will quote his exact words, just as if I were producing a witness in
court: (75) "Toutimaios. 21 In his reign God, I know not why, breathed against
us, and suddenly from the east people of unknown race boldly invaded our
land. and they easily seized it without a battle, (76) and capturing the gover-
nors of the land they then cruelly burned the cities and destroyed the temples
of the gods, and they treated all the inhabitants with utmost hostility, slaugh-
tering some and enslaving the wives and children of others. (77) Furthermore
they enthroned one of their own. whose name was Salitis; and he established
himself in Memphis, exacting tribute from both Upper and Lower Egypt and
posting garrisons in strategic locations; he especially fortified the eastern dis-
trict, foreseeing that the Assyrians would some day grow stronger and desire
to attack his kingdom. (78) In the Sethroite Nome he found a very well-situ-
ated city, lying on the east side of the Bubastite River and called A varis for
ancient religious reasons: he rebuilt this place and gave it impregnable walls
and installed in it a guard of 240,000 soldiers. (79) He would come here in
the summer to distribute food and pay and also to carry out maneuvers care-
fully intended to frighten those across the frontier. He died after 19 years of
rule.
(80) After him another named Beon 22 ruled 44 years.
After whom another, Apakhnas, ruled 36 years and 7 months.
And then Apophis for 61 years, and Iannas for 50 years and I month.
(81) And lastly Assis, 49 years and 2 months.
And these were the first six rulers among them, always making war and
always more and more destructive in their desire to destroy the Egyptians
root and branch."
(82) The entire tribe was named Hyksos, that is, "king-shepherds": for 'uk
in the language of priestly writings means "a king," while in the vernacu-
lar sos means "shepherd" and "shepherds," and Hyksos is the resultant
compound.
Some say that they were Arabs.
(83) In another copy it says that the expression hyk does not mean kings
but the opposite and that the compound word would mean "captive-shep-
21. The text here seems co1Tupt. Most editors divine that a pharaoh' s name, perhaps a version
of. for example, Thutrnose, underlies this word.
22. This name appears as Bnon in F2a. The text of Josephus is perhaps corrupt.
herds"; for in Egyptian hyk and hak-note the h-clearly mean "captives";
and this seems to me more persuasive and closer to ancient history.23
(84) Manetho says that these previously mentioned kings-both the
"Shepherds" and those descended from them-controlled Egypt for 511
years. (85) He says that after this there arose a revolt against the Shepherds
from the people in the Thebaid and the rest of Egypt, and a great and long
war broke out between them. (86) He says that in the reign of a king named
Misphragmouthosis the Shepherds were defeated, driven out of the rest of
Egypt, and blockaded in a place containing 5,000 acres; the place was named
Avaris. (87) The Shepherds, he says, surrounded this place with a strong and
high wall to protect their possessions and booty. (88) Thoummosis, the son of
Misphragmouthosis, besieged them and tried to capture them by force, with
an army of 480,000 around the walls. But when he had given up the siege, he
made a treaty whereby the Shepherds might all leave Egypt and go unharmed
wherever they wished. (89) Under this agreement, the Shepherds with all
their households and possessions, being no fewer than 240,000, left Egypt
and journeyed through the desert into Syria, and in the land now called Judea,
(90) fearing the Assyrians who were in control of Asia, they built a city large
enough for all their myriads of people, and they named it Jerusalem.
(91) In another book of his History of Egypt, Manetho says that, in the sa-
cred books of the Egyptians, the tribe known as Shepherds are called
captives, and rightly so, because tending sheep was an ancient custom of our
earliest ancestors, and from their nomadic way of life they were called Shep-
herds. (92) It is also reasonable that they were called captives in the Egyptian
records, because our ancestor Joseph told the king of Egypt that he was a cap-
tive, and with the king's permission he later sent for his brothers to come to
Egypt ...
FlO
Josephus contra Apionem (Against Apion) 1.93-105 (= Eusebius Chronicon

[Chronicle] p. 72, line 25-p. 74, line 6 Karst, in an Armenian translation;
Theophilus ad Autolycum [Against Autolycus] 3.20): I will therefore return to
my citations on chronology from Manetho's writings. (94) He says as fol-
lows: "After the people of the Shepherds made their exodus out of Egypt to
23. Modem Egyptologists view the Hyksos as Asiatic invaders who dominated Egypt in Dy-
nasties XV and XVI, ea. 1650-1550 B.C., and they interpret the name Hyksos as meaning "Lords
of the Foreign Lands," thus disagreeing with Josephus's version(s) of Manetho's explanation(s).
The epitome, however, does gloss Hyksos as "Foreign Kings" (see F2a, D. XVII.)
Jerusalem, Tethmosis, the king who expelled them, reigned 25 more years
and 4 months and then died.
(95) And his son Khebron inherited the throne from him and reigned 13
years.
After him Amenophis reigned 20 years and 7 months.
His sister Amesses, 21 years and 9 months.
Her son Mephres, 12 years and 9 months.
His son Mephramouthosis, 25 years and 10 months.
(96) His son Thmosis, 24 9 years and 8 months.
His son Amenophis, 30 years and 10 months.
His son Oros, 36 years and 5 months.
His daughter Akenkheres, 12 years and 1 month.
Her brother Rhathotis, 9 years.
(97) His son Akenkheres, 12 years and 5 months.
His son Akenkheres the Second, 12 years and 3 months.
His son Harmais, 4 years and 1 month.
His son Rhamesses, 1 year and 4 months.
His son Rhamesses Miamoun, 66 years and 2 months.
His son Amenophis, 19 years and 6 months.
(98) And his son Sethos, who is also called Rhamesses, having a cavalry
force and a navy, appointed his brother Harmais as viceroy of Egypt and gave
him all royal power, but commanded him not to wear a crown or touch the
queen, who was mother of his children, and to keep away from the other
royal concubines. (99) He himself went on an expedition against Cyprus and
Phoenicia, and also against the Assyrians and the Medes. He conquered some
in battle, and he captured others without a battle because they feared his large
army. Elated by his successes, he extended his campaigns and conquered the
cities and lands to the east. (100) After waiting until it seemed safe, Harmais,
the brother left behind in Egypt, began fearlessly to disobey all of his broth-
er's instructions. He raped the queen and used the concubines mercilessly. At
the urging of his friends, he wore a crown and supplanted his brother. (101)
The man in charge of the temples of Egypt wrote a letter and sent it to Sethos,
telling him the full story of how his brother Harmais had supplanted him.
Sethos therefore returned instantly to Pelusium and recaptured his throne."
(102) The country is called "Egypt" from this same name, because it is said
that Sethos was called Aigyptos, and his brother Harmais was called Danaos.
24. The text is perhaps corrupt, covering a version of Touthmosis.

(103) That is the account of Manetho. If the time of the years mentioned is
added up, it is clear that those called "Shepherds," our ancestors, left Egypt
and settled this land 393 years before Danaos arrived at Argos. The Argives,
however, view Danaos as extremely ancient. (104) From the written records
of the Egyptians, therefore, Manetho has furnished two extremely important
pieces of testimony about us. The first is that we were immigrants into Egypt.
The second is that our departure from there was so ancient as to antedate the
Trojan War by nearly a thousand years. (105) As for the things that Manetho
has added that come not from the written records of the Egyptians but, as he
himself admits, from nameless oral tradition, I shall refute these things later
(see F12) and show in detail that his false tales deserve no belief.
FU
Josephus contra Apionem (Against Apion) 2.16: Manetho says that the Exo-
dus of the Jews from Egypt took place 393 years before the flight of Danaos
to Argos. Lysimakhos (FGrHist #621) puts it in the reign of Bokkhoris, that
is, 1,700 years earlier. Molon (FGrHist #728) and others have other views.
( 17) Most believable of all is of course25 Apion (FGrHist #616), who put the
Exodus precisely in the seventh Olympiad (752-748 B.C.).
F12
Josephus contra Apionem (Against Apion) 1.223, 226-53, 287: It was the
Egyptians who began the slanders against us. Others, wishing to ingratiate
themselves with the Egyptians, have also tried to pervert the truth. They have
falsely denied our ancestors' arrival in Egypt as well as the Exodus .... (226)
Some of them have become so insanely narrow-minded as to dare to contra-
dict their own earlier writings, and they blindly failed to see that they were
contradicting themselves. (227) I shall first discuss the account of one whose
testimony for our antiquity I recently used.
(228) This is the Manetho who promised to translate Egyptian history
from the priestly writings. He declared that our ancestors, tens of thousands
of them, had come into Egypt and conquered the inhabitants. He then agreed
that they had later gone into exile, occupied the land now called Judea,
founded Jerusalem, and built the temple. Up to this point he followed the
25. Josephus is being sarcastic toward Apion.

written records. (229) Then, however, he promised to record the myths and
legends about the Jews. With this license he inserted unbelievable stories,
wanting to confuse us with a mass of Egyptians who were, he says, deported
from Egypt for leprosy and other diseases.
(230) He mentioned King Amenophis. Because this name was a fiction, he
did not dare to specify the regnal years, although he gave the exact number of
years for the other kings. To this king he attached certain mythical tales, for-
getting that his account had put the Exodus of the Shepherds to Jerusalem 518
years earlier. (231) For Tethmosis was king at the time of the Exodus, and
according to Manetho there were 393 years for the kings from Tethmosis
down to the two brothers Sethos and Hermaios. Manetho says that Sethos was
named Aigyptos and Hermaios was named Danaos. After expelling Her-
maios, Sethos ruled fifty-nine years, and after him his son Rhampses ruled
sixty-six years. (232) Manetho therefore admitted that this many years had
passed since our ancestors left Egypt, but he then interpolated King
Amenophis. He says that this king felt a desire to see the gods, just as Or, one
of the preceding kings, had done. He told his desire to his namesake
Amenophis son of Paapis, who was reputed to be partly divine because of his
wisdom and his knowledge of the future. (233) This namesake then told the
king that he would be able to see gods if he cleansed the whole country of
lepers and other "unclean" people. (234) The king gladly rounded up all those
in Egypt with deformed bodies, eighty thousand of them. (235) He put them
to work in the stone-quarries in the part of the country east of the Nile, so that
they might be productive as well as segregated from the other Egyptians.
Manetho says that among them were some learned priests afflicted with lep-
rosy. (236) But Amenophis, the wise prophet, became afraid that he and the
king would suffer the wrath of the gods if the mistreatment of the priests be-
came known. He also said that the unclean people would find allies and sieze
control of Egypt for thirteen years. Afraid to tell this to the king, he put his
whole prophecy in writing and committed suicide. The king became despon-
dent.
(237) Manetho's exact words are now as follows: "After those in the quar-
ries had suffered for a long time, they asked the king to give them a separate
dwelling place and refuge, the city A varis that had been deserted by the
Shepherds. He granted their request. According to religious belief, the city
was from the beginning sacred to Typhon. (238) When they had occupied this
city and had this place as a base for revolt, they appointed Osarsephos, said to
be a priest of Heliopolis, as their leader, and they took an oath of total obedi-
ence to him. (239) His first act was to legislate that they should not worship
the gods or show reverence for any of the animals regarded as sacred by the
Egyptians, not even the holiest. They should sacrifice and use all of them, and
they should have nothing to do with any person except those who shared in
the oath. (240) After imposing these laws and many others completely
counter to Egyptian culture, he ordered them to put all hands to work fortify-
ing the walls of the city and preparing for the war against King Amenophis.
(241) Osarsephos himself formed a council with the other "unclean" priests
and sent ambassadors to the Shepherds, those who had been expelled.... He
explained to them what had happened to him and the other dishonored ones,
and he asked them to join wholeheartedly in an expedition against Egypt.
(242) He offered first to lead them to their ancestral homeland A varis and to
supply their people generously with everything they needed, to fight for them
whenever necessary, and to give them easy conquest of the land. (243) They
were overjoyed, and all twenty thousand set out eagerly together. They soon
arrived at Avaris. Amenophis, the king of the Egyptians, was deeply disturbed
when he learned about their invasion, because he remembered the prediction
of Amenophis son of Paapis. (244) He first gathered a great number of Egyp-
tians and conferred with their leaders. He then sent for all the most sacred
animals in the temples to be brought to him, and he sent orders to the priests
in each district to hide the wooden images of the gods as well as possible.
(245) He sent his five-year-old son Sethos, also called Rhamesses, named
after Amenophis's father Rhapses, away to a friend. Amenophis himself set
out across the country with three hundred thousand of the best Egyptian
soldiers. Although they encountered the enemy, he did not join battle, (246)
because he thought he should not fight against the gods. He turned back and
arrived at Memphis, where he collected Apis and the other sacred animals
that had been sent to him there, and he immediately set out for Ethiopia with
his whole large army of Egyptians. The king of Ethiopia was in his debt.
(247) Amenophis and all his people were welcomed there, and the Ethiopian
king gave them all the produce they needed. He gave them enough cities and
villages to live in for the predicted thirteen years of exile. He also posted an
Ethiopian army on the Egyptian frontier to guard Amenophis and his people.
(248) Such was the situation in Ethiopia. Meanwhile, the army that had come
back to Egypt ... and joined with the "unclean" Egyptians treated the people
so impiously that their previous occupation as "Shepherds" seemed like a
golden age to those who saw their current sacrileges. (249) They not only
burned cities and villages, plundered the sanctuaries, and befouled the images
of the gods, but they also kept the kitchens going to cook the sacred animals
that the people revered. They forced priests and prophets to slay and butcher
the animals, and they threw the men out naked." (250) It is said that the man
who gave them their constitution and laws was a priest of the people of He-
liopolis, named Osarseph from Osiris the god of Heliopolis. When he
changed his allegiance, he changed his name and was called Moses.
(251) These, then, are the Egyptian legends about the Jews. There are
more, which I pass over for the sake of brevity. I shall, however, give some
more of Manetho's tale. After all this Amenophis invaded from Ethiopia with
a large force, and his son Rhampses also had an army. These two met up with
the Shepherds and the "unclean" ones, and they defeated them. They killed
many and pursued the rest as far as the borders of Syria. This, and similar
material, is what Manetho wrote.
(252) I shall prove that he is obviously a ridiculous liar, after I emphasize
one point that will be useful in arguing against others. Manetho has admitted
that we were not originally Egyptians, that we entered from elsewhere, con-
quered Egypt, and then left. (253) But I shall refute him from his own
statements and prove that we were not mixed in with the later class of dis-
eased Egyptians, and that the one who led them was not Moses, who had
lived many generations earlier.... (287) I therefore think it has become plain
enough that, when Manetho followed the ancient written records, he came
close to the truth. But when he turned to the anonymous myths, he either
combined them implausibly or relied on anti-Jewish accounts.
F13
Cosmas Topographia Christiana (Christian Topography) 12 (p. 327 line 11

Winstedt): Those who have written histories of Egypt, that is, Manetho,
Khairemon (FGrHist #618), Apollonios Molon (FGrHist #728), Lysimakhos
(FGrHist#621), and the grammarian Apion (FGrHist#616), have mentioned
Moses and the Exodus of the children of Israel from Egypt. 26 As Egyptians
writing about Egyptian matters, they are in good agreement about topogra-
phy. Some of them also attack Moses as a troublemaker, who stirred up a host
26. All of these writers of Egyptian history are regarded as having featured popular fables of
an anti-Jewish character. Their dates follow: Khairemon of Alexandria, first century A.D.; Apol-
lonios Molon of Rhodes, second to first centuries B.C.; Lysimakhos, perhaps first century B.C. to
first century A.D.; Apion of Alexandria, the foe of Josephus, first century A.D.
of derelicts and invalids and led them out of Egypt. And they escaped to
Mount Sinai and Jerusalem and were called Jews.
F14
Ecloga Historiarum (Historical Selections)-(full title: Historical Selections

from the Book of Moses and from the Distingushed Foreign Historians and
from Holy Scripture, Narrating in Sections up to the Reign of Anastasios)-in
J. A. Cramer, ed., Anecdota Graeca e Codicibus Manuscriptis Bibliothecae
Regiae Parisiensis (Oxford, 1839) 2: 189: The year 4068, in which is ac-
knowledged the discovery of the grapevine by Dionysos, not the son of
Semele, but the one born from Ammon and Amaltheia, 27 as the Egyptians
say .... Then also is acknowledged the first Herakles in Phoenicia.... Then
also Danaos is king of Egypt according to Manetho .... Then also Egypt,
previously called Aereia, received its current name.
History of Egypt, Volume 3 (Dynasties XX-XXX I XXXI)
FlS
Baden Papyrus (F. Bilabel, ed., Baden Papyri, Publications from the Baden
Papyrus-Collections 4 [1924] =Die kleine Historikeifragmente auf Papyrus
[1922], 34), no. 59 (fifth century A.D.):28
In the fourth year of his reign over the Persians, (Kambyses) became king
(of Egypt) and reigned six years.
The Magoi reigned seven months.
Dareios son of Hystaspes reigned thirty-six years.
Xerxes the Great reigned (lac.) years.
Artabanos reigned (lac.) months.
27. In mainstream pan-Hellenic myth, Dionysos is the son of Zeus and the Theban princess
Semele, who was burned to death when she insisted that Zeus reveal himself in his full divine
glory. The embryo was rescued and implanted in Zeus's thigh, where it grew to birth (see Euripi-
des's play Bacchae). Ammon was a Libyan version of Zeus, worshiped at the oasis of Siwah.
Amaltheia was a she-goat.
28. Although this text does not mention Manetho, it is included because its phrasing strongly
resembles the epitome's presentation ofManetho's D. XXVII (see F2a.)
Artaxerxes Longhand, son, reigned (lac.) years.

Xerxes II reigned (lac.) months.
Sogdianos reigned (lac.) months.
Dareios Nothos reigned (lac.) years.
(lac.) ph (lac.) son (lac.)
F16
Moses of Chorene Historia Armeniae (History of Armenia) 2.12: This Nek-

tanebos was the last king of the Egyptians. His story is told by Manetho, and
some have said that he was the father of Alexander.
Against Herodotus
F17
Eustathius Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem (Commentary on Homer's Iliad)

11.480: Lis, "lion," just as leon, "lion," comes from lao, "I see," according to
the grammarian Orus, because the lion is so sharp-sighted. Also, as Manetho
says in Against Herodotus, the lion does not sleep-which is incredible, for it
would not stay always awake, but rather, the ancients say, it sleeps with its
eyes open, on the watch for a gazelle-dorkas, corrupted from derko, "I
see"-or a rabbit-lagos, from lao, "I see."
Sacred Book
(This title is given by TI. No fragments survive.)
On Antiquity and Religion
F18
Porphyrius de Abstinentia (On Abstinence) 2.55: Amosis put an end to the

custom of human sacrifice in Egyptian Heliopolis, as Manetho testifies in On
Antiquity and Religion. Human beings used to be sacrificed to Hera, and they
were inspected, just as the pure calves that are sought for and marked with a
seal. Three were sacrificed each day. Amosis ordered life-size waxen images
to take their place.
On Festivals
F19
Lydus de Mensibus (On the Months) 4.87: One ought to know that, as
Manetho says in On Festivals, an eclipse of the sun brings a harmful flux
around the human head and stomach.
On the Preparation of Kyphi
F20
Plutarch de !side et Osiride (On Isis and Osiris) 52 p. 372C: And it is said
that Horns, son of Isis, was the first of all to sacrifice to Helios on the fourth
day of the first part of the month, as it is written in The Birthday of Horus.
Indeed, there is each day a three-part use of incense to Helios: first, resin at
the Sun's rising, then myrrh when he is in the middle of the sky, and finally
the substance called kyphi29 at Sun's setting. Later I will give an explanation
of each of these.
F21
Plutarch de !side et Osiride (On Isis and Osiris) 80 pp. 383E-384C: kyphi is a
mixture of sixteen ingredients compounded: honey, wine, raisin, galingale,
resin, myrrh, thorny trefoil, hartwort, mastic, asphalt, thorn apple, dock, both
kinds of juniper-they call one "the greater" and the other "the lesser"-
cardamom, and reed. These are mixed in an orderly way, and the ointment
recipes of sacred writings are read when they are being mixed.... They use
kyphi both as a beverage and as an unguent; for it is believed to be a purga-
tive when drunk and an emollient in cream form. As separate substances,
resin is a product of the sun, and myrrh is a product of the plants that weep
from the sun's heat, but the ingredients of kyphi are rather the ones to give
cheer at nightfall for such beings as are nourished by cool breezes and shade
and dew and moisture .... It therefore makes good sense that the former in-
29. Kyphi was generally well known among the Greeks and Egyptians in both cult and
medicine, where it was valued for its narcotic, euphoric properties. See Galen 13.199.
censes, used as simple substances that are generated by the sun, are used
during the day, while the latter, a compound with all sorts of qualities, is the
incense for nightfall.
F22
Suda (Fortress of Knowledge) s.v. kyphi: Manetho the Egyptian prepared this,
but there is controversy over the method of preparation.
Digest of Physics
F23
Diogenes Laertius Vitae Philosophorum (Lives of the Philosophers) 1.10: The

philosophy of the Egyptians, about the gods and justice, is of this sort: they
say the beginning to be substance, and that then the four elements were sepa-
rated out of it, and certain animals were formed, and the gods were Sun and
Moon, the one called Osiris and the other Isis; they allude enigmatically to
them through the scarab, serpent, hawk, and other animals, as Manetho says
in the Digest of Physics and Hekataios30 (FGrHist #264) in the first book
about the philosophy of the Egyptians. They build statues and sanctuaries so
that the form of the god may not be known. (11) The universe is subject to
birth and death and is spherical; the stars are fire, and by mixing with them
things come into existence on the earth; the moon is eclipsed by falling into
the earth's shadow; the soul both abides and transmigrates; rains come in ac-
cordance with the turning of the atmosphere.
Miscellaneous
F24
Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica (Preparation for the Gospel) 3.2.6: These

are the stories of the Greeks. Let us now hear the oldest stories of the barbar-
ians, namely, those of the Egyptians. They say that Isis and Osiris are the sun
and the moon; Zeus is the spirit that moves through all things, Hephaistos is
30. Hekataios of Abdera (late fourth to early third centuries B.C.) wrote a History of Egypt,
philosophical and ethnographic in tone (FGrHist#264).
fire, and the earth is named Demeter; moisture is regarded as Ocean among
the Egyptians, as also their river Nile, to which they attribute the origins of
the gods; and they say that they call the air Athena. These five gods-I mean
the air and the water and the fire and the earth and the spirit-travel on the
entire world, taking on the forms and appearances of men and of all sorts of
animals, different ones at different times; and mortals bearing the same
names came into being, named Sun and Kronos and Rhea, also Zeus and Hera
and Hephaistos and Hestia. Manetho writes rather extensively about these
things.
F2S
Plutarch de /side et Osiride (On Isis and Osiris) 9 p. 354C: Furthermore, al-
though most believe that "Amoun" (which we corrupt into "Ammon") is a
proper name given to Zeus by the Egyptians, Manetho of Sebennytos thinks
that "that which has been concealed" and "concealment" are manifested by
this word, while Hekataios of Abdera (FGrHist #264) says that the Egyptians
use this word among themselves whenever they address someone, because
the word is a form of address. Therefore they call the first god, whom they
believe to be identical with The All, "Amoun," as though summoning some-
one invisible and hidden and urging him to become visible and manifest to
them.
F26
Plutarch de /side et Osiride (On Isis and Osiris) 49 p. 371(B)C: But Typhon
is the part of the soul that is like the Titans: passionate, impulsive, irrational,
and unstable. He is the part of the body that is morbid and diseased and
causes disturbances, such as storms, extremes of temperature, and eclipes of
the sun and moon. These are like attacks and outbursts of Typhon. And the
name "Seth," by which they call Typhon, means this: it means "that which
overpowers and subdues by violence," and it often means "reversal" and also
"outbreak." Some say that Bebon was one of the companions of Typhon, but
Manetho says that Typhon himself was called Bebon; the name means
"constraint" or "hindrance," meaning that the power of Typhon obstructs ac-
tions that are proceeding on their way and traveling toward the proper goal.
(50) Therefore, they assign to him the most stupid of domesticated animals,
the ass, and the most savage of wild animals, the crocodile and the hip-
popotamus.
F27
Plutarch de /side et Osiride (On Isis and Osiris) 62 p. 376(A)B: Egyptian lore
is also like these (i.e., divine names admitting of etymological explanation).
For they often call Isis by the name of Athena, expressing this sort of idea: "I
came from myself," which manifests self-initiated motion; but Typhon, as it
is said, is named Seth and Bebon and Smy, names signifying a violent and
obstructive restraint or an opposition or reversal. Furthermore they call the
lodestone the "bone of Horus" and iron the "bone of Typhon," as Manetho
records; for just as iron is often like a thing pulled and drawn to the stone but
often also turns away and is driven in the opposite direction, so also with the
cosmic motion that preserves and is good and is rational. At one time it at-
tracts and draws and softens, persuading that harsh Typhonian motion, but at
other times it has reversed its power and turned the other around and plunged
it into confusion.
F28
Plutarch de /side et Osiride (On Isis and Osiris) 73 p. 380(C)D: Many say
that the soul of Typhon is dispersed among these animals, and this myth
seems to encode the idea that every irrational and bestial soul is a portion of
the evil spirit and that men appease and conciliate that spirit by tending and
worshiping these animals. If a long and severe drought occurs, bringing many
fatal diseases or other strange and unexplainable disasters, then the priests
lead away some of the honored animals, calmly and by night, and they begin
the ritual by threatening and frightening them. If the drought persists, they go
on to consecrate and slaughter them. This is a sort of punishment of the spirit
and also a purification for the greatest pollutions. And indeed in the city of
Eilethyia they burned living human beings, as Manetho has recorded, calling
them "Typhonians," and they winnowed their ashes and made them vanish by
scattering them. But this was done publicly, at a certain time in the dog days,
whereas the consecrations of honored animals take place in secret at irregular
times as the need arises, and most people are unaware of them---except when
they hold the funeral of Apis. Then they pick out some of all the animals
present and lay them to rest together with Apis, in the belief that this gives
pain back to Typhon and diminishes his pleasure, because Apis, with a few
other animals, is deemed worthy to be sacred to Osiris, and they accord the
greatest honors to him.
F29a
Aelian de Natura Animalium (On the Nature of Animals) 10.16: Because of

her gluttony, the sow is merciless even toward her own offspring, and even
when she chances on a human body does not restrain herself but eats it; the
Egyptians therefore hated her as a loathsome animal. ... but I hear that the
Egyptian Manetho, a man who had reached the pinnacle of erudition, said
that a person who has tasted of sow's milk becomes full of white and scaly
leprosy. All Asians indeed hate these diseases. The Egyptians believe that the
sow is abominated by both the Sun and the Moon; when they hold a festival
to the Moon, they sacrifice sows to her this once a year, but at other times
they are unwilling to sacrifice this animal to her or to any other god, since she
is an abomination .... However, Eudoxos3 1 says that the Egyptians refrain
from sacrificing swine out of respect for them, because when the grain has
been sown, they drive the herds of swine onto the fields, and the swine tram-
ple the wheat and drive it into the moister ground so that it remains alive and
is not destroyed by the birds.
F29b
Plutarch de /side et Osiride (On Isis and Osiris) 8 pp. 353F-354A:32 Like-
wise they also think that the sow is an unholy animal, because she is most
likely to breed in the waning of the moon, and those who drink her milk have
their bodies break out in leprosy and scabrous callouses. (354A) There is a
story added by some who were once sacrificing and eating a pig at the full
moon, that Typhon chasing a pig toward the full moon found the wooden
coffin in which the body of Osiris lay and ripped it to pieces. Not everyone
31. Eudoxos of Knidos (fourth century B.C.), the famous astronomer and geometrician, vis-
ited Egypt and is credited with introducing Egyptian astronomy into Greece.
32. Although this passage does not mention Manetho, it seems to reflect the same text as
F29a, which is attributed to Manetho. Also, Plutarch has cited Manetho elsewhere in de /side et
Osiride (F20, F21, F25-F28).
accepts this tale, believing it to be, like many other things, a recent misun-
derstanding.
F30
Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae (Jewish Antiquities) 1.107: All the historians,

Greeks and non-Greek, who wrote foundation stories support me in this.
Manetho, who wrote Egyptian history, and Berossos, the compiler of Baby-
lonian history, and Mokhos (FGrHist #784 F3), and Hestiaios (FGrHist #786
F2), and besides them the Egyptian Hieronymos (FGrHist #787 Fl), writers
of Phoenician history-they agree with what I am saying, and also Hesiod,
Hekataios (FGrHist #1 F35), Hellanikos (FGrHist #4 F202), Akousilaos
(FGrHist #2 F46), Ephoros (FGrHist #70 F238), and Nikolaos (FGrHist #90
F141)-their judgment is that the ancients lived a thousand years.33
33. For further information on the writers named here, see Berossos F15c n. 57.
CHAPTERS
Pseudo-Manetho-
Ancient Testimony and Fragments
Apotelesmatika (Astrologi,cal Influences)
Tl
Suda (Fortress of Knowledge) s.v. "Manethos": From Diospolis in Egypt, or

from Sebennytos ... Apotelesmatika (Astrological lnfluences) 1 in verse;
and some other astronomical writings.
Fl
Pseudo-Manetho Apotelesmatika (Astrological Influences) 1(5).1-15: May

you rejoice, 0 Ptolemy, having received the kingly honor of our land,
world-begetting Egypt; I bring you these gifts, worthy of royal power, the
manifestations of the heavenly stars, of those that do not wander and of
those that do, ... being sleepless at nights and toiling much in the
days, ... so that I may tell quite unerringly all the very things that
Petosiris2 himself has fluently spoken, ... so that you may learn that we,
whose lot it is to dwell in holy Egypt, are in all ways learned men.
1. On this work and on the Book of Sothis, see "Manetho's Life and Work" in chap. 5.
2. Petosiris was the name of a well-known priest of Thoth (=Hennes) at Hennoupolis, who
died around 300 B.C., named here as a (fictitious) mentor of "Manetho."
173
F2
Pseudo-Manetho Apotelesmatika (Astrological Influences) 2(6).1-11: From

the unenterable sacred books, King Ptolemy, and from the secret
monuments that all-wise Hermes 3 erected, finding Asklepios 4 a counselor
of wise understanding, ... for none has gained the glory of such wisdom but
Petosiris alone, by far the dearest man to me.
Book of Sothis
Tla
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 32: Manetho

of Sebennytos, chief priest of the polluted temples in Egypt, born-later
than Berossos-in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphos, writes to the same
Ptolemy, telling lies like Berossos. (See Book of Sothis F2a-b.)
Tlb
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 72: Also con-

cerning the dynasty of the Egyptians, it remains to excerpt briefly out of
Manetho of Sebennytos, who bore the title of chief priest of the idols in
Egypt in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphos, and who-from, he says, the
monuments lying in the Seriadic land in the sacred language and inscribed
in hieroglyphic characters by Thoth the first Hermes and translated after the
deluge from the sacred language into the Greek language in hieroglyphics
and disposed into books by Agathodaimon, son of the second Hermes,
father of Tat, in the inner sancta of the temples of Egypt-in the Book of
Sothis made dedication to the same king, Ptolemy II Philadelphos, in the
following words. 5 (See Book of Sothis F1 .)
3. Hermes(= Thoth) was made the inspiring god of a large body of forged mystical writing
in late antiquity.
4. Asklepios was a Greek god of healing, with cults at various places. His most famous
sanctuary was at Epidauros in Greece.
5. This passage furnishes the title Book <~f' Sothis for this forgery. "Sothis" is a Greek
version of "Shopdu," the Egyptian name for Sirius (the Dog Star). It is in the title because the
ancient Egyptians began each calendar year (365 days) with the annual reappearance of Sothis
in the morning sky-an event that also fell close in time to the annual Nile flood in early
summer. Since the Book <~f' Sothis gives great prominence to time-reckoning-it gives the
rulers in chronological order and gives the length of each reign in years-Sothis, the bringer of
Pseudo-Manetho 175
Fl
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 73.14: Letter

of Manetho of Sebennytos to Ptolemy Philadelphos: "To the Great King
Ptolemy Philadelphos Augustus, Manetho the high priest and scribe of the
sacred temples in Egypt, born in Sebennytos and resident in Heliopolis,
greets my lord Ptolemy.
We must, 0 Greatest King, think about all matters that you wish us to
examine. Since you are seeking to know the future of the world, you will
see, in accordance with your command to me, the sacred books that I have
studied, written by your forefather Hermes Trismegistus. Strength to you,
my lord King!"
That is what he tells about his translation of the books by the second Her-
mes. Then he gives his account of five Egyptian tribes in thirty dynasties,6
of those called gods and demigods and the dead and mortals.
F2a
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 32.13:

Concerning, therefore, the six dynasties of six gods-none of which really
existed-Manetho says that they covered 11,985 years, and he says that the
first of them, the god Hephaistos, reigned 9,000 years ....
First Dynasty
1. Hephaistos was ruler of the 9,000 years. 7 [Panodoros: 727 3/4]
Egyptians
each year, is a suitable emblem. The book is also referred to by Syncellus as the "Cycle of the
Dog Star" (Book of Sothis F3, Syncellus 193). In fact, the morning rising of Sirius coincided
exactly with the beginning of the 365-day civil year only once every 1,461 years, a period
known as the Sothic cycle or the "Cycle of the Dog Star'' (see Book of Sothis F4 n. 15.)
6. In the sequel (Book of Sothis Fla-b and F3) Syncellus's presentation does not, apart
from occasional hints, show the expected division into dynasties.
7. According to Syncellus, the numbers that the Book of Sothis had given for these reigns
were converted to smaller numbers by Christian chronograpers, including, by name, Panodoros
(an Egyptian monk of the late fourth to early fifth century A.O.). For a discussion of the reasons
for this conversion, see Manetho TIOb n. 15. What Panodoros did was to regard Sothis's
"years" for the six reigns of the gods as actually being lunar months (at a rate of ea. 29 and 1/2
days per month) and to thus reduce the figures down to solar years. Syncellus's text presents
the Panodoran figures, but it is possible, on Syncellus's information, to reconstruct the original
figures, and that is what we have done here. The numbers shown are the presumed originals,
while Panodoros's alterations-as actually given in Syncellus-are shown in brackets.
Syncellus explicitly reports the first figure, 9,000 years for Hephaistos. For the next five reigns
2. Helios, son of Hephaistos, was

ruler of the Egyptians 992 years. [Panodoros: 80 1/6]
3. Agathodaimon was ruler of the
Egyptians 700 years. [Panodoros: 56 7/12]
4. Kronos was ruler of the Egyp-
tians 501 years. [Panodoros: 40 1/2]
5. Osiris and Isis were rulers of
the Egyptians 433 years. [Panodoros: 35]
6. Typhon was ruler of the Egyp-
tians8 359 years. [Panodoros: 29]
(Second and Third Dynasties)9
7. Horos the demigod was ruler of
the Egyptians 100 years. [Panodoros: 25] 10
8. Ares the demigod was ruler of
9. Anubis the demigod was ruler
of the Egyptians 68 years. [Panodoros: 17]
10. Herakles the demigod was ruler
11. Apollo the demigod was ruler
we have arithmetically undone Panodoros' s work. Our formula is {(Panodoran figure) x 365} +
29.5 =original Sothis figure; fractional years have been rounded up, since Sothis probably did
not employ fractions, not having Panodoros's need to harmonize with an external figure (one
based on Scripture). Lastly, Syncellus states the original total of these six reigns as 11,985
years, and this is in fact the total of our conjectural restoration (9,000 + 992 + 700 + 501 + 433
+ 359 = 11,985.)
8. At this point the text of Syncellus gives the sixth item as "(lac.) was ruler of the
Egyptians (lac.)." This would result in sixteen rulers here, but Syncellus's own statements call
for six gods + nine demigods = fifteen. It seems best to regard the sixth item as a copyist's
error, and we have deleted it (as Jacoby in FGrHist #609 F27 also recommended), so that the
series from Typhon through Zeus appears as items six through fifteen.
9. We have added this heading on the basis of Syncellus' s information (Book of So this F2b)
that the nine demigods made up two dynasties.
10. Panodoros's basis for reducing the figures for the nine reigns of demigods was different
from the one he used on the preceding six reigns of gods. Instead of assuming that the Book of
Sothis's "years" were actually lunar months, he assumed this time that they were in fact
quarter-years (horai, "seasons"). To regain the original figures, we have multiplied by four the
Panodoran figures given in Syncellus. According to Syncellus, Panodoros reduced the total 858
horai of Sothis to 214 and 1/2 years, but the separate Panodoran figures cited by Syncellus (25
+ 23 + 11+15+25 + 30 + 27 + 32 + 20) add up to only 214, and so our restored Sothis figures
total 856 rather than 858. We suppose that an additional 1/2 belonging with one of the
Panodoran figures was omitted by a copyist.
Pseudo-Manetho 177
12. Ammon the demigod was ruler

13. Tithoes the demigod was ruler
14. Sosos the demigod was ruler of
15. Zeus the demigod was ruler of
F2b
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 75.15: For the

two dynasties of nine demigods, ... Panodoros strives to calculate 214 and
112 years from 858 horai, or quarters of a year.
F3
Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 170.4ff.:
Years of kings of Egypt 11

1. Menes was the first ruler of Egypt, 35 years.
2. Kourodes was ruler of Egypt 63 years.
3. Aristarkhos was ruler of the Egyptians 34 years.
11. Syncellus's comment on no. 25 (Konkharis) shows that this series is part of the excerpts
from the Book of Sothis, which began in Book of Sothis F2 with the reigns of gods and
demigods. This catalog of eighty-six human rulers is broken up by Syncellus into fifteen
portions.
At this point, we wish to declare how we have edited the rest of the material that Syncellus
presented as the Book of Sothis. We believe, in view of the false cover letter from "Manetho" to
Ptolemy (Book of Sothis FI), that the work was posing as an Egyptian, and therefore pagan,
document. But Syncellus's presentation contains many features that can derive only from
Judeo-Christian historiography. We assume that these features were added to the original Book
of Sothis by Judeo-Christian editors, and we have, as far as possible, removed all such matter.
The suppressed material includes the Year of the World dates furnished for the first year of
each reign and items in the comments on some of the rulers (e.g, no. 22, Rhamessameno: "This
is the first Pharaoh mentioned in Holy Scripture. The patriarch Abraham entered Egypt in this
reign.") Also removed are the Hebrew names "Mestraia" for Egypt and "Mestraim" for Menes.
At the same time, the comments also contain material of Hellenic or more general interest,
and some of these items are the same as appear in the epitome of genuine Manetho. We infer
that the preparer of the Book of Sothis made use of the epitome, and that such items were trans-
ferred into the original Sothis. We have preserved this non-Judeo-Christian commentary,
although not all of it is parallel to our other information (Manetho F2a-b) about the contents of
the epitome, and some may have been added by editors.
4. Spanios was ruler of the Egyptians 36 years.

5 and 6. Two unnamed kings of the Egyptians, 72 years.
7. Osiropis was ruler of the Egyptians 23 years.
8. Sesonkhosis was ruler of the Egyptians 49 years.
9. Amenemes was ruler of the Egyptians 29 years.
(179)
I 0. Amasis was ruler of the Egyptians 2 years.
11. Akesephthres was ruler of the Egyptians 13 years.
12. Ankhoreus was ruler of the Egyptians 9 years.
13. Armiyses was ruler of the Egyptians 4 years.
14. Khamois was ruler of the Egyptians 12 years.
15. Miamous was ruler of the Egyptians 14 years.
16. Amesesis was ruler of the Egyptians 65 years.
17. Ouses was ruler of the Egyptians 50 years.
18. Rhameses was ruler of the Egyptians 29 years.
(189)
19. Rhamesomenes was ruler of Egypt 15 years.
20. Ousimares was ruler of Egypt 31 years.
21. Rhamesseseos was ruler of Egypt 23 years.
22. Rhamessameno was ruler of Egypt 19 years.
23. Rhamasse loubasse was ruler of Egypt 39 years.
(193)
24. Rhamesse son of Ouaphres was ruler of Egypt 29 years.
25. Konkharis was ruler of Egypt 5 years.
By this year, the fifth year of Konkharis the twenty-fifth ruler of Egypt,
during the sixteenth dynasty of what is called in Manetho the "Cycle of the
Dog Star," there have been seven hundred years. and twenty-five kings
since the first king and founder of Egypt. ... The throne passed to four
Tanite kings, who ruled Egypt for 254 years in the Seventeenth Dynasty, as
is tabulated below_ 12
12. At this point. Syncellus injects a discussion comparing Josephus's presentation of

Dynasties XVll-XIX (Manetho F9-Fl2) with that of "Manetho" (by which Syncellus means
the Book <f Sothis). Syncellus states that he prefers Josephus to Manetho, which really means
preferring Josephus's version of Manetho to Sothis (Pseudo-Manetho). Syncellus seems to
imply that he will correct Sothis's figures on the basis of Josephus, but it does not appear that
this editing has been applied to the actual presentation here of Sothis. Only in regard to no. 31,
Kertos, does Syncellus note a discrepancy with Josephus, and this in such a way that we
Pseudo-Manetho 179
26. Silites was ruler of the Egyptians 19 years.
First of the six kings of Manetho' s Seventeenth Dynasty
(204)
27. Baion was ruler of the Egyptians 44 years.
28. Apakhnas was ruler of the Egyptians 36 years.
29. Aphophis was ruler of the Egyptians 61 years.
(232)
30. Sethos was ruler of the Egyptians 50 years.
31. Kertos was ruler of the Egyptians 44 years. 13
32. Asseth was ruler of the Egyptians 20 years.
This king added the 5 extra days to the year, and in his reign, they say,
the Egyptian year officially became one of 365 days, instead of 360 as
before. In his reign the calf was deified and called Apis.
33. Amosis, also called Tethmosis, was ruler of

the Egyptians 28 years.
(278)
34. Khebron was ruler of the Egyptians 13 years.
35. Amemphis was ruler of the Egyptians 15 years.
36. Amenses was ruler of the Egyptians 11 years.
37. Misphragmouthosis was ruler of the Egyp-
tians 16 years.
38. Misphres was ruler of the Egyptians 23 years.
39. Touthmosis was ruler of the Egyptians 39 years.
(286)
40. Amenophthis was ruler of the Egyptians 34 years.
This Amenophthis is believed to be Memnon and a speaking stone. The

Persian king Kambyses later cut the stone apart, thinking that there was
witchcraft in it, as Polyainos of Athens (FGrHist #639) records.
The Ethiopians, having left the River Indus, settled near Egypt.
assume that the other figures, which receive no such note, are the untampered-with figures of
"Manetho"-Sothis.
13. It is here that Syncellus noted "29 according to Josephus, but 44 according to Manetho"
(see the preceding footnote). We have put in the 44 as representing Sothis and left the other fig-
ures as given by Syncellus.
41. Oros was ruler of the Egyptians 48 years.

42. Akhenkheres was ruler of the Egyptians 25 years.
43. Athoris was ruler of the Egyptians 29 years.
44. Khenkheres was ruler of the Egyptians 26 years.
(293)
45. Akherres was ruler of the Egyptians 8 or 30 years.
46. Armaios, also called Danaos, was ruler of the
Egyptians 9 years.
Armaios, also called Danaos, fleeing his brother Rhamesses, also called
Aigyptos, abdicated his throne in Egypt and arrived in Greece. His brother
Rhamesses, also called Aigyptos, ruled Egypt for sixty-eight years, and he
changed the name of the land to Egypt, after his own name .... Danaos,
also called Armaios, got control of Argos, expelled Sthenelos son of
Krotopos, and became king of the Argives. His descendants were called
Danaids down to the time of Eurystheus son of Sthenelos son of Perseus.
After them the Pelopids, beginning with Atreus, inherited the throne.
(302)
47. Rhamesses, also called Aigyptos, was ruler of
48. Amenophis was ruler of the Egyptians 8 years.
49. Thouoris was ruler of the Egyptians 17 years.
50. Nekhepsos was ruler of the Egyptians 19 years.
51. Psammouthis was ruler of the Egyptians 13 years.
52. (lac.) was ruler of the Egyptians 4 years.
53. Kertos was ruler of the Egyptians 20 years.
54. Rhampsis was ruler of the Egyptians 45 years.
55. Amenses, also called Ammenemes, was ruler
of the Egyptians 26 years.
(319)
56. Okhyras was ruler of the Egyptians 14 years.
57. Amendes was ruler of the Egyptians 27 years.
58. Thouoris was ruler of the Egyptians 50 years.
This is the one called Polybos in Homer, presented as the husband of

Alkandra (Odyssey 4.126), with whom they say Menelaos and Helen stayed
as they wandered after the fall of Troy.
Pseudo-Manetho 181
59. Athothis, also called Physanos, was ruler of

In his reign earthquakes occurred in Egypt. They had never happened

there before.
60. Kenkenes was ruler of the Egyptians 39 years.

61. Ouennephis was ruler of the Egyptians 42 years.
(332)
62. Sousakeim was ruler of the Egyptians 34 years.
63. Psouenos was ruler of the Egyptians 25 years.
64. Ammenophis was ruler of the Egyptians 9 years.
65. Nephekheres was ruler of the Egyptians 6 years.
66. Saites was ruler of the Egyptians 15 years.
67. Psinakhes was ruler of the Egyptians 9 years.
68. Petoubastes was ruler of the Egyptians 44 years.
69. Osorthon was ruler of the Egyptians 9 years.
70. Psammos was ruler of the Egyptians 10 years.
71. Konkharis was ruler of the Egyptians 21 years.
(347)
72. Osorthon was ruler of the Egyptians 15 years.
73. Takalophis was ruler of the Egyptians 13 years.
74. Bokkhoris was ruler of the Egyptians 44 years.
Bokkhoris made laws for the Egyptians. Story has it that a lamb spoke in
his reign.
75. Sabakon the Ethiopian was ruler of the

Egyptians 12 years.
This man captured Bokkhoris in war and burned him alive.
76. Sebekhon was ruler of the Egyptians 12 years.

(360)
77. Tarakes was ruler of the Egyptians 20 years.
78. Amaes was ruler of the Egyptians 38 years.
79. Stephinathes was ruler of the Egyptians 27 years.
80. Nekhepsos was ruler of the Egyptians 13 years.
(396)
81. Nekhao was ruler of the Egyptians 8 years.
82. Psammetikhos was ruler of the Egyptians 14 years.

83. Nekhao II was ruler of the Egyptians 9 years.
84. A second Psamouthis, also called Psam-
metikhos, was ruler of the Egyptians 17 years.
85. Ouaphris was ruler of the Egyptians 34 years.
86. Amosis was ruler of the Egyptians 50 years.
The kingship of the Egyptians, ten dynastiesl4 and eighty-six kings,

lasted ... 2,211 years. It was destroyed by Kambyses in the reign of
Amosis, the eighty-sixth king of Egypt, counting from the first king, Menes.
In Amosis's reign Egypt resisted Kambyses, and he conquered it by force of
arms and hard battles. He found Pythagoras here as a traveler seeking
learning, and he included him with the other prisoners of war taken by the
Persians. At this time, they say, Pythagoras came to Mesopotamia and
partook of its learning. Later he left this place also and went to Italy. He was
in exile from his native Samos because of the tyrant Polykrates. He lived the
rest of his life in Italy and established a school. Egypt remained under the
Persians until Dareios the son of Xerxes. It was in the Twenty-seventh
Dynasty that the Persians conquered Egypt, in the fifth year of Kambyses.
F4
Iamblichus de Mysteriis Aegyptiorum (On the Mysteries of the Egyptians)

8.1: Because there are many completely different essences, tradition gives
them many causes and different rankings, and different ancient priests hold
different views. Hermes has therefore given a complete list in the 20,000
books that Seleukos (Seleukos of Alexandria, FGrHist #634) copied, or in
the 36,525 books, as Manetho records. Individual essences are explained in
many places by various writers who borrow ancient explanations. 15
14. This number is probably an error made by Syncellus or those who made copies of his
text. We believe our main witnesses (in Manetho F2a), that Manetho presented thirty-one or
thirty dynasties.
15. The status of this passage is uncertain. It seems to have a Sothic reference, because the
number 36,525 represents 25 Sothic cycles (the heliacal rising of Sirius actually coincided with
the beginning of the calendar year each 1,461 years), and it may perhaps belong with the other
citations from the Book of Sothis. Other scholars have put it with Manetho's Digest of Physics
(Manetho F23) or with yet another pseudo-Manethonian work that was separate from the Book
of Sothis.
CHAPTER9
Manetho-Tables
Table A. Time Outline-Egypt
Major Divisions of Ancient Egyptian History 1
Chalcolithic, ea. 4300-3000 B.C.

Archaic (Early Dynastic), ea. 3050-2575 B.C.
Unification of the Two Lands
Dynasties I-II
Old Kingdom, ea. 2575-2134 B.C.
Dynasties III-VI
Age of the Pyramids
First Intermediate Period, ea. 2134-2040 B.C.
Dynasties VIl-XI
Middle Kingdom, ea. 2040-1640 B.C.
Dynasties XI-XIII
Second Intermediate Period, ea. 1640-1532 B.C.
Dynasties XIV-XVII
Hyksos Domination
New Kingdom, ea. 1550-1070 B.C.
Dynasties XVIIl-XX
Third Intermediate Period, ea. 1070-712 B.C.
Dynasties XXI-XXIV
1. These divisions are based on John Baines and Jaromir Malek, Atlas of Ancient Egypt (New
York, 1982), 8-9.
183
Late Period, ea. 712-332 B.C.

Dynasties XXV-XXXI
Ethiopian Domination (Dynasty XXV)
Saite Renaissance (Dynasty XXVI)
Persian Domination (Dynasty XXVII, Dynasty XXXI)
Greco-Macedonian Period, 332-30 B.C.
Alexander the Great (332-323 B.C.)
Regency of Ptolemy (323-305 B.C.
Ptolemaic Dynasty (305-30 B.C.)
Roman Empire, 30 B.C.-A.D. 330
Byzantine Empire, A.D. 330--642
Arab Conquest, A.D. 642
Manetho-Tables 185
Table B. Ancient Egyptian Ruler-Lists, Manetho's List, and a Modern

List Compared
Sign Name Date Contents Remains

OKA Old D.V- Predynastic king-list (per- Six fragments
Kingdom D.VI haps 140 kings): dynastic (see next three
Annals annals from Menes (D. items), preser-
p Palermo I.1) to Niuserre (D. V.6), ving perhaps 10
Stone (chief year by year, with impor- percent of the
fragment of tant events and heights of orginal
OKA) Nile inundations
c Four Cairo
fragments
L London
fral!Illent
K Karnak list Early Names of 61 kings, se- 48 names read
D.XV lectively, not in order,
(Thut- from DD. III, IV, V, VI,
mose XI, XII, XIII, XIV, XVII
Ill)
A Abydos list Seti I 76 kings D.I-D. XIX; 2d Quite complete
(D. Intermediate Period, Hyk-
XIX.2) sos, and Atenists are ig-
nored
T Turin ea. 300+ kings, from gods to Ca. fifty frag-
papyrus Rames- late D. XVII; names, ments yielding
ses II lengths of rule and life 80-90 names
(D. (yrs., mos., days) with and other infor-
XIX.3) some totalling mation
s Saqqara list Rames- 58 kings: names from D. 47 names
ses II 1.6 ("Miebidos") to D.
(D. XIX.1-3; omissions as in
XIX.3) A
R Ramesses's Rames- An updated duplicate of Less complete
list at ses II A than A
Abvdos
K and R, listed above for the sake of completeness, are not used in the
comparative charts that follow.
Predynastic: 2
Manetho OKA T Modern3
Gods "Kings of
Lower Egyot"
Hephaistos (lac.)pu Ptah (lac.) (lac.)ou
Helios Seka Ra (lac.) Seka
Sosis/Agathodaimon Khayu Shu (lac.) Khayu
Kronos Tiu Geb (lac.) Tiu
()siris/()siris-Isis Tiesh ()siris (lac.) Tiesh
Typhon Neheb (?) Seth: 200 years Neheb (?)
(?)Bidis Wadinadi Wadinadi
(?)Thoulis Mekha Mekha
(lac.)a (lac.)a
Total: 13,900 years
9 (or 8) ()ffspring of "Kings of

Gods ("Demigods," Upper Egypt"
"Heroes")
Horns Horns: 300 years
Ares Djehuti (= Thoth):
3, 126 (?) years
Anubis Ma' at (lac.)
Herakles Her (lac.)
Apollo Total (lac.)
Ammon 9 gods
Tithoes
Sosos
Zeus
Total: 1,255 years
2. This presentation of Manetho's predynastic list is based on the Armenian translation of

Eusebius (see F2a), with supplements based on Malalas (F3a), Lydus (F3b), the Excerpta Latina
Barbari (F5), and Pseudo-Manetho (Book of Sothis F2). Like T, Manetho gave reign-lengths for
the gods, demigods, and so on. We give the numbers from Eusebius only. It is unfortunate that
no details are available from Africanus.
3. The basis for our modem list is CAH3, supplemented by Jiirgen von Beckerath, Abriss der
Geschichte des alten Agypten (Vienna, 1971 ).
Manetho-Tables 187
Manetho OKA T Modern
Other kings: 20 akhu "blessed

1,817 years spirits" (from
Hierakonpolis ?)
10 akhu (from B uto ?)
(lac.) akhu (from
Heliopolis ?)
20 (lac.)
30 kings from Mem- 19 Powers (?) from
phis: Memphis: 11 years, 4
1,790 years months, 22 days
10 kings from Thinis: 19 akhu of Lower
350 years Egypt
Spirits of the Dead 7 Speakers (?) for the
("Demigods"): Father, women, akhu
5,813 years Followers of Horns
Dynastic:
DD. I-II: Archaic and Early Dynastic Period (ea. 3100-2686 B.C.)
Manetho OKA A T s Modern
D. I, 8 kings 8 kings, ea. 3100-

from lbinis 2890 B.C.: 210
years
Menes:62 Meni Meni Narmer/Men
(60) 4 years
Athothis: 57 Atet: Teti Iti Aha/Iti
(27) years 55(?)
years
Kenkenes: Itet (lac.) Djer/Iti: 47 years
31 (39)
years
4. If Africanus and Eusebius disagree on years of reign, Eusebius is in rounded brackets.

Ouenephes: Ita (lac.)ai

23 (42)
years
Ousaphai- (Hesep- Zemti Den/Khaseti: 55-
dos: 20 years ti?) (Khaseti?) 60years
Miebidos: 26 Merbiape Merbia- Merbia- Merbiape: 7 years
years pen pen
Semempses: (?) Semsem Semerkhet: 8
18 years years
Bienekhes/ Khebeh (lac.)beh Khebwe Qaa, Sen: 25
Oubienthis: years
26 years
Total: 253
(252) years
D. II, 10 kings, ea.

9 kings from 2890-2686 B.C.
Thinis
Boethos/ Bedjau (lac.)bau Baunetjer Hetepsekhemy
Bokhos: 38 Hetep
years
Kaiekhos/ Kakau Kakau Kakau Reneb Nubnefer
Khoos: 39
years
Binothris/ Netj- Banetjer- (lac.)netj- Baunetjer- Nynetjer
Biophis: 47 eren: en eren we Nynetjer: 45-47
years >35 years
years
Tlas: 17 Wadjnas (lac.) Wadjnas Weneg
years (Wadjnes): 19
years
Sethenes: 41 Sen di Sendi Sendj Sened
years
Khaires: 17 Peribsen
years
Aka Aka
Manetho-Tables 189
Manetho OKA A T s Modem
Nepher- Neferkare
kheres: 25
years
Sesokhris: Neferka- Neferka- Neferkasokar
48 years sekre: 8 sekre
years
Kheneres:
30 years
Hudjefa: Hudjefa Khasekhem: 21
11 years (?)years
Djadjai'
Bebti: 27 Be bi Khasekhemwy:
years 17 years
Total: 302 Total: 205 years
(297) years
D. IIl-D. VI: Old Kingdom (ea. 2575-2134 B.C.)
D. III, 9 5 rulers, ea.

kings from 2686--2613 B.C.
Memphis
Nekheroph- Nebka Nebka: Nebka: 19 years
es/Nekher- 19 years
okhis: 28
years
Tosorthros/ (lac.) Djes- Djeser Djoser: 19 years
Sesorthos: Djesersa er(it?): 19
29 years years
Tyreis: 7 Teti Djeserti: Djeserteti Djoser Teti: 6
years 6 years years
Mesokhris: Sedjes (lac.)dje- Nebkare Khaba: 6 years
17 years fa:
6 years
Soiiphis: 16 Neferkare
years
Tosertasis:
19 years
Akhes: 42 Huni: 24 Huni Huni: 24 years
years years
Sep houris:
30 years
Kerpheres:
26 years
years
D. IV, 8 ca.2613-2494
kings from B.C., 8 rulers
Memphis
Soris: 29 Sne- Sneferu Sneferu: Sneferu Sneferu: 24 years
years feru: 24 years
<16
years
Souphis: 63 (lac.)- Khufu (lac.): 23 Khufuf Khufu (Cheops):
years fu years 23 years
Souphis: 66 Redjedef (lac.): 8 Redjedef Redjedef: 8 years
years years
Khafre Khauf- Khaufre Khephren: 25 (?)
(lac.) years
(lac.) Baufre (?)
Menkheres: Men- (lac.): 18 Menkaure Menkaure: 28 (?)
63 years kaure years years
Rhatoises: (lac.): 4 (lac.)
25 years years
Bikheris: 22 (lac.): 2 (lac.)
years years
Seberkher- Shep- Shepses- (lac.) Shepseskaf: 4
es: 7 years seskaf kaf years
Manetho-Tables 191
Thamph- (lac.)5 Djedefptah (?)

this: 9 years (Thamphthis): 2
years
years
D.V,8 9 rulers, ea.

kings from 2494-2345 B.C.
Elephantine
Ouserkhe- User- Userkaf (lac.)kaf: Userkaf Userkaf: 7 years
res: 28 kaf 7 years
years
Sephres: 13 Sahu- Sahure (lac.): 12 Sahure Sahure: 14 years
years re: years
12113
(?)
years
Nepherkhe- Ne fer- Kakau (lac.) Neferirkare Neferirkare
res: 20 irkare Kakai: 10 years
years
Sisires: 7 (lac.): 7 Shepseska- Shepseskare Isi:
years years re 7 years
Kheres: 20 Nefer- Neferefre (lac.): x Khaneferre Neferefre: 7
years efre +1 years years
Rhathoures: Ni us- Neuserre (lac.): 11 Niuserre: 31
44 years erre 6 years years
Menkheres: Menkau- Menka- Menkahor Menkauhor: 8
9 years hor hor: 8 years
years
Tankheres: Djedkare Djed: 28 Shukare Djedkare Asosi:
44 years years 39 (?)years
5. There is another small list, inscribed during ea. D. XII, which lists Khufu, Redjedef,
Khafre, Hardjedef, and Rebaef.
6. This is as far as OKA takes us.
Manetho A T s Modem
Onnos: 33 years Unis Unis: 30 Unas Unas: 30 years

years
Total of D.1-D.V: Total kings Total: 150 years
1,294 (1,295) years from Meniti
(?)to (lac.)
D. VI, 6 kings from ca.2345-2181

Memphis B.C., 7 rulers
Othoes: 30 vears Teti (lac.) Teti Teti: 12 years
Userkare (lac.) Userkare: 1 (?)
year
Phios: 53 years Merire (lac.): 20 Pepi Meryre Phio(p)s
years I: 49 years
Methousouphis: 7 Merenre (lac.): 44 (?) Mer- Merenre
years years enre Antyemsaf I:
14 years
Phiops: 99 years Neferkare (lac.): 90+ Nefer- Neferkare Phiops
years kare II: 94 (?) years
Menthesouphis: 1 Merenre (lac.): 1 year Merenre
year Usefem- Antyemsaf II: 1
saf (?) year
Nitokris: 12 years Neterkare Nitokerti: Netjerikare
(lac.) Menkare (?)
(Nitocris): 2
years
Neferka, child
(lac.)
Neferes: 2
years, 1
month, lday
lbi: 4 years, 2
months
(lac.)
(lac.)
(lac.)
(lac.)
Manetho-Tables 193
Manetho A T s Modern
(Total) kings
(from Teti to
nac.l): 181
Total: 203 years Total since Total: 165 years
Meni: 955
years, 10+
days
DD.VII-XI, for which no details from Manetho survive, make up the First
Intermediate Period, a time of confusion in all records. The modern list
indicates ea. 33 rulers over ea. 2181-1991 B.C.: 191 years
D. VII, 5 kings from (See foot- 9 rulers, ea.

Memphis: 70 (75) note) 7 2181-2173 B.C.
days (no details)
Menkare
Neferkare Neferkare "the
Younger"
Neferkare Neferkare Neby
Nebv
Djedkare Djedkare Sberna
Sberna
Neferkare Neferkare
Khendu Khendu
Merenhor Merenhor
Sneferka Neferkamin
Nekare Nvkare
Neferkare Neferkare Tereru
Tereru
Neferka- Neferkahor
hor
7. Although Alan H. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs (Oxford, 1961), regards D. VII as
"spurious"-not detectable in any list or any other monument or document, we follow for
convenience CAH3, which does divide the successors of Nitokris between D. VII and D. VIII.
D. VIII, 27 (5) kings (Appar- (Ignored 6 rulers, ea.

from Memphis: 146 ently by S) 2173-2160 B.C.:
(100) years (no de- ignored 13+ years
tails) byT)
Neferkare Wadjkare Pepy-
Peovsonb sonb: 4+ vears
Sneferka Neferkamin Anu:
Anu 2 vears, 1 month
(Ka?)- Kakare Thi: 4
kaure years, 2 months
Nefer- Neferkare: 2
kaure years, 1 month
Nefer- Neferhauhor Ka-
kauhor puibi: 1 year, 15
days
Neferir- Neferirkare
kare
D. IX, 19 (4) kings (Ignored (Ignored (Unsettled;

from Herakleopolis: by A) by S) reflects T and a
409 (100) years few monuments)
(lac.)
(lac.)
(The only detail is:) Neferkare
Akhthoes Akhthov
(lac.)8
D. X, 19 kings from (Ignored (Ignored (Unsettled;

Herakleopolis: 185 by A) by S) reflects T and a
years (no details) few monuments)
D. Xl-D. XVII: Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period, including

the Hyksos (ea. 2040-1532 B.C.)
8. From this point through D. X, fourteen reigns are lost from T.

Manetho-Tables 195
D. XI, 16 kings from 7 rulers, 2133-

Diospolis: 43 years. 1991 B.C.: 142
(no details) years
(lac.) 9 Mentuhotpe I
and Inyotef I
(2133-2118)
(lac.) Inyotef II (2117-
2069)
(lac.) Inytotef III
(2068-2061)
(lac.)
Nebkhru- Menthot- Nebkhrure Mentuhotpe II
re pe: 57 (2060-2010)
years
Sankhka- Menthot- Sankhkare Sankhkare
re pe: 12 Mentuhotpe III
years (2009-1998)
Total: Mentuhotpe IV
143 years (1997-1991)
(Kings of
the) resi-
dence
Ittowe
After them Sehetep- Sehetep- Sehetep- (assigned to next
Ammenemes: 16 ibre ibre: 29 ibre dynasty)
years (?)years
D. XII, 7 kings from 1991-1786 B.C.,

Diospolis 8 rulers
Sehetepibre
Ammenemes I
(1991-1962)
9. See preceding footnote.

Sesonkhosis: 46 Kheper- Kheperkare: Kheper- Kheperkare

years kare 45 years kare Sesostris I
(1971-1928)
Ammenemes: 38 Nebka- (lac.): 10+ (or Nubkare Nubkare
years re 30+) years Ammenemes II
(1929-1895)
Kha- (lac.): 10 Kha- Khakheperre
kheper- years kheperre Sesostris II
re (1897-1878)
Sesostris: 48 years Kha- (lac.): 30+ Khakare Khakare
kaure years Sesostris III
(1878-1843)
Lamares: 8 years Nema- (lac.): 40+ Nemare Nymare
re years Ammenemes III
( 1842-1797)
Ameres: 8 years
Ammenemes: 8 Makh- Makhrure: 9 Makheru- Makerure
years rure years, 3 re Ammenemes IV
months, 27 ( 1798-1790)
days
Skemiophris: 4 years Sebeknofrure: Sebekka- Sobkkare
3 years, 10 re Sobkneferu
months, 24 (1789-1786)
davs
Total: 160 years Total, kings Total: 205 years
of the
residence
Ittowe, 8
kings: 10 213
years, 1
month, 16
days
10. T is including the preceding Sehetepibre (= Ammenemes I) in this count. lttowe is

believed to have been near el-Lisht, on the west bank of the Nile, close to the Faiyum.
Manetho-Tables 197
D. XIII, 60 kings (lg- (See footnote) 11 (Ignored D. XIII-D.

from Diospolis: nored by S) XVII overlap.
453 years by A) Many kings,
brief reigns.
Total span,
1786-ca. 1567
B.C.: 219 years
D. XIV, 76 kings (lg- (Ignored See preceding.

from Xoi's: 184 nored by S)
years by A)
D. XV, 6 kings of (lgnor (Chieftain of a (Ignored (Agrees that this

the "Shepherds," ed by foreign country) by S) dynasty and the
based in the A) Khamudy (Total, next two are
Sethroite Nome 12 chieftains) of a Hyksos-
foreign country, dominated.)
6: 108 years 13
Saites: 19 years
Bnon: 44 years
Pakhnan: 61 years
Staan: 50 years
Arkhles: 49 years
Aohobis: 61 years
Total: 284 years
11. Except for the Shepherds named in D. XV, we have no details from Manetho from here
(D. XIII) through D. XVII. Only in D. XVIII can we resume comparing Manetho with other
lists-but only with A and S, for T has run out by then. In this interval Manetho counted 258
kings, 1,590 years; Thad places for at least 160 reigns. Of them around one hundred names are
at least partly readable; they are not shown in our table, except for two lines that we have put
next to the Shepherds of Manetho' s D. XV.
12. For simplicity this dynasty, as well as the next, is presented just as in Africanus (F2a); the
other witnesses-Eusebius (F2a), Josephus (F9), Pseudo-Manetho (Book of Sothis F3)-differ
greatly. "Shepherds" is given as Manetho's name for the intruders, now generally called Hyksos,
by Africanus. Eusebius's version of Manetho, however, also calls them "foreign kings," which
resembles both the description in T ("chieftains of a foreign country") and modem scholars'
interpretation of"Hyksos" as "Lords of the Foreign Lands" (see chap. 5, n. 18.)
13. See above note 11 on D. XIII. (Khamudy's name is not in a cartouche.)
D. XVI, 32 more (Ignored (Ignored

"Shepherds": 518 by A) by S)
vears14 (no details)
D. XVII, more (Ignored (Ignored

"Shepherds," 43 by A) by S)
kings; also 43
Theban kings from (T is lost
Diospolis: 151 years from here
(no details) on.)
D. XVIIl-D.XX: New Kingdom (ea. 1550-1070 B.C.)
Manetho A s Modern
D. XVIII, 16 (14) 14 rulers, 1567-1320

kings from B.C. 247 years
Diosoolis 15
Amosis: 25 years, 4 Nebpehtire Nebpehtire Nebpehtire Amosis
months (1570-1546)
Amenophis: 20 Djeserkare Djeserkare Djeserkare Amenophis
vears, 7 months I 0546-1526)
Mephres: 12 years, 9 Akheper- Akheper- Akheperkare Thutmose
months kare kare I 0525--ca. 1512)
Khebron: 13 years Akheper- Akheper- Akheperenre Thutmose
enre enre II 0512-1504)
Amensis: 21years, 9 Makare Hatshepsut
months (1503-1482)
Misphragmouthosis: Men- Men- Menkheperre Thutmose
25 vears, 10 months kheoerre kheperre III (1504-1450)
14. This, given by Africanus, is surely not the number Manetho had. Nor is it historically
credible.
15. All the witnesses for Manetho's sequence in D. XVIII-D. XIX-Josephus in FlO,
Africanus and Eusebius in F2a-appear confused. We give the reconstruction of H. W. Heick,
Untersuchungen zu Manetho und den iigyptischen Konigslisten, Untersuchungen zur Geschiche
und Altertumskunde Aegyptens 18 (Berlin, 1956), 41-45, 64-71.
Manetho-Tables 199
Manetho A s Modern
Amenophis: 30 Akheperure Akheperure Akheprure Amenophis

vears, 10 months (?) II (1450-1425)
Touthmosis: 9 years, Men- Men- Menkheprure Thutmose
8 months kheoerure kheperure IV (1425-1417)
Oros: 38 years, 7 Nebmaatre Nebmaatre Nebmare Amenophis
months III (1417-1379)
Akherres: 16 years Neferkheprure Amen-
(?) ophis IV (Akhenaten)
(1379-1362)
Rhathos: 5 years, 5 Ankhkheprure Smenkh-
months(?) kare (1364-1361)
Khebres: 8 years, Nebkheprure
x months(?) Tutankhamun ( 1361-
1352)
Akherres: 4 years, 1 Kheperkheprure Ay
month (1352-1348)
Harmais: 12 years, 3 Djeser- Djeser- Djeserkheprure
months kheperure kheperure Horemhab (1348-1320)
Setepenre Setepenre
D. XIX, 6 (5) kings 8 rulers, 1320-1200

from Diosoolis B.C.: 121 vears
Ramesses I: 1 year, 4 Menpehtire Menpehtire Menpehtire Ramesses I
months (1320-1318)
Sethos I: 19 years Menmare Menmare Menmare Sethos I
(1318-1304)
Ramesses II : 66 Usermare Usermare Ramesses II
vears, 2 months Seteoenre (1304-1237)
Memeptah: 19 years, Memeptah (1236-1223)
6 months
Sethos II "Ramses" Amenmesses ( 1222-
1217f?l)
Amenmose: 5 years, SethosII(1216-1210
xmonths [?])
Thouoris: Siptah and Twosre
7 years, x months (1209-1200 [?])
(From this point on there are no earlier lists to compare.)
Manetho Modem
D. XX, 12 kings from Diospolis: 10 rulers, 1200-1085 /80 B.C.: 115/120

135 (178 or 172) years16 years
Sethnakhte (1200-1198)
Ramesses III (1198-1166)
Ramesses IV (1166-1160)
Ramesses V 0160-1156)
Ramesses VI (1156-1148)
Ramesses VII ( 1148-1147)
Ramesses VIII 0147-1140)
Ramesses IX (1140-1121)
Ramesses X (1121-1113)
Ramesses XI (1113-1085/80)
D. XXl-D. XXIV: Third Intermediate Period (ea. 1070-712 B.C.)
D. XXI, 7 kin2s from Tanis 7 rulers, 1080-945 B.C.

Smendes: 26 years Smendes(1080-1054)
Psousennes: 41 years Psusennes and Neferkare (1054-1004)
Nepherkheres: 4 years
Amenoohthis: 9 years Amenoohthis ( 1004-985)
Osokhor: 6 years Osokhor(985-979)
Psinakhes: 9 years Netrikheperre-setepenamun Siamun (979-
960)
Psousennes: 14 (35) years Psusennes II (960-945)
Total: 130 years Total: 140 years
D. XXII, 9 kings from Bubastis 9 rulers, ea. 945-715 B.C. (overlaps with
next dynasties)
Sesonkhosis: 21 years Shoshenk I (ea. 945-924)
Osorthon: 15 vears Osorkon I (ea. 924-889)
3 others: 25 years Takelothl and Shoshenk II (ea. 880-874)
16. No names are transmitted by Africanus or Eusebius. Pseudo-Manetho (=Book of Sothis

F3) has some.
Manetho-Tables 201
Manetho Modem
Takelothis: 13 years Osorkon II (ea. 874-850)

3 others: 42 years Takeloth II (ea. 850-825)
Shoshenk III (ea. 825-773)
Pimav (ea. 773-767)
Shoshenk V (ea. 767-730)
Osorkon IV (ea. 730-715)
Total: 120 vears Total: 230 years
D. XXIII, 4 3 kin s from Tanis 7 rulers, 817-715 B.C. overla s

Petoubates: 40 (25) years Usermare-setepenamun Petubastis
ea. 792-767
Iu ut II ea. 754-720 or 715

ea. 720-715
Total: 89 44 ears
D.XXIV 2 rulers, 727-715 B.C.: 12 years (overlaps)

Sheosesre Tefnakht (ea. 727-718)
Bokhkhoris from Sa.ls: 6 (44) Wahkare Bokkhoris (718-712)
years
D. XXV-D. XXXI: Late Period (ea. 712-332 B.C.)
D. XXV, 3 kings from Ethiopia 6 rulers, Kushites/Nubians 745-655 B.C.

(overlaps)
Ma(?)-re Kashta (ea. 745-740)
Usermare Pive (740-713)
Sabakon: 8 02) vears Neferkare Shabako (713/12-698)
Sebikhos: 14 (12) years Diedkare Shebitko (698-690)
Tarkos: 18 (20) years Khunefertemre Taharko (690-664)
Bikare Tanwatamun (664-655)
Total: 40 (44) vears Total: 90 vears
17. Omitted by Eusebius; questionable name in Africanus.

Manetho Modem
D. XXVI, 9 kings from Sais 6 rulers from Sais, 664-525 B.C.

(overlaps) 18
Steohinates: 719 years
Nekheosos: 6 years
Nekhao: 8 years
Psammouthis/Psammetikhos: 54 Wahibre Psametik I (664-610)
(44 or 45) vears
Nekhao II: 6 years Uhemibre Nekhow (610--595)
Psammouthis/Psammetikhos II: 6 Neferibre Psametik II (595-589)
(17) years
Ouaohris: 19 (25) years Haibre Apries (589-570/68)
Amosis: 44 (42) years K.hnemibre Amosis (570--526)
Psammikherites: 6 months Ankhkaenre Psametik III (526-525)
Total: 150 years, 6 months (163 Total: 139 years
years)
D. XXVII, 8 k.in2s from Persia 8 Persian rulers, 525-404 B.C.

Kambyses: 6 (3) vears Kambyses (525-522)20
Ma2oi: 7 months Ma2oi~arch-Seot.522)
Dateios son of Hystaspes: 36 Dareios I (521-486)

years
Xerxes the Great (son of Darius): Xerxes I (485-465)
21 years
Artabanos: 7 months2 l Artabanos (ursurper/re2ent) (465-464)
Artaxerxes: 41 (40) years Atraxerxes (464-424)
Xerxes II: 2 months Xerxes II (424)
So2dianos: 7 months So2dianos (424)
Dareios son of Xerxes: 19 years Dareios II (423-405)
Total: 124 020) years, 4 months Total: 121 years
18. All dates from here on are absolute.

19. Eusebius begins with "Amcrres, an Ethiopian: 12 years" and omits Psammckherites, the
last in Africanus.
20. Begins with his fifth year as king of Persia.
21. Not in Eusebius.
Manetho-Tables 203
Manetho Modem
D. XXVIII 1 ruler: 5 (?) years

Amyrteos (-aios) from Sai"s: 6 Amyrtaios (404 [?]-399)
vears
D. XXIX, 4 kin2s from Mendes 5 rulers, 399-380 B.C.

Neoherites: 6 vears Bienre-merenter Neoherites I (399-393)
Akhoris: 13 years Muthes and Psammuthes (393)
Psammouthis: 1 years Akhoris (393-380)
Neoherites: 4 months Neoherites II (380)
Total: 20 (21) years, 4 months. Total: 20 years
D. XXX, 3 kings from 3 rulers, 380-342 B.C.
Khe erkare Nektanebis

Innaenre Teos 362-360
Sedenemibre Nektanebos 362-340
Total: 38 ears
D. XXXI, 3 kin s from Persia22 3 rulers, 342-332 B.C.: 11 ears

Okhos: 2 6 ears Artaxerxes III Okhos 342-338
Arses son of Okhos : 3 4 ears Arses 337-336
Counter-king: Senenre-setepenptah
Khabash 336-335
Dareios: 4 6 ears Dareios III 335-332
22. There is controversy as to whether Manetho actually included D. XXXI or a later editor
added it.
Table C. Jacoby's Numbering for Manetho's Testimony and

Fragments Compared with Our Corresponding Numbering
Jacoby23 Verbrugghe and

Wickersham
Tl Suda s.v. kyphi F22

T2 Suda s.v. Manethos Tl2, Pseudo-Manetho
Apotelesmatika Tl
T3 Plutarch de /side et Osiride 28 pp. 361F-362A T4
T4 P. Hibeh l.72.4ff. T2
T5 CIL VIII 1007 Tl
T6a Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae 1.107 = Eusebius F30
Praeparatio Evangelica 9.13.5 = Syncellus Ecloga
Chronographica 78
T6b Tertullian Apologeticum 19.4 T6
T6c Expositio Totius Mundi et Gentium 2 T9
T7a Josephus contra Apionem 1.73 =
Eusebius Praeparatio T3a
Evangelica 10.13.1-2 = Eusebius Chronicon p. 70, line 4
Karst
T7b Josephus contra Apionem 1.228 T3b
T7c Josephus contra Apionem 1.104 FlO
T8a Eusebius Chronicon p. 63, line 18 Karst T8a
T8b Eusebius Chronicon p. 125, line 11 Karst T8c
T8c Eusebius Chronicon (Jerome) year of Abraham 1671 = T8d
346/5 B.C. = Olympiad 108. 3
T8d Eusebius Chronicon p. 74, line 7 Karst T8b
T8e Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 486 F2c
T9 Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica 2 preamble 5 T7
TlO Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 95; 97 TlOc,
F2b
Tl la Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 72 Pseudo-Manetho
Book of Sothis Tl b
Tl lb Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 32 Pseudo-Manetho
Book of Sothis Tla
23. The most recent critical edition of the remains of Manetho's writings is that of Jacoby, in
his FGrHist, vol. III C l (1958), pp. 5-112. In Jacoby's continuous numbering of writers,
Manetho is FGrHist #609.
Manetho-Tables 205

Wickersham
Tile Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 29 TlOb

Tlld Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 27 TlOa
Tlle Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 95, 97 TlOc, F2b
T12a Pseudo-Manetho Apotelesmatika 1.1-15 Pseudo-Manetho
Apotelesmatika FI
Tl2b Pseudo-Manetho Apotelesmatika 2.1-11 Pseudo-Manetho
Apotelesmatika F2
Tl3 Codex Laurentianus 73.1 Tll
T14a Josephus contra Apionem 1. 73 T3a
Tl4b Aelian de Natura Animalium 10.16 T5
FI Josephus contra Apionem 1. 73 FI
F2 Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 99-144 F2a
F3a Eusebius Chronicon p. 63, line 15-p. 69, line 29 Karst F2a
F3b Eusebius Chronicon (Syncellus 102-45) F2a
F3c Eusebius Chronicon (Jerome) pp. 20-121 Helm F2a
F4 Excerpta Latina Barbari fol. 38a F5,F6
F5a Malalas Chronographia p. 21.4 Bonn F3a,F7a
F5b Malalas Chronographia p. 59.12 Bonn F4,F7b
F6 Ecloga Historiarum, in Cramer Anecdota Graeca vol. 2, F14
p. 189
F7 Scholiast on Plato Timaeus 21E F8
F8 Josephus contra Apionem 1.74-92 =Eusebius Chronicon F9
p. 70, line 3-p. 72, line 24 Karst =Eusebius Praeparatio
Evangelica 10.13
F9 Josephus contra Apionem 1.93-105 = Eusebius FlO
Chronicon p. 72, line 25-p. 74, line 6 Karst=
[Theophilus] ad Autolycum 3.20
FlOa Josephus contra Apionem 1.223-53 Fl2
FlOb Cosmas Topographia Christiana 12 F13
Fll Baden Papyri 4 FIS
F12 Moses of Chorene Historia Armeniae 2.12 F16
F13 Eustathius Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem 11.480 = F17
Etymologicon Magnum p. 560.20
F14 Porphyrius de Abstinentia 2.55 = Eusebius Praeparatio F18
Evangelica 4.16.4 =Theodoretus de Curandis
Graecorum Affectionibus 7 .42

Wickersham
F15 Lydus de Mensibus 4.87 F19

F16a Suda s. v. kyphi F22
F16b Plutarch de /side et Osiride 52 p. 372C F20
F16c Plutarch de /side et Osiride 80 pp. 383E-84C F21
F17 Diogenes Laertius Vitae Philosophorum 1.10 F23
F18 Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica 3.2.6 F24
F19 Plutarch de /side et Osiride 9 p. 354C F25
F20 Plutarch de /side et Osiride 49 p. 371(B)C F26
F21 Plutarch de /side et Osiride 62 p. 376(A)B F27
F22 Plutarch de /side et Osiride 13 p. 380(C)D F28
F23a Aelian de Natura Animalium 10.16 F29a
F23b Plutarch de /side et Osiride 8 p. 353F F29b
F24 Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae 1.107 F30
F25 Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 73-76 Pseudo-Manetho Book
of Sothis Fl, F2b
F26 lamblichus de Mysteriis Aegyptiorum 8.1 Pseudo-Manetho Book
of Sothis F4
F27 Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 32-34 Pseudo-Manetho Book
of Sothis F2a
F28 Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 170-396 Pseudo-Manetho
Book of Sothis F3
Manetho-Tables 207
Table D. Our Numbering Corresponding to Jacoby's and

Waddell's Numbering for Manetho's Testimony and Fragments
Verbrugghe/
Wickersham Jacoby Waddell 24
TI T5 (p. xiii)
T2 T4 (p. xix)
T3a T7a, TI4a Fr. 42
T3b T7b Fr. 54
T4 T3 Fr. 80
T5 T14b Fr. 81
T6 T6b
T7 T9 Fr. 76
T8a T8a Fr. I
T8b T8d
T8c T8b
T8d T8c (pp. I 82-83, n. I)
T9 T6c
TlOa Tlld
TlOb Tllc
TlOc TlO, Tl le App. III
TlI T13
Tl2 T2 (p. x)
FI F1 Fr. 42
F2a F2 Frs. 6, 8, I 1, 14, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 29,
31, 34, 38, 41(a), 43, 45, 47, 52, 55,
57(a), 58, 60, 62, 64, 66, 68, 70, 72(a),
73(a), 74(a), 75(a)
24. W. G. Waddell's Manetho is the only other English translation of Manetho. It was
originally published in the Loeb Classical Library in 1940, together with the Tetrabiblos
(Treatise in Four Books) of the astronomer Ptolemy. It has been reprinted a few times. In the
latest reprint (1980), Manetho is bound alone, without Ptolemy. Waddell presents Muller's text
of 1878 (Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum) together with a facing English translation.
Inasmuch as Muller's edition has been superseded by Jacoby's, we felt that there was scope for a
new English translation, one based on Jacoby. A dash (-) means that the text is not noticed in
Waddell.
Verbrugghe/
Wickersham Jacoby Waddell
F3a Frs. 1, 7(b), 10, 12(b), 16, 19(b), 21(b),

26(b), 28(b), 29(b), 32(b), 36, 41(c),
44(b), 45(b), 48(b), 53(b), 56(b), 57(c),
59(b), 61(b), 65(b), 67(b), 69(b), 71(b),
73(c), 74(c), 75(c)
F3b Frs. 7(a), 9, 12(a), 15, 19(a), 21(a), 24(a),
26(a), 28(a), 30(a), 32(a), 35, 39(a),
4l(b), 44(a), 46(a), 48(a), 53(a), 56(a),
57(b), 59(a), 61(a), 63(a), 65(a), 67(a),
69(a), 71(a), 72(b), 73(b), 74(b), 75(b)
F3c
F2b TlO, Tl le App. III
F2c T8e {pp. 184-85 n. 1)
F3a F5a Fr. 5
F3b {p.12 n) (p. 2 n. 1)
F4 F5b Fr. 5
F5 F4 Fr.4
F6 F4 Fr.4
F7a F5a Fr.5
F7b F5b Fr. 5
F8 F7 Fr.49
F9 F8 Fr.42
FlO T7c,F9a Frs. 50, 51
Fll F9b
F12 FlOa Fr. 54
F13 FlOb
F14 F6
F15 Fll (p. vii n. 1)
F16 F12
F17 F13 Fr. 88
F18 F14 Fr. 85
F19 F15 Fr. 84
F20 F16b
F21 F16c Fr. 87
F22 Tl, F16a (p. x)
F23 F17 Fr. 82
Manetho-Tables 209
Verbrugghel
Wickersham Jacoby Waddell
F24 F18 Fr. 83

F25 F19 Fr. 77
F26 F20 Fr. 78
F27 F21 Fr. 79
F28 F22 Fr. 86
F29a F23a Fr. 81
F29b F23b
F30 T6a, F24
Verbrugghe/Wickersham Jacoby Waddell
Pseudo-Manetho Apotelesmatika Tl T2 (p. x)

Pseudo-Manetho Apotelesmatika Fl T12a (p. xiv)
Pseudo-Manetho Apotelesmatika F2 Tl2b (p. xiv)
Pseudo-Manetho Book of Sothis Tla Tllb Fr. 3
Pseudo-Manetho Book of So this T 1b Tlla App. I
Pseudo-Manetho Book of Sothis Fl F25 Fr. 2; App. I
Pseudo-Manetho Book of Sothis F2a F27 Fr. 3
Pseudo-Manetho Book of Sothis F2b F25 Fr. 2, App. I
Pseudo-Manetho Book of Sothis F3 F28 App. IV
Pseudo-Manetho Book of Sothis F4 F26
Table E. Ancient and Medieval Authors Who Preserve or

Mention Manetho
African us
Chronographiae = Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 99-144 F2a
Aelian
de Natura Animalium I 0.16 T5, F29a
Codex Laurentianus 73.1 TI I
Cos mas
Topographia Christiana 12 Fl3
Diogenes Laertius
Vitae Philosophorum 1.10 F23
Ecloga Historiarum Fl4
Eusebius
Chronicon p. 63, line 15-p. 69, line 29 Karst F2a
Chronicon p. 63, lines 18-22 Karst T8a
Chronicon p. 70, line 3-p. 72, line 24 Karst F9
Chronicon p. 70, lines 4--8 Karst T3a
Chronicon p. 72, line 25-p. 74, line 6 Karst= Josephus contra FIO
Apionem 1.93-105
Chronicon p. 74, lines 7-17 Karst T8b
Chronicon p. 125, line 11 Karst T8c
Chronicon = Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 99-145 F2a
Chronicon (Jerome) year of Abraham 1671 T8d
Chronicon (Jerome) pp. 20-121 Helm F2a
Praeparatio Evangelica 2 preamble 5 T7
Praeparatio Evangelica 3.2.6 F24
Praeparatio Evangelica 4.16.4 = Porphyrius de Abstinentia F 18
2.55 = Theodoretus de Curandis Graecorum Affectionibus
7.42
Praeparatio Evangelica 9.13.5 = Josephus Antiquitates F30
Judaicae 1.107 = Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 78
Praeparatio Evangelica 10.13.1-2 =Josephus contra Apionem T3a,F9
l.73 = Eusebius Chronicon p. 70, lines 4-8 Karst
Eustathius
Commentarii ad Homeri lliadem 11.480 = Etymologicon F17
Magnum p. 560.20
Excerpta Latina Barbari fol. 38a F5,F6
Manetho-Tables 211

Iamblichus
de Mysteriis Aegyptiorum 8.1 Pseudo-Manetho
Book of Sothis F4
Inscriptions
Corpus lnscriptionum wtinarum VIII I 007 TI
Jerome
Eusebii Chronicon year of Abraham 16 71 T8d
Eusebii Chronicon pp. 20-121 Helm F2a
Josephus
Antiquitates Judaicae I. I 07 = Eusebius Praeparatio F30
Evangelica 9.13.5 = Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica 78
contra Apionem 1.73 = Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica T3a,Fl
l 0.13.1-2 = Eusebius Chronicon p. 70, lines 4-8 Karst
contra Apionem 1.74-92 = Eusebius Chronicon p. 70, line 3- F9
, p. 72, line 24 Karst = Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica
10.13
contra Apionem 1.93-105 = Eusebius Chronicon p. 72, line FlO
25-p. 74, line 24 Karst= Theophilus, ad Autolycum 3.20
contra Apionem 1.223-53 F 12
contra Apionem 1.228 T3b
contra Apionem 2.16 FI 1
Lydus
de Mensibus 4.86 F3b
de Mensibus 4.87 Fl 9
Mai alas
Chronographia p. 21 Bonn F3a,F7a
Chronographia p. 59 Bonn F4,F7b
Moses of Chorene
Historia Armeniae 2.12 F16
Papyri
Baden Papyri 4 FIS
Hibeh Papyri 1. 72.4ff. T2
Plutarch
de /side et Osiride 8 p. 353F F29b
de /side et Osiride 9 p. 354C F25
de /side et Osiride 49 p. 37l(B)C F26
de /side et Osiride 52 p. 372C F20
de !side et Osiride 62 p. 376(A)B F27
Plutarch (continued)
de !side et Osiride 73 p. 380(C)D F28
de !side et Osiride 80 p. 383E-84C F21
Porphyrius
de Abstinentia 2.55 = Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica 4.16.4 Fl 8
= Theodoretus de Curandis Graecorum Affectionibus 7.42
Scholiast on Plato Timaeus 21 E F8
Suda
s.v. kyphi F22
s.v. Manethos T 12, Pseudo-Manetho
Apotelesmatika TI
Syncellus
Ecloga Chronographica 27 TlOa
Ecloga Chronographica 29-30 TlOb
Ecloga Chronographica 32 Pseudo-Manetho Book
of So this T 1a
Ecloga Chronographica 32.13-34 Pseudo-Manetho
Book of Sothis F2
Ecloga Chronographica 72 Pseudo-Manetho
Book of So this T 1b
Ecloga Chronographica 73.14 Pseudo-Manetho
Book of Sothis Ft
Ecloga Chronographica 78 =Josephus Antiquitates Judaicae F30
1.107 = Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica 9.13.5
Ecloga Chronographica 95, 97 T!Oc, F2b
Ecloga Chronographica 99-145 F2a
Ecloga Chronographica 170, 179, 189, 193, 204, Pseudo-Manetho
232, 278, 286, 293, 302, 319, 332, 347, 360, Book of Sothis F3
396
Ecloga Chronographica 486 F2c
Tertullian
Apologeticum 19.4-6 T6
Theophilus
ad Autolycum 3.20 FIO
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Sherwin-White, Susan, and Amelie Kuhrt. From Samarkhand to Sardis. Berkeley,
1993.
Soden, Wolfram von. "Zweisprachigkeit in der geistigen Kultur Babyloniens."
Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phi/osophisch-Historische Klasse
235 (1960): 1-33.
Spek, R. J. van der. "The Babylonian City." In Hellenism and the East, ed. Amelie
Kuhrt and Susan Sherwin-White, 57-74. London, 1987.
Thompson, Dorothy J. Memphis under the Ptolemies. Princeton, 1989.
Veyne, Paul. Did the Greeks Believe in Their Myths? Trans. P. Wissing. Chicago,
1987.
Wachsmuth, Kurt. Einleitung in das Studium der alten Geschichte. Leipzig, 1895.
Waddell, W. G. Manetho. Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1940. Reprint, 1980.
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9th ed., vol. 22 (1887). Reprinted and enlarged, Philo Press, 1894, 1966.
Index
(lac. )a, 186 Adad-Nirari ill, 21, 52 n. 27, 75 n. 11

(lac. )ai, 188 Adramelos, 54 n. 32
(lac. )bau, 188 Adrammelech, 54 n. 32
(lac. )beh, 188 Aegean Sea, Map 1, 14-5
(lac. )djefa, 189 Aelian, 122, 170, 205-6, 210
(lac. )Djesersa, 189 Aeneid, 39 n. 10
(lac. )fu, 190 Aereia, 164
(lac.)netjeren, 188 Aeschylus, 108
(lac. )ph(lac. ), 165 Aesculapius, 127 n. 18
(lac. )pu, 186 Aetiu~28,65,8~ 89
2 Chronicles, book of the bible, 39 n. 9 Africanus, see Julius Africanus, Sextus
2 Kings, book of the bible, 52, 55-6, Agathias, 30, 62, 84-5, 89
60-1; 39 n. 9, 53 n. 30, 54 n. 32, 56 Agathodaimon, 174, 176, 186; 126 n. 16
n. 35 Aha, 111, 187
Ababassaros = Nabokolassaros = Nebu- Ahura-Mazda, 62 n. 52
chadnezzar= Naboukhodonosaros, 60 Aialu, 71
Abdera, 98, 116 n. 55, 119 n. 59, 167 n. Aigyptos, 108, 142, 159, 161, 180; 108
30, 168 nn. 42 and45
Abraham,53, 124, 156,204,210-1;53 Aka, 188
n. 28, 177 n. 11 Akenkheres, 159
Abydenos, 17, 29, 40, 48, 88; 17 n. 7, 48 Akesephthres, 178
nn. 14 and 16, 54 n. 32, 71 n. 2, 88 n. Akhenaten, 104, 105, 199; 104 n. 35
26 Akhenkheres (D. XVIII. 9 [E {arm}]),
Abydos lists, 104-106, 109, 185-199; 141, 180
111 n. 48, 197 n. 11 Akhenkherses (D. XVIII.9 [E{sync}]),
Abydos, Map 3, 95 n. 1 141
Achaemenes, Achaemenids, 100 n. 21 Akheperenre Thutmose II, 198
Achencheres (D. XVIII [E{jer} ]), 141 Akheperenre, 198
Acheres (D. XVIII {E{jer}]), 142 Akheperkare Thutmose I, 198
Achilles, 108, 127n. 18 Akheperkare, 198
Adah, 73 Akheperure Amenophis II, 199
217
218 Index
Akheperure, 199 Evil-Merodach = Euilmaradokhos =
Akherres (D. XVIII. 10 [A]), 141, (D. Illoaroudamos (Ilmarudochos), 80
XVIII.10 [E{ann} ], D. XVIII.12 Amelon, 48-9, 70-1
[E{sync}], D. XVIII.13 [A]), 142, Amemphis, 179
180, 199 Amempsinos, 48-9, 70
Akhes (D. III.7 [A]), 134, 190 Amendes, 180
Akhoris (D. XXIX.2 [A, E{ann, sync}], Amenemes, 178
D. XXIX [E{jer}]), ISO, 203 Amenephthes (D. XIX.3 [A]), 143
Akhthoes (D. IX.I [A, E{sync}]), 137, Amenephthis (D. XIX.3 [E{ann} ], 143
194; 117 n. S7 Amenmesses, 199
Akhthoy, 194 Amenmose, 199
akhu, "blessed spirits," 187 Amenophath (D. XVIII.16 [A]), 142
Akise = Mardukzaki(r)shumi, S4, 78 Amenophis (D. XVIII.8 [A], D. XVIII.7
Akkade, 21, 69, 73; S2 n. 2S [E{sync}]), 108, 141; 108n.44, 117
Akkadian language or literature, 2-4, n. S7
13, 20; 8 n. 6, 16 n. S, 21 n. 13 Amenophis III, 141 n. 11, (D. XVIII.14
Akkadians or Akkadian dynasty, 2, 34, [E{ann} ], D. XVIII.16 [E{sync} ]),
34 n. 28 142, (D. XIX.3 [E{jer}]), 143, 1S9,
Akousilaos of Argos (FGrHist #2), 64, 161-3, 180, 198-9
171; 64 n. S7, 171 n. 33 Amenophthis (D. XVIII.3 [A]), 140, (D.
Akshak, 73 XXI.4 [A, E{ann}]), 144, 179, 200
Alalgar, 70-1 Amenses, 179-80
Alaparos,48-9, 70-1 Amensis (D. XVIII.4 [A]), 114, 140, 198
Alexander II, 82 Ameres (D. XII.S [A]), 138, 196
Alexander III, 83 Ameres (D. XXVl.1 [E {ann} ]), 14 7
Alexander IV, 83 Amerres (D. XXVl [E{jer} ]), 147, 202
Alexander Polyhistor, 28-31, 40, 43, 46, n. 19
48-9, Sl-7, 61-2; 48 n. lS, SS n. 33, Amesesis, 178
S6 nn. 3S-6 and 38 Amesses, 1S9
Alexander the Great, 1, 3, S, 13-4, 31, Amillaros, 71
38,40,43,69,82,9S,97-8, 124, AmmegalAnna, 71
1S2, 16S, 184; 96 n. 4 AmmeluAnna, 71
Alexandria in Egypt, Map 1, Map 3, 7, Ammememnes (D. XIX.S [A]), 143
9,29,31,38,62,8S,89,91,97, 116, Ammenemes (D. XI/XII, D. XII.2, D.
122, 124, 182; 36 n. 4, 38 n. 8, 40 nn. XII.6[A]), 138, 19S-6, 196n. 10,(D.
12-3, S9 n. 41, 97 n. 7, 119 n. 60, XIX.4 [E]), 143, 180
120 n. 62, 163 n. 26 Ammenephpthis (D. XIX. 3 [E {sync}],
Alkandra, 108, 143, 180; 108 n. 43, 143 143
n. 13 Ammenon,48-9, 70-1
Aloros,47,49, 70-1 Ammenophis (D. XVIII.3 [E{sync,
Alulium, 70 jer}]), 140, (D. XVIII [E{jer}]), 141,
Amaes, 181 181
Amaltheia, 164, 164 n. 27 Ammenophthis (D. XXI.4 [E{sync,
Amasis (D. XXVI [E{jer}]), 148, 178 jer}]), 144
Amegalaros, 48-9, 70-1 Ammeris (D. XXVl. 1 [E {sync}]), 14 7
Amel-Marduk (Amelmarudokhos) = Ammon, 164, 168, 177, 186; 164n. 27
Index 219
Amnophis (D. XVIII. 7 [E {arm}]), 141 Aphrodite, 62, 154; 62 n. 51
Amon-Ra, 96 n. 5, 104 n. 35 Apion of Alexandria (FGrHist #616),
Amon (King of Judah), 55, 55 n. 34, 56 37-8,57-8,60, 116, 118, 121-3, 129,
n. 35 156, 158, 160, 163,204-5,210-1;28
Amon (god of Thebes), ll4; 96 n. 5 n. 25, 38 n. 8, 95 n. 3, 123 n. 9, 160
Amophis (D. XVIII.3 [E{arm} ]), 140 n. 25, 163 n. 26
Amorites, 2 Apis, 96, 133, 162, 169-170, 179; 96n.
Amos (D. XVIII.1 [A]), 140 6
Amoses (D. XVIII.1 [E{arm}]), 140 Apkallu, 71
Amosis(D. XVIII.l [E{sync,jer}]), IOI, Apollo, 99, 176, 186; 131 n. 6
112, 140, 198, (D. XXVI.8 [A], D. Apollodoros (us), 36, 44, 47-8; 36 n. 4,
XXVI.9 [E{arm, sync}]), 148, 165, 44 n. 3, 47 n. II
179, 182,202 Apollonios the Myndian, 67, 67 n. 64
Amoun, 168 Apollonios, 124, 124 n. 12
amu-Dar'ya River= Araxes River= Apollonius Molon of Rhodes (FGrHist
Oxus River, 61n.47 #728), 160, 163, 163 n. 26
Amyrtaeus ([E{jer} ]), 150 Apollonius the Egyptian, 39, 39 n. 11
Amyrtaios (D. XXVIII [E{sync}]), 150, Apophis (D. XVII.3 [E{sync}], D.
203 XVII.4 [E{arm}]), 140, 157
Amyrte (D. XXVIII [E {arm}]), 150 Apotelesmatika, see Pseudo-Manetho
Amyrteos (D. XXVIII [A]), 150, 203 Appian, 13
Amytis, 56, 57 n. 38, 59 n. 41 Arabia, Arabs, Arabians, Arab Conquest
Anaitis, 62-3; 62 n. 51, 63 n. 53 (Egypt), 20, 44, 52, 58, 74, 157, 184
Anastasios, 164 Arabic language, 5
Anaximander, 65, 65 n. 58 Arad-Ninlil, 54 n. 32
Anementos, 71 Aral Sea, 61 n. 47
Anenlilda, 71 Aramaic language, 3-6
ANET3, vii, 3 n. 1, 16 n. 5, 20 nn. 11-2, Ararat, Mt. (Baris), Map 1, 50 n. 20, 51
21 nn. 13 and 15, 23 n. 19, 46 n. 7, 53 n.21
n. 30, 74 n. 9, 76 nn. 12-3, 80 n. 19, Aratus, 28, 66
106 n. 39 Araxes River= Oxus River = amu-
Ankhkaenre Psametik ill, 202 Dar'ya River, 61 n. 47
Ankhkheprure Smenkhare, 199 Archaic period (Egypt), 183, 187
Ankhoreus, 178 Archles (D. XVII.3 [E[arm}], D. XVII.4
Annals defined, 18-9 [E{sync} ]), 140
Annedotos, 48, 71; 48 n. 14 Ardas-Mulissi, 54 n. 32
Anodaphos, 71 Ardates = Otiartes, 49
Antioch, Map 1, 29 Ardumuzan, 54, 55 n. 32
Antiochos (us) I Soter, 13-4, 22, 26, 38, Ares, 154, 176, 186
83 Argos, Argives, 108, 142, 160, 180; 108
Antipater, 35, 35 n. 2 nn. 42 and45
Anubes, Anubis, 155, 176, 186 Aristarkhos, l 77
Apakhnas, 157, 179 Arkeanos = Sargon II, 77
Aparanadios = Ashur-nadin-shumi, 79 Arkhaes (D. XVII.3), 156
Aphobis (D. XV.6 [A]), 139, 197 Arkhles (D. XV.5 [A]), 139, 197
Aphophis (D. XVIl.4), 156, 179 Armaios, l 08, 180
220 Index
Armais (D. XVIll.12 [E{arm} ], D. 54, 78; 55 nn. 32-3, 78 n. 17

XVIIl.14 [E {sync}], D XVIII Asseth, 179
[E{jer}]), 142 Assis, 157
Armenia. 31, 39, 50-1, 46 n. 10, 50 n. Assur-nirarir, 77
20 Assurbanipal, 76, 78-9, 81; 55 n. 35, 56
Armenian mountains, 37 n. 37, 78 n. 18, 80 n. 21
Armenian version or translation of Assyria, Assyrians or Assyrian Empire,
Eusebius, viii-ix, 29-31, 43, 46--8, 2-4,9, 18,21-3,28-9,31-4,39,52-
51, 54, 61, 118, 121, 123-4, 129-52, 4,59,63,69, 76--9,81,83, 156--9;41
156, 158, 204-5, 210-1; 53 n. 29, 54 n. 15, 52 n. 27, 56 n. 37, 57 n. 38, 75
n. 32, 99 n. 18, 129 n. 1, 130 n. 1, n. 11, 77 n. 16, 81n.22, 125 n. 13,
143 n. 13, 186 n. 2 146 n. 15
Armesis (D. XVIII.14 [A]), 108, 142; Assyrian dialect, 2
117 nn. 56--7 Astyages, 56, 57 n. 38
Armiyses, 178 Aten, 104 n. 35
Arogos = Arses, 82 Atenists, 185
Arses = Arogos, 83 Atet, 187
Arses, 124, (D. XXXl.2 [A, E{arm, Athena, 168-9; 95 n. 1
sync}]), 152, 203 Athenaeus,28,46,85,89
Arsinoe, Map 3, 138 Athenodorus, 35, 35 n. 2
Artabanos (D. XXVIl.4 [A]), 149, 164, Athenokles, 63, 63 n. 54
202, 202 n. 21 Athens, Athenians, Map 1, 14, 97, 115,
Artashes (D. XXVII. 5 [E {arm}]), 149 179; 97 n. 9, 115 n. 51, 127 n. 18
Artaxerxes I Longhand, 82-3, 100 n. 21, Athoris (D. XVIII.10 [E{sync} ], D.
(D. XXVII.5 [A, E{sync}]), 149, 165, XVIII [E{jer}]), 141, 180
202 Athothis (D. 1.2), 113, 117, 131, 181,
Artaxerxes Il Memnon, 82-3; 62 n. 50, 187
100 n. 21 Athyr, 121, 121 n. 3
Artaxerxes ill Ochus (Okhus), 62, 82-3, Atreus, 180
203; 62 n. 50 Augustus, 102, 175; 96 n. 4, 102 n. 28
Artemidoros, 67, 67 n. 64 Autolycus, 158, 205, 211-2
Artemis, 59 n. 41, 62 n. 51 Avaris, Map 3, 116, 157-8, 161-2
Asardinos = Esarhaddon = Asordanios, A vesta, 62 n. 51
79 Awan, 72
Asclepius, Asklepios, 127, 134, 174; Babylon, Map 1, Map 2, 2, 4, 13-7, 19,
127 n. 18, 174 n. 4 21-4,27,30,32-4,47,54,57-62, 70,
Aset (=Isis), 99 n. 17 74, 76-81, 83; 15 n. 4, 39 n. 9, 46 n.
Ashur, Map 2, 2, 57 n. 38 7, 55 nn. 33 and 35, 56 n. 37, 59 n.
Ashur-etil-ilami, 81 41, 61 n. 46, 77 n. 16, 81 n. 22
Ashur-nadin-shumi = Aparanadios, 78- Babylonia, Babylonians 2-4, 8-10, 13-
9; 55 n. 33, 78 n. 17 6, 21, 23, 25-7, 30-2, 36, 38, 40-l,
Ashur-uballit II, 81 43-4,46--7,50,52-5,57-8,61,63,
Asia Minor, 115 n. 51 69, 123, 125, 171; 18 n. 9, 26 n. 22,
Asia. Asians, 4, 36, 53, 60, 124, 138, 38 n. 8, 55 n. 35, 57 n. 38
156, 158, 170; 104 n. 34, 158 n. 23 Babylonian dialect, 2
Asordanios = Esarhaddon = Asardinos, Bad-tibira, 70
Index 221
Baden Papyrus, 118, 164, 205, 211; 164 117 n. 57
n.28 Biophis (D. Il.3 [E]), 133, 188
Bagdad, Map 2 Birthday o/Horus, 166
Baines, John, and MaJ.ek, Jaromir, 183 Black Sea, Map I, 97
n. I Bnon (D. XV.2 [A]), 139, 197, (D.
Baion, 179 XVII.2 [E{ann, sync}}), 140, 156,
Banetjeren, 111, 188 I57 n. 22
Bardija or Bardiya, 83, 100 n. 21 Bocchoris (D. XXIV [E{jer} }), 146
Baris, Mt. (Ararat), Map I, 51, 51 n. 22 Bochus, 155
Baufre (?), 190 Boeckh, Augustus, 116 n. 53
Ba\Uletjer, 188 Boethos (D. II. I [A]), 132, I 88; 117 n.
Ba\Uletjerwe, 188 57
Bazi Dynasty, 75 Bokchos(D. II.I [E{ann}]), 132, 188
Beaulieu, Paul-Alain, 61 n. 46 Bokhkhoris (D. XXIV [A, E{ann,
Bebi, 189 sync}]). 146-7, 181, 201; 117 n. 57
Bebon, 168-9 Bokhos (D. II.I [E{sync}]). 132, I88
Bebti, 189 Bokkhoris, I 60
Beckerath, Jurgen von, 104 n. 33, 113 n. Book o/Sothis, see Pseudo-Manetho
49, 114 n. 50, 186 n. 3 Borsippa, Map 2, 61
Bedjau, 188 Brinkman, J. A., 22 n. 17, 72 nn. 5--6,
Bel (see also Marduk), 13, I5, 36, 38, 74 nn. 9-10, 77 n. I6, 81 n. 22
45--6, 58, 62, 66; 46 n. 7, 66 n. 59 Brother of Samoges = Sardanapallos =
Bel-re-u§u, Berossos's native name, 13 Kineladanos =Kandlanu, 55, 78
Bel-shimanni, 83 brother of Senakheirimos, 54, 76
Beladas =Marduk-Baldan =Mer- Bubastis, Boubastos, Map 3, 132, 145,
odachbaladan II = Mardukaplaiddin = I55,200
Merdokempados, 78 Bubastite River, 157
Belibini (Bel-ibni) or Belibni or Be- Burstein, Stanley, v, 87-8; 52 n. 27, 55
libos, 78-9 n. 33, 87 n. 25
Belupahhir, 78 Buto, Map 3, 187
Beon, 157, I57 n. 22 B)'Z8I!tine Empire, 184
Berossos, vii-ix, 8-10, 95, 97, 123-5, CAH2, vii, 77 n. 16, 81 n. 22
171, 174; I02 n. 27, 123 n. 9, 125 n. CAH3, vii, 186 n. 3, 193 n. 7
I5, I26 n. 15, 171 n. 33, Chap. I Cairo fragments of Old Kingdom An-
passim, life 13-5, name, viii, 13, nals, 103, 185
sources, 15-25, transmission of his Calah =Kahlu, 2
History, 27-31, testimony concerning calendar (Egyptian), 156, 179; 121 n. 3,
his History, 35-41, fragments of his 174 n. 5, I75 n. 5, 182 n. 15
History ofBabylonia, 43--67 calendar (Mesopotamian). 46 n. 9
Bickemum. E. J., 46 n. 9 Cambyses (D. XXVII [E{jer}]) =Kam-
Bid.is, 131, I86 byses, 83, 149
Bienekhes (D. 1.8 [A]), 132, 188 Campania, 39, 39 n. 10
Bienre-merenter Nepherites I, 203 Cancer, sign of, 66
Bikare Tanwatam\Ul, 201 Canon ofBabylonian Kings, 23
Bikheris (D. IV.6 [A]), 135, 190 Capricorn, sign of, 66
Binothris (D. II.3 [A]), 111, 133, 188, Carthage, 96-7, 121 n. 1
222 Index
cartouche, 104, 110, 120; 95 n. 1, 104 n. 16-7, 16 n. 5, 46 n. 7
33, 197 n. 13 Creation, 125 n. 15
Caspian Sea, Map 1, 61 n. 4 7 Crete, Map 1
Celsus, 127 n. 17 Cumae, 39 n. 10
Censorinus,28,63,86,89 Cuneiform, 2-6, 16, 25; 8 n. 6, 52 n. 27,
Cerberus, 122 55 n. 35, 59 n. 41, 66 n. 60
Chalcolithic period (Egypt), 183 Cyprus, Map 1, 159; 115 n. 51
Chaldean(s), 3, 23, 32-3, 35-41, 43, Cyrus the Great= Kyros, 22, 24, 57, 59-
45-9,51-62,67, 74, 124-5, 156;35 62, 83, 100; 39 n. 9, 57 n. 38, 61 n.
n. 1, 48 n. 13, 58 n. 40 47, 100 n. 21
Champollion, 119-20; 104 n. 33 Cyrus the Younger, 100
Chencheres (D. XVIlI [E{jer} ]), 141 Daas Plain, 61
Cheops, 190 Daisies, 49, 49 n. 18
Cherres (D. XVIll {E{jer}]), 142 Damascus, Map 1, 51, 62; 51 n. 21, 64
Chiron, 127, 127 n. 18 n. 57
Choiach, 121, 121 n. 3 Danaids, 180
Chronicle 1, 22-3, 77, 79; 54 n. 32 Danaos, 108, 142, 159-61, 164, 180;
Chronicle o/Nabonidus, 24, 57 n. 38, 108 nn. 42 and 45
61n.46 Danaus, 142
Chronicles defined, 18-9 Daonos, 48-9, 70-1
Chronicon by Bishop Eusebius of Cae- Daos, 71
sarea, viii-ix, 29-30, 43, 46, 51, 54, Dareios, 60-2, 82; 62 n. 50, (D.
61,84-5, 89-91, 118, 121, 123-4, XXVII.2 [A], D. XVII.3 [E{arm,
129, 130-52, 156, 158,204-5,210-1; sync}]), 149, (D. XXVII.8), 150, (D.
71 n. 2, 129 n. 1 XXXI.3), 152, 164-5, 182, 202-3
chronographers, 102, 119, 125 n. 15, Darius I= Dareios I, 22, 60-2, 83, 149,
126 n. 15, 175 n. 7, see also Julius 164, 202; 39 n. 9, 100 n. 21, see also
Africanus, Eusebius, Jerome, Pano- Dareios
doros, Syncellus Darius II Nothos = Dareios II, 60, 62,
Chronographiae by Sextus Julius Afri- 82-3, 100, 150, 165, 182, 202; 62 n.
canus, 29 50, 100 n. 21, see also Dareios
Cicero, 35 n. 1, 40 n. 13 Darius ill Codomannus =Dareios ill,
Claudius Ptolemy, 23, 67, 67 n. 63, 207 82-3, 123-4, 203, see also Dareios
n.24 Deiokles, 57
Cleomedes, 28, 65, 86, 89 Demeter, 97, 99, 168; 122 n. 7
Cleopatra VII, 6, 127; 96 n. 4, 127 n. 18 Demetrius of Phaleron (FGrHist #643),
Codex Laurentianus, 127, 205, 210; 127 38, 123; 38 n. 8, 123 n. 9
n. 17 Demo, 37
Coele Syria, 58 n. 40 Demotic script, 6-7, 7 n. 5
Constantinople, 4 Den, 188
Coptic, 7 Derketo, 22
Corpru Inscriptionum latinarum, 121, Dijk, Jan van, 71 n. 3
204, 211 Diocletian, 30
Cos= Kos, 35 Diodorus Siculus, 22, 31, 56 n. 37, 59 n.
Cosmas, 163,205,210 42, 119n. 59, 126n. 15
Creation Epic or Myth or Enuma Elish, Diogenes Laertius, 167, 206, 210
Index 223
Dionysos, 122, 164, 164 n. 27 Egypt, Egyptians, 94-203
Diospolis Magna, see Thebes Eilethyia, Eilethyiopolis, 169
Diospolis Parva, Map 3, 127 n. 19 El-Amarna, 21
Diospolis, 127, 137-40, 143-4, 155, el-Lisht, 196 n. 10
173, 195, 197-200; 126 n. 16, 127 nn. Elamite Dynasty, 75
16 and 19 Elephantine, Map 3, 98, 135, 191; 100
Diyala, 20 n. 19, 103 n. 30
Djadjar, 189 Eleusis, 97, 97 n. 9, 122 n. 7
Djed, 191 En-men-dur-Anna, 19, 70
Djedefptah, 191 En-men-gal-Anna, 70
Djedkare Asosi, 191 En-men-lu-Anna, 70
Djedkare Shebitko, 20 I En-nebu, 113
Djedkare Shema, 193 En-sipa-zi-Anna, 70
Djedkare, 191 Eneuboulos, 71
Djehuti (= Thoth), 186; 99 n. 17 Eneugamos, 71
Djer, 113, 187 Enki,49n. 17
Djerser(it?), 189 Enme Ushumgal Anna, 71
Djeser, 189 Enmebulugga, 71
Djeserkare Amenophis, 198 Enmeduga, 71
Djeserkare, 198 Enmeduranki, 71
Djeserkheperure Setepenre, 199 Enmegalamma, 71
Djeserkheprure Horemhab, 199 Enuma Blish or Creation Epic, 16-7; 16
Djesersa, 189 n. 3, 46 n. 7
Djeserteti, 189 Epaphos, 108 n. 42
Djeserti, 189 Epeiph, 121 n. 3
Djoser Teti, 189 Ephesus, 123
Djoser, 189 Ephoros ofKyme (FGrHist #70), 64,
Donbaz, Veysel, 21 n. 16 171; 64 n. 57, 171 n. 33
Dorion, 121 Epic Cycle, I 08
Drews, Robert, 14 n. 3, 32 nn. 26 and 27 Epic of Gilgamesh or Sha nagba imuru,
Dumu-zi, 70-71 18,20
dynasteia, dynasty, "dynasties," 98, 100, Epidauros, 127 n. 18, 174 n. 4
102, 120, 125, 127, 152, 175; 127 n. Epigenes, 63, 66; 63 n. 56, 66 n. 61
16, 175 n. 6, 182 n. 14 epitome ofManetho's History of Egypt,
E Dynasty, 75 105, 116-9; 99 n. 18, 129 n. I, 158 n.
Early Dynastic I, 72 23, 164 n. 28, 177 n. 11
Early Dynastic II, 73 Eridu, 70
Early Dynastic III, 73 Erymanthe, 37, 41
Early Dynastic Period, 34 Esagila =Great Temple at Babylon, 13
Ecloga Chronographica by Syncellus, Esarhaddon = Asordanios = Asardinos,
ix,29,40-1,43,46,48-9,53,57, 78-9; 55 nn. 32-3, 78 n. 17
84--6, 90-1, 101-2, 118-9, 125--6, Esau, 52
129-53, 174-82, 204--6, 210-2; 71 n. Escolapius (sic), 127, 127 n. 18
2, 77 n. 15, 80 n. 20, 102 n. 27 Ethiopia, Ethiopians, Ethiopian rulers of
Ecloga Historiarum, 164, 205, 210 Egypt, 100-1, 108, 124, 146, 152,
Edessa, 5 162-3, 179, 181, 184, 201; 100 n. 19,
224 Index
Ethiopia, Ethiopians, Ethiopian rulers of 182; 40 n. 13, 44 n. 3, 51 n. 21, 54 n.
Egypt (continued), 127 n. 16, 141 n. 32, 56 nn. 37-8, 71 n. 2, 84 n. 23, 87
11, 202 n. 19 n. 24, 88 n. 26, 98 n. 11, 116 n, 54,
Eudoxos ofKnidos, 170, 170 n. 31 119 nn. 59--60, 126 n. 16, 167 n. 30,
Euedokos, 71 176 n. 8, 204 n. 23
Euedorankhos, 19,48-9, 70-1 F1fG, viii, 207 n. 24
Euedoreskhos, 71 First Dynasty of Babylon, date of, 34, 74
Euekhoios, 51, 72 First Dynasty oflsin, 74
Euilmaradokhos =Evil-Merodach = First Dynasty of the Sealand, 74
Arnel-Marduk (Arnelmarudokhos) = First Kingdom of Kish, 20, 72
Illoaroudamos (Ilmarudochos), 23, 60, First Kingdom of Ur, 73
80 Five planets, 35, 46, 65; 35 n. 1, 46 n. 8
Euphrates river, Map l, Map 2, 2-4, 44, Flavius Clemens, Titus, 29, 38, 62, 85,
58 n. 40 89-91; 62 n. 50
Euripides, 164 n. 27 Florence, 127 n. 17
Europe,2, 138, 156 Followers of Horns, 187
Eurystheus, 180 Foster, Benjamin R., 16 n. 5, 21 nn. 13
Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, viii-ix, and 14
29-31,33, 38,43,46,51, 54, 59,61, Fraser, Peter M., 120 n. 61
84-6,89-91, 100, 102, 105, 117-9, Ga(lac. )ur of Kish, 72
121, 123-4, 129-52, 156-8, 167, Galen, 166 n. 29
204--6, 210-2; 44 n. 3, 48 n. 15, 50 n. Gardiner, Alan H., 99 n. 18, 105 n. 36,
20, 55 n. 35, 71 n. 2, 99 n. 18, 102 n. 110 n. 47, 193 n. 7
27, 117 n. 56, 124 n. 10, 129 n. I, Geb, 186
130 n. I, 141 n. 12, 143 n. 13, 186 n. Genesis =Procreatio, l 5
2, 187n.4, 197n.12, 198n.15,200 Genesis, Book of Bible, 40, 51; 37 nn.
~- 16, 201 n. 17, 202 n. 19, 202 n. 21 5--6, 40 n. 14, 41 n. 15, 45 n. 5, 50 n.
Eustathius, 165,205,210 20, 51 n. 23, 64 n. 57, 125 n. 13
Euthe(lac.), 121 n. 2 Germanicus, 8
Evil-Merodach =Euilmaradokhos = Gilgamesh, 20
Arnel-Marduk (Arnelmarudokhos)= Glassner, Jean-Jacques, 34 n. 28
Illoaroudamos (Ilmarudochos) 24, 81 God, 130, 157
Excerpta Latina Barbari, 154-5, 205, Grayson, A K., 3 n. I, 18 nn. 8-9, 22 n.
210; 186 n. 2 18, 24 n. 21, 54 n. 32, 57 n. 38, 61 n.
Exegetai, see Timotheus 46, 77 n. 14
Exile of the Jews, 33, 38-9, 55, 59; 39 Great Flood (the flood), 18-21, 32-3,
n. 9, 62 n. 48 37,40,43,47-53,60,66, 72, 125;40
Exodus, 116, 158--63 n. 14, 49 n. 19, 51 n. 23, 52 n. 24, 53
Expo&itio Totius Mundi et Gentium, 39, n. 28, 72 n. 4, 73 n. 6, 125 n. 15, 126
84,90, 124,204,211 n. 15
Ezra. book of the bible, 60; 39 n. 9 Great Temple at Babylon or Esagila, 13-
Faiyum, 196 n. 10 4, 17,26-7
FGrHist #610 F2, 126 n. 16 Greater Zab River, Map 2, 2
FGrHist vii-ix, 9, 21-2, 25, 27-9, 36, Greek language and script in Egypt, 1,
38-40,43,46-9,51-5,57, 59,61-4, 7-8
123, 160, 163, 167, 168, 171, 179, Greek language and script in Mes-
Index 225
opotamia, 1, 3-6 Her, 186
Greeks in Egypt, 95-6, 119, 182, 184; Hera, 63, 165, 168; 108 n. 42
117 n. 56, 141 n. 11, 170 n. 31 Herakleopolis, Map 3, 137, 194
Greeks in Mesopotamia, 3-4 Herakles =Sandes, 59, 62, 108, 164,
Gruen, Erich S., 115 n. 51 176, 186; 63 n. 53, 108 nn. 42 and 45,
Gutian or Gutians, 34, 74; 34 n. 28, 52 121 n. 2, 145 n. 14
nn. 25 and 27, 74 n. 7 Hermaios, 161
Hades, 122 n. 6 Hermes Trismegistus, 127, 175, 182;
Ha.ibre Apries, 202 127 n. 18, 174 n. 3
Halicamassus, 97 n. 10 Hermes, 99, 153-4, 174-5, 182; 127 n.
Hallo, William, 72 n. 5 18, 173 n. 2, 174 n. 3
Ham, 156 Hermoupolis, 155, 173 n. 2
Hamazi, 73 Herodotus, 21, 25, 53, 97, 100-1, 107,
Hanunurabi,21,34 119, 129, 131, 134-5, 165;56nn. 37-
Hanging Gardens of Babylon, 22, 59, 59 38, 61 n. 47 and 49, 97 n. 10, 98 n.
n.41 11, 101 n. 23-6, 107 n. 41
Hardjedef, 191 n. 5 Herophile, 39 n. 10
Harmais, 159, 199 Heru (= Horus), 99 n. 17
Hatshepsut, 105, 114, 198, see also Hesepti (?), 188
Amensis Hesiod,64, 171;64n. 57, 171n.33
Hebrew or Holy Scripture, 31, 40-1, 52, Hestia, 168
55, 61, 119, 125, 164; 37 n. 5, 102 n. Hestiaios (FGrHist #786), ix, 63, 171;
29, 125 n. 15, 126 n. 15, 176 n. 7, 64 n. 57, 171 n. 33
177 n. 11 Hesychius of Alexandria, 31, 63, 86, 90
Hekataios of Abdera or Teas (FGrHist Hetepskhemy Hetep, 188
#264), 167-8; 98 n. 11, 116 n. 55, Hezekiah, 52, 55, 56 n. 35
119 n. 59, 167 n. 30 Hibeh Papyrus, 96, 121, 204, 211
Hekataios ofMiletos (FGrHist #1), 64, Hierakonpolis, 187
17.1; 64 n. 57, 171 n. 33 Hieratic, 6-7, 9; 8 n. 6
Heick, H. W., 106 n. 38, 114 n. 50, 118 Hieroglyphic, 6-9; 8 n. 6
n. 58, 198 n. 15 Hieronymus (os) the Egyptian (FGrHist
Heick, H. W., and Eberhard Otto, 99 n. #787 and #794 F5), 38, 51, 64, 123,
18 171; 38 n. 8, 51 n. 21, 64 n. 57, 123
Helen, 180 n. 9, 171 n. 33
Heliopolis, Map 3, 96, 133, 155, 161, Hippocrates of Kos, 127, 127 n. 18
163, 165, 175, 187 Hit, Map 2, 2
Helios, 130, 153-4, 166, 176, 186; 126 Hittites, 2, 34
n. 16, 130 n. 3 Hoesen, H. B. van, 35 n. 1
Hellanikos ofLesbos (FGrHist #4), 25, Homer, 108, 143, 165, 180, 205, 210;
64, 171; 56, n. 37, 64 n. 57, 171 n. 33 100 n. 22, 108 n. 43, 117 n. 56
Hellenistic kingdoms and rulers, 95, Haros (us), 99, 101, 109-14, 166, 169,
115, see also Ptolemy, Seleukos, An- 176, 186-7; 99 n. 16, 99 n. 17, 109 n.
tiochus 46
Hephaistos, 99, 130, 153-4, 167-8, Horosco:es, casting of, 35, 35 n. 1, 37 n.
175-6, 186; 126 n. 16, 130 n. 2, 154 7
n. 18, 175 n. 7 Hudjefa, 189
226 Index
Huni, 190 Jerome's version ofEusebius, 100, 118,
Hyksos,6, 104, 157-8, 183, 185, 194, 124, 129-52, 204-5, 210-1; 129 n. 1,
197; 99 n. 18, 104 n. 34, 158 n. 23, 130 n. 1
197 n. 12, see also Shepherds Jerome, St., 29
Hyperboreans, 98 n. 11 Jerusalem, Map 1, 5, 33, 55, 57, 60,
Hypermestra, 108 n. 42 158--61, 164; 55 n. 35, 117 n. 56
Hystaspes, 149, 164 Jews,5,29,33,38,51,55,59--60,62,
Iamblichus, 182, 206, 211 107, 115-9, 123, 158--64, 171; 38 n.
Iannas, 157 8, 39 n. 9, 96 n. 3, 98 n. 11, 102 n.
Thi, 192 29, 115 n. 52, 116 n. 55
Ifestus (sic), 154 n. 18 Jordan (modern state), 3, 5, 58 n. 40
Illoaroudamos (Ilmarudochos) =Evil- Joseph, 130, 158
Merodach = Euilmaradokhos = Amel- Josephus, ix, 5, 15,28, 30-1, 33, 37-8,
Marduk (Amelmarudokhos), 61, 80 51,53,57,60,63,84--6,89-90,96,
Iloulaios = Ululaia = Shalmanes( s)er V, 98, 103, 106-7, 116-9, 121-4, 129,
77 156--63, 171, 204--6, 210-2; 37 n. 6,
Indus River, 179 38 n. 8, 50 n. 20, 51 nn. 22-3, 53 n.
Indus river, 4, 13 28, 59 n. 43, 63 n. 57, 96 n. 3, 99 n.
Intermediate Periods (Egypt), 99, 104, 18, 124 n. 10, 157 n. 22, 158 n. 23,
183, 185, 193-4, 200-1; 104 n. 34 160 n. 25, 163 n. 26, 178 n. 12, 179
Inyotefl-III, 195 n. 13, 197 n. 12, 198 n. 15
lo, 108 n. 42 Josiah, 55, 56 n. 35
Ioakhaz (= Jehoahaz), 117 n. 56 Juba of Mauretania (FGrHist #275), 28-
Irmaenre Teas, 203 30, 38-9, 123; 38 nn. 8-9
Ishtarshumersch, 78 Judah or Judea, ix, 55, 123, 158, 160; 39
Isin, 34, 74-5 n. 9, 53 n. 30, 56 n. 35, 96 n. 3
Isis, 97, 99, 122, 131, 166-70, 176, 186, Julius Africanus, Sextus, 29-30, 102,
204, 206, 211-2; 99 nn. 16-7, 170 n. 105, 117-9, 130-52, 210; 102 n. 27,
31 117n. 56, 129n. l, 146n.16, 186n.
Islam, 5 2, 187 n. 4, 197 n. 12, 198 nn. 14-15,
Israel, 130, 163 200 n. 16, 201 n. 17, 202 n. 19
Israel (modern state), 3, 5, 58 n. 40 Jupiter, 67; 35 n. 1
Ita, 188 Kaiekhos (D. II.2 [A]), 133, 188; 117 n.
Italy, 153, 182; 56 n. 36 57
Itet, 187 Kaikhoos, see Kaiekhos
Iti, Itti, 113, 187 Kakare Thi, 194
Ittowe, 195--6, 196 n. 10 Kakau, 188, 191
Iuput II, 201 Kakaure, 194
Jacobsen, Thorkild, 19 n. 10, 70 n. 1, 72 Kahlu, Map2
n.4 Kalbu, 78
Jacoby, Felix, v-ix, 9, 84-8, 204-9; 44 Kalhu = Calah, 2
n. 3, 204 n. 23, 207 n. 24 Kambyses (father of Cyrus), 61
Jehoahaz, 56 n. 35, 117 n. 56 Kambyses (son of Cyrus) = Cambysses,
Jehoiachin, 56 n. 35 61, 82, 100-1, (D. XXVII.l [A,
Jehoiakim, 55, 55 n. 35 E{arm, sync}]), 149, 164, 179, 182,
Jeremiah, or Book of, 59--60; 39 n. 9 202; 100 n. 21, 202 n. 20
Index 227
Kandalanu (Kandalan) = Sardanapallos Kheops, 134-5, 190

= brother of Samoges =Kineladanos, Kheperkare Nektanebis, 203
78-9, 81; 55 n. 35 Kheperkare Sesostris I, 196
Kannania, 61, 61 n. 45 Kheperkare, 196
Kamak list, 104, 109, 185 Kheperkheprure Ay, 199
Kamak, 104 n. 32 Khephren, 190
Karst, viii, ix, 43, 46, 51, 54, 61, 84-5, Kheres (D. V.5 (A]), 136, 191
89-91; 71 n. 2 Kherres (D. XVIII.11 [E{ann} ], D.
Kassite Dynasty, 69, 74 XVIII.13 [E {sync}]), 142
Kassites, 2, 17, 21, 34 Khesmenis, 121, 121 n. 4
Kechoos (D. 11.2 [E{ann}]), 133 Khinzetros, 77
Kenkenes (D. I.3), 131, 181, 187 Khnernibre Arnosis, 202
Kennan, 61n.45 Khomasbelos, 52, 72
Kerpheres (D. ill.9 (A]), 134, 190 Khoos (D. 11.2 [E{sync}]), 133, 188
Kertos, 179, 180; 178 n. 12 Khufu, 190, 191 n. 5
Khaba, 189 Khufuf, 190
Khabash, 203 Khunefertemre Taharko, 201
Khafre, 190, 191 n. 5 =
Kineladanos Kandalanu (Kandalan) =
K.hairemon of Alexandria (FGrHist Sardanapallos = brother of Samoges,
#618), 9, 163; 40 n. 13, 119 n. 60, 79-80
163 n. 26 King-List A, 22-3, 74-6, 78; 52 n. 27
Khaires (D. 11.6 [A]), 133, 188 King-lists of Mesopotamia defined, 18-
Khakare Sesostris ill, 196 9
Khakare, 196 Kings of Kish, 73
Khakaure, 196 Kings of Uruk, 72-4
Khakheperre Sesostris II, 196 Kish, Map 2, 20, 72-3
Khakheperre, 196 Knidos, 170 n. 31
Kham, 153 Ko Hill, 132 n. 7
Khamois, 178 Kokhome, 117, 132, 132 n. 7
Khamudy, 197, 197 n. 13 Komoroczy, G., 13 n. 1
Khaneferre, 191 Konkharis, 178, 181; 177 n. 11
Khasekhem, 189 Korduaian Mountains, 50-1, 50 n. 20
Khasekhemwy, 189 Kos, Map 1, 13, 127 n. 18
Khaseti (?), 188 Kos, 13
Khauftlac. ), 190 Kourodes, 177
Khaufre, 190 Kritodemos, 66
Khayu, 186 Kronos, 130, 154, 168, 176, 186; 126 n.
Khebeh, 188 16, 130 n. 4
Khebres (D. XVIII.12 [A]), 142, 199 Krotopos, 180
Khebron (D. XVIII.2 [E]), 113-4, 140, Ktesias, 21-2, 27, 31, 46, 56 n. 37, 57 n.
159, 179, 198 38, 59 n. 42
Khebros (D. XVIII.2 (A]), 140 Ktesiphon, 32
Khebwe, 188 Kuhrt, Arnelie, 4 n. 2, 13 n. 2, 15 n. 4,
Kheneres (D. 11.9 [A]), 133, 189 26 n. 22
Khenkheres (D. XVIII.11 [E{sync}]), Kushites, 201
141, 180 Kyaxares, 57 n. 38
228 Index
J:yphi,97, 101, 166-7,204,206,212; 164,202
127 n. 18, 166 n. 29 Makare Hatshepsut, 198
Kyros =Cyrus, 82 Makerure Ammenemes IV, 196
Labashi-Marduk or Laborosoardokhos, Makherure, 196
24,60,80--1 Makhrure, 196
Labyrinth in Arsinoe, 138 Malalas, 153~. 205, 211; 186 n. 2
Lagos, 96 n. 4 Malek, Jaromir, 98 n. 13, 105 n. 37
Lamares (D. XII.4 [A, E{sync} ]), 138, Manasses or Manasseh, 55, 56 n. 35
196; 101 n. 25, 117 n. 57 Manetho, vii-ix, 8-10, 33, 38-9, 41, 63,
lamb, prophecy of, 146, 181; 146 n. 15, eh. 5 passim, name, viii, 95~, 121,
146 n. 16 173, life, 95-7, 121-2, writings, 97-
Lambert, W. G., 66 nn. 59~0 120 passim, 123-171, Against Her-
Lampares (D. XIl.4 [E{arm} ]), 138 odotus, 97, 100--1, 165, Apoteles-
Larak, 70 matika, Book ofSothis, see Pseudo-
Larankhos, Map 2, 48, 70 Manetho, Digest ofPhysics, 97, 101,
Larsa, 34 167, 182 n. 15, History ofEgypt, 97-
Late Period (Egypt), 100, 184, 201-3 120, 123-7, 129~5, On Antiquity
Laurentian Library, 127 n. 17 and Religion, 97, 101, 165, On Festi-
Lebanon, 3, 5, 58 n. 40 vals, 97, 101, 166, Physiologica (On
Lesser Zab River, Map 2, 2 Nature), 101, 127, On the Prepara-
Libya, Libyans, 134, 164 n. 27 tion of J:yphi, 97, 101, 166-7; 127 n.
Libyans, 6 18, Sacred Book, 97, 101, 123, 165,
Lichtheim, Miriam, 7 n. 5 miscellaneous writings, 101, 167-71,
Lieu, Samuel N. C., 5 n. 3 testimony concerning, 121-7
London fragment of Old Kingdom An- Mani,5
nals, 103, 185 Manicaeism, 5
Loos, 46, 46 n. 9 Mardokempados = Marduk-Baldan =
Lower Egypt, Map 3, 103, 109-10, 157, Mardukaplaiddin = Merodachbaladen
186-7; 103 n. 30 II = Beladas, 77
Lower Egypt-defined, 7 Marduk =Bel, 13, 15-7, 26-7, 44 n. 4,
Luckenbill, Daniel, 54 n. 31, 57 n. 38 46 n. 7, 49 n. 17, 66 n. 59
Luxor, 141 n. 11 Marduk-Baldan = Beladas = Merodach-
Lydus, 154, 166, 206, 211; 154 n. 17, baladan II= Mardukaplaiddin = Mar-
186 n. 2 dokempados, 77, 79
Lynkeus, 108 n. 42 Marduk-z.aki(r)-shumi =Akise, 79
Lysimakhos of Alexandria (FGrHist Mardukaplaiddin = Beladas = Marduk-
#621), 116, 160, 163; 116 n. 54, 163 Baldan = Merodachbaladan II= Mar-
n.26 dokempados, 76, 78
Ma'at. 186 McCullough, W. Stewart, 5 n. 4
Ma(?)-re Kashta, 201 Mecheir, 121 n. 3
Macedonians, Macedonian rulers in Medes, 159
Egypt. 95~, 100, 110, 119, 124, Medes, 20, 52, 56, 62-3, 73-4; 52 nn.
152-3, 184 25 and 27, 56 n. 37, 57 n. 38, 62 n.
Maeri, 73 49, 74 n. 7
Magoi, 62, 62 nn. 49 and 52, 100 n. 21, Media or Median Empire, 9, 31-2, 59;
(D. XXVII.2 [E{arm, sync}]), 149, 56 n. 38
Index 229
Mediterranean Sea, Maps 1and3, 4-5, Merenre Antyemsaf I and II, 192
7, 13-4, 32, 58 n. 40 Merenre Usefemsaf (?), 192
Megasthenes, 59, 59 n. 43 Merenre, 192
Megelanos, 71 Meriamoun, 114
Mekha, 186 Merire, 192
Memnon, 108, 141, 179; 108 nn. 44-5, Memeptah, 199
141 n. 11 Merodachbaladan II =Beladas =Mar-
Memphis, Map 3, 96, 98, 117, 131, duk-Baldan = Mardukaplaiddin =
133-4, 136-7, 139, 155-7, 162, 187, Mardokempados, 77
189-90, 192-4; 96 n. 6, 98 n. 13, 126 Meryre Phio(p)s, 192
n. 16, 127 n. 16 Mesesimordakos = Mushezib-Marduk =
Memphres (D. XVIll.4 [E{arm} ], D. Ushezib-Marduk, 79
XVIll.3 [E{jer} ]), 140 Mesokhris (D. ill.4 [A]), 134, 189
Memphses (D. I.7 [E{ann}]), 132 Mesopotamia, 1-10, 15-6, 19-20,22-5,
Menander of Ephesus (FGrHist #783), 27, 30--3, 69, 182; 35 n. 1, 52 n. 25,
38, 123; 38 n. 8, 123 n. 9 125 n. 15
Mendels, D., 33 n. 27 Mesore, 121 n. 3
Mendes, Map 3, 102, 123, 133, 150, Mestraia, 177 n. 11
203; 119 n. 60 Mestraim, 102, 130, 153; 102 n. 29, 177
Mendesian goat, 133 n. 11
Menelaos, 180 Methousouphis (D. Vl.3 [A]), 136, 192
Menes, Men, Meni, Meniti, (D. I. I), Miamoun, 114
101-2, 111, 117, 131, 177, 182, 185, Miamous, 178
187, 192-3; 101 n. 23, 177 n. 11 Middle Kingdom (Egypt), 99, 183, 194-
Menkahor, 191 8
Menkare, 193 Miebidos (D. I.6 [A]), 114, 132, 185,
Mepkauhor, 112, 191 188
Menkaure, 109, 190 Miletos, 97 n. 8
Menkheperre Thutmose ill, 198 Min, 101, 101 n. 23, see also Menes
Menkheperre, 198 Mineus, 155
Menkheperure, 199 Miphres (D. XVIll.4 [E{sync} ]), 140
Menkheprure Thutmose IV, 199 Misaphris (D. XVIll.5 [A]), 141
Menkheres (D. IV.4 [A]), 109, 135, 190, Mispharmouthosis (D. XVIll [E{jer}]),
(D. V.7 [A]), 112, 136, 191 141
Menmare Sethos I, 199 Misphragmouthosis (D. XVIll.6 [A], D.
Menmare, 199 xvm.5 [E{sync}]), 141, 158, 179,
Menofis (D. XVIll [E{jer}]), 142 198
Menpehtire Ramesses I, 199 Misphres, 179
Menpehtire, 199 Mittani,2
Menthesouphis (D. VI.5 [A]), 136, 192 Mizraim, 102 n. 29
Menthotpe, 195 Mnaseas, 51, 51 n. 21
Mentuhotpe I-IV, 195 Mnevis, 133
Mephramouthosis, 159 Moiris (D. XII.4), 101, 101 n. 25
Mephres, 159, 198 Moiris (lake), 101 n. 25
Merbiape(n), 114, 188 Mokhos (FGrHist #784), 63, 171; 64 n.
Merenhor, 193 57, 171 n. 33
230 Index
Molon of Rhodes (FGrHist #728), 160, Nabopalassar, 81; 56 n. 35, 57 n. 38

163, 163 n. 26 Nabu-mukinzeri = Uknizer = Nabu-
Monster(s), 17, 31, 44-5, 48, 71; 48 n. maukinzeri, 77
16, 49 n. 19, 53 n. 28 Nabu-nadin-zer = Nabunadinzeri =
months of Egyptian calendar, 156; 121 Nadios, 77
n. 3 Nabu-nasir = Nabu-nashir = Nabonassa-
months of Babylonian calendar, 46 n. 9 ros, 22, 26, 76-7
Moon (as deity), 45, 167, 170 Nabu-sama-iskum = Nabushumishkun,
Morby, John E., 120 n. 61 77
Moses of Chorene, 31, 84, 90, 165, 205, Nabu-sama-iskum, 77
211; 27 n. 23, 40 n. 12 Nabu-shumaukin II = Nabushwnukin, 77
Moses,37-9,47,51,60, 123-4, 130, Nabu-zer-kitti-lishim = Nabuzerlishir,
163-4; 37 n. 5, 51n.23 79
Mount Sinai, 164 Nabulaplaiddin, 76
Mouthis(D. XXIX.5 [E{sync}]), 151 Nabunadinzeri = Nabu-nadin-zer =
MUller, Carolus, viii, 207 n. 24 Nadios, 75-6
mummification, 99 n. 16 Nabunas(h)ir = Nabonassaros, 75-6
Mushezib-Marduk = Ushezib-Marduk = Nabushumishkun = Nabu-sama-iskum,
Mesesimordakos, 78-79 75-6
Muthes (D. XXIX.4 [E{ann}]), 150, 203 Nabushwnukin = Nabu-shaumauking II,
Mykerinos (=Menkaure, Menkheres, D. 76
IV.4), 109 Nabushwnukin = Nabu-shumaukin II, 77
Mysia, 156 Nabuzerlishir = Nabu-zer-kitti-lishim,
Mysphannouthosis (D. XVIII.5 78
[E{ann} ]), 141 Nadios = Nabu-nadin-zer = Nabunad-
Nabodenos = Nabonadios = Nabonnedos inzeri, 77
= Nabonidus, 61, 80 names of Egyptian rulers, 108-15, 120
Nabokolassaros = Nebuchadnezzar = Narakho, 154, 156
Naboukhodonosaros = Ababassaros, Nanner, 187
80 Nebka, 189
Nabonadios = Nabonnedos = Nabonidus Nebkare, 189, 196
= Nabodenos, 80 Nebkheprure Tutankhamun, 199
Nabonassaros = Nabunas(h)ir, 17, 20, Nebkhrure, 195
22,26,47,53, 76-7 Nebmaatre, 199
Nabonidus = Nabonnedos = Nabodenos Nebmare Amenophis ill, 199
= Nabonadios, 23-24, 80-1 Nebpehtire Amosis, 198
Nabonnedos = Nabonadios = Nabonidus Nebpehtire, 198
=Nabodenos, 23, 60-1, 80; 61n.46 Nebrod = Nimrud, 41, 41 n. 15
Nabopalassar( os) = Nabopalassar = Nebrod, 125, 125 n. 13
Nabu-apal-usur, 37, 55-8, 80; 56 n. Nebuchadnezzar II = Naboukhodono-
35, 57 n. 38 soros = Nabokolassaros = Ababassa-
Naboukhodonosoros = Nebuchadnezzar ros, 23, 80-1; 55 n. 35, 56 n. 38, 59 n.
II = Nabokolassaros = Ababassaros, 41. 61 n. 46
23, 38, 54-62, 80; 55 n. 35, 56 n. 38, Nebuchadnezzar ill, 83
59 n. 41 Nebuchadnezzar IV, 83
Nabu-apal-usur = Nabopalassaros = Necepso, 127, 127 n. 18
Index 231
Necherocheus, 155 Nektanebos II (D. XXX.3 [A, E{arm,
Necherochis (D. ill. I [E]), 134 sync}]), 100, 124, 130, 151-2, 165,
Nectanebis (D. XXIX [E{jer} ]), 151 203; 124 n. 11
Nectanebo, 130 Nemare, 196
Nectanebus (D. XXX [E{jer} ]), 151-2 Neo-Babylonians or Neo-Babylonian
N eferefre, 191 Empire, 3, 17-8, 34
Neferes, 192 Nephekheres, 181
Neferibre Psametik II, 202 Nephelkheres (D. XXI.3 [A]), 144
Neferirkare Kakai, 191 Nepherites (D. XXIX. l [A, E{arm,
Neferirkare, 191, 194 sync}]), 150, 203, (D. XXIX.5
Neferites (D. XXIX [E{jer}]), 150 [E{arm}], D. XXIX.4 [E{sync}], D.
Neferka, 192 XXIX [E{jer}]), 150, 203
Neferkahor, 193 Nepherites II, 203
Neferkamin Anu, 194 Nepherkheres (D. II.7 [A]), 111-2, 133,
Neferkamin, 193 189, 117 n. 57, (D. V.3 [A]), 135,
Neferkare Khendu, 193 191, (D. XXI.3 [E]), 144, 200
Neferkare Neby, 193 Nephorites (D. XXIX.4 [A]), 150
Neferkare Pepysonb, 194 Nergal-ushezib = Rhegebelos, 78
Neferkare Phiops, 192 Nerigasolassaros = Neriglisaros =
Neferkare Shabako, 201 Neriglissar, 60-1, 80-1
Neferkare Tereru, 193 Nero, 40 n. 13
Neferkare, 111-2, 189, 192-3 Neros, defined, 47
Neferkasekre, 189 Neterkare, 192
Neferkasokar, 189 Netjeren, 188
Neferkauhor Kapuibi, 194 Netjerikare Mankare (?), 192
Neferkauhor, 194 Netrkheperre-setepenamun Siamun, 200
Neferkaure, 194 Neugebauer, 0., 35 n. I
Neferkheprure Amenophis IV Neuserre, 191
(Akhenaten), 199 New Kingdom (Egypt), 6, 8, 96, 99,
Neheb (?), 186 103-4, 183, 198-200; 96 n. 5
Neith, 95, 95 n. I Niebais (D. 1.6 [E]), 132
Nekare, 193 Nikolaos of Damascus (FGrHist #90),
Nekhao I (D. XXVI.3 [A], D. XXVI.4 51, 64, 171; 51n.21, 64 n. 57, 171 n.
[E{arm, sync}]), 147, 181, 202 33
Nekhao II (D. XXVI.5 [A], D. XXVI.6 Nile River, Map 1, Map 3, 7, 96, 105,
[E{arm, sync}]), 148, 182, 202; 117 133, 161, 168, 185; 100 nn. 19-20,
n. 56 103 n. 30, 104 n. 31, 174 n. 5, 196 n.
Nekhbet, 109 10
Nekhepsos (D. XXVI.2 [A], D. XXVI.3 Nimrod(= Nebrod), 41 n. 15, 125 n. 13
[E{arm, sync}], 147, (D. XXVI Ninetjer, 111
[E{jer}]), 147-8, 180-1, 202 Nineveh, Map 2, 2, 21-2, 56 n. 37, 56 n.
Nekherophes (D. ill.I [A]), 134, 189; 38, 146n.15
117 n. 57 Ninos, 22
Nektanebes (D. XXX. l [A, E{sync}]), Nitokerti, 192
151, 203 Nitokris (D. VI.6), 101, 136, 192; 101 n.
Nektanebis (D. XXX. l [E{arm} ]), 151 24, 117 n. 57, 193 n. 7
232 Index
Niuserre, 114, 185, 191 145, 200, (D. XXill.2 [E]), 145, 181
Noah, 37, 43, 156; 37 n. 6, 50 n. 20 Osorthos (D. XXII.2 [E{arm}]), 145
Nonnus, 63 n. 53 Othios (D. V. l [E{arm} ]), 135
Nubia, Nubians, 6, 201; 100 n. 19 Othoes (D. V. l [E{sync} ]), 135, (D.
Nubkare Ammenemes II, 196 VI.I [A]), 136, 192
Nubkare, 196 Othoi, 155
Nykare, 193 Otiartes = Ardates, 48-9, 70
Nymare Ammenemes ill, 196 Ouaphres, 182
Nynetjer Nynetjer, 188 Ouaphris (D. XXVl.7 [A], D. XXVl.8
Oannes, 17, 44, 48, 71; 44 n. 4 [E{sync}]), 148, 202
Ocean, 168 Oubienthis (D. 1.8 [E{sync}]), 132, 188
Ochthois (D. IX.I [E{arm}]), 137 Ouenephes (D. 1.4 [A, E{sync}]), 113,
Ochus ([E{jer}]), 152 117, 132, 188
Octavian, 96 n. 4 Ouennephis, 181
Odakon, 48, 71 Ousaphaidos (D. 1.5 [A]), 132
Okhos, 62, 82, 124; 62 n. 50, (D. Ousaphais (D. 1.5 [E]), 132, 188
XXXI.1 [A, E{arm, sync}]), 152, 203 Ouserkheres (D. V.l [A]), 135, 191
Okhyras, 180 Ouses, 178
Old Babylonian period, 16, 69 Ousimares, 178
Old Kingdom (Egypt), 7, 99, 103, 183, Oxus River= Araxes River= amu-
189-93; 96 n. 5, 104 n. 33 Dar'ya River, 61 n. 47
Old Kingdom Annals, 103, 109, 185-91; Paapis, 161-2
104 n. 31, Ill n. 48, 191n.6 Pachon, 121 n. 3
Old Testament, 125 n. 15 Pakhnan (D. XV.3 [A]), 139, 197
Olympiads, 124, 145, 160, 204; 145 n. Palchus, 28, 67, 84, 86, 90
14 Palermo Stone, 103, 185, see also Old
Omorka, 45, 45 n. 6 Kingdom Annals
Onnos(D. V.9[A]),112, 136, 192 Palestine, 5, 37
Origen, 62 n. 49 Pamphilos, 130
Or, 161 Panodoros, 175-7; 175 n. 7, 176 nn. 7
Oros(= Horns), 131, 154; 131 n. 6 and 10
Oros (D. xvm.9 [A], D. xvm.8 [E]), Paradise, 125
141, 159, 180, 199 Parpola, Simo, 54 n. 32
Orus, 165 Parthianlanguage,5
Osarseph, Osarsephos, 116, 161-3 Parthians or Parthian Empire, 4--6, 31-
Osiris, 96, 99, 100, 122, 130-1, 138, 2, 69
153-4, 163, 166-70, 176, 186,204, Pausanias, 28, 37, 84, 90, 141 n. 11
206, 211-2; 99 nn. 16-17, 170 n. 31 Pautibiblon (Badtibira), Map 2, 48, 70
Osiris-Apis, 96 Payni, 121 n. 3
Osiropis, 178 Pelopids, 180
Osokhor (D. XXI.5), 144, 200 Pelusium, 159
Osorkho (D. XXill.2 [A]), 108, 145, Pepi, 192
201; 117n. 57 Pergamon, 36 n. 4, 38 n. 8
Osorkon I, 200 Peribsen, 188
Osorkon II-IV, 201 Perseus, 180; 108 n. 42
Osorthon (D. XXII.2 [A, E{sync,jer}]), Persia, Persians, Persian rulers of Egypt,
Index 233
or Persian Empire, 1, 3-4, 6, 18, 22, Polyainos of Athens (FGrHist #639),
32,34,39,57,61-2,69, 100-1, 123- 179
4, 149-52, 156, 164, 179, 182, 184, Polybos, 108, 143, 180; 108 n. 43, 117
202-3; 35 n. 1, 39 n. 9, 57 n. 38, 58 n. 56, 143 n. 13
n. 40, 61nn.46-7, 62 nn. 49 and 51, Polykrates, 182
100 n. 21, 127 n. 16, 202 n. 20 Poros, 77
Persian Gulf. Map 1, 2, 40, 44, 48 Porphyrius, 165,205,210,212
Persian History, 46 Poseidonios, 27-8
Persian Wars, 97 n. 10, 100 n. 21 Powers from Memphis, 187
Petosiris, 121, 173, 173 n. 2, 174 Praeparatio Evangelica by Bishop Euse-
Petoubastis (D. XXIlI. l [E]), 145 bius ofCaesarea, 30, 38, 59, ~.
Petoubates (D. XXIlI. l [A]), 145, 201, 89-91, 121, 123, 157, 167,204--6,
181 210-2
Phaenomena by Aratus of Sikyon, 28 Predynastic period (Egypt), 6, 98, 102-
Phaleron, 123 3, 110, 130, 153, 185-6; 126 n. 15,
Phanemoth, 121 n. 3 186 n. 2
Phaophi, 121 n. 3 Pritchard, James B., vii
Pharao, 154, 156 Procreatio (The Creation) or Genesis,
Pharmuthi, 121 n. 3 15
Phebichis, 121 n. 2 Psametichos (D. XXVI.7 [E{arm} ]), 148
Pherekydes, 25 Psametikhos (D. XXVI.5 [E{arm} ]), 148
Philip Arrhidaeus, 82-3 Psammekherites (D. XXVI.9 [A]), 148,
Philip, father of Alexander, 43 202, 202 n. 19
Philistia, 53 n. 30 Psammeticus (D. XXVI [E{jer}]), 148
Philosopher's Learned Banquet by Psammetikhos (D. XXVI), 146 n. 15,
Athenaeus, 28 202, (D. XXVI.4 [A], D. XXVI.5
Philostratos, 59, 59 n. 43 [E{sync}], D. XXVI.7 [E{sync}]),
Phiops (D. V.4 [E]), 136, (D. VI.4 [A]), 148, 182
136, 192 Psammos, 181
Phios (D. VI.2 [A]), 136, 192 Psammous (D. XXIIl.3 [A, E{sync,
Phoenicia, 37-8, 51, 57-9, 123, 139, jer} ]), 146, 201
156, 159, 164, 171; 53 n. 30, 58 n. Psammouthis (D. XXVI.6 [A], D.
40, 171 n. 33 XXVI.7 [E{sync} ]), 148, (D. XXIX.3
Phramus (D. XXIII.3 [E{arm}]), 146 [E{sync}]), 150, 180, 202-3
Phroates, 57 n. 38 Psammuthes (D. XXVI [E{jer} ]), 148,
Phulos = Tiglath-pileser m =Pulu, 52, (D. XXIX [E{jer}]), 150, 203
75-6 Psamouthis (D. XXIX.3 [A]), 150, 182
Physanos, 181 Psamuthes (D. XXIX.3 [E{arm} ]), 150
Pimay,201 Psamuthes (D. XXVI.7 [E{arm} ]), 148
Plato, 96, 156, 205, 212 Pseudo-Eratosthenes, 118
Pliny the Elder, ix, 27, 36, 63, 66, 84, Pseudo-Justinus, 31, 39, 84, 91; 39 n. 10
86, 90; 36 n. 3, 40 n. 13 Pseudo-Manetho: Apotelesmatika, 102,
Plouton, 122, 122 n. 6 173-4, 204-5, 209, 212; 127 n. 18,
Plutarch, 6, 13, 122, 166, 168-70, 204, 173 n. 1, Book of Sothis, 96, 102,
206, 211; 62 n. 51, 115 n. 51, 170 n. 118-9, 174-82,204,206,209,211-2;
32 125n. 14, 126n.15, 173n. l,
234 Index
Pseudo-Manetho: Book ofSothis Red Sea, Map 3
(continued), 186 n. 2, 197 n. 12, 200 Redford, D. B., 95 n. 1
n. 16 Redjedef, 190, 191 n. 5
Psinakhes (D. XXI.6 [A, E{sync,jer}]), Reneb Nubnefer, 188
144, 181, 200 Rhamasseloubasse, 178
Psinnakhes (D. XXI.6 [E{ann} ]), 144 Rhameses, 178
Psouenos, 181 Rhamesoinenes, 178
Psousennes (D. XXI.2 [A, E{sync, Rhamessameno, 178; 177 n. 11
jer} ]), 144, 200 Rhamesse, 178
Psousennes (D. XXI.7), 144, 200 Rhamesses (D. XVIII.15 [A]), 142, 180
Psusennes, 200 Rhamesseseos, 178
Psusennos (D. XXI.2 [E{ann} ]), 144 Rhamineses (D. XIX.4 [A]), 143
Ptah, 99, 186; 130 n. 2 Rhampses (D. XIX.2 [E]), 143, 161, 163
Ptolemaic Canon, 22, 77, 79-80, 82; 77 Rhampsis, 180
n. 15, 80 n. 20 Rhapsakes (D. XIX.2 [A]), 143
Ptolemaic dynasty, 124, 184; 96 nn. 4 Rhapses, 162
and6, 97 n. 7 Rhathos (D. XVIII.11[A]),141, 199
Ptolemaios (Ptolemy) of Mendes Rhathotis, 159
(FGrHist #611), 9, 38, 123; 38 n. 8, Rhathoures (D. V.6 [A]), 114, 136, 191
ll9 n. 60, 123 n. 9 Rhatoises (D. IV.5 [A]), 135, 190
Ptolemy I Soter, 96-7, 119, 122, 184; Rhea, 168
96 n. 4 Rhegebelos = Nergal-ushezib, 79
Ptolemy II Philadelphos, 39, 41, 96-7, Rhodes, Map I, 59 n. 41, 163 n. 26
102, 119, 125, 174-5; 26 n. 23, 40 n. Roinan Einpire, 4, 8, 33, 38 n. 8
12, 177 n. 11 Roine, RoinanS, Roinan Einpire, 4, 31,
Ptolemy ill Euergetes, 96 184; 29 n. 25, 96 nn. 3- 4, 102 n. 28
Ptolemy the astronomer, see Claudius Rudamun, 201
Ptolemy Sabakon (D. XXV. l [A, E{sync, jer} ]),
Ptolemy, 102, 173-4 117n. 57, 146-7, 181,201
Pulu = Tiglathpileser ill = Phulos, 76 Sabakos (= Sebikhos, D. XXV.2), 101,
pynunids,99, 101, 109, 117, 132, 134- 101 n. 26
6, 183 Sabbe, 37
Pythagoras, 56, 182; 56 n. 36 Sacred Book ofKheops, 134-5
Qaa, 188 Sahure, 191
Ra, 96, 110-4, 186; 96 n. 5, 130 n. 3 Sais (ruler), 156
Ramesses (D. XVIII.13 [E {arm}], D. Sai'.s, Saite Noine, Map 3, 139, 146-7,
XVIII.15 [E {sync}]), D. XVIII 150, 156, 201-3; 100 n. 20, 127 n. 16
[E{jer}]), 142, 159, 162, 199 Saite Renaissance, 100, 102, 146-7,
Ramesses I, 112, 199 184, 202; 100 n. 20
Ramessesll, 104-5, 111, 185, 199;95n. Saites (D. XV. I [A]), 139, 197; 117 n.
1 57, (D. XVIl. l [E{arm, sync}]), 139,
Ramesses ill-XI, 200 156, 181
Ramesses Miamoun, 114, 159 Sakai, 46 n. 10
Rebaef, 191 n. 5 Sakaia, feast of, 46, 46 n. 10
Red Sea, Map 1 Salitis, 157
Red Sea(s) =Persian Gulf, 44, 48 Samarra, Map 2, 2
Index 235
Sammurarnat, 21, 52 n. 27, 75 n. 11 Seleukeia on the Tigris, Map 1, Map 2,
Samoges = Shamash-shwn(a)-ulcin = 4, 15, 32
Saosdoukhinos, 55-6, 78, 80; 56 n. 35 Seleukos I Nikator = Seleucus I Nicator,
Samos, 182 4, 13, 14, 83
Samshi-Adad V, 21, 52 n. 27, 75 n. 11 Seleukos of Alexandria (FGrHist #634 ),
Sandes = Herakles, 63, 63 n. 53 182
Sankhkare, 195 Semele, 164, 164 n. 27
Saosdoukhinos = Samoges = Shamash- Semempses (D. 1.7 [A, E{s}llc} ]), 132,
shwn(a )-ulcin, 79-80 188; 117 n. 57
Sapakon(D. XXV.l [E{ann}]), 146 Semerkhet, 188
Saqqara list, 104-5, 109, 111 n. 48, Semiramis, 21-2, 52, 59, 75, 75 n. 11
185-99, 197 n. 11 Semitic language or Semitic family of
Saqqara, 96 languages, 2-3, 5, 17, 20; 8 n. 6
Sarakhero, 63, 86, 90; 63 n. 55 Semsem, 188
Sarapis, 96-7, 122; 121n.1, 122 n. 8 Semtheus, 121, 121 n. 4
Sardanapallos = brother of Samoges = Sen, 188
Kandalanu = Kineladanes, 56, 78, 80; Senakheirimos =Sennacherib, 23, 52-6,
55 n. 35, 56 n. 37, 78 n. 18, 80 n. 21 76, 78; 53 n. 30, 54 n. 31, 55 nn. 32-
Sardis, Map 1, 62 3and35, 78n.17
Sargon II = Arkeanos, 76-7 Sendi, 188
Sargon of Akkade, 21, 52 n. 25 Sendj, 188
Sargonid dynasty, 73; 52 n. 25 Seneca the Younger, 28, 36, 66, 84, 86,
Saros, defined, 47, 47 n. 12 91; 66 nn. 59-60
Sassanid, 5-6, 69 Sened, Senedi, Senedj, 112, 188
Schnabel, Paul, 27 n. 24, 52 n. 25 Senenre-setepenptah Khabash, 203
Scholiast on Plato, 156, 205, 212 Sennacherib= Senakheirimos, 23, 32,
Scripture, see Hebrew Scripture 76-9; 53 n. 30, 54 n. 31, 55 nn. 32-3
Scythia, 156 and 35
Sea (as deity), 45 Senshwnu-liser, 81
Sea Country, 75 Sephouris (D. ill.8 [A]), 134, 190
Sealand, 74-5 Sephres (D. V.2 [A]), 135, 191
Sebekhon, 181 Septuagint, 125 n. 15
Sebekkare, 196 Seriadic land, 174
Sebeknofrure, 196 Sesokhris (D. 11.8), 133, 189; 117 n. 51,
Sebennytos, Map 3, 96, 102, 115, 122, 133 n. 8
125, 127, 151, 155, 168, 173-5, 203 Sesonkhis (D. XXII.1 [A]), 145
Seberkheres (D. N.1[A]),135, 190 Sesonkhosis (D. XII. I), 138, 196, (D.
Sebikhos (D. XXV.2 [A, E{arm, XXII.l [E{sync,jer}]), 145, 178, 200
sync}]), 147, 201; 101 n. 26 Sesonkhusis (D. XXII.l [E{arm}]), 145
Second Dynasty oflsin, 75 Sesorthos (D. ill.2 [E]), 134, 189
Second Dynasty of the Sealand, 75 Sesostris(D.XIl.3), 138, 196; 117n. 57
Sedenemibre Nektanebos, 203 Seters, John van, 99 n. 18
Sedjes, 189 Seth, 99, 168-9, 186; 99 n. 16, 130 n. 5
Sehetepibre, 195, 196 n. 10 Sethenes (D. 11.5 [A]), 112, 133, 188
Seka, 186 Sethnakhte, 200
Selene (Moon), 45, 45 n. 6 Sethos (D. XIX. l), 143, 159, 161-2,
236 Index
Sethos (D. XIX.1) (continued), 179, 199 Sneferka, 193
Sethroe, Sethroite Nome, Map 3, 139, Sneferu (D. IV.I), 104 n. 33, 190
156-7, 197 Sobkkare Sobkneferu, 196
Seti I, 104--6, 185, 199 Soden, Wolfram von, 8 n. 6
Seven Wonders of the Ancient World, Sogdianos (D. XXVII.7 [A E{arm,
59 n. 41 sync}]), 150, 165,202
Sha nagba imuru or Epic o/Gilgamesh, Sol, 154
18 Solon of Athens, 115, 115 n. 51
Shalmanes(s)er V = Ululaia = Iloulaios, Saris (D. IV. I [A]), 134, 190
21, 77; 54 n. 31 Sosibios, 122
Shamash-shum(a)-ukin = Samoges = Sosinosiris, 154
Saosdoukhinos, 79, 81; 55 n. 35 Sosis, 153, 186
Sharezer, 54 n. 32 Sosos, 177, 186
Shepherds(= Hyksos), 139-40, 156-8, Sossos,defined,47
160-3, 197-8; 99n. 18, 117n. 57, Sostris, 156
197 nn. 11-2 Soteles, 122
Shepseskaf, 190 Sothis, 174 n. 5, 175 n. 5
Shepseskare, Shepseskare Isi, 191 Souphis (D. III.5 [A]), 134, 189
Shepsesre Tefnakht, 201 Souphis (D. IV.2 [A]), 134, 190; 117 n.
Sherwin-White, Susan, 4 n. 2, 13 n. 2, 57, (D. IV.3 [A, E]), 135, 190
15 n. 4, 26 n. 22 Sousakeim, 181
Shopdu, 174 n. 5 Spain, 59, 59 n. 43
Shoshenk I and II, 200 Spanios, 178
Shoshenk III-VI, 20 I Speakers for the Father, 187
Shu, 130 n. 4, 186 Spek, R. J. van den, 15 n. 4
Shukare, 191 Spirits of the Dead, 98, 123, 131, 187;
Shuruppak, 70 126 n. 15
Sibyl, 37, 39, 41, 84, 91; 37 n. 7, 39 n. Spitamas, 56 n. 38
10 Staan(D. XV.4 [A]), 139, 197
Silitis, 179 Stephinates (D. XXVI.1 [A]), 147, 202
Simakos, 63, 63 n. 54 Stephinathes (D. XXVI.2 [E{arm} ]),
Simpson, William, 72 n. 5 147, 181
Sin-shar-ishhur, 81 Stephinathis (D. XXVI.2 [E{sync} ], D.
Sin-shar-ishkun, 80 XXVI [E{jer}]), 147
Sin-shum-lishin, 80 Sthenelos son ofKrotopos, 180
Sinope, Map 1, 122; 97, 97 n. 8 Sthenelos son of Perseus, 180
Sippar, Map 2, 19-20, 24, 49, 50, 70 Suda, 31, 41, 84, 91, 127, 167, 173,
Siptah, 199 204,206,212
Sirius, 126n.16, 174n. 5, 175n. 5, 182 Sumerian King-List, 19-21, 30, 70, 72-
n. 15 4; 52 nn. 24 and 26-7, 74 n. 8
Sisires (D. V.4 [A]), 136, 191 Sumerian language or literature, 2-5,
Siwah, 164 n. 27 17, 20; 8 n. 6, 63 n. 55
Skemiophris (D. XII.7 [A]), 138, 196 Sumerians, Sumerian Kingdoms, 2, 69
Smendes (D. XXI.1), 144, 200 Sun, 166-168, 170
Smy, 169 Sundial, 36
Sneferka Anu, 194 Susa, Map 1, 62
Index 237
Syncellus, Georgius, ix, 29-30, 40-41, Tharsis =Tarsus, 54
43,46-9,53,57,84-6,90-1, 101-2, Thebes in Boeotia, 164 n. 27
118-20, 125--6, 129-52, 174-5, 177, Thebes in Egypt (Diospolis Magna),
204-6, 210-2; 40 n. 14, 46 n. 7, 48 n. Thebaid, Map 1, Map 3, 110, 139,
15, 49 n. 17, 71 n. 2, 77 n. 15, 80 n. 158, 198; 96 n. 5, 98 n. 13, 104 n. 32,
20, 99 n. 18, 102 n. 27, 117 n. 56, 108 n. 43, 127 n. 19
125 nn. 14-5, 126 n. 15, 127 n. 16, Theodoretus, 205, 210, 212
129 n. 1, 130 n. 1, 141 n. 12, 175 nn. Theophilus, 158, 205, 211-2
5-7, 176nn. 7-10, 177n. 11, 178n. Theophilus, 29, 60, 84, 85, 91
12, 179n.13, 182n.14 Thessaly, Thessalians, 127
Synchronistic King-list, 22-3, 76, 78; 23 Thinis, This, Map 3, 131-2, 187-8
n. 19, 76 n. 13 Third Intermediate Period, 6-7
Syria, 3-5, 29, 57-9, 158, 163; 58 n. 40 Third Kingdom of Ur, 3, 34, 69, 74; 34
Syriac, 5, 5 n. 4 n.28
Tacitus, 8 Thmosis, 159, 159 n. 24
Takalophis, 181 Thompson, Dorothy J., 96 n. 6
Takeloth L 200 Thoth (god), 95, 99, 110, 174, 186; 95 n.
Takeloth II-III. 201 1, 99 n. 17, 173 n. 2, 174 n. 3
Takelothis (D. XXII.6 [A), D. XXII.3 Thoth (month), 121 n. 3
[E]), 145, 201 Thoulis, 15 3, 186
Talmuds (Babylonian and Jerusalem), 5 Thoummosis, 158
Tanis, Tanites, Map 3, 144-5, 155, 178, Thouoris (D. XIX.6), 108, 112-3, 143,
201; 126 n. 16, 127 n. 16 180, 199; 117 nn. 56-7, 143 n. 13
Tankheres (D. V.8 [A]), 136, 191 Thrace, 138
Tarakes, 181 Thucydides, 24-5, 100 n. 22
Tarakos (D. XXV.3 [E]), 147 Thutmose II, 113
Tarkos (D. XXV.3 [A]), 147, 201 Thutmose m, 104, 110, 185; 104 n. 32,
Tarsus= Tharsis, Map 1, 54, 54 n. 31 110 n. 47
Tat, 174 Thutmose, 157 n. 21
Tatianus of Syria, 29-30, 38, 84-5, 89- Tiamat, 16-7, 45, 46 n. 7
91 Tiglath-pileser ill = Phulos = Pulu, 30,
Tausret, 112-3 52, 72, 75, 77
Tenry, 104-5 Tigris river, Map 1, Map 2, 2-4, 15, 24,
Teo (D. XXIX [E{jer}]), 151 32,44
Teos (D. XXX.2 [A, E{ann, sync}]), Timotheus the Exegete of Athens, 97,
151, 203 122
Teos (island), 119 n. 59 Titans, 168
Tertullian, 123, 204, 212 Tithoes, 177, 186
Tertullian, 37, 84, 91; 38 n. 8 Titles of ancient Greek and Latin
Tethinosis, 159, 161, 179 Works, ix
Teti, 187, 189, 192, 193 Tiu, 186
Thalassa (Sea), 45 Tjesh, 186
Thalatth = Tiamat, 45 Tlas (D. 11.4 [A]), 133, 188
Thallus (FGrHist #256), 123, 123 n. 9 Tosertasis (D. ill.6 [A]), 134, 190
Thallus, 38, 38 n. 8 Tosorthros (D. ill.2 [A]), 134, 189; 117
Thamphthis (D. IV.8 [A]), 135, 191 n. 57
238 Index
Touthmosis (D. XVIII.7 [A}, D. XVIII.6 Ushezib-Marduk = Mushezib-Marduk =
[E{arm, sync}]), 112, 141, 179, 199; Mesesiinordakos, 78
1S9 n. 24 Ushumgalanna, 71
Toutimaios, 1S7, 1S7 n. 21 Usir (= Osiris), 99 n. 17
Trajan, 32 Utuabzu, 71
Transliteration of Greek and Latin Vaphres (D. XXVI.8 [E{arm}]), 148
names, viii Vavenephis (D. 1.4 [E{arm} ]), 132
Troy, Trojan War, 108, 143, 160, 180; Veyne, Paul, 107 n. 40
108 n. 45, 141 n. 11 Vibenthis (D. 1.8 [E{arm} ]), 132
Turin Royal Canon, 98, lOS-6, 109, Virgil, 39 n. 10
18S-98; 98 nn. 12-3, 99 n. 18, 105 n. Vitruvius Pollio, 27, 35-6, 64, 84, 86,
37, 111 n. 48, 194 n. 8, 197 nn. 11-2 91
Turkey, 5, 13, SO n. 20 Wachsmuth, Kurt, 77 n. 1S, 80 n. 20
Tutankhatnen, 105, 199 Waddell, vi
Twelve months of the Babylonian year, Waddell, W. G., 207-9; 116 n. S3, 207
46n. 9 n. 24
Twosre(t), 112, 199; 143 n. 13, see also Wadjet, 109
Thouoris Wadjkare Pepysonb, 194
Tybi, 121 n. 3 Wadjnadj, 186
Typhon, 99, 100, 130, 1S4, 161, 168-70, Wadjnas, 188
176, 186; 130 n. S, 176 n. 8 Wadjnes, 188
Tyre, 123 Wahibre Psametik I, 202
Tyreis (D. ill.3 [A]), 134, 189 Wahkare Bokkhoris, 201
u An, 71 Weneg, 188
U Anduga, 71 Wesir (= Osiris), 99 n. 17
Uaphres (D. XXVI [E{jer} ]), 148 Wiseman, D. J., 61 n. 46
Ubar-Tutu, 70 Wright, William, 5 n. 4
Uhemibre Nekhow, 202 Xenophanes, 6S, 6S n. 58
Ukinzer =Nabu-mukin-zeri =Nabu- Xenophon, 24, 61n.46
maukinzeri, 76 Xerxes I the Great, 62, 82-3, 100 n. 21,
Ululaia =Shalmanes(s)er V =Iloulaios, (D. XXVII.3 [A], D. XXVII.4 [E{ann,
76 sync}]), 149, 164, 202
Unas, Unis (= Onnos D. V.9), 112, 192 Xerxes II (D. XXVII.6 [E{arm, sync}]),
Upper Egypt, Map 3, 103, 109-10, 1S7, 83 149-50, 165, 182,202
186; 101 n. 26, 103 n. 30, defmed, 7 Xisouthros, 19-20, 47-50, S2, 70, 73
Ur, Map 2, 3, 19, 34, 69, 72-4; 34 n. 28 Xo1s, Map 3, 138, 197
Urfa, 5 Zagros Mountains, 52 n. 25
U11lk King-List, 80, 82; 3 n. 1 Zedekiah, SS n. 35
Uruk, Map 2, 17, 72-4, 80, 82 Zela, 46 n. 10
Uruku, 74 Zemti, 188
Userkaf, 191 Zet (D. XXIII.4 [A]), 146, 201
Userkare, 192 Zeus,45,62, 1S4, 167-8, 177, 186;49
Usermare Piye, 201 n. 17, S9 n. 41, 96 n. 5, 108 n. 42,
Usermare Ramesses II, 199 164 n. 27, 176 n. 8
Usermare Setepenamun Petubastis, 201 Ziusudra, 20
Usermare Setepenre, 199 Zoganes, 46, 46 n. 10
Index 239
Zorababel, 60
Zoroaster, 62, 62 n. 52

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Berossos and Manetho,

Introduced and Translated

2003 2002 2001 4 3 2

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or

Map 2-Berossos' s Mesopotamia facing page 13

ing for Berossos' s Fragments 87, Table E. Ancient and Medieval

Map 3-Manetho's Egypt facing page 95

T + # refers to an ancient source in our edition that contains information or

Testimony and fragments of Berossos are in FGrHist vol. III C 1 (1958),

We give the numbers assigned by Jacoby in FGrHist to the historians

Map 1. Berossos's and Manetho's Hellenistic World

Languages and Scripts of Ancient Mesopotamia

Shortly after 3500 B.C., the Sumerians in extreme southern Mesopotamia

Languages and Scripts of Ancient Egypt

Two Native Attempts to Preserve the History of Ancient

6. Wolfram von Soden, "Zweisprachigkeit in der geistigen Kultur Babyloniens," Oster-

nation or justification of our translation. In addition, we present various ta-

LJ Ancient Cities mentioned by Berossos

Map 2. Berossos's Mesopotamia

Berossos's Life and Work

where he founded a school of astrology or astronomy (Tla-b). Here he was

Berossos's History of Babylonia-Sources, Methods, and Reliability

In what remains of Berossos' s History there is no indication of what specific

6. See chap. 4, table B.2b, Tablet W 20030,7.

of the chronicle to draw logical or specific connections between the events

11.ANmJ 72-73, 97.

year of Shamash-shuma-ukin' s reign (741-667). The Synchronistic King-list

19. ANEr3 272-74 which calls it Synchronistic Chronicle.

dokhos (Evil-Merodach) as ruling capriciously and Laborosoardokhos

21. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, l 04-11.

tory of Babylonia Berossos uses terms and descriptions typical of Greek

Berossos's History of Babylonia-Reception and Transmission

1. Vitruvius Pollio (Tla-<: and Fl6), a contemporary of the emperor Augus-

Unfortunately, both Alexander's and Juba's works have not survived to

Berossos's History of Babylonia-Goals and Accomplishments

without mention of Babylon, Berossos could not overcome the preconceived

Because the king-lists of the Neo-Babylonians are connected to the king-

28. Jean-Jacques Glassner, La Chute d'Akkade: L 'evenement et sa memoire (Berlin, 1986),

Vitruvius de Architectura (On Architecture) 9.6.2: Concerning astrology: in

Vitruvius de Architectura (On Architecture) 9.2.1: Berossos, who emigrated

Vitruvius de Architectura (On Architecture) 9. 8.1: Berossos the Chaldean is

Seneca Naturales Questiones (Questions About Science) 3.29.1: Berossos,

Pliny Natura/is Historia (Natural History) 7.123: In knowledge of various

Josephus contra Apionem (Against Apion) 1.128-31: I will now mention

Pausanias Graeciae Descriptio (Description of Greece) 10.12. 9: There was

Tertullian Apologeticum (The Defense) 19.4--6: Even if the other prophets

those of their citizens who made records: a certain Manetho, an Egyptian;

Tatianus Oratio ad Graecos (Speech to the Greeks) 36 (= Clemens of Alex-

Pseudo-Justinus ad Gentes (To the Gentiles) 37: Of the ancient Sibyl,

Moses of Chorene Historia Armeniae (History of Armenia) I. I: Many fa-

phosl 2 urged on a Berossos, a Chaldean, skilled in every discipline, but they

Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 25-27: Beros-

Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 29-30: It is

Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographica (Chronological Excerpts) 32: Manetho

Suda (Fortress of Knowledge), s.v. "The Delphic Sibyl": Berossos is called

History ofBabylonia, Book 1

Eusebius Chronicon (The Syncellus Ecloga Chronographica

1. The manuscript reading of this number is in doubt. See Tl la.

Athenaeus Deipnosophistae (The Philosophers' Banquet) 14.44: Berossos in