DR.

B H I M RAO AMB ED
KAR

M.L. SHAHARE

NATIONAL COUNCIL OF EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH AN0 TRAINING

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 Foreword
The life of Dr. Bhirnrao Ambedkar is a saga of great struggle of
a man who in spite of his being born in a family of “Untouchables” ,
rose to grcat heights and occupied important positions entirely on
account of his great merlt and hard work. Dr. Ambedkar is one of
those illustrious sons of our country, whose life and work has
influenced and inspired both young and old generations before
and after independence. His conttibution its the making of the
Constitution of India is phenomenal and similarly his contribution
in other fields including education is something which ought to be
made known to ouf young students. Dr. Ambedkar defiantly fought
fot the betterment of the oppressed classes. And in this struggle he
showed rare crusading spirit, carving out in the process an
important place for himself among the prominent architects of
contemporary India.
NCERT has been bringing ont large number of supplcmenta ¿
reading material for young students with a view to not only entich
their knowledge and understanding about great persons and
important events of past and contemporary history, but illso IO
introduce them to India's heritage Therefore, it was iti the fitness
of things that NCERT brought out a book on Dr. Babasahib
Ambedkar. This may be considered as NCERT's homage to the
memory of one of the greatest sons of the country, whQSe life and
work has inspired many people in general and the downtrodden ln
particular.
We are indeed grateful to Dr. M.L. Shahare, formerly Chairman,
UPSC for agreeing to take up the work and prepare the prescnt
book Special mention has to be made of Prof. K.D. Gangrade, Delhi
School of Social Work, for reviewing the manuscript and
contributing valuable suggestions for its improvement. We also
record our appreciation of the work of Prof D.S. Muley, DESSH,
NCERT, who handled the whole project.
It is hoped that the book will prove to be interesting to our
young students and generate in them further interest in the life and
work of such great men that our country has produced in the past.

P.L, MALHOTRA
Di'rectnr
New Delhi National Council of Educational
August 1986 Research and Training
 PREFACE

This short biographical sketch of Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar is

primarily mcant.to acquaint the youth of India with the life, thoughts
and deeds of one of the most illustrious sons of our country; and also,
in passing, give them an idea of the various forces which shaped his
life. It is by no means to be taken as an authoritative or original
biography of Dr. Ambedkar, for the simple reason that many others,
possessing greater claim to scholarship and erudition, have already
written a great deal about him. Perhaps the only feason which
impelled me to attempt this biography of Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar is
the fact that I have had the honour of knowing him personally its the
formative years of my life and to have been deeply affected by his
thoughts, ideas and ideals.
I owe a great deal of gratitude to several friends and welk-wishers
of mine who generously supplied me with a great deal of published
«nd unpublished information on the life atid times of Dr. Ambedkar.
Particularly l ann grateful to Dr. A, K. Sharma, an cminent scientist of
I.A.R.I. , New Delhi, Prof. K.D. Gangtade, Deptt. of Social Wotk,
Dclhi University ann Principal D.N. Sandanshiv, Sid dharth College of
Law, Bombay who very k'ndly went through the manuscript and
made very valuable suggestions. I am equally grateful to Prof. P L.
Malhotra, Director, NCERT and Prof. D.S. Muley , NCERT for
inviting me to write this biography.

M.L. S4IAHARE
 CONTENTS

Foteword
Preface
Chapter I — The Roots l
Chapter II — Early Life
Chapter 111 — Sojourn in the West’
An Academic Accomplishment ii
Chapter IV — HomeComing ia
Chapter V — Launching the Struggle For Rights 22
Chapter VI — The Conference and the Pact:
Their Impact
Chapter VII — The Gathering Stotm 60
Chapter VIII — Ambedkar's Emergence as
Leader of the Underprivileged 70
Chapter IX — Scaling New HeightS 76
Chapter X — An Eminent Educationist g
Chapter XI Making of the Indian Constitution 90
Chapter XII — The Great Conversion i o›
Chapter XIII The End of the Road 1o8
Appendix 1 116
Appendix II 118
 THE ROOTS

Dr. Ambedkar was born in a family of untouchables, originally

hailing from Konkan, a part of the present State of Maharashtra.
The term untouchable needs some elaboration. It is a well-known fact
that the imi•J organisation of the Hindu society has been based on
the theof Of Cl slur Virnya and C1›«lur Vorr i means the divisionof
Society into four classes or Varnai.' the Brahmins, t14fl IhcinJ‹ff,
the Pnñ éJoi and the Niidrai. Those belonging to the last named
major Var»a are popularly known as untouchables. Although
scholars and historians differ as to the precise origin of this peculiar
stratification of the Hindu society, it is generally agreed that in the
early Aryan period, the caste system did not exist. It was only later
when thc system of division of labour tame into being among the
Aryans that the surety was divided into four different castes. But it
has to be emphasised that
these tastes were not based on the accident of bifth but on the
occupation in which a person was actually engaged. Thus, those
who performed the religious ceremonies and mastered the Vedas came
to be known as the Brahmins, those who tool up arms to fight against
their rival Aryan tribes or the original inhabitants of India popularly
known as the Dtavids came to bc known as the Kshatriyas; those wh0
Cng2ged themselves in trade and commerce became the Vaishyas; and
those who performed the inevitable menial tasks were known as
the Shudras. Many scholars and historians endorse the viCw that this
was purely a functional arrangement. Those who support this vlcw
quote instances from Hindu mythology which relates the cases of a
Shudfa or a Kshatriya attaining the status of a Brahmin by virtue of
acquiring kn(›wledge or performing saintly acts. It is emphasised
that later on, at some unknown point of history, this oiiginal
stratification of the society assumed a rigid form in which birth
became the sole criterion for
 DR. B R. AM'BEDKAR—HU LIFE AND WORK

determining the caste of a person. For instance, even a person not

possessing the barest knowledge of the sctiptures continued to be
considered a Brahmin, merely because he happened to have been
born in a Brahmin faml1y,
With the passage of time, this process of the stratification of the
Hindu society got further iniensified as each jaar got further
subdivided into castes and sub-castes. This process also affected the
Shudras, who were split up into hundreds of sub-castes with
different names and settled in one part or the other of this vast
country of ours. Dr. Ambedkar was bom in one such caste of the
Shudra community called the Mahars.
The Shudras, at the time of Dr. Ambedkar's birth were not only
treatrd as untouchables, but also those who should not be heard or
seen. The degradation and indignity heaped upon them by the so-
called upper castes though differed from one part of the country to
anothei were never absent. Even in those parts or pockcts of the
country where there was a certain degrec of tolerance towards them,
they were never accepted as a part of the society. Thus at least one
out of every four Hindus remained fot all practical purposes outside
the pale of the Hindu society. It is one of the inexplicable paradoxes of
the Hindu society that this state of ä ffairs was sanctioned by a
religion which preached the existence of God in all things; both
animate and inanü nate. Anyway, the study of this paradox should be
left for others. The scope and purpose of this book is to thiow light on
the life and work of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar.
As stated earlier, Dr. Ambedkar was bom in a Mahar family
originally hailing from Konkan. His ancestral village, Ambavade, was
situated in the Ratnagiri district of Maharashtra. The Mahars of
Konkan were among the first of the untouchables to come into
contact with the Europeans, as the Portuguese first landed in Konxan.
His family enjoyed a certain degree of distinction and prominence, as
it provided the bcarers of the PalÄi ot Palenquin of the village
Goddess. Ambedkar's family followed the preachings of Kabir, the
well-known social reformer and rebel of Varanasi. It seems that this
background greatly influenced the philosophy and dceds of Dr.
Ambedkar.
A brief description of the relevant social and economic scene of this
period of the rural Maharashtra would not be out of place here.
During the Maratha regime the village officers which included Patil,
Kulkarni, Desai, Nhavi (Barber), Sutar (copenter) etc. , were
assigned specific
THE ROOTS

duties for the per:formance of which they were given revenue free
lands. With the advent of British the old system of payment
through Watan lands was abolished and was substituted by paid
officers who wete given regular salaries. Only the Mahars were kept
out of the new administratiYe system. One of its direct effect was
that the ex-Patlls, Kulkarnis etc. ,, who had been relieved of their
official duties, were allowed to retain their lands. They had to pay
only a nominal revenue on their Wn/ou lands. In addition to it, the
government started paying lakhs of rupees to the descendants of
these village officers, though they had no duties to discharge
towards their village. That is how the upper caste Hindus were
placed in an advantageous position.

On the other hand, the Mahar (untouchable) Watandars, and

practically every Mahar was a Watandar, were adversely affected.
The British did not abolish their hereditary responsibilities. The
Mahars continued to discharge their duties as before, but the
concessional land revenue of “Judi” as it was called, was not extended
to them. Instead, their hand revenue was increased. This matter was
examined by the government in 1874, and an Act was passed which
laid down that Woioo lands could not be alienated nor could burden
on them be increased unless it was in the interest of the Mahal
Watatidars themselves. However, the Mahar Watan system was a
system of heartless exploitation.

Thousan‹is of Mahars suffered even greater hardships. There were

innumerable villages in the province where the Mahars settled on
their outskirts had to do all the jobs assigned to them without the
benefit of W«/do land or any other sort of payment. In fact, it was
nothing short of forced labour.

Nevertheless, the usefulness of this community was so obviou.s to the

villagers that the Mahars also known as Veskars, meaning the
watchmen, could npt be completely ignored. Mahars performed a
number of useful functions. Their daring, courage, determination,
faithfulness, loyalty and honesty were the qualities which had
always been held in high esteem by the village population. They
were always consulted by the sarpanch to settle any dispute that
aiose in the village and formed a part of the local panchayats even
though they were made to sit on the ground to denote their caste
status.
 DR B R i\SIBEDK /\R —13Ib LIDE AND WORK

The Martial Mahars

Mahars were also great fighters The martial history of the Mahars
dates batk to ancient days when thesc robust and redoubtable men
roar.icd around the jungles of Western India (now Maharashtra).
That was how they devcloped the capacity to suffer all sorts of
hardships and became good soldiers. Chhatrapati Shivaji, who
perfected the system of guerrilla warfare and was the principal
destroycr of the Mughal Empire, iecognised the great fighting
qualities of the Mahars and recruited them in his army. Shidnak, a
Mahar Sardar in Swai Madhav Rao's army, earned a great name as an
audacious and daring warrior. Later on, the East India Company
which successfully fought against the army of the Peshwa, also
recruited soldiers from amongst the Mahars. The last battle between
the Peshwa and the British was fought at Koregaon in the Pune
district. A column at Korcgaon raised by the British to comrnemorate
the Battle of Koregaon, the last battle fought between the Pcshwa and
the British, bears the names of the soldiers who fell in that battle.
Nine out of ten names are those of Mahars
After Independence, the Mahar Regimcnt acquired thc unique
distinction of being in the fore-front in every battle. In every single
battle, the Mahars gave abundant proof of their valour, tenacity and
patriotism. General K.V. Krishna Rao, Colonel of the Mahar Regiment
(retired), writes in his book the “History of the Mahar Regiment”
(1981): “I have had the good fortune of personally commanding the
MahBfS in war. , . . and in countei -insurgency operations 3’he
lasting impression that has been left on me is that a Mahar soldier is
indomitable in spirit. And the Mahar officers always provcd to be
worthy leaders of these excellent men” .
The present author had the opportunity of meeting General K.V.
Krishna Rao in his chamber in South Block, New Delhi. Throughout
the meeting the General natrated many incidents of the bravery of
Mahaf Regiment in the battles. He also revealed that he met Dr. B.R.
Ambedkar on a few occasions when he was of the rank of a Major.
According to him, Dr. Ambcdkar insisted that the Mahar Regiment
should live up to its high reputation of gallantry, endurance, courage
and daring. Dr. Ambedkar also told him that it was due to his
concerted efforts that there was frcsh recruitment of the Mahars in
the fighting arms of the Indian armed forces and recounted their
daring deeds and their long history of soldiery.
THEROOTS

Rich martial background of Dr. Ambedkar's aiicestors playcd an

important role in the formation of his cliaracter. Both Dr. Ambedkar's
grandfather and father were army men. His father, Ramji Sakpal
served in the British Indian Army. Di. Ambedkar was born on Apri1 U,
1891 st Mhow Cantonment, near lndore in Central India ( now in the
State of Madhya Pradesh) where his father was posted at that time.
There is an apoct‘ypha1 story that a saintly relative of Ramji Sakpal who
had renounced the world, predicted that the child to be bom would
leave a permanent mark on history. Dr. Ambedkar, the 14th child of
Rarnji Sakpal, was named Bhim, after ilac well-known brother of
Pandavas. Intcrestingly, his mothcr's name was also Bheema Bar. She
hailed from a comparatively well-to-do family of the village of Murhad
in the Thane ( then Thana) district of the then Bombay Presidcncy.
Her family had also a tradition of military service. Thus both from the
paternal and maternal sides, Bhim Rao Anibedkar inherited martial
qualitics.
 CHAPTER II

EARLY £IFE

Bhil's father rctlfed from the army at Mhoo in 1893 and

settled down at Dapoli in Konkan. little Bhim was admitted into a
school at Dapoli at the age of 5, along with his older brother, As
ex-subcdar Ramji could not maintain his large family on his small
pension, he took up a job at Satara, Not long after the family moved
on to Satara where Bhim's mother passed away and the entire
bufden of bringing up of the family fell on the thou Jderi of ex-
subedar Ramji. This tragedy occurred when Bhim was hardly six
years old. Out of 14 children born of Ramji and Bheemabai only three
of his brothers and two of his sistem survived.
Ramji was not only a vely pious
person but also a strict disciplinafian
He spared no pains to impart his
children the three Rs. Besides, he
made it a practice to recite parts
of the great epics, the Ramayana
and NalabLarata as well as the
devotional
songs of Kabir and the great saints of
Maharashtfa to his children
cveryday.
Soon, Bhlm completed his primary
education and entered high school
along with his elder brother,
Anand. During this period; Bhim
witnessed seYeral incidents which
conveyed to him the cruelty of the
caste system in our country and left
an in de libl e mafk on
his
EARLY LII E 7

impressionable and sensitive mind. To quote only one such incident:

on a hot summer day , Bhim and his elder btothet Anand left Satata to
meet their father Ramji who was then working as a cashier at
Goregaon. They travelled by train upto Masur station where they were
supposed to be received by their father. They waited for him for many
hours but he didn't come. The fact was that he had not rcceived their
letter intimating him about their arrival, So, they hired a bullockcart
for completing their onward journey to Goregaon. Soon the bullockcart
driver who was an upper caste Hindu came to know that his passengers
were untouchables. He made them get down there and then. It was
on1/ after they promised to pay him double the amount of the agreed
fare that Bhim and his brother were allowed to proceed; and that too
on the condition that Anand drove the cart and the cartman followed
on foot However, the boys had to travel from evening till night,
without a sip of water, because everybody on the road havl ng tome
ro know that they were untouchables, refused even to quench their
thirst! Although Bhim experienced humiliating treatment meted out
to him because of his accident of birth in an untouchable's family, he
had also the good fortune to receive completely unexpected ktndness
front rertain enlightened persons of the so-called upper castes. For
example having made a bet with a schoolmate of his, he walked severe
I miles to the school in a heavy downpour. His teacher, a Brahmin
surnamed Pendse, who saw him in this condition was touched at the
sight of the scantily clad Bhim shivering after his long and arduous
journey, and asked his son to take Bhim to his house, give him dry
clothes and warm food to eat. There was another Brahmin teacher in
the school with the surname Ambedkar, who soriiehow had a soft
corner for Bhim and trt at d him like his own child. He shated a part
of his own lunch with him everyday. Bhim's original family surname
was Sakpal. It was the kindness of this teacher which madC Bhim
ultimately adopt Ambedkar as his surname. In fact, it was this
teacher, Anibed kar, who himself changed Bhim’s surname from
Sakpal to Ambed kar in the sthool records. This is the surname by
which Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar was to
go down in history.
When Bhim was about ten years old, his father decided to marry
again. Bhim naturally did not like the idea of having a step-mother and
took the decision to be independent of his father for his daily needs.
To achieve this, hey even thought taking up a petty job in one of the
cotton mills in Bombay. He even considered stealin g some money
from his
8 DR B It. AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

aunt (his father's sister) to enable him to reach Bombay. i-However,

his good sense made him realise that be must somehow pursue his
studies and make his mark in the world From that day onwards, he
became a diligent student and came to be loved even more by his
teachers.
Soon after, the family moved over to Bombay where it started
living in a chatrl (or a single room tenement). A large number of
families were huddled together in these chnwlx an6 livcd there under
almost su b-human conditions After moving to Bombay, Bhim and his
brothers were admitted to the Maratha Ftigh School. Bhim's desire to
concentrate on his studies became more intense after his family
shifted to Bombay. This desire was generously supported by Ramji,
who even went to the extent of borrowing money from his two
married daughters for purchasing books for Bhim.
After some time, Bhim's father admitted him to the Elphinston
High School which was at that time one of the best schools of
Bombay. He now pursued his studies with single-minded
determination, although he had to live in the single room apartment
occUpied by his entire family.
Even the Elphinsron High School was not free from the ever-
present shadow of untouchability. Although Bhim was deeply
intererted in learning Sanskrit, he was not allowed to do so as he was
an untouchable. It was becnuse of this reason that he was forced,
much igninst his will, to ch‹x›se Persian. But later, Bhim's
unconquerable will enabled him to become a scholar of high calibre
in Sanskrit, the very language, he was forbidden to learn in his
school days.
Bhim, despite all the hardships imposed upon him for being an
untouchable, passed the matriculation examination in 1907 from rhe
Elphinston High School. He scored the highest marks in Persian.
During this period, thcr.• were no hostels for the poor, needy and
deserving students at the school and college level. Apart from that
there was none to guide and direct these first generation of students.
There were a few schools in any district and a few colleges and
institutions that existed were located in big cities like Pune and
Bombay. Even the children from well-to-do high-caste families were
unable to pursue their studies. One can very well imagine the
conditions of the students belonging to the suppressed, oppressed
and depressed community who had no tradition whatsoever of teaming
and education, because the Sf aitrat did not all w them to do so. An
untouchable from a village and coming to the district headquarters or
a
EARLY LIFE

capital city of the province for school education was something which
could not even be dreamt of in those days.
Therefore, Bhim's completion of his school education was indeed a
milestone in the history of the untouchables of India. The event was
befittingly celebrated by his community. A special meeting was called
under the presidentship of S.K. Bole , a well known Maharashtrian
social ze otmei, and was attended by another social reformer and
Marathi scholar, the late Shri K.A. Keluskar, an assistant teacher at
the Wilson High School, Bombay. Keluskar had often met Bhim in a
garden where both of them spent long hours in stud ying. The latter
became so fond of Bhim that he not only permitted him to borrow
extensively from his wide collection of books, but also presented him
a copy of his own book entitled Life of Gautamo Buddha. It would be
accurate to say that this book had a great impact on the mind of Bhim,
and prepared him for his ultimate conversion to Buddhism.
In keeping with the customs of those days, Bhim was compelled to
marry soon after passing his High School examination. The marriage
took place at night in an open shed of the Byculla market of Bombay.
Bhim, at that time, was only a little over 16 years and his bride, Rami,
was hardly nine. After the marriage, she was given a new name,
Ramabai.
Bhim's marriage at such an early age could not extinguish Bhim's
desire for knowledge, which was encouraged by his ageing father.
After his matriculation, he joined the Elphinston College, Bombay,
Misfortune, however, continued to dog his footsteps. After he had
passed his intermediate examination, he was in no position to
continue his education as the family had no money. However, luck
was in his favour. His old well-wishei K.A. Keluskar, flaying ccime
to know of Bhim's difficulties, personally apptoached the then
Maharaja of Baroda His Highness, Sir Sayajirao Gaekwad, a noble-
hearted and a broad-minded ruler. The Maharaja
of Baroda had made an announcement some time earlier, at a
meeting in Bombay offering his help to any worthy untouchable who
wanted to pursue higher studies At the request of Kefuskar, the
Maharaja of Baroda called Bhim, asked him some searching
questions and having been completely satisfied with his replies,
assured him of financial help for pursuing higher studies. Bhim
was granted a scholarship of Rs. 25 per month, which
was quite a big amount of money in those days.
Aftef that, Bhim was able to pursue his studies without any
10 DR B.R AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

distraction. Also, this financial assistance enabled the family to move

into a two-room apartment in Parel, Bombay. Bhim was given a room
of his own where he could study in peace while the other room cas
occupied by the other members of the family. He passed his B.A
examination in 191a.
After having passed his B.A. e xamination, Bhim was selected for
the post of a Lieutenant in the Baroda State's Army. However, fate
again intervened. He received a telegram in January 1913 hardly a
fortnight after joining the service, that his father was critically ill in
Bombay. His love for his father gained the upper hand over his own
worldly interests and he immediately left for Bombay. On reaching
Bombay the next day, he found that his father was dying. On that
fateful day, February 2, 1913, Bhim was practically inconsolable. He
had seen his brave father wage a struggle to survive in a hostile
world. However, it seems that Ex-Subedar Ramji must have passed on
to his favourite son, Bhim his own indomitable will to conquer
adversities, when he put his hand on his son's back before passing
away from this world.
 CHAPTSRNI

SOJOURN IN THE WEST AN ACADEMIC

ACCOMPLISHMENT

Circumstances play an important role in the lives of human beings.

Had Bhim's father not been taken critically ill, Bhim would not
have left the employment of the Baroda State. What would have
been the ulttmate destiny of Bhim Rao Ambedkar, I this had not
happened i5 a matter of speculation. In all probability, he would
have continued to serve the State of Baroda and might have
slowly arisen to occupy perhaps the highest possible office viz. the
prtme ministership of the State. HoweYer, those were the days
when eYen this attainment was beyond the wildest dreams of an
untouchable. But Bhim was destined to play a much more important
role in the history of his country and leave an indelible mark on the
memory of its people.
In June 1913, the Maharaja of Baroda announced that he would
send some deserting students to the United States of America for
higher studies at the Columbia University at the State's expenses. On
hearing this, Bhim took the earliest opportunity of meeting the
Maharaja at his next visit to Bombay and expressed his earnest
desire to be gtven a chance to avail of this opportunity. The
Maharaja who was already convinced of Bhim's intrinsic worth,
advised him to apply for one of the scholarships offered by his State.
Bhim Rao complied with the wishes of this noble-hearted Prince and on
June 4, 1913, he along with three other applicants signed an
agreement in the presence of the deputy minister for education of
the Baroda State, conveying his willingness to devote his entire
period of stay in the United States of America for studying the
prescribed subjects and then serve the Statc‘for a period of ten years
after the completion of his studies at thr Columbia University. Thts
was, indeed, a turning point in Bhim Rao's life and opened
undreamt of vistas of opportunity and experience in a country which
upheld the basic principles of equal opportunity for everybody, It is a
i2 DR B ,R. A MBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

common knowledge that North America which was a colony of the

British in the late eighteenth century waged a histciric struggle for
independence under the leadership of great men like George
Washington. The subsequent battle for abolition of slavery of the
American Negroes in which men of vision lilte Abraham Lincoln was a
great event in world history. The United States of American emerged
into a powerful, united and truly liberal and democratic State out of
these turmoils and the Statue of Liberty on the New York
Harbour today came to symbolise the principles of ' 'freedom,
Equality and Fraternity” for which this new nation stood for. The
world hacl not come out of the spell cast by people like George
Washington, Thomas Jcffersr›n, Abraham Lincoln, and the great
Negro leafier Booker T. Washington. Amerira was in those days
truly a land of dreams, Bhim Rao arrived in New York in the third
week of July 1913 with tremendous hope and fervour in his heart.
After moving from one lodging to another in the initial period, he
finally settled down at the Livingstone Hall dormitory with Nasal
Bhathena, a Parsi student from Bombay. It was here that Bhim and
Naval struck a life-long friendship.
For the first time, Bhim Rao had the opportunity to movc, think and
act freely without the stigma of untouchability hau uting him for ever.
His inborn intelligence and deep insight at last found the proper
atmosphere for growth and development The letters written by him
to friends and relations from Columbia‘ University during this period
were an ample testimony of this For example, in one of his letters
written to a friend of his father, he advocated the cause of women's
education. He emphasised that the education of young women was as
important as that of young men, if the goal of social progress was to
be achieved,
Determined to make the best possible use of the unique
opportunity whith circumstances had thrown in his way, Bhimrao
applied himself with a single-minded devotion to his studies. He did
not waste his time in indulging in recreational activities which were
normal for the other students of his age. Moreover, he had the
responsibility to send a part of his stipend to maintain his family. To
do this, he cut down even on his food For his M.A. course, Bhim Rao
took up such difficult and diverse subjects as political science, moral
philosophy, anthropology, sociology and economics and studied for as
many as 18 hours a day. In 1915, Ambedkar was awarded his M, A.
degree for his thesis entitled ' ‘Ancient Indian Commerce”. Apart
from this, he presented a paper
SOJOURN IN THE WEST 13

entitled “Castes in India, their Mcchanism, Genesis and

Development” , in a seminar on anthropology in May 1916 in which
he not only traced the origin of the caste system in India brilliantly but
also pointed out its evil consequences. In June 1916, he submitted his
thesis for the Ph. D. degree to the Columbia University which was
eptitled “The National Dividend of India, a Historic and Analytical
Study”. Later on, this thesis was enlatged and published as “The
Evolution of Imperial Provincial Finance in India” . The entire book
was highly critical of the british bureaucracy and of the British
imperial system and brought out forcefully Ambedkar's love and
concern for his country.
After the successful completion of his studies at the Columbia
University, Ambedkar left New Yorlt in 1916 for London and entered
in October 1916 the Gray’s Inn for doing his Bar-at-Law, and also
simultaneously enrolled himself in the famous London School of
Economics. His stay in Hndon was, once again, made possible by the
benevolence of the Maharaja of Baroda, who gave him tlac permission
to continue his studies in England on State scholarship. However, the
Dewan of Baroda took a different stand and Ambedkar was asked to
come back. Before leaving England with a heavy heart, he obtained
special permission from the London University through the kind
recommendation of his professor, Dr. Edwin Cannon , to resume his
studies in London within a period not exceeding four years from
October 1917. He booked his luggage on a steamer which consisted
mostly of books. Unfortunately this steamer was torpedoed by a
German submarine on the way, but luckily, the ship in which
Ambedkar was travelling reached Bombay safely. This was the period
of the World War I.
Ambedkar reached Bombay on August 21, 1917. That was the time
when India was in turmoil. Lord Montague, the Secretary of State for
India had come to India to assess the political situation. He stayed in
India throughout the months of November and December 1917.
Carefully studying the situation, Ambedkar did not consider it proper
to express his opinion on the political and social turmoil then raging
in, India, as he was under bond to serve the State of Baroda for ten
years. So he reached Baroda in September, 1917. The Maharaja
wanted to appoint him as the Finance Minister after giving him a
chance to gain some experience in the field of administration. To
begin with, he was appointed the Military Secretary to the
Maharaja. Even though he
14 DR B R AM BEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

attained this high position, the stigma of untouchability did not stop
pursuing him. Even the peons considered it below their dignity to
give him a glass of water. No hotel was prepared to put him up. ln
desperation, he sent a note to the Maharaja, who referred the matter
to the Dewan but there was nobody who could do anything about it.
Deeply disappointed, Ambedkar bid good bye to Baroda in
November, 1917 and came back to Bombay. Soon à fter his step-
mother passed away.
In Bombay, Ambedkar came in touch with another enlightened
Prince, the Maharaja of Kolhapur, Shahu Maharaj, who had been
trying to do his best to break down the barriers of the caste system and
help the untouchables in every possible way. This turned out to be yet
another turning point in his life. The Maharaja not only appointed the
untouchables to posts m his personal staff, provided the untouchable
students with free education, board and lodging but even went to the
extent of taking meals with them in public. It can truly be said that
Shahu Maharaj was one of the lew parsons whose heart revolted
against the tyranny of our caste system and whose sympathies were
genuinely with the unfortunate downtrodden castes. In 1919, the
Mahataja helped Ambedkar to start a fortnightly paper. The paper
first came out on Jannuary â 1, 1920 under the name of Pool NayaA,
Although Ambedkar was not its editor officially, this paper became
his mouth- piece. He made full use of it to expose, with his
brilliant logic, the irrationality and the basic injustice inherent in
the caste system. The reason why Dr. Ambedkar did not become
the official editor of the paper was the fact that in November, 1918
he was appointed, on a temporary basis, the Professor of
Economies in the Goveinment Sydenham College of Commerce and
Economies in Bombay. His sole aim in accepting the post was to
save sufflcient money to go back to England and complete his
unfinislied studies at the London School of Economics. With this in
mind, Ambedkar contiriued to live a very simple life in those very
two rooms in the Improvement Trust chatrl in Parel which his family
had been occupying since his father's days. He gave a fixed amount
of his salary every month to his wife, Ramabai. Finally, by July 1920,
Ambedkar had saved sufficient money and also got some financial
help from the Maharaja of Kolhapur besides a loan of Rs. 5,000
from his old friend, Naval Bhathena. This enabled him to leave for
London in July 1920. He pursued his studies in economics at the
London School of Economies and was called to bar
SOJOURN IN THE WEST

simultaneously. In addition, he spent long hours at the famous

London Museum Library. Life in London was harsh. Ambedkar stayed
as a paying guest in a boarding house owned by a stern lady. The
breakfast and the dinner were hardly sufficient to keep body and soul
together. Yet so intense was Ambedkar's craving for knowledge that
he managcd to live even on whatever little food he got in the boarding
house. He was too poor to eat outside. From time to time his old
friend, Bhathena helped him financially. His total mont.'nly expenses
did not exceed eight pounds He walked long distances because he
could not afford to pay for train fare or hire other modes of
conveyance.
Ambed kar's painstaking research work in London resulted in
completing his thesis entitled “Provincial Decentralization of Impetial
Finance in British Incl ia' ’ for which he was awarded the degree of
Master of Sciencc in
June 1921, Ill Oct-
ober next year, he
completed another
thesis entitled “The
Problem of the
Rupee" for the
University of
London. However,
working hard on
these two thesis
hardly left for him
any spare time to
pursue his studies
for the degree of
Bar r is ter - at -
Law ; and he was
not able to appear
for the
examination, Before
that, he had made a
trip to the famous
University of Bonn,
Germany (now
the capital of thv
Federal Republic
of Germany) for
taking up higher Dr Ambedkar after completing luar-ut-four
 DR. B R. AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

studies in that august institution. During this preliminary visit to

Bonn from April to early May 1922, he had arranged his admission to
the university and came back to London in May 1922. Soon after
submitting his thesis on The Problem of the Rupee to the University
of London in 1922, he proceeded to Bonn. However, fate again stood
in his way. His thesis raised a furore in the academic world of the
University of London, because of his frank and forthright criticism of
the British fiscal system in India. Even a socialist professor like
Harold Laski was convinced, like many other dons of the Univetsity of
London, that Ambedkar was an Indian revolutionary. He was,
therefore, called back to London in March 1923 by Professor Edwin
Cannon, who asked him to re-write his thesis. However, Ambedkar
could not simply afford to stay on in London for this purpose since
his finances had almost completely cxhausted. His family in India too,
was in extreme financial difficulties. He was, therefore, compelled to
return to Bombay with a heavy heart in April 1923 and re-
wrote his
thesis, as advised by Professor Edwin Cannon, and sent it to him,
without changing any of the conclusions drawn by him from his
studies. This time the University of London accepted the thesis and
awarded him the degree of Doctor of Science. A modified version of
his controversial thesis was published by M /s. King and Son,
London, a famous publishing house of London of those days, in
December 1923. Bhim Rao Ambedkar dedicated the puhlication to
the memory of his father and mother, to whom he owed so much.
Bhim Rao also was honest enough to acknowledge to his intimate
friends that although Professor Cannon had asked him to re-write his
thesis, he had the magnanimity of not compelling him (Bhim Rao) to
change any of his conclusions, controversial though they were
Instead, Prof. Cannon had the magnanimity to pay a handsome
compliment to Bhim Rao by acknowledging the “stimulating
freshness in his views and reasons' ’. The reasons for the futore
caused by Bhim Rao's thesis were simple: in it he had explained in
clear terms the manner in which the relationship of the Indian rupee
to the British pound was artificially manipulated by our former
imperialist rulers, causing a crushing financial burden on the Indian
economy.
Bhim Rao had by now acquired qualifications which very few of his
contemporaries had , though the hardships he had to undergo for
accomplishing were indeed enormous. Judged by any standard, he
proved himself to be a person of an extraordinary intellect. He never
SOJOUItN IN THE WEST 17

flinched from telling the truth. Despite western education and its
influence, he had deep roots in the Indian soil and spent the rest of his
life in identifying the problems of his motherland and in finding out
ways to solve them
 CHAPTER IV

HOMECOMING

Df. Ambedkar came back to India in April 1923 Although he

had by that time acquired the highest possible academic qualifications
from the foremost centres of learning in England, America and
Germany, he was k extreme financial difficulties. He, therefore,
decided that in order to maintain himself and his family the best
course for him would be to practise as a barrister so that he could
devote his spare time to the cause of the upliftment of the
untouchables and also meet his worldly needs, However, his
financial condition at the time was such that he did not even have
the money for obtaining the licence or iaead for practising a a
lawyef. At this juncture his old friend, Mr. Naval Bhathena, once
again came to his help and gave him the required amount of money
That was how Dr. Ambedkar was at last able to start his practice as
a barrister in Jure 1923.

Facing an Ugly Reality

Dr. Ambedkar's caste again stood in his way. The litigants
belonging to the upper castes were not willing to hire even such a
highly qualified barrister and those who did were mostly from thg
pOOfer sections who could pay either very little of no money at all
for his services. Bhim Rao was naturally depressed by these
conditions but his spirit was as usual undaunted and his
determination and enthusiasm unabated.
But this was not all. Dr. Ambedkar faced another problem. In those
days, when our country was ruled by the British, thCfC was a
widespread belief that hiring the services of European barristers was
the key to winning a case. Most of the judges were European. Yet
another difficulty faced by Dr. Ambedkar was the fact that the
solicitors, who were mostly upper caste Hindus, did not wish to
have any business
HOMECOMING 19

dealings with an untouchable. Bhim Rao, therefore, had to face a

difficult situation even in a profession for which he was so eminently
qualified. In the beginning, he had to be content with small cases in
the subordinate courts, and wait patiently for the day when he would
be able to appear with full dignity in the High Court. Under this
difficult and trying situation , Dr. Ambedkar did not lose courage. He
was extremely confident that some day he would definitely succeed
and make a mark in his chosen profession. He was not a person to be
cowed down by such adverse circumstances.
During the early 1920s, when Dr. Ambedkar started his practice,
several forces and factors were inevitably moulding the destiny of the
country. Among them was high growth of indigenous textile mills in
and around Bombay, the gathering momentum of the freedom
struggle launched by Mahatma Gandhi, a gradual but definite
awakening among the untouchables in the country, world-wide
upsurge of democracy after World War I and the establishment of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republic after the overthrow of the despotic
rule of the Czar in Russia.
The resolution passed by the Bombay Legislative Council on August
4, 1923, which was moved by the late Shri S.K. Bole was another
major event of this period. “The Council recommends that the
untouchable classes be allowed to use all public places including wells
and dLOrdW5halas which were built and maintained out of public
funds or administered by the govei nment bodies or created by statutes
as well as pu blic schools, courts, offices and dispensaries”. To
implement this Act, the Government of Bombay Presidency issued a
directive to the heads of departments under it on September 11 1923
asking them to give effect to the resolu tion of the Legislative Council
in so far as it relates to public places and institutions belonging to and
maintained by the Government and request the District Collectors to
advise the local public bodies under their jurisdiction to consider the
desirability of accepting the recommendation of the Council in so far
as it relates to them. A similar directive was also issued to the
Chairman of the Bombay Improvement Trust and the Municipal
Commissioner of the Bombay City for giving effect to the Count if's
resolution in regard to the public places under their control.
Two significant events occurred in the following year. Veer
Savarkar was released after 12 years of imprisonment in Andamans
and interned in Ratnagiri on January 6, 1924. Mahatma Gandhi was
released on
20 DR B R AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

February 11, 1924, on grounds of ill-health from the Yefavada jail

after undergoing two years' imprisonment. Both Veet Savarkar and
Mahatma Gandhi had taken up the cause of the social upliftment of
the untouchables and the consolidation or unification of the Hindu
society, though their programmes and styles of functioning were
different from each other. Savarkar started his work in Aptil 1924 by
establishing an organisation known zs Hindu SanghatLan whose main
aim was the upliftment of the depressed classes. Gandhiji also began a
forceful movement for eradication of untouchability. At the same
time, Dr. Ambedkar launched his movement for the upliftment of the
untouchables. He convened a meeting on March 9, 1924 at Damodar
Hall, Bombay, to discuss the need of establishing a central
organisation for removing the innumetable handicaps from which the
untouchables suffered and for placing their grievances before the
Government. Following this meeting, a society named Bahishkrit
Hvaéauni Sabha was formed to promote the interests of the
untouchables, but its activities were confined to the Presidency of
Bombay and its head office was located at Damodar Hall, Bombay.
The principal aims of the Sabha were: to promote the spread of
education amongst the untouchables; to promote the spread of
culture amongst the untouchables by opening libraries, study circles
etc. ; to improve the economic status of the untouchables by starting
industrial and agricultural schools; and to bring the grievances of the
depressed classes to the attention of the Government. The president
of the Sabha was the late Sir C.H. Seetalved, an upper caste Gujarati
Hindu and a brilliant lawyer of his days. Its vice-presidents included
such eminent persons as M. Nissim, Justice of Peace; Shri Rustomji-
Jinwala, an eminent Parsi solicitor; late Shri G.K. Nariman; late Dr.
R.P. Paranjape, the famous mathematician; late Dr. V.P. Chavan and
late Shri B.G. Kher who in 1939 became the first premier of the then
Bombay Presidency. Dr. Ambedkar was the chairman of the
managing committee. The composition of the committee reflected the
broad and secular outlook of Dr. Ambedkar. He had a firm belief that
untouchability should be the concern not only of the untouchables
alone but of all the sections of the Indian society. There was a subtle
distinction between the approach adopted by Dr. Ambedkar towards
the eradication of untouchability and that adopted by the several
other organisations which were also working in their own way for the
same cause. Dr. Ambedkar was of the firm conviction that a
distinction
HOMECOMING 21

existed between social reform confined only to the refofm of the

Hindu family, and social reform aiiTied at a complete
reorganisation and reconstructionof the entire Hindu society. This
was an important distinction between the movement launched by Dr.
Ambedkar and the organisations like the Social Conference founded
by Justice Ranade show goals were confined to only such marginal
and onward refotms like widow-rerrlaffiage etC. and its activities
were essentially confined only to the upper Castes. The same was the
case with other organis*tipns like the PrortLau SamaJ and the
Brahmo 5ama]. While it would be Entirely wrong to deny
Gandhiji's sincerity in the cause of upliftment of the untouchables, as
it was evident from his deeds as well as writings in the famous paper
started by him called Harijan, :'t would be equally untruthful to say
that Gandhiji's approach was one mainly of treating the symptom
rather than the disease. In making this statement, no disrespect is
meant for the Father of the Nation. Gandhiji was a genuine
seeker of truth. But no human being, however, great could be
expected to be perfect in every respect,
Dr. Ambedkar was firmly convinced, being possessed of a highly
rational mind, that untouchability could be removed only by bringing
about a complete reform in the structure of the entire Hindu
surety and not merely by showing gestures like taking food with
the untouchables, shaking hands wirh them or treating them with
Produces or courtesy. He firmly believed that a complete
reconstruction of the Hindu society, including the abolition of the
caste system by an Act of free India's legislature; the abolition of the
system of priesthood, which was confined only to the Brahmins,
and the standardization of the scriptures, rituals and religious
practices for the entire Hindu society could remove the stigma of
untouchability effectively and permanently.
Thus while Babasahib as well as Mahatma Gandhi had the same
goal of the ultimate removal of untouchabiltty, their individual
approach to achieve the goal was radically different Not to
acknowledge this fact would be an affront to the memory of these
two truly gfeat sons of our country. Yet we have to be quite clear in
our minds that both Bapu and Bhim were equally sincere to their
common cause even though they tried to achieve it in different
ways.
 CHAPTERS

LAUNCHING THE
STRUGGLE FOR
RIGHTS

Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha

The Bul›’almiI Hitkarini Sabha launched a purposeful programme
in keeping with its aims and objects in order to arouse the
untouchables and make them conscious of thCif fights. The Sabha
arranged for hostel accomrr•edation at Sholapur for high school
students who belonged to the families of untouchables in January
l92§. All the expenses of the boarders of the hostel for clothes,
stationery and food were met by the Nabla, The Sholapur
Municipality came to the help of the S bla and sanctioned a grant
of Rs. 40 for the maintenance of the hostel. The Nabla also started
an institution of the depressed, classes with the aim of inculcating in
them a desire to acquire knowledge and also a desire for social
service. A reading room and a hockey club were started in Bombay
with the purpose of providing healthier forms of recreation for
untouchable youths.
The establishment of the Bahñhkrit Hitkarini Sabha was in fact
the outward expression of Dr. Ambedkar's ideas regarding the
ways and means to remove untouchability The Sabha also
provided a good forum for Dr Ambedkar to actively pursue the
programme leading to the realization of the goals of the Sabha, and
also to work actively and openly for the upliftment of the
untouchables. He moved from village to village and town to town
to bring about an awakening among the untouchables and to make
them assett theii rights. He attended and guided the first Provincial
Depressed Classes Conference held at Nipani in the Bombay
Presidency in 192i and also presided over the first conference of
untouchables held at Malwan in the same year. After the conference,
he visited some places in Goa for the same purpose before returning
to Bombay.
LAUNCHING THE STRUGGLE FOR RIGHTS 25

By the time, Dr. Ambedkar's scholarly achievements came to be

noticed. A statement that he had submitted to the Royal Commission
on Indian Currency and Finance was taken note of by the latter. In
this report, he had cogently argued that the Gold Exchange Standard
was detrimental to the financial interests of India because it did not
have the in-built stability of the gold standard as was the case with
Britain Consequently, the Royal Commission called Dr.
Ambedkar on
Decembef 15, 1925 and interviewed him on the subject.

Awakening of the Untouchables

A i«t •$r•ta was launched at Vaikam in the Travancore State by the
late E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker, a non-Brahmin leader who later
founded the Dravida Kazhagam Party, for asserting the rights of the
untouchables to use a road which had been closed to them, although it
was a public and not a private road. The subsequent orders by the
Ruler of the Travancore State allowing the untouchables to use the
road, was an important event of 192§. The event had a great impact
on untouchables in the rest of the country deeply. Another
sensational event which took place in the then Madras State in Match,
1926 was the entry of an untouchable named Murgesan into a Hindu
temple. His arrest and prosecution on the charge of defiling a Hindu
place of worship, also shook the untouchables of the country. It was
worth mentioning that the late Shri C. Rajgopalachari, who later
became the first Governor-General of independent India, happened to
be present in the court when Murgesan’s trial was going on. Though
he was not handling the case himself, he with the permission of the
British Judge, cross-examined the Public Prosecutor and completely
demolished his case. Murgesan was acquitted of the charges and his
freedom restored.
At the same time, Dr. Ambedkar was slowly but surely making his
mark as a lawyer. In 1926, some Brahmins of Pune had filed a suit
against three non-Brahmin leaders, charging them with defacing the
Brahmin community because they had published a pamphlet saying
that the Brahmins had ruined India. The prosecution was led by late
LB. Bhopatkar, an eminent lawyer of Pune and the defence by Dr.
Ambedkar In lais arguments Dr. Ambedkar ably and eloquent ly
defended his clir nts and won the case. This was a major event in the
life of Dr. Ambedkar, since it not only brought about a great
awakening among the untouchables but also established his
reputation as a lawyer beyond any doubt.
 DR B,R. AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

Although the resolution moved by late Shri S.K. Bole was passed
by the Bombay Legislative Council which asked the local boards,
municipalities and the Bombay Corporation to allow the untouchables
the free use of all public places like wells, tanks, schools, hospitals
and dl aramshalœ, it remained more or less on paper. That was why
Shri Bole was compelled to move another resolution in the Bombay
Legislative Council on August 9, 1926. He recommended that the
Government of bombay Presidency may not give any grant to those
municipalities and local boards which failed to giVe effect to the
earlier resolution passed by the council three years ago.
Although Dr. Ambedkar was a fairly well known lawyei and a social
worker by now, he kept on living in the same Bombay Improvement
Trust tenement which had meagre basic amenities like lavatories,
bathrooms and water taps. His office was situated in a building in the
neighbourhood, owned by the Social Servicc Eeague, Bombay. At this
time, the post of the principal of Sydenham College, Bombay, fell
vacant. There was pethaps nobody else in the Bombay Presidency
who was better qualified to hold this post than Dr. Ambedkar. He
had already worked as Professor of Economics at the same college
earlier for a short time. An enlightened person like Dr. R.P. Paranjape,
who was then the Member for Education, Bombay Presidency, was
unable to get Dr. Ambedkar appointed as principal of the Sydenham
College, in spite of Shri Keluskar personally meeting him and pleading
Dr. Ambedkar's case. Dr. Paranjape did offer a prö fessorship in the
Elphinston College to Dr. Ambedkar but he refused it. However, slnce
June 1925, he had already accepted the part time post of a lecturer in
the Batliboi's Accountancy Training Institute to teach Mercantile law.
He carried on with that part time job till the end of March 1928.
During the same period, Dr. Ambedkar's wife gave birth to his second
son, who was named Rajratna, and also a daughter, Indu who,
however, died in her infancy. Ramabai's health had begun to
deteriorate and Dr. Ambedkar thought it best to send her along with
his two sons to her native place for a change. Unfortunately, Rajratna
passed away in July 1926 and Dr. Ambedkar was deeply touched by
his death.
Dr. Ambedkar did not remain preoccupied with his private sorrows
and griefs for long. He had by now become famous among the
depressed classes whose members came to him from far away places
in the Bombay Presidency, with their tales of sorrow and distress,
dsking
LAUNCH ING THE STRUGGLE FOR RIGHTS 25

him to take up their cases in the courts of law. He gave them free legal
advice and fought thcir cases with vigour, charging them very litrle or
nothing at all. Not only this, he even provided free boarding and
hedging to many who had no place to stay in Bombay.
In January 1927, a meeting was held at Koregaon War Memorial
near Pune by tire depressed classes which was attended by many
prominent leaders of the untouchables. Dt. Ambedkar addressing the
meeting said that hundreds of persons from their community had
fought in the British Army in the World Wal‘ I but the British
Govcrnment had later on declared the untouchablcs unfit for military
service. He exhorted the untouchables to agitate against this patently
discriminatory policy in order to compel the Government to remove
the ban on the untouchablcs entering the armed forces. In the same
month i.e. January 1'927, the Governor of Bombay nominated Dr.
Ambedkar to the Bombay legislative Council as a member. A meeting
was held on April 19, 1927 in the Damodar Hall, Bombay at which a
purse was presented to him. Dr. Ambedkar expressing his gratitude
to the people for this gesture, donated the entire amount to the
Bali.iitrii HitAnn'ui

Satyagraha at Mahad
After becoming a Member of the Bombay Legislative Council Dr.
Ambedkar had much greater opportunity to put legitimate grievatat
es of the depressed classes before the Government. He was now
determined to see that the Bolc Resolution first passed by the Bout
bay legislative Council in 1923 and reaffirmcd in 1'926 did not remain
a mere scrap of paper. For instance, although the Mahad Municipality
had thrown open the Chawdar Tank to the untouchablcs on paper,
they could not use the tank because of the strong opposition of the
high caste Hindus Those concerned decided to hold a conference at
Mahad in the Kolaba District on March 19-20, 1927 to which the
organisers invited Dr. Ambedkar. The arrangements for holding the
conference had been made by a tern of dedicated persons which
included some members of the upper castes. The conference was
attended by about 3000 delgates, workers and leaders of the
depressed classes representing practically every district of
Maharashtra and Gujarat. The irony of the situation was that water
was not available to the untouchables at the place where the
conference was being held. It had to be purchsed from the upper
caste Hindus in that locality. The
26 DR. B.R. AMBEDKAR—HIS MF£ AND WORK

conference started at noon and Dr. Ambedkar in his Presideritial

address called upon the untouchables to not only stand up and assert
their rights as human beings but also make earnest efforts to improve
their lot by educating their children. He told them to give up such bad
habits as eating of rotten flesh or food thrown away by the high caste
Hindus. He also urged them to agitate for the removal of the ban
imposed on the entry of the untouchables into the army and the
police, as military seNice not only provided an excellent opportunity
for improving their economic status but also gave them an
opportunity to improve the educational standards of their children.
There was compulsory primary education in the military camps for
the dependents of army personnel irrcspective of caste or creed. The
conference passed several important resolutions. In one resolution it
appealed to the upper castes to help the untouchables in secuiing
their rights, to open avenues of employment for them and offer food
to untouchable students. It also appealed to the Government to mate
the Bole Resolution effective by asking the local bodies and
municipalities to enforce it by invoking Section 144 of the Indian
Criminal Procedure, if necessary. It was also decided that the
conference 8.‹.legates should visit the Chawdar tank in order to
edsure that the untouchables were allowed to draw water from the
tank, which was a public place. They should clairrl their right to do so
in consonance with the Bole resolution. The delcgates staged a
peaceful march to the tank in the morning ol Marrh 20, 1*J27 and
asserted their right to take water from it. I t may also be n‹r etc that
although the upper caste Hindus did not mitsd the Muslims and
Christians taking water from the tank, they did not allow the
untouchables who belonged to the Hindu religion and worshipped
rhe same Gods and Goddesses as the upper caste Hindus, to do so.
The peaceful march was an important event in the history of the
untouchables of ouf country. It was the first occasion when they had
stond up for their rights in such large numbers. The procession
reached the tank and Dr. Ambedkar was the first to take water from
ihe tank and drink it, followed by the entire procession. The delegates
then returned peacefully to the conference pandal. This was naturally
resented by some of the mode orthodox and bigoted among the upper
caste Hindus. So they spread a Dumont that the untouchables were also
planning to enter the local temple Rumours spfead fast aiid people
were taken in by them. Large crowds of people including the anti-
social elements armed with bamboo sticks first collected at street
cornefs and
LAUNCHING THE STRUGGLE FOR RIGHTS 27

later stormed the pandal of the conletencc. At that tifrie many of the
delegates had gone to the town in small groups. Some were busy in
packing up their belongings while others were busy finishing their
meals before leaving for their native places. In fact, the majority of the
delegates had by then actually left the town and only a few were in the
pandas The crowd pounced upon the small number of delegates in
the pandol They threw away their food on the ground and beat up
some of them, causing utter confusion. This sent a wave of panic
among the uiitouchables of the town. Some of them were also beaten
up by the rowdies and many of them had to take shelter in the house
of their Muslim. neighbours. The local police inspector went to inform
Dr. Ambedkar at 4 O’Clock on 20-3-1927 at the Dak Bangalow where
he and his party were staying Dr. Ambedkar hurried to the /n»#o/
with a few of his colleagues. On the way, a group of rowdies
surrounded him but h• kept his temper under control. He told them
calmly that there was no desire nor any plan on the part of the
delegates attending the conference to enter the local Hindu temple.
After this, he was allowed to proceed to the pandal, where he saw
things for himself bcfote retui ning to the Dad Bangalow. By this time,
about 20 untouchables had been seriously injured and a doctor had to
be called to attend to them.
Not content with what they had done to the delegates in the
Mandal, the anti-social elements then started marching up and down
the streets of the town assaulting the members of the depressed
classes. They even went to the extent of sending some of the ruffians
in pursuit of the delegates who were peacefully walking back to their
villages after attending the conference. Many of them were way-laid
and beaten up
These incidents sent a wave of indignation among the
untouchables of Maharashtra in particular and the untouchables of
the entire country in general. It was worth mentioning that although
many of the delegates who were still in Mahad were seething with
anger at the brutal treatment meted out to them and their comrades
by the upper caste rowdies. Dr. Ambedkar pacified them and asked
them to act with restraint and not to retaliate. He told them that
peace had to be maintained at all costs. Thus this historic struggle
was totally non- violent, disciplined and constitutional. Perhaps, Dr.
Ambedkar had been deeply impressed by the technique of peaceful
disobedience movement launched by Mahatma Gandhi and had
seen its merits.
28 DR. B.fi. AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE MND WORK

This is another proof of the catholicity of thought and open

mindedness of Dr. Ambedkar.
On the night of March 20, 1927 Dr. Ambedkar and his party had to
leave the Dak Banglow as it had been booked for a visiting
Government officer. They had to find shelter in the police station
where enquiry into these incidents was in progress and had to be
completed before returning to Bombay.
As a result of the painstaking investigation made by Dr. Ambedkar
he gathered facts which he narrated to the police authorities . The
administration was compelled to arrest some of the rowdies. Five of
them were sentenced by the Disttict Magistrate to four months
rigorous impt‘isonment on June 6, 1927.
The Mahad conference affected Dr. Ambedkar's personal life
diamatically and deeply and iü flueuced the social and national
events of the future. In this respect, it can be compared to the
paitition of Bengal in 1905, Lok Manya Tilak's role of the Surat
Congress in which. he declared complete independence as the sole
aim of the Indian National Congress, Mahatma Gandhi's Dandi March
of 1930 and Netaji Bose's war of Liberation of 1943. The peaceful
struggle at Mahad made the untouchables realise the value of getting
organised and actively struggle for their rights as members of the
Indian Society and for being treated like their compatriots. This also
made even the more orthodox of the Hindus realise that they could
not longer suppress the strong uige of the untouchables for being
treated with decency and a equals. Actually this feeling had taken
tlrm roots in the minds of the untouchables after the historie Mahad
Conference. It can be claimed that the Mahad incidents pushed the
struggle of the depressed classess ahead by 50 years although it lasted
barely for a lew days.
Till the time Dr. Ambedkar returned to Bombay on March 23 ,
1927 the members of his family were naturally deeply anxious about
his safety. His elder brother even went to the extent of admonishing
Dr. Ambedkar and advising him to mind his own business and not get
involved in such troubles. The Mahad struggle staited a contoversy
throughout the country. But its impact on the Bombay Presidcncy
was the greatest. 5everal articles were written in the neewspapers,
some condcmning the struggle as an over-zealous one; and some
praising it. The upper caste Hindus we,re divided into two camps: the
more enlightened ones supported the struggle and urged upon
the
LAUNCHING THE STRUGGLE FOR RIGHTS 25

C.‹overnment of the Bombay Presidency to make the Bole Resolution

effective. Others condemned the whole incident as a heinous crime on
the part of the untouchables. The only leader of national eminence
who supported Dr. Ambedkar's struggle was Veer Savarkar. He went
to the extent of saying that untouchability must not only be
condemned but completely abolished. He praised the Satyagraha at
Mahad and openly declared that it was the bounden duty of the
Hindu society as a whole to restore full human rights to the
untouchables who were as much Hindus as the so-called upper
castes
Even at Mahad, there were a few upper caste Hindu Leaders like
Bapurao Joshi, Sashrabuddhe, and Namasahib Surba Tipnis who
openly supported the peaceful struggle and earned the scorn of the
more orthodox Hindus of the town. They scoffed at the ceremony
held for the so-called purification of the tank which was organised by
the more orthodox of the Hindus and in which cow dung, cow urine,
milk and curd in 108 carthern pots were dipped in the tank amidst
the chanting of mantras by Brahmin priests.

Publication of Journal for UntouchableJ

Realising the need to have a proper forum for expressing his views,
Dr. Ainbedkat started his fortnightly Marathi Paper BahuLbrit Bharat
on April 3, 1927 in Bombay. The main purpose of this fortnightly
paper was to keep the depressed classes well informed about the
happenings in the land and also to make his views known to such
uPper caste Hindus who might be of a more enlightened bent of
mind. Every
issue of this fortnightly carried an editorial written in his inimitable
style, appealing to the Government to make the Bole Resolution duly
effective and to punish those who opposed its implementation . He
also posed many penetrating and thought-provoking questions before
his upper caste co-religionists. If eating irreat and beef made some
Hindus untouchables, why was this not applied to the Christians and
Muslims and also why some of the communities who never touched
meat were tategorized as untouchable? He also taunted those upper
caste Hindus who asked the British Government to act in a
democratic manner and to treat Indians as equals, and at the same
time were against a similar treatment being given to the
untouchables, although they were as good Hindus as themselves.
He even went to the extent of stating in one of his editorials that had
Lok Manya Tilak been born an untouchable, he would have raised
the slogan: “Annihilation of
30 DR B R. A MBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

untouchability is my Birth Right” instead of ‘ 'Sawaraj is my Birth

Right”. He also made a passionate appeal to all leaders and
enlightened members of the public at large, who favoured abolition
of untouchability in their utterances and writings, to translate their
sympathy for this cause into reality. They must practise what they
preached in their every day life.
The Mahad struggle made Dr. Ambedkar a hero of the depressed
classes throughout the country HiS voice was listened to wirh
respect not only in the Bombay Legislative Council but alsO Outside
it. The success of the struggle had a far-reaching effect on the un:
iuchables and made them aware of their power. This historic
struggle also made Dr. Ambedkar plunge into the battle for
improving the condition of the downtrodden It is significant. to note
that in his struggle, Dr. Ambedkar received the support of some of
the enlightened membeis of the upper
castes. For instance, Reg. No. B 5o• M W•

Lok Manya Tilak's son

Sridhar Pant was a
friend and admirer of
Dr. Ambedkar. He
cven went to the extent
of organising a Choir
of untouchable boys at
a function held in
September, 1fi27 in
Tilak's famous
Gaikwad Wada despite
the opposition of the
trustees of the Kesan’,
Dr. Ambedkar reci-
procated such gest-
ures by stressing the fact
that the view held by
man y u ntouchabl cs
that all Brahmins
were their enemies,
was completely
wrong. What he
wanted was to fight
the spirit of
A meekly started by DrAmbedkor
Brahaminism i.e. the
LAUNCHING THE STRUGGLE FOR RIGHTS 31

notion of high bom and low bom and not the Biahmin community as
such. He even went to the extent of declaring that in non-Brahmin
communities persons with notions of self-exaltation by virtue of
possession of wealth and powet were as inimical to him as a Brahmin
full of self-righteousness because of his birth. With Eis sense of histoty
and a deep understanding of great Indian culture, Dr. Ambedkar even
quoted profusely from the Gita in his editorials to support his views in
the BahülÄrit Bharat. While he agreed with Gandhiji that non-
violence was the best way of achicving one's goals, Dr. Ambedkar
added that as far as possible, non-violence should be the rule but the
necessity of violence could not be mled out. Here, it would be
pertinent to recall that even Mahatma Gandhi approved the Indian
Government's action in meeting violence with violence at the time of
invasion of Kashmir by the PakiStanis in 1948.
In a retrograde step, the Mahad Municipality ievoked its earlier
resolution of 1924 by which it had declared the Cliawdar Tank open
to the depressed classes, on August, 4, 1927. This blatant act of
defiance of the Bole Resolution of the Bombay Legislative Council
naturally annoyed Dr. Ambedkar and his followers. At a meeting held
on September 11, 1927, it was decided to of:ter Satya‘graha for re-
cstablishing the rights of the untouchables. Eatcr on, December 25
and 26, 1927 were fixed as the dates for offering the Satyagraha. The
announcement of the Satyagraha led to a barrage of bitterly hostile
criticism from the more orthodox Hindus. Answering these people,
Dr. Ambedkar said that the upper caste Hindus must bear in mind the
fact that the depressed classes were fighting for their rights while
remaining within the fold of the Hindu religion. He also told them that
had he been thinking in tetms of conversion to another religion, he
and lois followeis could have done so without consulting any one else.

To Aim Low is a Crime

Dr. Ambedkar said: “Somc men say that they should be satisfied
with the abolition of untouchability only, leaving the caste system
alone. The aim of abolition of untouchability alone without ttying to
abolish the inequalities inherent in the caste system is a rather low. not
failure but low aim is a crime, let us probe the evil to its very roots and
not be satisfied with mere palliatives to assuage our pain. If disease is
not rightly diagnised, the remedy will be useless and the cure may be
delayed. Even if we suppose that the stigma of untouchability is wiped
i2 DR B R AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

out, what will be the status of the present day untouchables. At the
most, they will be treated as Shudras. And what are the rights of
the Shudras! The âmi/iei treat them as mere helots, and the Smrif/ei
are the guides of the caste Hindus in the matter of gradations in the
caste system. Are you willing to be treated as SLudrai! Are you
willing to accept the position of helots?”

Se1f•help
He further added:
“That the caste system must be abolished if the Hindu society is to be
reconstructed on the basis of equality, goes without saying.
Untouchability has its roots in the caste system. They cannot expect
the Brahmins to rise in revolt against the caste system. Also we
cannot rely upon the non-Brahmins and ask them to fight our battle.
Most of these are more interested in bringing the brahamins down
rather than in raising the level of the suppressed classes. They too
want a class of people on whom they can look down upon and have
the satisfaction of not being quite the under-dogs of the society. This
means that we ourselves must fight our battles, relying on ourselves”.
untouchability has ruined the untouchables, the Hindus and
ultimately the nation as a whole. The day the depressed classes gain
their self-respect and freedom they would contribute'not only to
their own prosperity but by their industry, intellect and courage
would also strengthen the prosperity of the nation. A religion which
discriminates between one of its followers and another is partial and
the religion which treats crores of its adherents worse than dogs and
criminals and inflicts upon them insufferable disabilities is no
religion at all. Religion is not the appellation or such an unjust order.
Religion and slavery are incompatible”.

Patriotism, Nationalism and Secularism

Dr. Ambedkar's patriotism, and his dedication to the principles
of nationalism and secularism was undoubted. He undertook a special
journey to the famous fort of Raigad, the glorious symbol of the
heroic fight put up by Chhatrapati Shivaji against Aurangzeb. He
did so not because of any communal consideration, but because of
the fact that he admired the bravery of Chhatrapati Shivaji who had
the courage to fight, with a very small army, against the mighty
Emperor Aurangzeb who spent almost 50 years of his life extending
his kingdom in South.
LA UNCFIINC›“I I-IE S1'RUGCLE FOR RIGFI1“S

As his biographers have mentioned, he was deeply moved at when he

saw the ruins of the famous fort of Raigad. Even this humble act of
pi)grimage by him and his followers to a place which symbolised the
struggle of weak against the high and mighty, was not to the liking of
the orthodox Hindus.
As the time went on, Dr Ambedkar got involved more and more i i
public activities. He started taking active interest in social work, even
at the cost of neglecting his flourishing legal practice. He did so
because he deeply felt that his work and mission were not to earn
money or amass wealth but to bring about a complete transformation
of the Hindu society. He wanted to secure for the so-called
untouchables a place of honour in the Hindu Society, which had been
unjustly denied to them because of historical distortions. As a Member
of the Legislative Council of the Bombay Pesidency, Dr. Ambedkar
seized every opportunity to put forth his views on the subject in a
forceful manner An outstanding example of the various measures
which Dr. Ambedkar took as a Member of the Legislative Council was
the Bill introduced by himself on March 19, 1928 to amend the
Bombay Hereditary Offences Act, 1874. According to this iniquitous
act, the Mahars in Government service were required to work round
the clock. If a Mahar in Government service absented himself from
duty even on valid grounds like illness, he was under the law tequired
to place the services of a member of his family at the disposal of the
Government during his period of absence. Before introducing the Bill,
Dr. Ambedkar prepared the. draft of the Bill with his characteristic
meticulousness. He moved the Bill in the Council on August 3, 1928
with an impassioned appeal to the Government, based on legal,
financial and moral grounds to tepeal this iniquitous piece of
legislation. He spoke for almost two hours with all of logic, eloquence
and reasoning at his command. The entire Legislative Council heard
him without interruption. However, it was finally decided that the Bill
moved by Dr. Ambedkar may be referred to a Select Committee
co mp ris i ng 23 mem be rs of t he Co un ci 1.
The Council was asked to give its opin ion on the Bill by the first week
of June, 1929. It is indeed tragic thar the Select Committee, which was
packed either by orthodox, upper caste Hindus, or by staunch
Muslims, opposed the Bill toorh and n.til. Bitterly disillusioned and
clisappointcd Dr Anibedkar stood up in the Con ncil on July 24, i 929
and stated that the Bill may be witlad r.iwn. His agony at the
ignominious fate of a
34 DR, B.R. AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

measure which aimed to do away with gross injustice being done to

the untouchables can bc better imagined than explained.
In the meantime, Dr. A rribcdkar had accepted the post of acting
professor at the Government College of Law, Bonibay,froni June 1928.
He was almost forced to accept thc post. Having plunged deeply into
social work and having become a merriber of the Bombay Legislative
Council he could devote no time to his legal practice. Thus he had no
other means of livelihood , anrl this post was the only means to keep
himself and his family alive.

Simon Commission Arrives in India

In the same year, the Indian Statutory Commission , appointed by
the then British Government (more popularly known as the Simon
Commission) headed by Sir John Simon, reached Bombay in February
1928 The Commñ sion comprised of only two members. Its coming to
India was resented by all Indians, including the Congress Patty ,
which staged hostile demonstrations on a countrywide scale leading
to police firing in certain areas A Conference convened by the
Congress Party met in February and May 1928 and appointed a
Committee under Pandit Motilal Nehru, the illustrious father of
Pandit Jawaharlal Nchru , to draw up a Constitution for an
independent India. It has to be acknowledged that this was the first
Indian atrerript at making the Ctinstitution for the entire country. At
the same time, a close scrutiny of the Constitution drafted by Motilal
Nehru and his colleagues showed that the main aim of the
Constitution was to bridge the gap between the Hindus and the
Muslims of India which had been widening more and more during
that period. However, very little thought had been given in that draft
Constitution to the miserable plight of the downtrodden.
Some of the biographers of Dr. Arribedkar have strongly criticised
Pandit Motilal Nehru and his colleagues for this obvious discrepancy
or omission in the Constitution drafted by them. The possible reasons
for this omission might be as follows. After centuries of living in amity
and sharing common languages, common regional traditions and
almost a common way of life, although following a different religion,
the Muslims of India were gradually drawn into a separatist
movement. Certain events in the beginning of the 20th century gave
rise to a growing movement of separatism among the Muslims.
Among them the most important ones were the deliberate policy
of the British
LAUNCHING THE STRUGGLE -OR RIGHTS

Government to enrourage the spirit of separatism amongst the Indian

Muslimsand to make them feel that they were not a part of the Indian
nation; the overthrow and clisintegration of the Ottoman Empire and
later on the emergence of Kari4al A traturk Pasha in Turkey leading to
a wave of anger and anguish amongst the Muslims all over the world
including India and the launching of the Khilafat Movement (for
the restoration of the Caliph’s rule in Turkey) in India by the famous
brothers, Maulana Shaukat Ali and Maulana Mohammed Ali, which
even Mahatma Gandhi thought fit to join. In the circumstances
mentioned above the concern of the Indian National Congress at the
growing chasm between the Hindus and the Musl'ws of India was
understandable. Hence it would be improper as well as unethical to
criticise Pt. Motilal Nehm and his colleagues for not making a special
mention of the untouchables in the draft Constitution prepared by
them. We have to bear in mind the fact that despite all his vehement
and outspoken utterances, Dr. Ambedkar or for that matter any other
untouchable leader, never questioned the fact that they were ai i
integral part of the Hindu society. What Dr Ambedkar often asserted
was that untouchables had as much faith in the Hindu religion as the
upper castes and because of this, they were entitled to being treated
at par with their co-religionists. The Indian National Congress had,
therefofe, no reason to make a special mention of the untouchables in
its draft Constitution. The members of the drafting committee headed
by a person of unquestionable ability and foresigh t, ss well as
embodiment txt wisdom and patriotism like Pt. Motilal Nehru, had at
that particular moment of our history every reason to believe that
untouchables wrre a part of the Hindu society and a thought of
breaking away from the Hindu-fold was farthest away even from thc
mind of such an outspoken, forthright and candid person as
Dr. Ambedkar. However, as recent researches in history, particularly
in the West have established that history can be divided under two
distinct heads: Micro-history and macro-history; and that often micro-
history or micro-historical events greatly influence macro-history or
macro- historical events.

Temple Entry Movement in Nasik

The year 1930 was a milestone in the history of India. The
British Government unleashed a wave of repression against the massive
movcment of passive resistance, civil disobedience and
Saiyagral›a
36 DR. B.R. AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

launched by Mahatma Gandhi on March 12, 1930. A vety large

number of unarmed Satyagrahees were brutally killed by the British
troops ah over the country. It was also the year of the famous Dandi
March of Mahatma Gandhi. Almost at the same time, Dr. Ambedkar
started the Temple Entry movement in Nasik after three months of
painstaking and meticulous preparations so characteristic of his style
of functioning. The Satyagraha Committee of the depressed classes
at Nasik had informed the trustees of the famous Kalaram Temple
that a Satyagralia, totally non-violent in nature, would be started
if the trustees did. not allow the untouchables to enter the temple
and to worship their God, Shri Rama. At the same time, in response
to the call of the Satyagraha Committee, almost 13000
volunteers and representatives assembled in a specially
erected pandal in a predominently untouchable area of the city. It
is worth emphasising that the volunteers included not only
untouchables but also Brahmin individuals like Shri B.G. Kher who
latet on became the first Premier of the Bombay Province in 1937.
On 5unday, March 2, 1930 the Conference opened at 10.00 a.m.
under the presidentship of Dr. Ambedkar. The participants
discussed in a very cool and calm manner the way in which the
Satyagraha was to be conducted; the deliberations went on till 12.00
noon when the Conference adjourned to meet again in the afternoon.
At 3.00 p. m. the Satyagrahees formed a row of four each and started
a procession which stretched over a mile. As soon as the
processionists came to the gate of the temple, the District
Magistrate, the students and the police and the entire official
entourage stood in front of the gate. They barred the entry into the
temple. Fnistrated in this atterñ pt of theirs, the processionists
marched to the famous Godawari Ghat where a meeting was held
and it was decided to launch a non-violent struggle in front of the
gates of the temple on the morning of March 3, 1930. The
Satyagrahees squatted before the temple entrance, singing bhajans
but a strong contingent of the Bombay police as well as of the Armed
Police were posted at each gate along with two first class
Magistrates as well as the District Superintendent of Police. This
treatment meted out to those perfectly non-violent Satyagrahees
moved even the heart of some of the enlightened upper-caste
Hindus. The same evening a public meeting of these citizens of
Nasik was held under' the presidentship of Dr. Kuitakoti, the lixal
Shanlarachayo to voice their sympathy for the Satyagrahees.
However, the voice of sanity was stifled by that of
IAUNCHING THE STRUGGLE FOR R IG HTS 37

orthodoxy and the meeting ended in utter confusion. Notwithstanding

these incidents, the perfectly non-violent 5otyagraha continued for a
long time. April 9, 1930 was the day when the image or statue of Shri
Rama in the Kalaram Temple was to be taken out in a procession in
an open chariot. Thanks to the wisdom and foresight of the
enlightened persons among the upper caste Hindus, a compromise
was arrived at between the upper caste Hindus and the untouchables.
It was agreed that physically strong men of both the untouchablcs as
well as upper caste Hindus would jointly pull the chariot. However,
again the more orthodox upper caste Hindus most hlatantly broke
this reasonable agreement. Before the untouchables could reach the
chariot, some of the upper caste Hindus physically pulled the chariot
away. This was done with the connivance of the local British
Magistrate because the miscreants and the betrayers of this
compromise had the protection of the armed police. Not content with
what they had done, the more obscurantist Hindus of Nasik went to
the extent of expelling children of the untouchables from schools,
closing the roads to them and not allowing them even to buy the
articles of their daily needs from the local markets. Even the
untouchables in several neighbouring villages were not spared. They
were subjected to harsh treatment, including physical violence.
Despite these provocations, Dr Ambedkar successfully kept his fellow
Satyagrahees under check and did not allow them to retaliate. In the
meantime, people like Dr. Moonje and the local SLankaracharya
made earnest attempts to heal the breach and even the great
industrialist the late Shri Ghanshyam Das Birla met Dr. Ambedkar in
Bombay some time in the middle of 1930. However, these efforts of
the enlightened upper caste Hindus failed to achieve their purpose.
The temple continued to be closed to the untouchables till 1935.
Even while the ‘Nasik Satyagraha was on, the leaders of the
depressed classes had plans of holding an all-India meeting as soon as
the report of the Simon Commission was out. A Committee was
accordingly set up for a meeting to be held at Nagpur. It was also
agreed upon to depute Dr. Ambedkar as the sole spokesman of the
depressed and downtrodden classes at the forthcoming Round Table
Conference to be held in London. The Report of the Simon
Commission was made public in May, 1930. It was blatantly anti-
Indian. It not only completely ignored the Report meticulously
drafted by a Committee headed by the late Pt. Motilal Nehru but also
went to
J8 DR. B.R AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

the extent of advocating thc continuation of Scparate electorates in

India on the ostensible ground of an "agreed pact” among the
different Indian political parties. A most sinister aspect of the Simon
Commission Report was its recommendation that 150 seats may be
allocated to the Hindus out of a total of 250 in the Central Legislature,
and that the untouchables may be included in this Hindu quota. But it
made a peculiar stipulation that no candidate of the depressed
classes may be allowed to contest election unless his fitness was
certified or testified by the Governor of the concerned province.
The first session of the All India Depressed Classes Congress was
held at Nagpur on August 8, 1930, under the presidentship of Dr.
Ambedkar. In his presidential address, he stated in a forthright
manner that if multi-lingual multt-racial and multi-religious countries
like Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and the USSR could be
considered as nations, he did not see any Valid reason why the British
Government was not prepared to treat India as a nation. This
unambiguous statement of Dr. Ambedkar expressed his staunchly
secular and nationalistic outlook. He also come down he ily upon the
stupid stipulation made by the Simon Commission about the
certification of a candidate of the depressed classes. While he
expressed his disagreement with Gandhiji's Movement of Civil
Disobedience, he did not at all spare the British Government in his
speech and aptly called the british Government in India as the
costliest Government in the world. With his phenomenal memory for
facts and figures, he stated’ “In the first quarter of the century when
British Rule in India had become an established fact, there were five
famines with an estimated loss of 1,00,000 lives. During the second
quarter; there were six famines with a loss of lives of 5,000,000. And
during the last quarter of the century what do you find* 18 famincs
with an estimated loss of life ranging from 1,50,00,000 to 2,60,00,000
people.” Nothing could be more scathing by way of criticism of the
British Government than these statistics quoted by Dr. Ambedkar. He
went on to tell the untouchables and the downtrodden that all the
wrongs being heaped untouchables and the downtrodden that all the
British Raj continued in India. He asked them to fight for "Swaraj"
for India as a whole. Again, with his deep incisiveness, Dr. Ambedkar
stated that political power by itself cannot pave the way for their
liberation and strongly advocated social upliftment and reform as the
sole and ultimate panecea for their liberation from the various kinds
of humuliation and injustice to which they had been subjected.
The
39 LAUNCHING THE STRUGGLE POR RIGHTS

concluding part of Dr. Ambedkar's speech at Nagpur was indeed

memorable. He said: “The movements of social reform will tesult in
the emancipation pf our people and the establishment of such a state
of society in this country of ours in which one man will have one value
in all domains of life, political, social and economic.” What is more
interesting to note was the fact that even being himself subjected to
all possible injustices by the accident of his birth and being acutely
conscious of similar injustices which were being petpetrated on the
so- called untouchables for long years, Dr Ambedkar again in very
unambiguous terms declared ni his presidential address at Nagpur
that he would not abjure or leave the Hindu religion despite all the
hardships which might be inflicted upon himself by the upper caste
Hindus. The physical strain and the mental anguish he had undergone
both in making the preparations for the Nagpur Congress and
bitterness with which he criticised not only the upper caste Hindus
but also the British Government, took a heavy toll of his health. He
suddenly fell ill and became unconscious. People around him state
that even in this condition he kept mumbling all the time about the
dreams he had of an independent and united India with a free and
egalitarian society.
 CHAPTER VI

THE CONFERENCE AND THE PACT:

THEIR IMPACT

Round Table Conference (R.T.C.)

Havlfi flOtlCCd the hostile country's wide reaction to the Simon

Commission Rep0ft, the British Goveinment made a declaration for
convening a Round Table Conference in London. Il was to be attendcd
by the repfesentativcs of the different political parties of India, the
BfÎtjsh Government and the Brituh political parties. lt was a desperate
effort by the British Government to ffame a constitution for India with
the objett of pacifying the growing upsurge in the country against the
British rule FJty three Indiana were invited representing different
shadC5 Of pu blic opinion to attend the conference. In addition to thèse,
twenty ruling princes of the then lndian States were also invited
Among those invited were thirteen éminent Hindu Libéral leadets
including the late Sir Tej Bahadui Sapru, late Sir M.R. Jayakar, tate Sir
Chiman bal Setalwad, late Right Hou. Srinivasa Sastri and latc Shri
C.Y. Chintamani. As for Muslims, His Highness the Agha Khan,
Mohammed Ali Jinnah, Fazlul Haque and Sir Mohd. Shafi
were invited. Sardai Ujjwal Singh was asked to represent the Sikhs,
Dr. V.S. Moonje to represent the Hindu Mahasabha and Shri T,K.
Paul the lndian Chiistians. Dr. Ambed£ar and Rao Bahadur
Srinivasan mere invited to represent the depressed classes. Dt,
Ambedkar rcceived thc formal invitation to attend the R,T C.
through the Viceroy on Septembei 6, 1930. He left Bombay on
October 30, 1930 and reachcd just in time to attend the opcning of the
R.T.C. on Novcmber 12, 19â0 in London. The R.T.C. wä5
irlitUgtlfâtCd by the then King Emperor of Great Britain, King
George V. In the concluding part of his speech, the
 wr comRENCE AND THE PACT: THEIR IMPACT

King Emperor stated: “May your names go down in history as those

of pen who serred India well”. After the King Emperor's speech and
his exit from the hall, Sir Ramsay MacDonald was elected as the
Chairman of the R.T.C. MacDonald was a Labour leader sympathetic
to the oppiessed classes of India. He stated in unequivocal terms the
determinationof the British Government to solve the Indian problem
and to usher in a new era in I ride-British relations. In the course of
this historic conference, many memorable speeches were made. I would
like
to make a special mention of an excerpt from the speech made by the
late Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, he said: “India wants and is determined to
achieve a status of equality with all the members of the British
Commonwealthviz; Australia, Canada and New Zealand and equality
which will give it a Government not merely responsive but
responsible to the pnpular voice.”
Dr. Anibed kar made a memorable speech on the occasion. He said:
“While I want to emphasise the fact that one fifth of the total
population of British India—a population as large as the population of
Britain— has been reduced to a position worse than that of serfs or
slaves. H owcver, I maintain that the untouchables in India were also
for replacing the existing Government by a Government of the people,
for the people and by the people”. Further on, in his speech Dr.
Wbedkar posed some direct and inconvenient questions to the British
Government. “When we compare our present position with the one in
pre-British days, we find that, instead of matching on, we are marking
time. Before the British, we were in the loathsome condition due to
our untouchability...... Has the British Government done anything to
removc it?. Our wrt›ngs have remained as open sore and they have
not been righted , although 150 years of British rule have rolled away.
Of wfiat good is such a government to anybody?. ..... We must dave a
Government in which the men in powet will give their undivided
allegiance to the best interests of the country. We must have a
Government in which men in power know where obedience will end
and the resistance will begin; will not be afraid to amend the social
and economic code of life which the dictates of justice and expediency
so urgently call for.” Dr. Ambedkar's speech caused a consternation
both among the British as well as the Indian delegates who were
towing a moderate line. In the concluding part of his speech, Dr.
Ambedkar quoted from Edmund Burke, the well known British
politlCä l philosophcr who said that: “The use of force is but
tempotary”, and
42 DR B II AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WOLK

sounded a stern raming to the British Government as well as the

other participants of the R.T.C.in the following words: “I ann afraid, it
is not sufficiently realised that in the present temper of the country,
no constitution will be workable which is not acceptable to the
majority Qf the people. The time when you were to choose and India
was to accept, is gone, never to return. Let the consent of the people
and not the accident of logic be the touchstone of your new
constitution, if you desire that it should be worked.”
Dr. Ambedkar's frank and forthright speech caused a stir not only
among the delegates of the RTC but also the British Government and
even the British Prime Minister was deeply impressed by it. The
Maharaja of Baroda, who was also a delegate to the R, T. C. was so
deeply touched by Dr. Ambedkar's speech that he invited him to a
special dinner. Most of the British newspapers also were compelled to
sit up and take notice of this brilliant piece of oratory and impeccable
logic on the part of Dr. Ambedkar. English politicians an3 statesmen
like Lord Sydenham, O' Dwyer and otheis who had earlier harboured
overt or covert suspicion regarding Dr. Ambedkar's bonafides were
compelled to accept that he was not only a true Indian patriot and
natioaalist but was also one of the revolutionary leaders of his country
It is on record that a secret enquiry was made by the then British
Government to find out whether Dr. Ambedkar was ing fact a
revolutionary or an extremist of the ilk of Veer Savarkar and others.
It is significant to note that after the preliminary session in the
R.T.C. nine Sub-Committees were formed and Dr. Ambedkar found a
place in every important Sub-Committee except the Federal Structure
Committee. Another important fact is that Dr, Ambedkar held in
depth discussions with Dr. Moonje and both of them arrived at the
same conclusion in respect to the rights of the depressed classes,
They made a joint declaration to the British and American journaliste
who were codering the R. T. C. They announced that there was no
reason for the depressed classes to disagree with or disassociate
themselves from their co-religionists. The Declaration of
Fundamental Rights drafted by Dr. Ambedkar, for protecting the
cultural, religioiis and economic rights of the depressed classes in the
future independent India was tully acceptable to the Hindu leaders, in
particular Dr. Moonje, All through the R.T.C. Dr. Ambedkar applied
his mind with his typical incisiveness and clarity to each and every
debate. The famous British newspaper, the Sunday Chroni'cle
paying a tribute to his efforts wrote:
THE CONFERENCEAND THE PACT: THEIR IMPACT 45

“At heart a true nationalist, he had to put up a stern fight against

the persuasive coquetry of the British diehards who were anxious to
win him over to their side and at the Same time his task was made
more difficult by his anxiety to retain his brother delegate Rao
Bahadur Srinivasan within the nationalist fold ” .
The R.T.C. was In fact only partially successfUl in achieving its
avowed objectives. The most positive point which emerged out of the
R.T.C. was the evolution of a concept of a free, united, independent
India, in spite of the determined efforts of the Muslim delegates to ask
for a separate status for the Indian Muslims. However, the R.T.C.
failed in a big way because of the disagreement on the question of
allocation of seats which the different communities tried to secure for
themselves in the proposed legislatures. They also had differences on
the system of election and were divided on the question whether
there should be separate electorates or joint electorates with
reservation of seats. The most important factor which made this
R.T.C. inconclusive was its boycott by the Indian National Congress It
had , therefore, to be adjourned, Dr. Ambedkar left for India early in
February 1931 and reached Bombay on February 27, 1931 where he
was given a most enthusiastic welcome by the members of the
deprcssed classes.

Gandhi-Irwin Pact
After the first R.T.C. , the political situation in the country
underwent a sea change. Acting on the suggestion of the British
Prime Minister, the viceroy ordered the release of the imprisoned
Congress leaders on January 26, 1931. Mahatma Gandhi after long-
drawn negotiations with the Viceroy, Lord Irwin, announced a pact
with the Government of India on March 5, 1931 stating that the
Indian National Congress would suspend its Civil Disobedience
Movement and was willing to attend the next session of the R.T.C.
Almost at the same time, the Government of Bombay announced
that the Police Department was open for recruitment to the
depressed classes. This goes to the credit of Dr. Ambedkar who as a
Membei of the Bombay Legislative Council had fought ceaselessly for
the entry of the untouchables both in the Police and the Indian Army.
His untiring efforts at last bore fruit.
Another significant development at that time was a distinct change
in the attitude of the Indian National Congress to the political
situation in the country. Pandit Jawahatlal Nehru, who was one of
the more
44 DR. B R AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND W 9Jt

radical leaders of the Congress, addressed a meeting in Madras in

which he stated that the Congress had not, and could not have
labelled the delegates to the R.T.C. as traitors, as some Congressmen
were making them out to be At the same time, as stated earlier
Gandhiji agreed to attend the next session of the R.T.C. In the third
week of July 1931, the names of the delegates to the second session
of the R.T.C. were announced by the British Government. They were:
Dr, Ambedkar, Right Hon. Srinivasa Sastri, Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, Sir
M.R. Jayakar, Sri Chimanlal Setalvad Madan Mohan Malaviya Smt.
Sarojini Naidu„ Mahatma Gandhi, Sir Mirza Ismail, Mohammad Ali
Jinnah, Sir Ramaswamy Mudaliar, to mention the most prominent
ones. As stated earlier Dr. Ambedkar was deliberately kept out by the
Britishers from the Federal Structure Committee in the first session of
the R.T.C. because of his staunch patriotic attitude and his stand for
an undivided, united and indc pendent India. However, at the
second R T. C. he was entrusted with the extremely important task of
drafting the new constitution for India. Even persons and newspapers
who were earlier openly and almost vitriolically hostile to him now
began to understand and appreciate his unquestionable patriotism.
The Indian Daily Mpi'l uirote.’ “He is a patriot and is rightly interested
in securing his Government. In the future discussions which will
centre on the franchise, on the Senate and the Federal Assembly, this
brilliant representative of the depressed classes is certain to play a
most important part”. Similar praise was showered upon Dr.
Ambedkar by papers like Kesari mY •-ñ were earlier hostile to him,
and persons of eminence as the famous social worker and socialist
leader, the late N.M. Joshi
Mahatma Gandhi after having been released from jail, was trying to
consult as many persons as possible in order to seek their views on
the attitude to be adopted by the entire Indian delegation at the
next
R.T.C. It was characteristic of Mahatma Gandhi's openmindedness
that he wrote a letter to Dr. Ambedkar on August 6, 1931, stating
that he would himself call on Dr. Ambedkar at 8 o'clock that very
evening if it was convenient to the latter. Dr. Ambedkar, who had just
returned from a visit to Sangli and was mnning temperature, ink
mediately sent back a letter to Mahatma Gandhi through a messenger
at 'Manibhavan’ , Malabar Hills where Gandhiji was staying that he
would himself call on Gandhiji at the appointed time. However, by the
evening his temperature had gone up very high. In that febrile
THE CONPERENCE AND THE PACT: THEIR IMPACT 4}

condition, Dr. Ambedkar addressed another note to Mahatma Gandhi

s'aying that he would call upon him as soon as he recovered from his
fever. Finally Dr. Ambedkar met Gandhiji on August 14, at 2.00 p.m.
At that time, Gandhiji was engaged in a discussion with some persons,
including Miss Slade [more popularly known as Mira Behan). Soon
Gandhiji noticed Dr. Ambedkar and the two started a very frank
discussion in which they stated their respective views with their
characteristic candidness. Itgoes to the credit of Mahatma Gandhi that
he made the following statement about Dr. Ambedkar: ... “From the
reports that have reached me of your work at the Round Table
Conference, I know you are a patriot of sterling worth.”
On Saturday August 15, 1931, almost all the delegates for the
second Round Table Conference left by ship from Bombay. However,
Mahatma Gandhi had not agreed to attend this R.T.C. and because of
him Mrs. Sarojini Naidu and Mahamana Madan Mohan Malaviya also
cancelled their passages. The remaining delegates reached London on
August 29, 1931. Unfortunately, Dr. Ambedkar was laid up with an
attack of influenza coupled with vomitting and diarrhoea which
persisted till September 7, 1931 the day the second R.T.C. was to
open. In the meantime, Mahatma Gandhi, Sardar Patel, Pandit
Jawaharlal Nehru and others had met the Viceroy at Simla as a result
of which Mahatma Gandhi agreed to attend the R.T.C. So accompanied
with Smt. Naidu, Madan Mohan Malaviya and his other colleagues he
left for London on August 29, and reached there on September 12,
1931.
The eyes of the entire world were fixed on the almost mystical
figure of Mahatma Gandhi, who was attending the R.T.C. for the first
time. The most important tasks of the R.T.C. were to be done by the
federal Structure Committee and the Minorities Committee. The
conference was also given the mandate to re-examine and amplify the
reports which had been prepared by the different committees of the
first session of the R,T.C. Gandhiji in his first speech in the conference
on September 15, 1931, in the Federal Structure Committee, claimed
that the Indian National Congress was the sole representative of all
Indian interests, religions and castes. His argument was based on the
fact that Muslims Hindus, people belonging tothe depressed classes,
Christians, Parsis, and other are nst only its active members but also
holding or having held important'positions in his Party. Gandhiji even
went to the extent of assuring the Indian princes that the Congress
had refrained from any interference in the internal affaiis of any of
the
 DC. B R AMBEDKAR—HIS EIFE AND WORK

Indian princely states. Gandhiji went or to say that his party also
stood for the rights of the Indian women because it had Dr. Annie
Besant and Smt. Sarojini Naidu as its presidents.

Far Ahead of his Times

Dr. Ambedkar with his inborn temperament of rationality and logic
made his speech m reply to Gandhiji's speech in the Federal Structure
Committee on the same day i.e. September 15, 1931. He bluntly told
the Indian princes that the Federal Structure Committee could not
give them everything that they wanted including total non-
interference in the internal affairs of their States. He went on to say
that before an Indian princely state was allowed to join the
contemplated Federation of India, it should be in a position ’to prove
beyond doubt that it had the necessary resoufces as well dS the
capacity to provide its citizens /subjects a civilized life. Another
important point which was made by Dr. Ambedkar in his speech
was that the State's representative to be elected to the proposed
Federal Assembly should be chosen by franchise open to all and not
by nomination by the rulers of the States. History proved Dr.
Ambedkar to be far-seeing person in this respect. A few years before
India became independent on August 13, 1947, every Indian State
had an attive branch of the Indian National Congress fighting
for this very cause. However, Dr. Ambedkar was perhaps, like
several others of his kind, far too ahead of his times. lt was because
of this reason the then ruler of the State of Bikaner immediately
stood up in the meeting and ‘stated that the Indian States could
not be expected to sign a blank cheque, Answering the point made
by the late H H. Sir Ganga Singh of Bikaner, Dr. Ambedkar stated
that acceding to the demand made on behalf of the rulers would be
against the basic tenets of freedom and democracy. It is to be conceded
that this was in fact the first speech made in defence of the rights of
the people of’ the then Indian princely states. Later on, persons of
no less stature than the late Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar
Vallabh Bhai Patel had to use even the force of the Indian army in
order to ensure that the people of some of these princely states were
liberated from their ageless bonds of slavery and serfdom. What is
evcn more significant is the fact that in the early 1940s the Indian
National Congress started an auxiliary organisation, named the States
People's Congress in almost every State. Most of the Indian States
banned this “unarmed army” of the Indian National Congress, and
even a person
"IHE CONFERENCE AND THE PACT- THEIR IMPACT 47

like the first Prime Minister of free India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru,
was actually put under arrest in 1945 when he tried to enter the State
of Jammu and Kashmir in order to address that States' Peoples'
Congress. The stand taken by Dr. Ambedkar proves that, by a quirk of
nature, he had been born far ahead of his times.
The R.T C witnessed several verbal encounters between Dr.
Ambedkar on the one side and Gandhiji on the other Although,
Gandhiji unequivocally supported the idea of a Federal Structure for
independent India, he at the same time stood for the maintenance of
status quo ante as far as the Indian States were concerned. He also
disagreed with Dr. Ambedkar that there was any need to provide
special representation to the untouchables. In his view the Indian
National Congress was in a position to protect their rights as they
belonged to the Hindu religion. At the same time, Gandhiji supported
the reservation of seats in the proposed Central Legislative Council as
well as State Provincial Assemblies for the hluslims. Pandit Madan
Mohan Malaviya expressed the opinion that if the country had spent
enough moiiey to wipe out illiteracy in the country, the term
m* e• i s s e d classes” would have ceased to exist Dr. Ambedkar,
with his usual quick wit, pointed out to Pandit Malaviya that in
spite of
possessing some of the highest academic qualifications from well known
centres of learning in U.S.A. , Britain and Germany, he was still an
untouchable Pandit Malaviya had no answer to this hard-hitting
statement of facts
be first meeting of the Minorities Committee was held on
September 28, 1931 and in his opening address„ the British Prime
Minister admitted that the problems of minorities in India was indeed
a baffling one. After some discussion, a suggestion was made by Sir
Agha Khan and Pandit Malaviya that further discussion might be
postponed Making his position clear Dr. Ambedkar stated that
while he had no objection to the secret talks which wete going
on between the Congressmen and the Mus!'m leaders, he
would not allow the Congressmen to decide the fate of
depressed classes and that any settlement between the
Congressmen and the Muslim leaders would not be binding on him
and the depressed classes. His speech was characterized by his
usual eloquence and logic and the chairman, Sir Ramsay MacDonald,
the British Prone Minister had to say: ' 'Dr. Ambedkar has made
his position absolutely clear in his usual splendid way. He has left no
doubt at all about it.”
48 DR B R, AMBEDKAR—HIS EIFE AND V ORK

On October 1, 19)1, Gandhiji again asked for a week's adjournment

of the deliberations of the Minorities Committee and informed that he
was holding talks with Muslim leaders. On hearing this statement of
Gandhiji, Dr. Ambedkar stated that while he had no desire to create
any problem in the way of an amicable settlement of the Hindu-
Muslim question, he enquired if the depressed classes would also be
represented on the formal committee which Gandhiji was thinking of
constituting for this purpose. Gandhiji straightaway assured Dr.
Ambedkar that this would be done and Dr. Ambedkar thanked
Gandhiji with his usual courtesy. In the initial stage of the one week
period of adjournment of the Minorities Committee, the talks bemeen
Gandhiji and the Muslim leaders progressed satisfactorily since
Gandhiji, in a desperate bid to maintain the country's unity conceded
to almost all the major demands of the Muslim delegates. However,
the talks brolte down on the Sikh-Muslim question; and on
October 8, Gandhiji was compelled to announce with deep anguish
in his voice before the Minorities Committee, his failure to secute
a solution acceptable to all in respect of the communal problem. He,
therefore, urged that the meeting of the Minorities Committee may be
adjourned mine die. Dr. Ambedkar on hearing it made some
scathing remarks, since Gandhiji in his speech , obviously delivered
under great emotional stress, had ascribed the failure to the fact that
most of the members present at the R.T.C. were not the ture
representatives of the parties or groups. Dr. Ambedkar in his reply
took particular exception to this remark of Gandhiji. The argument
reached a stage when the British Prime Minister himself had to
intervene and rriadc an earnest appeal to the delegates not to ascribe
motives or to attribute causes to.the method or mechanism by which
they had been selected or elected to attend this
R.T.C. Sir Ramsay MacDonald was pungent in his criticism of
Gandhiji.
Some well wishers of the two greatmeii tried to bridge the gulf
between Gandhiji arid Babasaheb Ambedkar by inviting both the
leaders to tea. At this meeting, Dr. Ambedkar had the humility and
generosity to openly acknowledge in the presence of the common
friends that he could not deny the fact that Gandhiji had been doing
work for the upliftmcnt of the untouchables in his own humanitarian
way He was also sincerely str wing to abolish the stigma of
untouchabilitr from the Hindu society. However, he maintained that
although both of them agieed on this burning question, their
THE CONFERENCE AND THE PACT: THEIR I6IPACT 4fi

individual approach or point of view on the best way of solving the

problem had some fundamental difference.
By the end of October 1931, the Labour Government was defeated
and the Tories came to occupy the seats of power. On November 3,
His Majesty King George Y gave a reception zt Buckingham Palace.
GandhiJi attended the reception clad in his typical loin cloth and was
contemptuously called by Sir Winston Churchill as the “naked fakir”.
Dr. Ambedkar was also present at this reception. When the King
Empetor asked him to acquaint him with the conditions of the
untouchables ill India. Dr. Ambedkar presented a graphic picture of
the miserable conditions to which this vast section of population of
India had been subjected to for centuries. A well known biographer
of Dr. Ambedkar has stated that on hearing Babasaheb's heart-
sending narration, the King Emperor was visibly moved.

? •••w• Some of the bio-

THE PEOPLE p;•• grap hers of D r
. Am be d kar have
d iffere nces with
Gandhiji almost as a
total war. This is not
z*Ngw
-• • ‘- true. As has been
-•--- stated earlier, Dr.

,ii•,i•i;i presence of some

y - common friends, who
Tii"J had arranged’ a
v ›

and Gandhiji, had

•i"«openly admitted that
*, he had no doubt at all
-yy about Gandhiji's
iii; sincerity in making
efforts to remove
st ig ma of

Anon’her meekly started by Dr. Ambedkar untouchability from

)0 Dn B, R A MBEDKAlt — HIS LINE AND WORK

the Hindu society, although his own approach to solving this problem
differed fundamentally from that of Gandhiji. We have to bear in
mind that quite often when two great minds meet, there are likely to
be some differences and disagreements Smt. Indira Gandhi, while
releasing the last two volumes of Gandhip's complete works on April
30, 1984 aptly described him, as a “complex personality”. The same
holds true of Dr. Ambedkar. Both of them were men of deep
convictions, and sincerity of purpose. lt is, therefore, no wonder that
they differed on seveial issues. It would, therefore, be most
uncharitable to describe their differences of opinion as war or mutual
hatred, between the two of them. Two great people can have genuine
differences with each other.
We all know that differences of opinion existed between Gandhiji,
Nctaji Su bhash Chandra Bose, Acharya Kripalani, Pandit Jawaharlal
Nehru, Shri Jai Prakash Narayan and Shri Rafi Ahmed Kidwai. ln fact,
Shri Kidwai evcn went to the extent of resigning from the Indian
National Congress and forming an independent party called Klan
Mazdoor Praja Part y and openly criticised Pt. Nehru at a meeting in
the famous Ramlila Ground of Delhi. However, Shri Kidwai's
relationship with Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru never reached a point of no
return; and when Panditji asked him to tome back to the fold of the
Indian National Congress, he promptly agreed to the request of a
person whom he considered as his elder brother. This is only to
illustrate the fact that the difference between Gandhiji and Babasaheb
Ambedkar cannot, and indeed should not, be characterised as a war
or a battle. Both of them were persons of impeccable integrity ,
sincerity of purpose and following the same path. the removal of
untouchability from the Indian society. But they did it in their own
individual ways.

Poona Pact
The performance of Dr. Ambedkar in the R.T.C. made him a well
known figure throughout the country as well as abroad. Even the
most diehard of the Hindu leaders had to sit up and take note of his
brilliant performance at the R.T.C. , which had been acclaimed not
only by the British but also the American Press. The British Premier
had declared his award on the communal issue in India. As per
provisions of the award , the depressed classes were granted
separate seats in the Provincial Assemblies and the right of double
vote under which they were to elect their own representatives and to
vote also in the general
THE CONFE8ENCE AND THE PACT THEIR IMPACT

constituencies. This communal award had roots in balkanizing India

politically, as it gave separate electorates to the Muslims, Christians,
Sikhs and Europeans It was, therefore, condemned by all the
political leaders and the press.
Gandhiji had gone on a fast unto death on the issue of separate
electorates for the dcptessed classes Public appeals were made to
Gandhiji, statemcnts and requests were issued in all the leading
newspapers lfl the country According to Dt. Rajendra Prasad,
Hinduism was on its trial, To save the life of Gandhiji, it was
necessary to modify the award. Hectic parleys were held by the
enlightened upper caste Hindu leaders in order to bring about a
reconciliation between Dr. Ambedkar and Gandhiji, who had been
again imprisoned by the British Government in the Yeravada jail.
On Septembei 22, 1932, a meeting was arranged between Gandhiji
and Dt. Ambedkar in the jail at which Sir IVt.R. Jayakar, Shti G. D .
Birla, Shri Chunilal Mehta and Shri C. Rajagopalachari were present.
Gandhiji was lying in an extremely emaciated condition on an iron cot
with a jail mattress spread over it, under a low mango tree. Sardar
Patel and Mrs. Naidu were by his bed-side. The pervading
atmosphete was that of gloom. Although deeply moved at the plight
of Gandhiji, who was almost on his death- bed, Dr. Ambedkar
controlled himself since the main purpose of this meeting, artanged
by common well-wishers of both the leaders, was to bring about a
mutually satisfactory agreement between Bapu and Dt. Ambedkar in
regard to the difficult question of representation for the depressed
classes in the proposed Federal Legislative Council and the Provincial
Assemblies. One can well imagine the feelings of Dr. Ambedkar
at that historie moment Before his eyes was an almost mythical
figure at the point of death , while in his own heart, he was
determined to uphold the rightful claims of the depressed classes.
The conversation between Dr. Ambedkar and Gandhiji was held in
an atmosphere almost reminiscent of a discussion between two saints.
Dr. Ambedltar's logical arguments, couched in a most respectful
tone, had a visible impact on Gandhiji. At this point it would not,
perhaps, be out of place to mention that both Gandhiji and Dr.
Ambedkar had an unusual mastety over spoken as well as written
English and in spite of all their acute differences they could
communitate with and undeistand each other on both ih nl and
emotional planes Aftet
hearing patiently Dr. Arnbedkäf‘l rguments, Gandhiji had
magnanimity to state: “You have fullest sympathy. I am
32 Dk B R AMBEDKAR—H IS LIFE AND WORK

Dottor, in most of the things you say. But you toy thai uihat concerns
you most ñ my life. ” Deepiy moved by Gandhiji's statement, Dr.
Ambedkar answered, “Yes, Gandhiji, in the hope that you would
devote yourself solely to the cause of my people, and become oui
hero too” GandhfiJi's reaction to Dr. Ambedkar's words was equally
memorable. “Well then if it is so, then you know what you have got to
do to save it (i e. my life). Do it and save my life. I know you do not
want to forego what your people have been granted by the award. I
accept your panel system but you should remove one anomaly from
it. You should apply the panel system to all the seats. for are
untouchable by birth and I am by adoption. We must be one and
indivisible. I am prepared to give my life to avert the break-up of the
Hindu community.”
On hearing these touching words from a person like Bapu, Dr.
Ambedkar could not but be deeply touched and immediately
accepted Bapu's suggestion.
After this historic meeting between Dr. Ambedkar and Gandhiji,
hectic discussions were started by the common friends who had
attended the meeting to make Dr. Ambedkar agree‘to a formula of
reservation of seats for the depressed classes. In the meantime,
Gandhiji's health took a turn for the worse and he was almost on the
verge of death. Taking note of this fact and being a pragmatist, Dr.
Ambedkar finally agreed to the granting of 148 seats to the depressed
classes in the provincial assemblies and also that 10 per cent of the
Hindu seats from British India in the Central Assembly should be
given to the depressed classes, However„he stuck to his stand on
referendum for adult franchise for the untouchables in order to
decide their own destiny. However, this was not acceptable to the
common friends and well wishers. Dr. Ambedkar decided to see
Gandhiji once again to discuss this matter.
Accompanied by Dr. Solanki and C.
Rajagopalachari he called on Gandhiji on Friday, the 23id September,
1932. Gandhiji was again magnanimous enough to accede that.
Although Dr. Ambedkar's logic was impeccable , he was of the
considered opinion that more statutory guarantees would not root out
the disease and he entreated Dr. Ambedkar to give the last chance to
Hinduism for making a voluntary expiation of its sinful past and
added that he was prepared that referendum on the issue may be
held at the end of a period not exceeding five years. 2“o quote the
memorable words of Gandhiji during this meeting with Dr.
Ambedkar: “Five years
THE CONFERENCEAND THE PACT THEIR IMPACT

or my life!” On returning from this meeting with Gandhiji, Dr.

Ambedkar had thorough discussions with common friends, including
C. Rajagopalachari at which it was decided to make the agreement
without the condition of referendum attached to it C. Rajagopalachari
met GandhiJi in the jail in the afternoon the same day and GandhiJi
gave his blessings to this settlement. C. Rajagopalachari rushed back to
Shri Shivlal Motilal's bungalow and announched that Gandhiji had
given his consent and blessings to this agreement. Speedily the
agreement was drafted and signed at 5.00 p. m on Saturday,
September 24, 1932. It has gone down in the history of India as the
famous Poona Pact. The signatories to this historic pact were Dr.
Ambedkar, Pt Madan Mohan Malavlya, Sri M.R Jayakar, Sir T.B.
Sapru, Shri G.D Birla, Shri C, Rajagopalacliari, Dr. Rajendra Prasad,
Rao Bahadur Srinivasan, Shri M. C. Rajah, Shri Devadas Gandhi and
some others C Rajagopalachari was so much overwhelmed by this
historic development that after the pact was signed he exchanged his
fountain pen with that of Dr. Ambedkar. As has been stated earlier, C.
Rajagopalachari, although a Brahmin by birth, was a staunch supporter
of the untouchables He had played an important rolc in the historic
Murgesan Teripple entry case. Like Dr. Ambedkar, Pt. Nehru and
Gandhiji, C. Rajagopalachari was all out for a complete
transformation of the Hindu society and the abolition of the caste
system. Although belonging to an orthodox south Indian Brahmin
family, he allowed his daughter to marry Devadas Gandhi, the son of
Gandhiji which was an ample proof of his deep inner conviction
about a unified, casteless Hindu society. Like Ambedkar, he was also
a man of strong convictions, and when the question of the partition
of the country on Hindu- Muslim basis came up in the late
1930s-early 1940s, he and Dr. Ambedkar were the two persons
who openly stated that since our country was going to be partitioned
or dismembered solely on the basis of religion, it would be logical tn
ask for a wholesale exchange or transfer of Hindu and Muslim
populations from India to Pakistan and vice versa.
The Poona Pact is yet another incident in Dr. Ambedkar's
remarkable career, which made him the target of criticism by even
some of hit own people. Some of them even went to the extent of
calling him the betrayed of the cause of the untouchables of the
country. This was obviously a case of over reaction. Gandhiji' s fast
unto death against the communal award announced by the British
Government after the
 DR B.R AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

second R.T C. should make any sensitive person visualize what could
have been the feelings of Dr. Ambedkar when Gandhiji told him:
“You are an untouchable by birth. I am an untouchable by
adoption.” These words coming out of the mouth of a truly saintly
man like Gandhiji, and that too almost at his death-bed, could not but
move Dr. Ambedkar. What Dr. Ambedkar did under the
circumstances should be considered against this background.
The Poona Pact was brought to the notice of the british Cabinet by
the Viceroy. On September 25, 1932 a meeting of prominent leaders
was held at the Indian Merchant's Chamber Hall, Bombay which was
chaired by Pt. Madan Mohan Malaviya. In his presidential address, he
declared rhat no one should be considered an untouchable by
accident of birth and made an impassioned appeal to the Hindus to
see that untouchability disappears from the country. Shri Mathuradas
Vasanji moved the resolution for the ratification of the pact. It was
seconded by Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru In his brilliant speech, Sir Tej
Bahadur paid a great tribute to Dr. Ambcdltar and congratulated him
for his brave fght for the cause of the untouchables of our country. He
expressed the view that DI. Ambedkar would one day prove to be an
equally good fighter for the future of the country. These words
coming from a person of the erudition, wisdom and vast experience of
Sir Tej Bahadur were indeed prophetic. lt was now Dr. Ambedkar's
turn to stand up and support the resolution moved by Pt. Malaviya. As
soon as he stood up, the entire gathering gave him a spontaneous and
tumultuous applause. In his speech, Dr. Ambedkar stated that the
happenings of the previous day were beyond his dreams and added
that he had never found himself in such a dilemma as he found
himself on that day. With his characteristic humility, he gave the
entire credit for bringing about an agreed settlement between him
and Gandhiji to Sir Tej Bahadur S“apru and Shri C. Rajagopalachari,
His anguish at the ordeal which Gandhiji had to pass through, was
expressed in these wotds: “My only regret is, why did not Gandhiji
take this attitude at the Round Table Conference? If he had shown the
same consideration to my point of view then, it would not have been
necessary for him to go through this ordeal.” At the end of his speech,
he expressed his earnest hope that the caste Hindus would faithfully
abide by the terms of the pact and treat the document as sacrosanct.
The British Government announced on September 26, 1932 that the
Poona Pact would be recommended to the British Parliament for beings
 rlE CONFERENCE AND THE PACT THEIR IMPACT

endorsed. On hearing this, Gandhiji gave up his fast unto death.

In the meantime, the British Govcrnmcnt announced the holding of
the Third Round Table Collference and Dr. Ambedkar left for England
on November 7, 1932. On board the ship taking him to London, Dr.
Ambedkar spent most of his time reading books and newspapers. On
going through the statements issued by Gandhiji from the Yeravada
jail about the Harijan Movement, Dr. Ambedkar stated in the letters
that he wrote back to his colleagues in India that he was happy to see
that Gandhiji was coming round to his views. In one of these letters,
he expressed the opinion that Gandhiji should not go on a fast unto
death, as he was contemplating at that time, in regard to the question
of entry into temples by the untouchables. He wrote a letter to Shri
Thakkar, the general secretary of the Anti-untou‹ hability League in
which he made the following observation: “The touchables and
untouchables Citflnot he held together by law, certainly not by any
electoral law. . . The only thing that can hold them together is love
The salvation of the depressed classes will come only when the caste
Hindu is made to think and feel that he must alter his ways. I want a
revolution in the mentality of the caste Hindus ” He, therefore,
requested the Anti-untouchability League to start a mass movement
all over India in order to help the depressed classes to secute the
fullest enjoyment of their civil rights as equal citizens of the country,
without which a social revolutiori and total transformation of the
Hindu society and its integration was impossible. He stressed that
only a positive and purposeful action in this direction, like his own
temple entry SaiyagraLa at Nä Sik and the on-going temple entry
movement in Malabar appear to have achieved, in a brief span of time
what could not have been achieved by thousands of days of preaching.

Prinses And Muslims In the Role of Reactionaries

The third R.T.C. opened on Novem*er 17, 1932. The Indian
delegation at this R.T.C. was much smaller and the Congressmen had
completely boycottcd it, since Gandhiji was still in the jail The Indian
princes adopted a most indifferent attitude to the proceedings of the
third R.T.C. Howevcr, what pained Dr. Ambedkar most was the
attitude of the Muslim delegates who were not prepared to cooperate
with the other Indian groups in the demand for a responsible Indian
Government at the Centre, in :p ite of having secured practically all
their major demands as embodied in their 14-point memorandum at
the second R.T.C. Dr. Ambedkar was convinced that while the Muslim
 DR B.R AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AN D WORK

delegates wefe acting as a solid , cohesive block, the Hindu delegates

were hopelessly divided amongst themselves. He was also deeply
pained to note that the Muslim delegates who professed Islam, a
religion guaranteeing equal rights of worship to all the membcrs
within its fold, were secretly supporting the move of the more
orthodox upper caste Hindus against granting the right of temple
entry to the untouchables of India In one of his letters written from
London to a friend of his, Dr. Ambedkar mentioned that one of the
prominent Muslim leaders at the third R.T.C. had received a cable
from the orthodox Hindus of Bengal asking for Muslim support in
opposing the temple entry movement. T/ith his characteristic
bluntness, Dr. Ambedkar stated in his letter, that to him the Indian
Muslim was as strange a creature as an orthodox Hindu. Social reform
was an anathema to both of them. Dr. Ambedkar went on to say in
that letter that it would be helpful to the Indian Muslims if they could
learn a lesson from the work done by Kamal Ataturk Pasha who
almost over- night transformed Turkey from an intensely orthodox
Muslim country into a most progressive one; although he was as good
a Muslim as any other. In this mattef too, Dr. Ambedkar had a truly
prophetic vision.
The work of the third R.T.C. proceeded according to the schedule
Its main mandate was to supplement and complete the work done
and to evaluate the reports drafted at the first and second R.T Cs. The
third
R.T.C. decided by a majority that adult franchise for India was not
practicable under the existing conditions but added that the franchise
should be extended and also that a portion of the women population
of India should be given the right to vote. A heartening outcome of
the third R.T.C. was its recommendation that a provision may be
made to enfranchise a larger portion of the depressed classes.
The third R.T C. concluded on December 24, 1932, when most of
the western countries and U.S.A. were in the grip of a severe
economic crisis caused by recession. Dr. Ambedkar left for India the
very next day, fully conscious that even the third R.T.C. had miserably
failed in its basic purpose.
In the meantime, the temple entry movement, to which GandhiJi
had totally committed himself, after his pact with Dr. Ambedkar was
making a visible impact throughout India. It goes to the credit of
Gandhiji that he made a public declaration to go on a fast with
Kelappan on the issue of the entry of the untouchables into the
famous Guruvayur temple, in the State of Calicut. The ruler of
Calicut was
TI-IE CONFERENCE AND THE PAC-T THEIR IMPACT 57

equally adamant on this issue and refused point blank to throw the
gates of the temples open to the untouchables. Gandhiji in spite of his
open declaration of going on a fast unto death on this issue made an
alternative suggestion that if after a free referendum all the people of
the Ponani taluka of Calicut, decided by majority again. t the entry of
the untouch• bles into the Guruvayur temple, he would not go on his
proposed fast unto death. However, strange as it might appear, the
majority was in favour. But the prince of Calicut refused to yield
Faced with this situation, Shri Ranga lyer, although himself an
orthodox South Indian Brahmin, was compelled to introduce a bill in
the Central Assembly, entitled “The Untouchability Abolition Bill' ’ ,
and similar bills were presented by some other members of the
Central Assembly. On being appraised of these heartening
developments, Gandhiji extended the time limit for starting his fast
unto death upto January 1, 1933 and said that during this period, he
would patiently await the decision of the Viceroy of India.

Temple Entry Bills Controversy

Dr Ambedkar returned to Bombay on January 23, 1933. During the
course of an interview that he gave so.on after to a correspondent of
The Times ofIndia, he reiterated that the grant of responsible
government to British India should not be linked with the willingness
ot otherwise of the Indian princes to join the proposed Federation of
India. On the question of the temple entry bills, he expressed deep
concern at the tumours which were being floated that the Viceroy was
not likely to give permission to these bills in the Central Assembly and
the Madras Legislative Council and added that such a step on the part
of Viceroy would be against the norms or procedures of the legislative
bodies. In so far as the announcement of Gandhiji's going on a fast
unto death was concerned , he stated that in his opinion, Gandhiji
should not stake his vaJuable life on an issue 1Ake this Immediately
on his return to Bombay, Dr. Ambedkar received a telegram from
Gandhiji requesting him to see him in the Yaravada jail. However, in
the meantime, an informal meeting of the delegates to the R.T.C. had
been convened by the Viceroy in New Delhi and Dr. Ambedkar sent
back a telegram to Gandhiji that he would call on him on his return
from New Delhi. As soon as he came back to Bombay after attending
this meeting, he sent a
telegram to Gandhiji stating that he would be able to call on him on
February4, 1933, if it suited him,
J8 DR. B,R. AMBED KMtt—HIS LI£E' AND WORK

Gandhiji promptly sent back a telegram stating that he would be

glad to see him at 12.30 p.m. on February 4, 1933. Dr. Ambedkar
accompanied by some of his friends, entered the Yeravada jail exactly
at 12 30 p.m. Gandhiji was very happy to meet Dr. Ambedkar
and the people accompanying him. He got up from his cot to
greet them heartily. Gandhiji requested Dr. Ambedkar to give
his full support to the bills in regard to the question of temple entry
introduced by Dr. Subbarayan in the Madras Legislative Council and
by Shri Ranga lyer introduced in the Central Legislative Council.
However, Dr. Ambedkar firmly but politely told Gandhiji that he
would have nothing to do wlth Dr. Subbarayan’s bill because it did
not condemn untouchability as a sin and only stated that if
referendum favoured temple entry, the temples should be thrown
open to the depressed classes. Dr. Ambedkar went on to tell Gandhiji
that the depressed classes were no longer prepared to be treated as
33udrdi ot untouchables. Gandhiji pleaded with Dt. Ambedkar on this
issue and stated that according to him the Hindu caste system was not
a bad one. To quote him; “Let the touchable Hindus have an
opportunity to expiate their sins and purify Hiiid,uism. Sanatanists
and Government would take advantage of this. If this reformation (i.e.
the throz'ing open of temples to the ii ntouchables), takes place, the
untouchables would rise in society.” However, Dr. Ambedkar politely
but firmly disagreed with Gandhiji on tfiis statement and stated that
he was convinced that if the untouchables were allowed to make
progress in the economic, educational and political fields, temple
entry would follow automatically. It was, therefore, to him an
irrelevant issue. In other words, he told Gandhiji with his characteristic
firmness combined with politeness that untouchability could not be
removed unless the caste system was removed from the Hindu society.
He made his opinion public in a message which he gave to the first
issue of Hanjan started by Gandhiji on February 11, 1933, with the
special aim to acquaint the country with the plight of the Harijans. In
his messgsge, Dr. Ambedkar stated: “The out-caste is a by-product of
the caste system. There will be out-castes as long as there are castes.
Nothing can emancipate the out- caste except the destruction of the
taste system. Nothing can help Hindus and ensure their survival in the
coming struggle against the British except purging the Hindu faith of
this odious and vicious dogma”. Gandhiji in his reply in the next issue
of the H«ñ Jou stated that although many educated Hindus also hold
the same view as had
THE CONFERENCE AND "VHF PACT THEIIt IMPACT 59

been expressed by Dr. Ambedkar, he for one was not prepared to

share it, being a firm believer in the caste system. This was in fact the
parting of ways between these two great sons of India. While
nobody can doubt Gandhiji's sincerity of purpose; in ‘his efforts to
remove the stigma of untoucliability from the HifldU society , one
has to agree though most reluctantly that his insistence on the
perpetuation of the caste system was completely incompatible with his
attitude towards the untouchables. It seems that although Gandhiji
was a man of action, a humanitarian with sincerity of purpose, he
also had a much stronger streak of ernotionalism than of
rationalism. It is also possible that his early upbringing as the son of
the Dewan of a princely state where the caste system had always
been hcld as sacrosanct and immutable, might have fixed his ideas
firmly on this issue.
 CHAPT£RYI

THE GATHERING STORM

The 1930s witnessed thC meieofic rise of Adolf Hitler on the

European scene and he arid his paftymen took over power from
the then legally established GoveffliTient of Germany by brutal
physical force. Hitler and his Nazi Party were not only out to
avenge the indignities imposed upon Germany afrer its defeat in the
first World War of 1914-18 but had also territorial ambitions of
imposing German nile over as many countries as possible. Since the
rise and fall of Hitlerism is not germans to this bi‹igtaphy of Dr.
Ambedkar, it would be sufficient to state here that Hitler terrorized
the mighty British Government to sign the ignoble Munich Pact, by
which HitlCf was allowed to annex Austria Emboldened by this abject
surrender by the British’Empire, Hitler attached Poland on September
3, 1939 and the BL:‹s6 Government was compelled to declare war
on Germany. The Indian National Congress was undecided about
the attitude it should adopt in this fight bemeen the British
Empire and the Gcrmany of Hitler, In 1937, the British
Government had accepted a majot recommendation of the third
R.T C. and established Provincial Assemblies in all the provinces with
an elected government headed by z Chief Minister who was directly
responsible to the Governor of the concerned province. i-forever,
when it became clear to the Congressmen that Na2ism or Fascism
was a real danger to democracy, they were faced with a dilemma :
whether to support the Imperial British Government in its war
against Hitler and Mussolini or to make use of this opportunity to
press their demands for a completely free India. The Issue was
finally settled on August 9, 1942 when Gandhiji launched his
famous Quit India Movement and was immediately imprisoned
along with a large numbet of topmost Congresy leaders and
THE GATHERING STORM

workers in different jails throughout the country. Before that

Subhash Chandra Bose had escaped from India and gone to
Germany and thereafter toJapan and established the Indian National
Army (I.N.A.) and gave our country its national slogan ‘Jai I-find’.

It would be pertinent, at this stage, to go back to some of the

important events preceding that era, with which Dr. Ambedkar was
deeply involved. In March 1933, the British Government issued a
White Paper comprising certain proposals for bringing about reforms
in the Indian Constitution in accordance with the decisions made at
the third R.T.C. ; and this White Paper was to be considered by the
Joint Committee of both Houses of the British Parltament, the House
of Commons and the House of Lords. This announcement was
denounced by most of the Indian leaders. Despite their individual
differences, leaders like Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah, Subhash Chandra
Bose, Dr. Moonje and Sir M.R. Jayakat condemned it. Soon after the
announcement of the White Paper, the names of the delegates to be
invited to the Joint Committee were announced by the British
Government. seventeen persons were to represent British India, Indian
States were to send seven and thirty two were to be selected from
both the Houses of the British Parliament. Among the Indian delegatcs
were. Df Ambedkar, Sir T.B. Sapm, Sir M.R. Jayakar, Sir Mirza
Ismail, His Excellency the Agha Khan and Sir Akbar Hydari. Before
leaving for England, Dr. Ambedkar not only held hectic consultations
with the other delegates and his own followers but also had an
interview with Gandhiji in the Yeravada Jail, He left for London on
April 24, 1933, reaching there on May 6, 193â . Despite a very hectic
schedule in London, Dr. Ambedkar made anxious enquiries ftom his
friends in India about the state of health of Gandhiji and also kept in
touch with developments at home. Even at a time when he was most
busy, he did not forget to try to extend help to his old benefactor, Shri
Keluskar, an enlightened Maharashtrian Brahmin who had been
instrumental in getting Dr. Ambedkar introduced to the princes of
Kolhapur and Baroda States in the days when the former was waging
a struggle for higher education. Shri Keluskar was at that time an old
man living in penury. Dr. Ambedkar sent a petition to the Maharaja of
Baroda appealing him to grant Shri Keluskar a monthly pension so
that this noble person could pass his last days in reasonable comfort.
Such was the stuff of which Dr. Ambedkar's heart was made of.
 DR B R A MBEDKAR—ITIS LIFE A ND WORK

Back in London
Soon on arrival in London, the Indian delegates to the Joint
Committee had a formal conference at which it was decided to
appoint a committee to expose before the British Government the
defects, lacunae and shortcomings in the White Paper. At this
meeting, Dr. Ambedkar told his fellow Indian delegates with deep
anguish that he had beeh compelled to ask for separate electorates
for the depressed
classes because of the almost inhuman attitude of the upper caste
Hindus. Dr Moonje the well known Hindu Mahasabha leader not only
agreed with Dr. Ambedkar's point of view but even went to the
extent of offering him the presidentship of the Hindu Mahasabha.
What was most deplorable was the fact that the very Hindu leaders
who had enthusiastically welcomed the Poona Pact had in the
meantime started going back on the promise they had made. Even
Rabindra Nath Tagore withdrew his support and Sir N.N.Sarkar
actually produced a cable from Rabindra Nath Tagore supporting the
anti-Poona pact stand adopted by the Bengal Hindus before the Joint
Parliamentary Committee. The Assistant Secretary of State for India
firmly told him that since the Poona Pact had the full and willing
support of all Hindu leaders, it could not be held as nullified because
of the inexplicable withdrawal of support by some of those who were
a party to it. In the session of the Joint Parliamentary Committee held
on October 23 and 24, 1933, Dr Ambedkar cross-examined that
awesome historic figure and an outstanding member of the British
Parliament, Sir Winston Churchill. He put such penetrating questions
to him that even a person considered to be having almost an absolute
command of written and spoken English and a master in the art of
repartee, perhaps for the first and only time in his long career,
was almost made speechless Such was the courage, fearlessness and
logic with which Dr. Ambedkar was so richly endowed.
The Joint Committee finished its talks in November, 1933,
su pportirig the White Paper and appointing a Sub-committee to
draft the future constitution of India in accordance with the decision
arrived at the meetings of the various committees Dr. Ambedkar
reached Bombay on January 8, 1934. In an interview he gave on his
return to Bombay, he stated that although the Joint Committee might
possibly modify or amend some of the proposals made in the White
Paper, the essence of the proposals would, in his opinion be accepted
as such. He added that it would be in the interest of the
untouchables of the
THE GATHEIIINC STORM

country to accept them and to agitate for more rights than rhe ones
that had been guaranteed to them in the White Paper.
The arduous physical as well as mental sttain which Dr. Ambedkar
had undergone in the preceding three or four years took heavy toll of
his mental as well as physical health. He was almost on the verge of a
nervous breakdown . On the advice of some of his well wishers he
went first to Bordi and then to Mahabaleshwar and got himself
treated by some eminent A yut ved Achatyas. During that period of
enforced test, he had shaven off his hair and put on the robe of a
Sanyasi. This period of rest, and medical treatment restored Dr.
Ambedkar to an almost normal state of health and he returned to
Bombay. He was happy to know that the btll sponsoring the draft
constitution for the proposed Federation of India was to be placed
before the British Parliament very soon, by virtue of which the
untouchables of our country would be, for the first time, vested with
the right to vote. To that extent his mission had been partially fulfilled
and he started feeling restless and took up again his practice as an
advocate and also a part time professor in the Government Law
College , Bombay in June , 1954. At the same time, with whatever
savings he had made, he embarked upon building a house in the
Hindu Colony, Dadar, Bombay As was typical of him, he did not go by
the advice of qualified architects. He studied books on architecture
and designed and redesigned several times the building plan of his
house His matn purpose in building a house was to keep his large
collection of books at a single and safe place. The house was at last
completed in 1936-37 and named as Rajagriha. The ground floor was
designed for domestic needs while the upper storey was made to
house the vast collection of books which Dr. Ambedkar had acquired
during his various trips abroad.

A ConfuS6d Stand ort COmrrlunal Award by Congress

In June, 1934, the British Government of India lifted the ban on the
Congress Party Congress leaders started revitalising their bases in the
districts and provinces immediately However, to Dr. Ambedkar's utter
consternation, the Congress leaders denounced the White paper as well
as the communal award v'hich had been endorsed by the British
Government in the Joint Committee An interesting and anomalous
feature of the attitude of the Congress Party to the White Paper and
thC communal award was the effort made by it to appease the Muslim
League. The Muslim League was keen to have the communal award
G4 DR, B R AMBEDKAR—HI5 LIFE AND WOltk

ratified by it and at the same time to discourage Congrcssmen ltke

Pandit Madan Mohan Malavtya from its outrigh t rejection. That was
why the Congress leaders, at a meeting of the Working Committee
held in Bombay in July, 1934, declared that the Congress Party neither
accepted the communal award nor rejected it. This was indeed a
baffling moment in the history of our country, when the strongest
single party had to take such a confusing stand on an issue that vitally
concerned the larger interests of the country. Soon after, the
Government of India announced its decision to hold elections to the
Central Assembly. date Shri Gavai, a well known untouchable leader of
Vidarbha made an appeal to Gandhiji entrcating him to declare
publicly his attitude towards the Poona Pact and also requesting him to
adopt five depressed class persons as candidates of the Congress Party,
without imposing any pre-conditions for contesting the forthcoming
elections to the Central Assembly. Gandhiji's reply to Sh ri Gavai's
appeal was rather strange. On one hand, he reaffirmed his belief in the
Poona Pact, and on the other rejected the suggestion of Shri Gavai for
adopting five tepteseri natives of the untouchables to contest the Central
Assembly elections on Congress ticket Dr. Ambedkar with his clarity of
thinking endorsed the views of Gandhiji. He requested Gandhiji to
help pass a resolution on the communal award at the forthcoming
session of the Congress Party without affecting the Poona Pact. He even
went to the extent of congratulating Gandhiji on his firm stand and
said that people like Shri Gavai who made such a request could not
comprehend the intricate issues involved.
The report of the Joint Committee was accepted by the Britisli
Parliament which introduced the India Bill on December 19, 1934
When asked to give his opinion on it, Dr. Ambedkar, with his
characteristic forthrightness, stated that the depressed classes were
opposed not only to the proposed establishment of a Second Chamber
(i,e, the Legislative Council) but also to its proposed composition. Dr.
Ambedkar's argument was based on the fact that it would defeat the
very purpose of the Poona Pact, as the depressed classes candidates had
almost no chance of winning elections against the more affluent upper
caste Hindu candidates. At the same time, he firmly stated that he was
still a party to the Poona Pact. He only wanted it to be implemented in
its true spirit and letter. The overwhelming majority of the nationalist
ptess hailed Dr. Ambedkar's firm stand in condemning rhe Joint
Committee's Report and the proposed India Bill.
THE GATHERING“ STORM 65

During thc intense debates which were being held in the British
Parliament on the India Bill, Mr A. W Goodman, a Tory M P made a
forceful appeal against what he considered to be the inadequate
representation proposed for the untouchables in the Provincial
Assemblies as well as in the Central Assembly. On the other hand, the
Congress leaders in India adopted the policy of sitting on the fence
apparently wirh a view to appease the Muslim League, and even
allowed Mr M. A Jin nali to compel the Central Assembly to endorse
the Communal award. Simultaneously, the orthodox H indus kept up
their compaign against the Poona Pact. Although greatly embittered
by this betrayal, Dr. Ambedkar maintained that he was sriJJ a party ro
the Poona Pact.

Passing Away of Ambedkar's Wife

At this time, the health of his wife began deteriorating fast and she
passed away on May 27, 1935. In fact, because of his pre-occupations,
Dr. Ambedkar nevef had enough time to spare for his family This
pious lady had borne solitude, penury and neglect in silence. Being a
deeply religious person, one of her greatest desires was to make a
pilgrimage to Pandharpur, a holy place in Maharashtra However,
being an untouchable by birth , she knew that on reaching
Pandharpur, she would be asked by the priests to stay away from the
temple and offer her prayers from a distance. This was not acceptable
to Dr. Ambedkar who consoled her by saying, a sentence in Marathi
which is translated into English as follows: — “Forget the Pandharpur
which prevents its devotees from praying to the image of God? By our
own virtuous way of living, selfless service and sacrifice in the cause
of the down trodden humanity, we would some day create another
Pandharpur where we can pray.” Whar a great similarity between this
utterance of Dr, Ambedkar and the resolve of Lord Buddha who had
vowed to create a new order in which every one in our country would
be treated as an equal!
Although an iconoclast and a firm non-believer in the traditional
Hindu rituals, Dr Ambedkat got the last rites of his deceased wife
performed in the traditional Hindu manner He even got his head
shaved and put on saffron clothes during the period of mourning.
Soon after his wife's death, he had been offered the post of the
principal of the Government College of Law, Bombay which he
accepted onJune 1, 1935. Although in mourning, Dr Ambedkar
with his usual
66 DR B R, ‹\ \l DED K AR—HIS LI FE AND WORK

determination, not only took classes but also looked after the
administration of rhe college,

Decision to Leave the Hindu Fold

Disheartencd by the stand taken by the Congress leaders on the
Poona Pact, Dr Ambedkar began to debate in his mind as to what
further course of action he and his followers should adopt in order to
attain their goal. A news item appeared in several of the newspapers
that Dr Ambedkar was going to make a declaration of conversion at
the Depressed Classes Conference scheduled to be held in October,
1935 at Yeola. This news came as a thunderbolt to the more sensible
leaders of the upper caste Hindus. Some of rhem like Shri N.C. Kelkar
and Prof. S M. Mate, sent a joint letter to Dr. Ambedkar promising
him a change of heart on the part of the caste Hindus and appealin g
him not to make the proposed announcement. As stated in on earlier
Chapter, Dr. Ambedkar had at one stage publicly announced that he
and his followers would not renounce Hinduism the religion of their
forefathers. They would only strive to ensure the basic civic rJghts to the
untouchables as equal members of the same religion i,e. the right of
temple entry, the right of access to public tanks and wells to draw water
for drinking and bathing, and free access to other pu blic institutions
like schools, libraries, dharmsLalis etc. He had signed the Poona Pact
after Gandhiji had made a personal appeal to htm. However, he had
by this time come to the sad conclusion that the caste Hindus were not
sincere in the promises they had made to him. Even as late as 1930,
wben a group of untouchables from a village near Nasik decided to
embrace Islam, Dr, Ambedkar persuaded them to wait for some time
more and see whether rhe t aste Hindus did what they had promised tt›
them i.e. remove untouchability. Dr. Ambedkar had a fee› been
disillusioned by the attitude of the Muslim delegates of third R.T.C.
The Depressed Classes Conference was held at Ycola on Octt›bt’r
30, 1935. It was attended by over 10,000 untouchables from many
parts of the country, including the their Hyderabad State and the Cen
tral Provinces. The Conference was chaired by Shti Rankhamhc In
his impassioned speech lasting over an hour and a half, Dr. Ambedkar
onte again narrated the story of miseries heaped upon them
(untouchables) by the caste Hindus in all walks of life, economic, social,
educational and political. He pointed out that in spite of these
hardships, they had made great sacrifices to secure the minimum of
THE GATHER I NG STORM 67

hu man rights which were available to their upper caste co-religionists

and lamented that the upper caste Hindus were not prepared even to
grant or guarantee the untouchables these minimal civil rights and to
allow them to live in honour within the folds of Hinduism. He,
therefore, expressed the opinion that the time for making a final
decision on this issue had now arrived. Since the indignities and
humiliations to which the untouchables were subjected to, arose from
the fact that they were Hindus by the accident of birth , he posed the
question before the delegates of the Conference, whether it would not
be better for them to leave the fold of Hinduism and to embrace some
other religion which would give them an honourable and equal status
At the same time, he had the wisdom to warn his followers that they
had to be very careful in choosing their new faith and not to make a
hasty decision. In the course of his speech Dr. Ambedkar declared that
the religion was for the man and not the other way around and he
uttered those famous words: “I solemnly assure you that I will not die
as a Hindu.” Concluding his speech, he asked his followers to stop the
Kalaram Temple entry Sat yagraha which they had been waging for the
past five ears in vain.
Dr. Ambedkar's announcement created a storm not only in diffetent
political parties but also shook the social institutions. Offers began to
come to Dr. Ambedkar from the top leaders of different religions:
Muslims, Christians and Sikhs. The famous Muslim leader of that
period, Shri K.L. Gauba, M.L.A. , Punjab, sent a telegram to Dr.
Ambedkar assuting that the I\/tus1im League would wholeheartedly
welcome him and his followers into Islamic brotherhood and would
ensure that they were given equal rights with the other Muslims of the
country. Bishop Badley of Bombay expressed the view that Dr.
Ambedkar's statement was welcome to the Christians because it
indicated an ambition on the part of the depressed classes to achieve
their rights as human beings and not to be treated almost like beasts.
The Secretary of the Mahabodhi Society of Banaras also sent a
telegram to Dr. Ambedkar that he and his followers were welcome to
embrace Buddhism which was professed by the largest part of Asia
and also guuanteed equal status to all converts. As for Sikhs, Sardar
Dalip Singh Doabia, Vice-President of the Golden Temple Managing
Committee, sent a telegram to Dr. Ambedkar that the Sikh religion, in
his view, fulfilled all the requirements regarding the convetsion of the
depressed classes.
68 DR. B R, AMBEDKAR—HU LIFE AND WORK

Gandhiji called Dr. Ambedkar's declaration of conversion as an

unfortunate one. According to his opinion, untouchablity in India was
already on its last legs. Gandhiji said that while he could comprehend
the anguish of a highly enlightened person like Dr. Ambedkar over the
atrocities committed on the untouchables by the caste Hindus, he did
not approve of conversion. “Religion” , he said “was not like a house
or a cloak which one can change at will. It was an integral part of one's
own self. I am convinced that a change of faith by him and those who
pass the resolution will not serve their cause. ...as the millions of
unsophisticated illiterate HariJans will not listen to him and those who
have disowned their ancestral faith; especially when it is remembered
that their lives for good or for the evil are inextricably involved with
those of caste Hindus.” Veer Savarkar, another staunch protagonist of
the removal of untouchab ility, issued an appeal to the untouchables
from Ratnagiri, in which district he had been interned by the British
Government after his release from Andamans, almost on similar lines.
He cautioned the untouchables by warning them that there was no
possibility of their receiving a treatment of equality under either Islam
or Christianity in India, and specifically pointed out to the strife which
was at that period going on between the touchable Christians and the
untouchable Christians in the State of Travancore. In fact, Veer
Savarkar was, on a careful consideration of facts, more rational in his
appeal to the untouchables, because in it he stated in the following
words: “Truly speaking, any Ism, in the sense of religion contains
something which is not amenable to reason and which is based on
belief. Those who hold that the existing religious opinions are not
amenable to reason, should not hug irrational beliefs. Dr. Ambedkar,
therefore, should embrace a religion which is based on principles that
are not averse to logic and reason.” The President of the Indian
National Congress, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, although condemning the
resolution passed by the Depressed Classes Conference on October 19,
1935, appreciated the underlying current of resentment,
disillusionment and disenchantment which had made the
untouchables pass that resolution. Similar sentiments were expressed
even by some untouchable leaders like Shri Deorukhkar and Shri
Narayan Kajrolkar.
It goes without saying that Dr. bedkar's announcement of
conversion on October 30, 1935 shook up the entire country. In a
desperate bid, the famous Hindu missionary leader, late Masurkar
G3 1-IE A3'HERING $T’ORM G9

Maharaj who was instrumental in reconverting about 10,000 Goan

Christians to the Hindu fold appealed to Dt Ambedkar to wirhd raw
his announcement because the conversion of the untouchables to
another faith than Hinduism would spell the doorri of the Hindu
society itielf D r Ambedkar, honest as he was, sad ly admitted that he
agreed with Masurkar Maharaj and also stated that although he was
himself not happy at the idea of conversion, the way to avert the
impending tragedy lay only in the hatids of the upper caste Hindus. He
also told Masurkar Maharaj that the only way out appeared to be that
the caste Hindu leaders should honest ly make a pledge to exterminate
the stigma of untouchability from H ind u society within a prescribed
period of time. Masurkar Maharaj although agreed with Dr. Ambedkar
pointcd out to him the enormous magnitude of the proble na and
pleaded with him for more patience Later on , a deputation comprising
various Hindu castes, headed by Shri R G. Pradhan called on Dr
Ambedkar in an effort to assure him of a positive result and to
persuade him to withdraw his decision. Dr. Ambedkar's reply was
characteristic oI h'm. He said: “Some people think that religion is
not esscntial to society. I do not hold this view. I consider the
foundation of religion to be essential to the life and practices of a
society. At the root o- f thc Hindu social system lies dLarma as
prescribed in the 7lfoaaiwñ/i Such being the case, I do not think it is
possible to abolish inequality in Hindu society unless the existing
foundation of the Jwrz//—religion is removed and a better one laid in
its place. I, however, despair of Hindu society being able to
reconstruct itself on better foundation” . At the same time, with his
usual openmindedness he told the delegation front Nasik that he was
prepared to wait for try. ears and if during this period, the upper
casre Hindus conId assure him and his followers by positive deeds
and not by mere words, of a real Change of heart, he was willing to
reconsider the entire position
 CHAPTER VIII

AMBEDKAR'S EMERGENCE AS LEADER OF

THE UNDERPRIVILEGED

The Government of India Act of 193a promised provincial

Autonomy to the people of British India and announced that elections
to the provincial assemblies would be held in 1937. Thus the beginning
of the year marked a keen interest and activity among all the political
parties as well is leaders, as this would be the first ‹xcasion when the
people of Brltish India would be able to elect their representatives in
the varioU5 f0Vlfices by adult franchise. After having been
disillusioned by the attitude of the upper caste Hindus, during the last
few years, specially after witnessing the fate of the Poona Pact, Dr.
Ambedkar rallied his fricpds and lieutenants and founded a new
political pafty called “Independent Labour Party” in August 1936.
The party announced a comprehensive programme which aimed
at meeting all thc immediate needs and voice the grievances of the
landless, poor tenants, agnculturists and industrial worker s Its
progfamme also emphasised the need for social reforms in our society as
well as a detailed plan for proper village sanitation and housing.
Dr. Ambedkar left for Geneva on November 11, 1936, because he felt
he needed some rest and change in order to equip himself better
for the forthcoming elections, He spent most of his time in Vienna
and Berlin and was in London only for about a week. He
,returned to Bombay on January 14, 1§37. Immediately after his
return he started his election compaign, by touring all the districts in
Bombay Presidency and explaining to the people the aims and
ob;iectives of his party. During the toursc o( his hectic election
campaign, he extended the support of his party to some enlightened
candidates of other parties like Shri L.B. Bhopatkar, the leader of the
Democratic Swaraj Party who
AMBEDKAP'S EMERGENCE AS 1EADER OF THE UNDERPttIVILEGED 71

with another enlightened Brahmin, Shri N.C. Kelkar had parted

company with the Congress several years ago because of its attitude
to the problem of the depressed classes.
In return, Shri Kelkar issued a special appeal to the voters of
Bombay to vote for Dr. Ambedkar whom he ‹afled, the “Uncrowned
King of depressed classes” and a person who had attained the highest
academic qualifications and a certain measure of fame by hard work,
sincerity of purpose and endless stmggle.

The Indian National Congress, the biggest party naturally put up its
own candidates to contest the elections in all the provinces. However,
the two seats to which the Congress Party directed their special
attention were the seats being contested by Dr. Ambedkar in Bombay
and that by Shri L.B. Bhopatkar in Poona. Shri Palvankar, the well
known cricketer of that period was put up by the Congress Party to
oppose Dr. Ambedkar while Shri Rajbhoj and Shri Deorukhkar, two
well-known untouchables were engaged by the Congress Party to
carry on the election compaign against him. The elections finally took
place on February 17, 19â 7 and the results declared a few days later
showed that Dr Ambedkar came out victorious by beating his rival
by a large
margin of votes. Unfortunately, Shri LB. Bhopatkar lost, although he
had put up a really brave fight against heavy odds. The most
remarkable thing was that of the seventeen candidates put up by
Dr. Ambedkar as many as fifteen were elected. Another feather
in his cap was the verdict delivered §y Bombay High Court on March
17, 1937 in which it upheld the decision of the Assistant Judge of
Thana regarding the use of water of the Chowdai Tank at Mahad by
the u ntouchables.

Although the Congress Party had won a majority of Hindu seats

in these elections, it was apparently not prepared to join the
Government. The Governor of the Bombay Presidency, therefore,
appointed an interim Ministry, with the stipulation that it was to act
only as a care- taker Ministry and the Assembly would be called
within a period of six months time. After protracted consultations
among themselves, the Congress leaders joined the Assembly on July
19, 1937, the Interim Ministry of the Bombay Presidency having
resigned on July 18, 1937. Being in a majority, the Ministry was
formed by the Congress Party, with Shri B.G. Kher as its Premier.
72 DR B, R A MBEDKAF—I-I IS LIFE AND WORK

Dr. Ambedkar as a Legislator

The first occasion on which Dr. Ambedkar had to cross
swords'with Shri B. G. Kher was the introduction of a Bill in the third
week of August 1937 proposing a salary of Rs 500/ - p. m. for a
Minister in addition to house and conveyance allowances. In his
criticism of the Bill, he put forth forcefully his argument that four
considerations should be kept in mind while discussing or passing
the Bill, viz. the prevailing social standards; competence; democracy;
and integrity and purity of administration. He went on to argue that if
salaries were being fixed in accordance with the prevailing standard
of living in the country , the Ministers ought not to di aw salaries
exceeding Rs. 75/ -p m. as had been proposed earlier. Shri B. G. Kher
in. his reply stated that the principle underlying the Bill was “Service
of the Motherland.” He also went on to remind Dr. Ambedkar of his
own selfless service to the cause of his community and made an
earnest appeal to him to render equally selfless service to the country
as well.
During the period when the Provincial Assembly was not in
session, Dr Ambedkar availed himself of the opportunity of
continuing his compaign for the upliftment not only of the depressed
classes but also of the agricultural labourers who were virtually held
in bondage by the owners of the cultivated fields. During his
campaign, Dr. Ambedkar addressed several meetings in the Bombay
Presidency; and on September 17, 1937 at the Poona Session of the
Bombay Assembly, he introduced a Bill to abolish the Kl›oti system of
land tenure in the Konkan area of the Presidency. It needs to be
emphasised that Dr. Ambedkar was the first in India who introduced
a Bill for the abolition of the serfdom of agricultural tenants, which
had been perpetuated for the past several centuries.
Another memorable clash which took place between Dr.
Ambedkar and the ruling party was on one of the articles of a new Bill
aimed at the amendment of the Local Board Act in which the
scheduled castes were given the definition of Hanans i.e. the
People of God. Dr. Ambedkar's dedicated follower in the Legislative
Assembly, Shri B.K. (alias Dadasahib) Gaikwad proposed an
amendment seekingthatthe ap- pellation Harijan may be deleted. The
speech made by Shri Dadasahib Gaikwad had been drafted in
consultation with Dr. \ inbedkar and one of its most stinging
portions was as follows: “If the untouchables were the People of God,
were the touchables assumed to belong to the Monsters? lf all the
people were to be called Harijans, we should not
AMBEDKAR'S EMERGENCE AS LEADER OF THE UNDERPRIVILEGED 73

object. It is no use only giving the untouchables a sweet name.

Something practical should be done to ameliorate theit condition” .
However, the amendment was thrown out when put to vote, because
of the overwhelming majority of Congress members in the Assembly.
At this, Dr. Ambedkar rose up from his seat and declared: “I am very
sorry, but I think I cannot”help saying that this is a matter on which
the wishes of the group i.e. the untouchables ought to have prevailed
upon the Government. Nobody would have been hurt and the
interests of the country would not have been injured i£ the
amendment of my Honourable friend Mr. Gaikwad had been
accepted. In view of the fact that the Government wish to use its
majority in a tyrannical manner, I am afraid we must show our
disapproval by walking out in a body and not participating further in
the day's proceedings' '. In a bid to pacify Dr. Ambedkar and his
fellow legislators, Shri B. G. Kher stated that the word Hnñ Jdn was
polite. He traced its origin to a hymn of the Gujarati saint, Narsi
Mehta. In his reply, Dr. Ambedkar stated that though he was not able
to suggest any better name for the untouchables, it would have been
appropriate if the ruling party had discussed the matter with the
untouchable legislators before moving this amendment. He also
added that Shri Kher's arguments were not convincing and he staged
a walk out from the Assembly followed by his fellow legislators
belonging to the depressed classes.

As a Champion of the Working Class

Although continuing to champion the cause of the untouchables,
Dr. Ambedkar did not forget to fight for the rights of the workers,
whose interestr were of a major concern to the Party founded by hon
viz. the Independent Labour Party. In September, 1938, the Bombay
Legislative Assembly took up for consideration the Industrial
Disputes Bill. Both Dr. Ambedkar and Shri Jamna Das Mehta opposed
the Bill firmly. Dr. Ambedkar in his forthright manner, described the
Bill as retrograde and capitalistic favouring the industrialists at the
cost of workers. This led to a bitter war of words between Dr.
Ambedkar and Shri K.M. Munshi, the Home Minister in Shri B.G.
Kher's Ministry. However, being in a majority, the Congress Party
passed the Bill. Soon afterwards, a programme of action was chalked
out by the Independent Labour Party and the Bombay Presidency
Trade Union Congress and a one-day strike was declared on 7th
November, 1938 and a call was
given to all the mill workers of Bombay to participate in the strike. A
labour rally was held at the Kamgar Maidan in the evening of
November 6, 19)8 which was attended by at least 80,000 labourers and
was presided over by Shri Jamna Das Mehta who made a bitter attack
on the Congress Ministry for passing suth an Att. Shri Indulal Yagnik
and Shri S.A‹ Dznge also made equAlly bitter attacks on the
Congress Party. On the morning of November 7, 1938, a strong posst
of police tooit up positions at dFerent strategic points at 5 50 a ,m.
The Home Minister, Shri K.M. Munshi, personally supervised the
arrangements Tht strike was totally ptactful and one of its major
features was a tour of the mill areas by Dr. Ambtd£ar and ShriJamna
Das Mehta in a lorry from which they exhorted the mill worlers to
make the strike a suxess but in a purtly non-violent manner. The strike
was a success although it was marred by z ftw unpleoant incidents.
At one place some anti- i‹xix1 elements resorted to stone throwing
because of which somt people wtrt injured, including one police
officer and somt constables
AMBEDKAR'S EMERGEh*CE AS LEADER OF THE UNDERPRIVILEGED 75

and the polio had to open fire to disperse the crowd, in which
nro persons were injured. Also, the cat in which Shfi K.M. Mun5hi,
the Home Minister of Bombay, was travelling was stoned. But for
these isolated incidents of violence, the strike was totally peaceful.
The same evening another massive meeting of the workers was
held at the Kamgir Maidan, Bombay under the presidentship of Shri
Jamna Das Mehta, who congratulated the workers for having staged
a successful and peaccful strike and strongly denounced the
Government and the mill owners. In his speech, Dr. Ambedkar stated
that he was even now prepared to join the Congress if it made a
sincere promise to fight against British lmpefialism. This strike
established Df. Ambedkat not only as a leader of the depressed
classes but also a successful leader of the working class.

Educate, Organise and Agitate

Dr. Ambedkar nc w became an unquestioned leader of the
weaker sections of the society. His qualities as a leader of the
downtrodden were clearly expressed in his speech at Nagpur on
20th July, 1942 where he said: “You have less need of an asSufaflCC
ffolTi lTle that I will fight for the ideal. 1 .tand in greater need of an
assurance from you. You have assured me of yout love and
affection. It was quite unnecessary. I want an assurance of another
kind. It is an assurance of strength, unity and determination to stand
for out iights,fight for our rights and never to turn bark until we
win our rights. You promise to do your patt. 1 promise to dc mine.
With justice on our side I do not see how we can lose our battle. It is
a matter of joy to fight this battle. The battle is in the fullest sense
spiritual. There is nothing matctial or sordid in it. For our struggle is
for our freedom. It is a battle for the reclamation of human
personality which has been suppressed and mutilated by the
Hindu social system and will continue to be suppressed and
mutilated if in the political struggle, the Hindus win and we lose.
My final words of advice to you afe “Educate, Organise and
Agitate”, have faith in yourselves and never lose hope. I shall
always be with you as I know you will be with me.”
 CHAPTER IX

SCALING NEW HEIGHTS

The outbreik of World War II on September 3, 19â9, found th‹

Congress Party on the horus of a dilemma. The Congress ministères
resigned in the first week of November 1939, on the oideis of the
Congress High Commandand on August 9, 1942, the Congresi Pirty
launched its Quit India Movement. This movement had been
launchcd after the failure of the mission led by Sir Stafford Cripps,
which hcld dctailed discussions with almost all the major political
parties in the countty. Not only Gandhiji and M.A. Jinnah, but also
Dt, Amb‹dkir rejected the proposals put forth by Sir Stafford Cripps,
although each one did so on different grounds. As far as Dr,
Ambedkar was concerned, his rejection of the Cripps proposals was
mainly on the ground that the British Government was apparently not
prcpaied to grant the depressed classes their due place in the
pioposed Dominion of India while at the same time agieeing to a
special status for the Indian Moslims.
The roth birthday of Dr. Ambedkar was celebrated on April
14, 1942 and a big public meeting was held at Poona at which
glowing tiibutes were paid to the honesty, sinccrity of purpose,
intellcct and dcvotion of Dr. Ambedkar tothe cause of the
oppressed by not only the Untouchables but also by many
enlightened upper caste Hindu leadeis. However, the main
function to celebrate Dr. Ambedkar's bifthday was held at
Cliotrpati in Bombay on April 19, 1940, whith was presided over
by De. R.R. Jayakai.
On this Owassion, Dr. Jayakar said that he had known Dr.
Ambedkar for many years. He realised hoe x learned man from
a dcpressed class had been able to iaise a community as a whole
which had been oppresscd by Hindus for thousands of years Dr,
Ambedkar studied the ciicumstances, history and religion,
and came to
SCALING NEW HEIG iTS 77

conclusion tha: the efforts of the so-called saints of those days who
tried to efface the untouchablity had failed. He, therefore, made a
vigorous programme to fight with the upper caste Hindus and
demand justice for the untouchables. Setting aside the religious
movements he laid greater stress upon the political and economic
state of his community. Apart from his services to his own
community, he proved himself to be a true patriot of this land.
it. M.R.A. Baig, Sheriff of Bombay, described Dr. Ambedkar as a
great leader. The famous labour leader, Shri N.N. Joshi, addressing
the meeting said that he felt proud as his old student whom he had
taught in Standard IV had attained such eminence. Similar
sentiments were expressed by almost all leading newspapers.

Ambedkar Joins Viceroy's Executive Council

In the third week of June, 1942, it was widely rumoured that the
Viceroy and Governor General of India was thinking of expanding his
Executive Council and that Dr. Ambedkar's name had been included
in the list of the new Members. The news was confirmed when the
names of Sri C.P. Ramaswamy lyer, Sir Mohd. Usman, Dr.
Ambedkar, 5ir J:P. Srivastava and Sir Joginder Singh were announced
as the additional new Members to be inducted into the Executive
Council. Dr. Ambedkar's inclusion in the Executive Council was
widely welcomed. Even the Congress papers stated that it might
prove to be good for the labour class of the country. Nr Ttznes of
India, Bombay, appropriately pointed out that this was the first time
in thr history of the country that an untouchable Hindu had been
appointed as a member of the Viceroy's Executive Council.
Soon after this announcement, Dr. Ambedkar left for Nagpur, the
then capital of the Central Provinces and Berar to address the All-
India Depressed Classes Conference, which was to be held there on
July 18 and 19,’ 1942. While in Nagpur, a special messenger of the
Viceroy came to the town requesting Dr. Ambedkar to take over
charge of the Labour Portfolio in the Executive Council, which he did
telegraphically on the morning of July 20, 1942. On his return to
Bombay Dr. Ambedkar made hurried preparation for leaving for New
Delhi on July 27, 1942. His acceptance of the Labour Portfolio in the
Viceroy's expanded Executive Council was naturally bitterly criticised
by the Congress Party. However, at a reception held in his honour by the
Depressed Classes Welfare Association on August 23, 1943 in New
78 DR B R, AMBEDKAR— HIS IIFE AND WORK

Delhi, Dr. Ambedkar announced that higb office held no charm for
him and that he would be the first to quit and go back to Bombay if
he found that his efforts as the Labour Member were unsuccessful in
improving the conditions of the workers and toilers of the countty.
In September 1942, in an important discussion in the Central
Assembly on the political situation in India after the declaration of the
Quit India Movement in August 1942, Dr. Ambedkar stated in
categorical terms that in the Quit India Movement the Congress Party
headed by Gandhiji appeared to him to have given up in a large
measure its cherished aim of non-violence. At the same time, he cas
equally scathing in his criticism of the power of veto which was vested
in Secretary of State for India and put forth his view that the final
authority should vest in the legislators of the country. He also
delivered a profound speech enti tled ' Indian Labour and War’ on
November 13, 1942 from ihe Bombay Station of the All India Radio in
which he forcefully argued thai the war against Nazism was not
merely a war being waged with territorial ambitions by two great
powers but a war out of which a new social order would hopefully
emerge. He explained in unambiguous terms that the victory of
Nazism would spell the doom of values likc equality, fraternity and
liberty. It is to be borne in mind that at this time Hitler's armies were
engaged in a fierce battle to capture the USSR, which had been the
hope of the have-riots all over the world ever since its emergence as
an independent socialist country in 1918.
The Quit India Movement, petered out after a few months of mass
upheaval throughout the country; and Gandhiji started his 21 day fast
on February 10, 1943 at the Agha Khan Palace. The whole country
was shocked by this news and pressures were brought to bear on the
Indian Members of the Executive Council to resign. As a result, Sir
flomi Modi and Sir N N. Sarkar tendered their resignations. However,
Dr. Ambedkar did not follow suit because he had publicly disagreed
with Gandhiji and the Congress Patty on the issue and also because he
felt that his continuance as the Labour Member in Executive Council
of the Viceroy might help the cause of the labour classes. The
Standing Labour Committee had already been set up and its third
meeting was held at the Bombay Government Secretariat on May 7,
1943 under his prcsidcntship. At this meeting one important
proposal for consideration was the establish ment of Joint Labour
Management Committee at least in factories and industrial units
engaged in work
.SCALING NEW HEIGHTS 79

concerning the war efforts, on the lines of similar committee already

established in the United States of America and the United Kingdom.
The second question to be taken up by the Labour Standing
Committee was the establishment of employment exchanges. The
second session of the tripartite Labour Conference under the
presidentship of Dr. Ambedkar was held at New Delhi on 6th and 7th
September, 1943, at which he delivered a forceful appeal putting forth
the long overdue and long neglected demands of the workers for food,
clothing, shelter, education, cultural amenities and basic health
facilities. As a result, a resolution to establish a machinery to go into
the question of equitable wages and earnings and for drawing up a
policy of social security for labour was unanimously adopted. In April
1944, Dr. Ambedkar moved a Bill proposing paid holidays for
industrial workers employed in factories or industrial establishments
which functioned all the yeat around
Soon afterwards, Gandhiji was released on reasons of health from
the Aga Khan Palace, from where and he proceeded to Pancliagani to
recoup his health. An announcement was made from Panchagani by
Shri C. Rajagopalachari that Gandhiji had made a new offer to Mr.
M.A. Jinnah through him. But he did not disclose its details. Many
Indian leadcrs, including Veer Savarkar described this secret offer as
an act of treachery. Howevery, being more a man of logic than
emotion, Dr. Ambedkar welcomed Gandhiji's offer to Mr. Jinnah but
at the sairie time stated that it would have been more appropriate if the
offer had been made directly by Gandhiji himself. He went on to say
that he failed to understand why his offer of plebtscite had been turned
down by Mr. Jinnah. However, the details of the offer soon became
public after the cryptic announcement by Shri C. Rajagopalachari, and
Dr. Ambedkar got the opportunity to express his frank opinion on it.
Dr. Ambedkar sent a letter to Gandhiji stating that in addition to the
settlement of the Hindus-Muslim problem, the settlement of the
problem of the Hindu-Untouchables was equally necessary tf the goal
of the just solution to the Indian problem was to achieved. In his reply
dated August 6, 1944, Gandhiji replied that although he was fully
aware of Dr. Ambedkar's abilities and would love to have him as his
colleague and a co-worker he did not agree with him. To him the
question of the depressed classes was of a religious and social nature
and it had to be sorted out within the confines of Hindus society. This
only proved that Gandhiji and Dr. Ambedkar held different views on
this issue.
80 DR B R. AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

Search for a Solution of the Indian Problem

After the failure of the Cripps Missi‹›n , hectic efforts were being
made by different leaders and parties to resolve the stalemate. In fact,
a pact had been made between Shri Bhoolabhai Desai on behalf of the
Congress Party and Mr. Liaqat Ali Khan on behalf of the Muslim
League, as a result of which the two parties had agreed to haV e some
kind of parity. Lord Wavell, the then Viceroy of India, left for London
in March 1945 to discuss this pact. At that time Dr. Ambedkar was
also thinking on the shape of tomorrow's India. He unfolded his vision
on May 6, 1945 during his address to the annual session of the
Scheduled Castes Federation. He stated that majority rule in India
appeared to be impracticable in theory as well as in practice. That was
why he proposed rhat weightages be given to the minority
communities in the legislatures and advised the caste Hindus to be
satisfied with a small majority only. Since, his plan envisaged a united
India, he appealed to the Indian Muslims to accept his plan because it
offered them greater security and also provided relief fi om the fear of
Hindu domination which haunted rhem. The most important feature
of the plan was that the depressed classes were to htald the balance of
power between the Hindus and the Muslims.
Dr, Ambedkar's plan evoked , understandably, strong criticism
from several quarters including the Congress Party. In the first week
of June 1945 , Lord Wavell returned to India with the so-called
Wavell Plan which was a hotchpotch of the varit us plans put forth by
different political leaders and parties of the country. .The British
Government released the Congress leaders from jails all over the
country and announced the holding of a Conference at Simla in the
last week of June, 1945. Dr. Ambedkar being a Member of the
Executive Council did not take part in the Simla Conference, which,
however ended in a stalemate on the question of the composition of
the Interim Ministry. The Congress insisted on having its own Muslim
nominees in it, While Mr. Jinnah was equally adamant that the Muslim
members of the proposed Interim Government of India should be
Muslim Leaguers only. The world political scene also underwent a
sea change in July, 1945. The Conservative Government in Britain was
voted out of power and a Labour Government took its place. Japan
also surrendered unconditionally after the dropping of atom bombs
on Hiroshima and Nagasaki by the Americans. Hitler's defences also
were fast crumbling and he was caught between the advancing forces
of the Americans and
SCALING NEW HEIGHTS 81

the British on the western front and those of Stalin on the eastern
front.
The Viceroy, Lord Wavell, made another journey to England in the
second half of August 1945 to consult the new British Government
and on his return to India in the middle of September 1945
announced that General Elections would soon be held in the country.
All the major political parties started their preparations for the
forthcoming elcctions. The Congress Party entered the election
campaign with its “Quit India” slogan, the Muslim League with its
Pakistan or Perish” slogan and the Hindu Mahasabha with its slogan
of “Independence and Integrity of India”. Dr. Ambedxar's Scheduled
Castes Federation suffered from a major handicap. It has neither
organized electioneering machinery nor funds. However, undeterred
by these facts, Dr. Ambedkar opened his party's campaign on October
4, 1943 at a meeting in Poona at which he emphasised that the
depressed classes felt let down by the Congress because it was
indifferent to their disabilities and was unable to remove them. He,
therefore, exhorted the depress.•d classes to capture political powet
on their own. He addressed several meetings at Ahmedabad, Manmad,
Akola, Nagpur and Madras. While doing so, he did not neglei t his
work as Labour Member in the Viceroy's Executive Council. He
inaugurated the 7th Indian National Labour Conference at New De!hi
on November 27, 1943 and the Conference of the Regional Labour
Commissioners at the Bombay Secretariat in the first week of
December, 1943.
On March IS, the new British Labour Government finally
acknowledged the right of India to become independent Within or
outside the British Commonwealth. A delegation headed by Sir
Stafford Cripps reached New Delhi on March 24, 1946 and held
discussions with leaders like Gandhiji, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar
Patel, Mr. M.A. Jinnah, Dr. S.P. Mookerjee and Maulana Abul Kalam
Azad as well as the Nawab of Bhopal State who represented the
Indian Princes. On April 5, 1946 the British delegation also
met Di. Ambedkar and Master Tara 5ingh. In the course of his
discussions with the British delegation, Dr. Ambedkar placed a
memorandum before it in which he proposed some safeguards for
the Scheduled Castes for inclusion in the new constitution of the
country. The Mission gave its verdict in the form of a State Paper
which proposed a Federation of India along with the formation of
a Constituent Assembly and an Interim Government at the Centre.
The State Paper did not make any
82 Dk R R AMBEDKAit—HlS I.IFE AND WORK

mention of the demands of the Scheduled Castes. After the release

of the State Paper, the Viceroy dissolved his Executive Counci l and
Dr. Ambedkar came back to Bombay in the last week of May, 1946.
 CHAPTER X

AN EMINENT EDUCATIONIST

On return to Bombay, Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar got busy in the

educational activities. He started Siddharth College on June 20, 1946
under the auspiCeS Of the People's Education Society founded by him
on July 8, 1945. The main aim of the People's Education Society
was the advancement of the educational interests of the lower
middle classes, specially those belonging to the Scheduled Castes.
However, while appointing the teaching staff fot these newly
founded institutions, Dr. Ambedkar's sole criterion was metit, and
not caste, with the result that several positions in these institutions
were, and still continue to be, manned by fealty competent persons
belonging to the upper castes. Thus, the first institiition founded
by D . Babasahib Ambedkar was the Siddharth College, Bombay.
Siddhartha was one of the Buddha's many synonyms. Dr. Ambedkar
wanted that teachers and students in this institution should follow
Buddha's teachings, Awording to him, “Buddha stood for social
freedom, intellectual freedom, economic freedom and political
freedom. He taught equality, equality not between man and man
only but bemccn man and woman. Buddha's teachings cover almost
every aspect of the social life of the people, his doctrines are modern
and his main concern was to ensure salvation to man during his
life on earth and not aftef his
death.”
The second institution founded by the People's Education
Society was the Milind College at Aurangabad. Its foundation stone
was laid by Dr. Rajendra Prasad in Septembet 19i1. This institution
was named after the Greek King Minander (in Buddhist literature
known as Milind) who ruled the North-Western Province of India.
According to Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar Milind had gained great fame
as a great scholar. Attracted by the teachings of the Buddha, he
ihvited the BhiFkhus,
84

Dr. Rdjendre Prz¡ø§ laying the %undatt’on stone of Hilind

College, ñ ura»z«b d (ñfahar4shtta). Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar,
%under cń vman oftńe People 's Education Soøet), standing by
his side.
AN EMINENT EDUCATIONIST 8â

and the scholars of Buddhism to his court, but nobody was prepared
to cross swords with him. He instructed his courtiers to bring any
Bhikkhu who preached the Dhamma. The Bhikkhus approached
Nagasen, a learned and a versatile Bhikkhu and requested him to
discuss the religion of Buddha with‘ the King. The discussions
between the King Minander and Bhikkhu Nagasen had been collected,
and preserved in the form of a book known by the name of “Milind
Panha”. Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar wanted the teachers and students of
the college to follow the example of Minander who was famous for his
intellectual integrity.
Both these institutions have grown in strength and stature over the
years. The People's Education Society later on started many more
such institutions at various places in Maharashtra.
Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar used to visit these institutions quite often,
and address the staff and students. His addresses were full of
information and used to narrate his own experience as a student. He
often said that a person remained a student throughout his life. He
advised every person to read, maintain his personal library and be
helpful to the ncedy people in the society around him. There were
times when he could be seen standing in the sun supervising the
construction work of the building and giving instructions on all sorts
of technical matters. During his visits, he always stayed in a small
room of the college building instead of going to a hotel. His opinion
was “why spend money unnecessarily? Ours is a society meant for
poor people. 1 am fully satisfied with this arrangement. What I need is
just B£a]i Bhakor(vegetable and a bread).
An incident of this period of Dr. Ambedkar's life is worth
narrating. It so happened that some friends went to Aurangabad
Hotel, and saw by chance the famous actor Dilip Kumar and his
sisters who had come to spend some time and visit world famous
Ajanta and Ellora Caves and see the frescoes. They thought of taking
him to Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar with the intention that he may
donate some money to the institution. To their surprise, Babasahib
got very much annoyed and told them in very angry tone, “I do not
want donations from actors, industrialists of businessmen, nor would
I name my institutions after such persons. That is why I have named
these after Siddharth and Milind. Staff and students should learn from
such great religious preachers and Visionaries who are known for
their values, moral calibre and intellectual integrity. I am always ready
to make sacrifices for great
86 DR B R. 1l4BEDKAR—NHS THE AND WORK

values inâ iâtils.” Afterwards they went to Dilip Kumar to know his
reaction. His comments were: “Dr. Bxboahib Ambedkar is lift my
father. 1 fully appreciate his vies.”

It would not be out of platt to mention in brief the work ñ ont bJ

members of tht Governing Body who assisted Babasahib in twit task.
Ri‹ Rai 8ahib G.T. Meshiim performed an important role in the
constriction of the college bathing. Although not a qualified
tngincct, his knoo1c8gc in this aJcz was superb, and he used to otL
for eighteen hours a day. Dut to exertion, he hid › heart atiirh, and
hich in harness. Water on, late Karrnavetr DaduAib had
AN EMINENT EDUCATIONIST 87

completed this task. In this task, Shri R.R. Pawar, an employee of

Indian Railways, was of great help to Babasahib. Shri Pawar was vefy
active in all the struggles launched by Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar and
had done an excellent work as member of the College Committee of
Milind College. Not only Shri Pawar but his whole family was deeply
involved ir Babasahib’s mission. Other members of the society have
dorte good work and kept these institutions going. Late Professor V.G
Rao was remembered by every one even today. He was popularly
known as “Very Good” Rao among the members of the Society, stfif
and students. He was very kind hearted, generous ancl noble person
and used to take a lot of interest in the Society's activities. Late Shri
D. G. Jadhav was an able administrator, and had complete grasp ot
the work done by the Society. Justice R.R. Bhole, with a judicious
approach and rich experience in the field of education did a
marvellous job in the expansion of the Society's institutions. The
others like late Rao Bahadur
S.K. Bole, late Rao Bahadur N. Shivraj, late Shri Hirji Bhai Patel, late
Principal M V. Donde, late Shri B.H. Varale, late Nana Surba Tipnis,
late Shri Parmar Guruji, late Shri Mohit.• Guruji and so many others
also contributed a lot to the Society's expansion programmes. Shri
K.B. Talwatkar did a nice job in coordinating all thcse activities and
implementing them as member secretary of the Society.
Late Runjaji Bharsakhle, custodian of the Milind College, was a very
dedicated servant of the institution. Although he had no formal
education, his presence was felt in all the difficult situations in the
Campus. The staff of the college was of high calibre, and the
institution provided many opportunities to the students in the form
of curricular activities. Prof. (Dr.) Gangadhar Pantaswne, a well
known litetary figure of Maharashtra used to stage Marathi plays
extremely well during social gathering of the college. Late Prof. N.P.
Sharma di‹i a great Job in the fields of sports and N.C.C. activities. He
was humane, kind and lovable person and was immensely liked by
the students. During his tenure, the college won in almost all the
games like cricket, football, hockey table tennis etc. in the Inter-
collegiate tournaments of the university. He organised N.C.C. camps
very efficiently and earned praise from his superiors. The secret of his
popularity among the students was his involvement with the
students. He used to play with them, train them, understand their
social and economic background, dine with them and even dance with
them. Mention should also be made about the late Dr. N.R. Tawde,
the then
88 BE. B R. AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

Vice-Chancellor of Marathwada University fOf‘ thg 8dvice rendered by

him to improve the institution.

First Generation Students

It would be interesting to throw light‘on the conditions under
which the students of these institutions, mostly first generation
learners and belonging to Scheduled Castes studied. This community
had no tradition whatsoever of learning even at the school level.
Utter poverty and social handicaps were the two main hurdles in
the way of their education. One can therefore imagine how difficult
it was for thCm to pursue their education. Most of them received
scholarships although not sufficient for board and lodging and they
had to manage with hardly one meal a day. They did not have
enough text books. The question of purchasing reference books did
not arise at all. They had to depend on class notes and meagre library
facilities. A number of students appeared foi their university
examinations on empty stomachs. This was the fate of these students.
N,evertheless, they had strong will, determination and courage to
complete their higher education. This was one part of the story. The
other part began after the completion of their education. It was
extremely difficult lot them to get employment in accordance with
their qualifications an‹i training.
.Again they had to starve. On getting employment, other problems
b‘egan. The whole family (parents, brothers, sisters and relatives)
looked at him for financial help, when he himself was not able to
make his both ends meet, within the salary. He was fully occupied
with this situation throughout his service. ’1'here were thousands of
such families who were caught in such situations. The people and
quite often the press of this country did not realise the socio-
economic conditions of these people and the various problems they had
to face. They gave the impression that these students received
scholarships, had reservations in the services and enjoyed life at the
cost of other communities. It was time the pcoplc start thinking in a
more practical and rational way, and help these people in whatever
capacity they can. This wtiuld be a great national service.
The contribution of any institution was judged by its results. the
students of these institutions, studying under such adverse conditions
were occupying very high positions in all walks of life today. They
were spread all over the country and have made their mark aS doCtOfS,
cngineers, scientists, administrators, educationists, principals,
AN EMJNENT EDUCATIONIST 89

professors etc. One of the students cas occupying a very high

position in the Ihstitute of Social and Economic Change, Bangalpre,
after acquiring three Ph. D's. One of the students was a judgr o( tbe
Bombay High Court, while another was the Advocate General où
Maharashtra. Hundreds of examples of this type could be cited, post of
thèse students were first generation learncrs. But for thèse collèges they
would not have dreamt of higher education. Babasahib
Ambcdkar rendered yeoman service in this crucial arca of education
and character building.
 CHAPTER XI

MAKING OF THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION

On August 24, 1946, the namcs of thg lTiembcfS of the lnterim

Ministry were announced. The list included Pandit Jawahaflal Nehiu .
Sardar Patel, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Sri C. RaJagopalachari,
Shri Sarat Chandra Bose and Shri Jagjivan Ram. Is the Muslim League
did not coopeiate with the Viteroy in the formation of the
Interim Ministiy in the initial stages, the Muslim posts were
given by the Government of India to other Muslim leaders, On that
particular day, Df.
AIT1bCdkar was atterlding the Working Committee of the
Scheduled CastcS £cderation in Poona. He and his colleagues olie
greatly disappolnted at the inadequate representation given to the
Scheduled Castes in the IntCfllTl Ministry. In a fliial bid to elisufe
adequate representation ' for the Scheduled CasteS in the new
U•o ernment of India, he left for England on October, 1i,
1946 Ü USlim I,gague joined the Interim Government while he
was away. On teaching England, Dr. Ambedkar had detailed
discussions with the British Prime Minister Attlee as well as the
Secretary of State for India. He also met Winston Churchilland
several othcrs. However, ii soon betame apparent to him that neither
the British Government not any of the major British polittcal parties
was prcpared to listen to his demands. So, he returned to Bombay
in November, 1946.
The Constituent Asscmbly opened on December 9, 1946, It
was boycotted by the Muslim League, Dr. Rajendra Prasad was
elected its President and a comrnittee fof manning its rules and
procedures was appointed. On December 13,’ Pandit Jawaharlal
Nehru deliYercd a superb speech while moving the rciolution on
the objectives of the constitution. He declared that India's
objective was to be an independent, sovereign, democratie
republic. On December U , 1946,
MAKING OF THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION 91

Sir M.R. J ayakar, a well known legal expert, sough t the postponement
of t}ie passing of the resolu non moved by Pandit Nehru till such time
as the Muslim League and the Indian States joined the Constituent
Assembly. There was an uproar on this suggestion made by Sir M.R.
Jayakar At this poiru , the President of the Constituent Assembly
requcsted Dr Ambedkar to express his views on this co-ntroversial
tssue. Rising in his seat, Dr. Ambedkar cal mly surveyed the Assembly
and fou net himself in the n1ids‹ some of the greatest Indians of that
era. In a closely-reasoned speech, he stated as follows: “I know, today
we are divided politically, socially and economically. We are in warring
camps and I am probably one of the leaders of a warring camp. But
with all this. I am convinced that, given time and circumstances,
nothing in the world will prevent this country from becoming one,
and with all our castes and creeds I have not the slightest
hesitation in saying that we shall in the future be a united people.
1 have no hesitation in saying that, notwithstanding the agitation of
the League for the partition of India, some day enough light will
dawn upon the Muslims themselves, and they, too will begin to
think that a united India is better for everybody' '. Criticising the
Congress Party for havtng given up its earlier stand for a strong
Centre, he said: “The question I am asking is, is it prudept for you
to do it? Is it wise to do it? Power is one thing and wisdom and
prudence quite a different thing . .In deciding the destinies of’ the
people, the dignities of the leaders or men or parties ought to count
for nothing. . ,Let us prove by our conduct that we have not only the
power but also the wisdom to carry with us all sections of the
country and to make them march on that road which is bound to
lead us to unity ’ ’ This speech of Dr. Ambedkar had a strange
effect on even the Congress members who had earlier opposed Sir
M.R. J ayakar's move for postponement, They applauded his speech
spontaneously and agreed to the postponement of consideration to
another session of the Constituent Assembly to be held in January,
1947 Soon afterwards, Dr. Ambedkar returned to Bombay to take
care of the interests of the People's Education Society He found the
atmosphere in Bombay hostile. Some so-called Congressmen had
stabbed to death Shri Deorukhkar, a well known Scheduled Caste
leader of Bombay early in January, 1947 and Dr Ambedkar's
house was surrounded by some hooligans. The British Government
soon after announced its decision to hand ovet by June 1947 the full
powers of the Government of India to either some form of a Central
Government for British-India or to the existing Provincial
92 DR B.R. AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

Governments, if the former course was not possible. Dr. Ambedkar

had prepared in March, 1947, an exhaustive memorandum in
which he had, fitter d/iS, proposed that the Scheduled Castes,
should have a separate electorate only in those constituencies in
which seats were specifically reserved for them while in others they
were to cast their votes jointly.

Hindu-Muslim Riots and Partition of India

In the meantime, extensive Hindu Muslim riots took place in many
parts of the country, specially in Punjab and Bengal and the Congress
leaders were ultimately forced to ask for a partition of those two
provinces oti communal basis. Dr. Ambedkar attended the third
session of the Constituent Assembly which was held in Aptil, 1947
and at which the Reports of the Advisory Committee and the
Fundamental Rights Coinmittee were adopted. It was during this
session , that the Constituent Assembly passed on April 29, 1947, the
famous resolution abolishing completely untouchability in any form.
This particular resolu tion was moved by Sardar Patel.
Sinte Lord Wavell was not very successful in handling the
turbulent Indian situation, he was replaced by Lord Louis
Mountbatten. After holding consultations with the British
Government, Mountbatten came back to India and declared the
famous Mountbatten Plan on June 3, 1947, in which the partition of
the country into India (pr Bharat), and Pakistan was proposed. The
princely States were left free to choose and join either of the two new
countries. The circumstances were stich that even Gandhiji who had
all along opposed partition of the country on communal basis had to
accept it, although he did so with a very heavy heart.
The Act of Indian Independence was passed by the British
Parliament and the Constitutent Assembly became, in effcct, the first
Parliament of the country i altbough a divided one. Since Dr.
Ambedkar had been originally elected to the Constituent Assembly
by the Bengal Provincial legislative Assembly and because Bengal had
undergone partition on hindu-Muslim basis, he had to get re-elected
to the Constituent Assembly from the Bombay Legislative Assembly
to fill in the vacancy caused by the resignation of Dr. M.R. Jayakar.
In the fourth week of July, 1947, the names of the Members of the
first Cabinet of independent India were to be announced. Aftef
consulting Sardar Patel and Shri S.K. Patil, Shri Jawaharlal Nehru met
Dr. Ambedkar in his room and asked him whethei he was willing
to join tht Cabinet as Minister for law, On Dr, Ambedkar's
agreeing, Pandit Nehru wtnt to Mahatma Gandhi ar the BL ngi
Colony, New Delhi, WhCft thC latttf WaS Staylflg, tO §flt his appr0Vfll Of
thC fi£ldl JiSt of names Pandit Nehru had also the magnanimity
and vision to include Dr. Shyama Prasad Moo£crjee, the well
known Hindu Mahasabha ltader, in the Cabinet Jt goes to the
credit of both Pandit Nehru on the one hand and proplc like Df.
3mbedJtaf and Dr. S.P. Mookerjet on the other, that at this critical
juncture of Indian history,
they Wtfe leads tO sink theif dlffcrc lites and agfeed to WOfk toge that
in the cause of the newly-horn independent India. Our country
becamt independent on August 15, 1947, although largt parts of the
former united India were still engulfed in communal riots. On August
29, 1947, the Constituent Assembly announced the namts of the
Committee for drafting the Constitution of frte India. It war £eadtd
by Dr. Ambedkar as its Chairman and included such persons of
eminence is Air Alladi Krislinaswam/, Sir B, N. Rau, Shri Syed R.
Saadullah, Air N. Gopalaswami lyengar, Dr. K,M. i\funshi, Sir B,l
fitttr and Shri D.P. Khaitan. Subsequently, tht Drafting Committee
g4 DR B R AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

was reconstituted when Shri N. Madhava Rao was appointed to

replace Sir B L. Mittcr and Sri T.T. Krishnamachari to fill in the
vacancy caused b.y the death of Shri D.P. Khaitan.
The partition of the country and the unprecdented movement of
millions of people from India to Pakistan and vice-versa as well as the
inability of the Pakistan Government to provide safety even to the
Scheduled Caste Pakistanis, whom the Muslims were earlier offering
all sorts of allurement to embrace Islam, deeply hurt Dr Ambedkar.
He issued a statement strongly denouncing the Pakistan Government.
He bitterly complained that the Scheduled Caste Hindus were not
being allowed to come over to India and were being forcibly
converted to Islam and this was also happening in the Hyderabad
State He bluntly told the Scheduled Caste Hindus stranded in
Pakistan or in Hyderabad State to come over to India by any means
since they could no longer consider the Muslims to be their friends.
He also asked them not to embrace Islam at any cost. He finally made
an appeal to the Prime Minister, Pandit Nehru, to take urgent steps
for evacuating the Scheduled Caste Hindus frown Pakistan to India.

Shaping New Constitution of India

Dr. Ambedkar was now fully immersed in the task of drafting the
Constitution of India, with characteristic single-mindedness of purpose
in spite of deterioration in his health. A speech delivered by Shri T.T.
Krishnamachari on November 3, 1948 in the Constltuent Assembly
shows that Dr. Ambedkar was in fact the chief architect of our
democratic constitution. In his speech, Shri Krishnamachari drew the
attention of the Assembly to the fact that out of the seven members
nominated by the Constituent Assembly to the Drafting Committee,
one died and was not replaced, one was away in America for most of
the time and his place was not filled up by another person, and
another member was mote engrossed in the affairs of the State, and
also that one or two others were mostly away from, Delhi because of
health reasons. Shri Krishnamachari candidly stated: “Ultimately the
burdep of drafting the constitution fell on Dr. Ambedkar and I have
no doubt that we are grateful to him for having achieved this task in a
manner which is undoubtedly commendable.”
The draft Constitution was completed at the end of February 1948.
The draft Constitution which was finally accepted and passed by the
Constituent Assembly has several, unique features. Firstly, it is one of
MAKING OF’THE \NDI/tN CONSTITUTION

the very ftw written Constitutions in the whole world. Secondly, it

is not only ven,' comprehensive bur also most carefully worded.
Thirdly, it combines the requisite degree of flexibility as well as
rigidity. Finally, it has built-in-prorisions for making such
amendments which might become necessary with the passage of
time. Till today, the Constitution of India, drafted by Dr. Ambedkar,
has stood the test of time.
Aftef having completed his task of drafting the Constitution for
independent India, Dr, Ambedkar was tomplttely exhausted
and came back to Bombay in order to recuperate his health. Because
of his indifferent health, ht married Dr, (Miss) Savita Kabii. Tht
matriagt was solemnized on the 2nd day of his 56th birthday at
New Delhi, undtr the Civil Marriages Act by the Deputy Commissioner
of Delhi in the presents of only a few personal friends.

Dr. Ambedkar as the 3finufrr ofLao (1949). He ’u seen here MU

the Hoti'ble Begum Raoul e»d Sign S.N, 3foolerjee, Joint
sectetarf, Conslitue#t Assembly
 DR B R ›\MBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

The draft Constitution underwent three readings by the

Constituent Assembly. On Novembei 25, 1949, Dr. Ambedkar, its
principal architect, arose to reply to the debate which followed the
third reading. He delivered a 40-minute speech in which he made ih
an impassioned appeal to the people of independent India to defend
their freedorh with the last drop of their blood. He also cautioned
against hero worship and at the end of his speech he made a fervent
appeal to all Indians to be a nation in the true social and
psychological term by totally discarding the caste system. The en tire
Constituent Assembly,
including Prime Minister Nehru,, listened to his speech ‘ with rapt
attention and he was applauded by all the Members when he sat down.
Dr. Ambedkar warned the lndian people about the contradictions in
the Constitution and in their social and economic life. He said: “On
the 26th of January 1930, wc are going to enter into a life of
contradictions. In politics, wc shall have equality, and in social and
cconomic life wc will have inequality. In politics, we will be recognising
the principle of one man one vote and one vote one value. In social and
economic life, wc shall by reason of our social and economic structure,
continue to deny the principle of one man one value. How long shall
wc continue to live this life of contradictions? How long shall wc
continue to deny equality in our social and economic life? If wc
continue to deny it for long, wc will only put our political democracy in
peril. Wc must remove this contradiction at the earliest possible
moment or else those who sutter from inequality will blow up the
structure of political democracy which this Assembly has so laboriously
built up.”
The draft Constitution was finally adopted by the Consrituent
Assembly on Novembef 26, 1949. The Constitution of India originally
confained 395 Articles and 8 Schedules. The draft Constitution was
scrutiniscd very thoroughly by the members of the Constituent
Assembly. The debates reveal that Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar, the chief
architcct of the draft Constitution,was very closely questioned, but he
was ready to answer all questions of the members. After discussion
on each Article and the amendments suggested thereto, Dr. Rajendra
Prasad, the President of the Assembly would turn to the enlightened
and distinguished Chairm,an (Dr. Ambedkar) and say, “Would you
like to comment? Would you like to throw light on this issue? Dr.
Ambedkar will now reply.” Then the whole House would listen to his
reply which was based on logic, facts, statistics etc, with rapt attention.
MAKING OF THE INDIAN CONSTI2’Uq’ION 97

Ali members were happy to see the maker of the Constitution

explaining all the points. Thus Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar had a final
word in all the matters pertaining to the Constitution during the
debate.
Dr. Ambedkar's authority in law, social and economic conditions of
our country, history, anthropology, constitutions of the world,
jurisprudence etc. was of immense help. All members expressed their
appreciation of the excellent and monumental work done by him
and showered praise oh him for successfully framing the Constitution
of free and independent India. Many members and the press all over
the country hailed him as 'Modern 3fnno ' (faw•giver). Some of the
tributes paid to him were worth reading.
Dr. P. Sitaramayya: “Dr. Ambedkar has gone away, else I would
have liked to tell him what steam-roller intellect he brought to
bear upon this magnificient and tremendous task; irresistible,
indomitable, unconqucrable and levelling down plains and short
poppies.Whatever he felt right, he stood by it, regardless of
consequences.” Shri Frank Anthony: “I would like very briefly to pay a
broad tribute to my Htm. Friend, Dr. Ambedkar. I do not believe
that any one of us can really gauge the volume of work and the
intensity of concentration that must have been put in the production
of the voluminous and by no means an easy document. And while on
occasions 1 may not have agreed with him, it always gives me the
greatest pleasure to listen to his tremendous grasp not only of
fundamentals, but also of details, of the clarity with which he
invariably presented•his case.”
Shri Tajarpal Hussain: “The credit for framing the Constitution
goes to the Law Minister (Dr. Ambedkar). He is a genius; he knows
everything about all the laws and constitutions of the world; what
he does not know is not worth knowing. He has worked very hard
from the beginning to the end in spite of his indifferent health.
Due to his ccascless labour, this remarkable Constitution has been
framed.”
Dr. Rajendta Prasad: “Sitting in the Chair, and watching the
proceedings from day to day, 1 have realised as nobody coul‘d have,
with zeal and devotion the members of the Drafting Committee
and specially its Chairman, Dr. Ambed kar, in spite of his indifferent
health have worked (cheers). We would never make a decision which
was or could be evcr so right as when we put him on the Drafting
Committee and made him its Chairman. He has not only justified his
selection but has added lustre to the work which he has done.”
98 DR 0 R AMBEDKAR—HIS L] FE AND WORK

Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru: “Dr. Ambedkar had played a most important

part in the framing of India's Constitution. No one took greater
trouble and care over Constitution making than Dr. Ambedkar.”
As a befitting tribute to him, a life size statue of Babasahib
Ambedkar has been installed in the compound of the Parliament
House, New Delhi. Late Smt. Indira Gandhi, Late Shri Yashwant Rao
Chavan, Late Karmaveer Dadasahib Gaikwad and Late Barrister B.D.
Khobragadc took a personal interest in this project to perpetuate his
memory as ‘Modern Mann'.

Hindu Code Bill

Beside drafting Índia's Constitution , Dr. Ambedkar had revised
and submitted to the Constituent Assembly the Hindu Code Bill in
October, 1948. As far back as 1941, the British Government of Índic
had constituted a Committee under the Chairmanship of Sir B.N. Rao
for the purpose of revísing and codifying the Hindu Law.
The Bill was finally introduced in the Central Assembly in 1946. As
the Minister of Law of the Government of independent Índia, Dr
Ambedkar took it upon himself the task of going critically through
the Bill submitted ro the Central Assembly by the Committee headed
by Sir B.N. Rao in 1946. He made extensive modÍfications in the Bill.
For the first time, the Bill as amcnded by Dr Ambedkar, gave a
Hindu woman the right to inherit property. This and several other
changes introduced in the Bill by Dr. Ambedkar raised a storm of
controversy all over the country. White some persona hailed the Bill
as being truly revolutÍonary in nature and content, othets velaemently
condenaned it as cutting at the very roò ts of Hindu reiigion and
traditions. Although on the eve of the storm, Dr. Ambedkar, as usual,
maintained his cool. He stated in his speech delivered at the
Siddharth College, Bombay op January 11, 1950 that the Hindu Code
Bill could not be described as revolutionary and sent on to explain
that the main ptirpose of the Bill was to codify as well as to modify
certain areas of the Hindu Law which had remained nebulous or hazy
so far, and to evolve a Civil Code for the Hindu society as a whole.
He also, pointed out that undet the proposed Bill, a Hindu had
been given the right to adopt any person belonging to the Hindu
religion as well as empowered to make a will disinheriting his
daughter(s) he so desired. In his speech, he topiously quoted from
the Hindu Shesir‹zi and 5wr;ifii in support of his aiTiendments.
On the same evening, Dr. Ambedkar was presented
Mt\KING OF THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION 99

with ¢ golden casket which had a copy of India's Constitution. In his

speech, delivered at this function, Dr. Ambedkar stated with his
characteristic humility that when he became a Member of the
Constituent Assembly, he had no idea at all that he would be
associated with the task of framing the constitution of independent
India, much less being made the Chairman of the Drafting
Committee He once again exhorted the Scheduled Castes to think in
terms of the welfare and the prosperity of India as a whole, since the
country had now become independent and all the people inhabiting it
should strive towards becoming a nation in spite of the religious,
cultural and other diversities. The Maharashtrians of New Delhi also
honoured Dr. Ambedkar at a function held on January 29, 1950. In his
speech at this function held in New Delhi, he stated that
Maharashtrians, as a whole, irrespective of caste and creed, were
sincere and dutiful.
His 60th birthday, which fell on April 14, 100 was celebrated
throughout the country at the function held at Bombay, Shri M.C.
Chagla stated that every citizen of the country“would remember Dr.
Ambedkar's name not only for the work done by him for the
upliftment of the downtrodden but also for the work done by him for
the nation as a whole. At a function organised at New Delhi the late
Shri Hanumanthayya, at that time an M.P. , who later on held several
important portfolios in the Union Cabinet, stated that Dr. Ambedkar
would be hailed by the posterity as not only an authority on
Constitutional Law but also as a saviour of the nation and expressed
the fond hope that he would one day become the Prime Minister of
the Indian Republic.
In the meantime, Dr. Ambedkar with his usual painstaking
thoroughness re-drafted the Hindu Code Bill, taking into account the
criticisms made both inside and outside Parliament. In November
1950, he circulated among the Members of Parliament a booklet
stating the aims, nature and scope of the changes in the Hindu Code
Bill, in the hope that the consideration of the Bill would be taken
up soon during that session of Parliament itself. However, the Bill,
for certain reasons, was not taken up for consideration. In
December 1950, Dr. Ambedkar introduced in Parliament a Bill called
the “Representation of the people (Number Two) Bill 1950” listing
the qualifications an'd disqualifications for Membership of
Parliament as well as State legislatures and also outlining the
manner in which free elections
 D8. B R AMB£DKA8—HIS LINE MND WOb5

shoUld be conducted.
Tht Hindu Codt BIH was finally introduced in Parliament p
Februari 5, 19j1, by Dr. Ambedkar. The Bill was debated for
thi« days, duti.ng which ievcral MPs sttongly supported it while
othcri tqually strongly objected to it. Sardar Hukum Singh, who
later in became Speaker of the LOT Säbha, denounccd tht Bill as an
attempt on the part of the Hinhus to draw within the fold of
Hinduism, the Sikh community. Other Members argued that the
Constituent Assembly, which had been renamed as Pailiamcnt, was an
indirectly elected body and hence would not ’ consider the Bill,
on the grounds of constitutionality. Replying to all these
arguments against the Bill, Dr. AmbedÏtsr pointed out that this
was tht first attempt to apply c common Personal lew to the
Hindus all over the country. He also did nor agree with the
objection made by 5arü 8r Hu\um jng}I and pointed out that
the application of the Hindu Code to the Sikhs, Buddhists and
Jains, has to be vitwed in the historical perspective and it was
rather late to raise any objections to it. Ue pointed out that
though Lord Buddha and Lord Mahavira had started independent
MAKING OF THE INDIAN CONS"fITION 101

religions, viz. Buddhism and Jainism, because they disagreed with the
Brahmins, they did ,not consider it either appropriate or necessary to
propound any changes in the existing Hindu legal system. He went on
to add that the same was the case with all the 10 Sikh Gurus
Answering those who had objected to the Bill as being against the
concept of secularism, as contained in our Constitution, he stated that
it did not imply that religion as such was ultimately to be done away
with; and that it only meant that the Government would not, and
could not force, any particular religion on the people of this country.
He also did not agree that Parliament (i.e. the reconstituted
Constituent Assembly) being indirectly elected was not competent to
frame any laws for the country.
In May, 19a 1, the Representation of the People Bill was formally
presented before the Parliament by Dr. Ambedkar. Delivering a
speech which lasted one and a half hour, Dr. Ambedkar tried to dispel
the doubts raised by various MPs. The debate had numerous breaks
in which Dr. Ambedkar exchanged banter with some of the MPs. F-or
example, when Dr. Parmar asked him if the political pensioners were
debarred from becoming members of the House of Commons in
England, Dr. Ambedkar's humorous retort was: “No, only Lords and
Lunatics,” On hearing this, the whole House went into peals of
laughter.
Whatever spare time he had, Dr. Ambedkar spent it in promoting
the interests of the People's Education Society, by opening several
ilew institutions. His hectic li:be both in Parliament as well as outside
again caused a deterioration in his health and finally he wrote to
Pandit Nehru on August 10, 19)1, informing him that his health was
not too good and requesting him to give a higher priority to the
Hindu Code Bill, on which he had worked very hard, so that the Bill
might be taken up on August 16, 1951. In his reply Prime Minister
Pandit Nehru advised Dr Ambedkar, not to give this matter so much
importance in the interest of his health, and added that because of the
opposition both within and outside Parliament to the Hindu Code Bill,
the Cabinet considered it advisable that it should be taken up in the
beginning of September, 1951. Pandit Nehru kept his word and at the
meeting of Congress Parliamentary Party held in the first week of
September urged that the Hindu Code Bill may be quickly passed. It
was the last ses'sion of Parliament bcfore the election of 1952 were to
be held. However, an overwhelming majority of the Congress MPs
was
against this step a‘nd it was decided that on Septembei 17,
1951, Parliament may take up only one Clause of the Hindu Cohe
Bill viz. the Marriage and Divorce Clause and the other clauses
pertaining to property may be taken up later subject to the
availability of time. September 17, 1951, was again a memorable
day in Dr Ambedkar's life. The Bill was criticised by a person of
the eminence of Dr. S.P. 9oolerjee who stated that it would destroy
the very foundations of the Hindu society and added that if the Bill
was to be passed, this should be made applicable to the members
of all religions. The Bill was opposed by Sardar B.S. Mann
because, he liltc Sardar Hukum Singh, considered it to be a subtle
means of pushing Sikhs into th,e Hindu fold. On the other hand,
Shri N.V. GadgJ and Shri H.N. Kunzni supported the Bill. The
debate was so intense that Panditji was forced to intervene and
suggest that, as a measure of compromise, the Marriage and
Divorce Part of the Bill may be treated as a separate Bill. Sensing the
hostility to the Bill, Dr. Ambedkar himself announced on 8rptembei
19, 1951 that this part may be treated as a self-contained Marriage
anh Divorce Bill, as the other parts of the Bill would not be taktn up
for discussion by the present Parliament due to want of time. Even
this did not placate the MPs, and they continued to spend all
available time in discussing this relatively non-controversial part of
the Bill. Unfortunately, the Congress Parliamentary Party had not
issued any ‘Whip’ asking its party MPs to vote in favour of the Bill
and the discussion, therefore, went on and on, In his reply to tht
debate on September 20, 1951, Dr. Ambedkar stated that Dr. S.P.
Mookerjee's
MAKING OF THE INDIAN CONSTITUTE ON \0S

opposition to the Bill was not worth consideration, as Dr. Mookerjee

had not opposed the Bill ‘so long as he was in the Cabinet. He did so
only after leaving the Cabinet. As for the opposition by the Sikh
members, Dr. Ambedkar once again p0inted out that thc law of the
land had always considered and treated Sikhs as Hindus in all legal
matters, . However, some of his rather strong or pungent remarks
made the MPs even more determined in their opposition to the Bill
and some of them did not spare even Panditji in their speeches, lot his
support to the Bill. It was, therefore, in a deep state of anguish and
stress that Panditji requested Dr. Ambedkar to dtop the Bill. He had
done so without realising that it would be an affront to the dignity of
Dr. Ambedkar. But he soon realised his mistake. Ultimately, on
September 2â , after several days debate only Clause 4 of the Hindu
Code Bill was adopted by Parliament and even the entire Pait 2 of the
Bill pertaining the Marriage and Divorce, could not be accepted. Dr.
Ambedkar was naturally deeply hurt at this episode and resigned
from the Cabinet on September 27, 1931, when he sent his letter of
resignation to Prime Minister. Pandit Nehru in his reply expressed
admiration for the hard work done by him on this and also the other
Bills presented by him in Parliament as the Minister for Law, and
added that fate and the rules of procedure appear to be unfavourable
to the passage of the Bill, in which he was himself deeply interested.
Panditji reluctantly agreed to accept his resignation but from the last
day of that session and requested Dr. Ambedkar to let him have a
copy of the speech he intended to deliver on that occasion. In his
reply dated October 4, t95l, Dr. Ambedkar informed Panditji that in
case he found it possible to prepare a reply he would certainly give
him a copy and added that he had already obtained the permission of
the Deputy Speaker to make his statement on October 11, after the
pending business in his name had been disposed of. However, on
October 11, 1951, when he stood up to make a statement, he was told
by the Deputy Speaker that he could not be allowed to speak since he
had not submitted a copy of his statement to the Speaker. The Deputy
Speaker further added that he should make his speech at 6.00 p.m.
Shri H.N. Kun2ru as well as Shri
H.V. Kamath wanted to know from the Deputy Speaker whether this
did not mean pre-censorship. Upon this, the Deputy Speaker said that
he was doing it because he wanted to ensure that the statement to be
made by Dr. Ambedkar did not contairi anything “irrelevant or
libellous.” Dr. Ambedkar refused to obey such orders, collected his
104 DR B R. AMBEDXAg—HIS LIFE AND WORx

papers and left Parliament in protest. Most of the Members were

taken aback, but gave to existing former Law Minister loud applause.
The next day Dr. Ambed)tar sat on the Opposition Benches.
In his statement on the subject which he gave to the newspaper
immediately after leaving the HOti6C, Dr. 'Ambedkar mentioned some
major differences with the Prime Minister. The mood of bitterness
in which he was at that time, Babasahib’s reaction seemed to be too
h ish to Pandit Nehru.
 THE GREAT CONYERSION

Dr. Wbcdlar had been sincc 1931 contemplating a thange of

religion for himself ind his followers. Howevct, be eanted to be
cireful in choosing the no religion. Ntci a great dcl of thought and
wading book on different religions, Dr. Wbe8tu finally decided
that he would embrice Buddhism. On day 24, 1956 he innounccd in
Bombay that he would get converted to Buddhism in October,
19i6. In ficmecn he kept himself busy in writing the monumental book
entitled "'fht Buddha ind his Dhamma“
His health wu once again causing anxiety to his fsmily and followers.
After consultin8 some of his friends, he announced that he would
embrace, Buddhism on October 14, l9i6 at Nagpur, the well known
tits of Hxharashtra which had once been a historical centit of
Buddhism in the country. Bhd3Jiu Chandrimini of Kushinara in the
district of Goiakhpur (U.P) was invited by Dr. Wbcfikar to initiate
him into Buddhism,
October 14, also happened to be the day of Duiielrz festival. lads
of men, women and childicn of the depressed classes kept toming to
NagQilf ff0iTl all OYCf tliC c0Ufltf/ tilr0Ugll0Ut the pfCCcfiiflg wcClt. The
ceremony was hcld in an open ground it Shradhhanand Peth. In the
picks conference held by him on the eve of his conversion, Dr.
Wbedtit tpld the news correspondents that he would stiittly
follow the original principles of Buddhhrn as laid down by Ord
Buddha and not gtt involved in the different forms of Buddhism
exiting at pi‹i‹nt
c.g. Hinayana and Mahayana. He explained that he hid stctifzally
Rosen Buddhism for tonvcrsion buause it vu a religion botn on the
Indian soil and hid become in course of time, an integral pan of the
lndiin or a Bharatiya culture. He also expressed the ftrrcnt hope thit
in the next 10 or 15 years, India would become a Buddhist countq.
He
t0G DR B.R AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

also announced his decision of starting a new political party viz. , the
Republican Party of India before the next elections and that the Party
would be open to any Indian who believed in the principles of liberty,
equality and fraternity.
Thc morning cf October 14, 1956 saw a huge crowd of men, women
and children peacefully waiting for Dr. Ambedkar's arrival at the
DeeKho Bhoomi, Dr. Ambedkar arrived there clad in a white silk Lori
and a white coat, More than five lakh persons eagerly watched the
initiation ceremony being performed by Bhikkhu Chandramani
assisted by four other Bhikkhus. Dr. Ambedkar and his wife repeated
the five vows administered to them by Bhikkhu Chandramani:
abstinence from killing, stealing, telling lies, wrongful sex life and
drinking. Finally, they bowed before the statue of Lord Buddha three
times and placed petals of white lotuses at its feet. He then addressed
the gathering and announced the 22 pledges, which he had himself
formulated. While uttering the words “I renounce Hinduism”, Dr.
Ambedkat became highly emotional and his voice choked. It must
have been a moment of great anguish for him to have been compelled
to renounce the religion of his forefathers. He then asked thosc amongst
the huge crowd who wanted to embrace Budd tism to stand up. The
entire gathering rose in response and then he proceeded to
administer to them the three refuges, the five precepts and the 22
pledges Dr.
N.B. Niyogi, ex-Chief Justice of the Nagpur High Court, also
embraced Buddhism on this occasion.
Many leading newspapers like the Induin Express, Bombay and the
Hiiavada, Nagpur, praised Dr. Ambedkar lot choosing a religion of
Indian origin for convetsion. Veer Savarkar considered that the
conversion of Dr. Ambedkar to Buddhism was actually his reiteration
o( being a Hindu, since according to Veer Savarkar, Dr. Ambedkar
had only got converted to a non-Vedic Indian religious system.
On October 16, 1956, Dr. Ambedkar was present at a similar mass
conversion ceremony held at Chandrapur at the request of Barrister
Rajabhau Khobragadc and administered the pledges to a large
number of men, women and children on that occasion. He then
returned to New Delhi and on the repeated request of his friends and
well-wishers agreed to attend tire 4th Conference of the World
Fellowship of Buddhists to be held at Kathmandu, Nepal in November
1956. The Government of Nepal, which is the only Hindu State in
the world, declared November 15, 1956 as a public holiday. The
Conference was
4 HF GREAT CONVERSION 107

inaugurated by King Mahindra of Nepal himself. In his speech

delivered on this occasion, Dr. Ambedkar stated that he was not only
of the view that Buddhism was the greatest among all religion but
also considercd that it was also a great social system. In another
speech delivered on November 20, 1936 entitled ' ’Buddha and Karl
Matx” he stated that the goal of Buddha and that of Karl Marx was
essentially the same, because both aimed at the removal of sorrow
and exploitation from the face of the earth. However, he pointed
out that Buddhism and Communism greatly differed in respect to
the means of achieving this goal; while Communism was all out for
the adoption of violent means, Buddhism laid emphasis on non
violence and morality. According to him, Buddhist religion was
nothing if not moral. It was tme that in Buddhism there was no
God. But Buddhism had substituted morality for God.
On his way back from Kathmandu, while going to Sarnath Dr.
Ambedkar delivered speeches at the Benaras Hindu University
and Kashi Vidyapeeth in which he eloquently described the essence
of Buddhism. This essence has been described by Dr. Ambedkar‘in
detail in his posthumous book titled, “The Buddha and his Dhamma” .
According to him Buddhism directed man's search inwards to realise
the potentiality hidden within himself. In the. Vedas, we find
prayet, praise and worship. In Buddhism for the first time we
find.training pf the mind to matte it act righteously. Mr. E.G. Taylor,
in his 'Buddhism and Modern Thought” says “Man has been ruled by
external authority long enough. If he is to be tnily civilized, he must
learn to be ruled by his own ptinciples. Buddhism is the earliest ethical
system where man is called upon to have himself governed by
himself. Therefore, a progressive world needs buddhism to teach it
this supreme lesson.”
On the eve of Great Conversion held on 15 October, 1956, Dr.
Ambedkar spoke, thus: “The fundamental principle of Buddhism
is equality. 'O’ Bhikkus, you belong to different castes, and have come
from various lands. Just as the great rivers when they havc fallen
into the great ocean lose their identity; just so, ‘O' brethren do these
four castes Kshatriyas, Brahmins, Vaishyas and Shudras when they
begin to follow the dottrinc and discipline as propoundcd by the
Tathagntta (Word Buddha), they renounce different names of castes
and rank and become members of one and the same society. These
arc the words of Buddha.”
 CHAPTER XIII

THEEMDOFTHEROAD

After his visit to Nepal, Dr. Ambedkar's health began to deteriorate

rapidly. He was eating very little and felt tired all the time.
Hon'ever, neither he nor his wife who was herself a dmtor, at all
suspected that his life'was going to end soon. 'they had made plans for
leaving for Bombay by air on December 14, 1956. Howevcr, fate willed
otherwise and Dr. Ambedkar passed away in sleep in the early morning
of December, 6, 19§6. His wife went to wake him up at about 7.00
a.m. that morning and found that he was no mole. A lafgt crowd
assembled at 26, Alipur Road, Delhi where Dr. Ambedkar was staying.
Pandit Nehru as well as Pandit Govind Vallabh Pant„ Shti
Jagjivan Ram and the Deputy Chairman of the Council of States
came to piy their last homage. The funeral procession which started
from 26, Alipui Road at 4.00 p.m. reached the Delhi airport at 9.00
p.m. All the streets on the way were lined with throngs Of mourners.
Pandit Nehni sent a wreath through a special messenger and
severalMI s and scholars were present at the airport. The plane
which took off at 9.30 p.m. from Delhi touched down at Santa Ciui
at 3.00 a.m. on December 7, 1956. The body was taken to
fla/o2riés, the residents bu4t by Dr. Ambedkar. There was a
spontaneous stoppage of work in all the fattories, Railway workshops,
docks and textile mills in Bombay and also in other places like Nagpur
and Sholapur. The mortal remains of DI. Ambedkar were brought in
a truck to the Dadar i-lindu crematorium. Hundreds of policemen
and several of the senior officers had to be posted there to keep
the five lakh strong trowd in order. The funeral pyre was lit by Dr.
Ambedkar's son Yashwant at 7 30 p.m. after the performance of the
last rites by Buddhist priests. The policemen on the site sounded the
“Last post”, which was an honour given for the fust time in
Bombay to a non-official. Acharya P.K. Atre, the famous
4’HEEND OF THE ROAD

Marathi playwright and film maker, delivered a moving speech on this

occasion. Tributes were paid by the leaders of all the parties. Pandit
Nehru said in Parliament that posterity would remember Dr.
Ambedkar mainly as the symbol of revolt against the opptessive
features of the Hindu society and conceded that although at times
highly controversial, Dr. Ambedkar had played a very constnictive
and very important role in the activities of the Government of India.
Panditji requested that Parliament may be adjourned for the day.
The Government of Bombay State declared Dr. Ambedkar's
bkthday a public holiday and also handed ovct to the Buddhist Society
11 acyes of the l4-acre piece of land at Nagpur where Dr. Ambedkar
had embraced Buddhism It also gave a small piece of land at the
Dadar Hindu crematorium where his body was cremated. Thus
came to aa end a life full of struggles, sorrows, joys and, above all,
exemplary devotion to duty. In the short span of 66 years, Dr.
Ambedkar had packed much more vitality and done much greater
deeds than what would be accomplished by some of his
contemporaries who were fortunate enough to live a much longer
life.

Epilogue

Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar was truly a many-faccted personality.

Besides being a highly disciplined person, mfinly becausc of his
1 10 DR B.R A¡Ÿ ÎBEDKAR—I—HS LIFE AND WOttK

Stctue ofDr. Ambedkar near Parliament House

THE END OF THE ROND 111

upbringing, he was a man who was not daunted by the innumerable

humiliations and insults to which he was subjected because of the
accident of his birth as an untouchable. His indomitable spirit
enabled him to acquire some of the highcst academic dcgiccs from
illustrious centres of learning in England, the U.S.A. and Germany.
Yet, in spite of having spent several years in the West, Dr. Ambedkar
remained firmly anchored to his moorings as an Indian.
Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar's patriotism would always be beyond
question. His speeches and writings wcrc an amplc proof of his love
for his country. In fact, he prided himself for being a better nationalist
than any other person of his generation.
Dr Babasahib A mbedkar's range of scholarship and emdition was
indeed stupendous. H is writings and spceches covered such a
diversity as the origin of castes in India, the division of country into
lingu tatie States, the relationship of the Centre with the minorities,
the relation of the Bfitish Indian Rupee to the British Pound, Small
holdings in India, to the framing of the monumental Constitution of
the Republic of India.
Endowed with independence of thought, every writing and speech
of Dr. Ambedkar had a spark of originality in it. He was never willing
ro tow the wrong line, howsoever big the odds may be. He was
painstakingly meticulous in marshalling facts and figures, for which
he ’had a phenomenal memory
Being essentially a rebel at heart and also by conviction, Dr.
Ambedkar never minced his words either in his speeches or his
writings. He was fully conscious of the attainments which he had
acquired after so niuch sacrifice and this was, perhaps, the reason
why he often appeared to be imperious and intolerant in his
behaviour. He was meticulous both in thought and action, absolutely
upright, and had an utter disdain for hypocracy and sycophancy and
never considered laimself to be inferior to any other person. It were
these traits of character, which often made him a controversial figure.
Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar was in fact a person bom far ahcad of his
i imes That was, perhaps, the reason why he was so often
misunderstood by friends and foes alike. He was often impetuous
and irripatient, because he knew that the tasks before him and the
country were indeed gigantic in proportions and needed to be
tackled without dithering and dclay. In this respect, as in seVeral
others, he strangely resembled Pandit Jawaha‘rlal Nehru who
was at times equally
1 12 DR. B.R AMBEDKAR—HIS IIFE AND WORK

impatient, imperious and in a hurry to build up his country into a

strong, unified nation, despite its cultural, religious, lingual and ethnic
diversities. Like Pandit Nehni, Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar was
essentially a lonely man. And like him he did not have enough time to
attend to his immediate family. Since both these great and noble
sons of the country passed away from this world several years ago,
it was ’mere speculation to envision the shape of things if
circumstances had not forced them to part ways. In fact, each of
them ploughed a lonely furrow.

As a Student
I am sure the younger generation, and the Indian society at large
would draw immense inspiration from this biography. To begin with,
we now know how he struggled during his school and college
education in India and abroad to acquire the excellence in so many
areas of knowledge. Recalling his experience as a student, Dr.
Ambedkar once said “Owing to poverty, 1 used to attend school with
nothing more thitn lain clnth on my body. I could not get water to
drink in,the school. When thirsty, 1 was not allowed to touch the
tap myself. Untouchability was observed even in Elphinston College,
Bombay.” He could not offer Sanskrit because he was an
untouchable. However, he became a great Sanskrit scholar because of
his strong determination, hard work and industry. He often said that
“given the opportunities we are inferior to none.”

As a Social Reformer
Another aspect of his personality is his full commitment and
devotion to remove the stigma of untouchability from the Indian
society. He had himself experienced humilia ion and insults all his
life. That is why he rejected sn many attractive of£ers and
continued his struggle for winning human, social and political rights
for the downtrodden people. Dr. Ambedkar had declared that the
uplift of the untouchables was the uplift of the nation. The
untouchables wanted the abolition of VarnaiLrama, and desired
to lay down the principle that the rights, test›onsibilities and status
should be determined not by the accident of birth but by merit alone.
The uytouchables aimed at a great social revolution as he had seen in
them the dawn of a new civilisation.
THE END OF THE ROAD 113

As a Rationalist
Hit writings and speeches show that he was a rationalist to the
core. Nothing would satisfy him if it did not appeal to logic and
reason. He did not believe in false beliefs, superstitions, rituals or
observances.. By nature as well as by training, he hated tp be vfigue
and imprecise. That was why though many of us may wince at or
feel hurt by some of his arguments or statements, we could reject
them unless we deliberately chose to be blind to reason. The
comments of 'The Times of India'
dated 23 May, 1954 were very relevant in this respect., “Dr.
Ambedkar's political like is the tragedy of a man who thinks that logic is
applicable to politics. A thing, he affirms, is right because it is
rational, Untouchability is wrong because it is irrational.
Ambedkar being an essentially ationzl mrs, argues from premises
to conclusions. But the vast herd of politicians is not rational. They
argue backwards. They adjust their premises to support their
conclusions.”
I t4
DR B R. AMBEDKAR—HIS LIFE AND WORK

As a /’2ationa1ist
It is to be observed that in any act, social or political, he saw to it
that he never acted against the interests of the nation. Nation's
interest was always at his lieart. He was patriotic to the core and
wanted India to become a prosperous country. Dr. Ambedkar once
said, “1 profess implicit faith in articles of my creed. This country of
ours is the true land of promise. This race of ours is the chosen race.”
He further said—Mr. Gandhi and Mr. Jinnah—I dislike them—I do not
hate them—it is because I lovc India more. That is the tme faith of a
nationalist. I have hopes that my countrymen will some day learn that
the country is greater than men.” In his speech delivered in the
Constituent Assembly of India on 25 November, 1949 he said; “In
addition to our old enemies in the form of castes and creeds, we are
going to have many political parties with diverse and opposing political
creeds. Will Indians place the country above creed or will they place
creed above country? I do not know But this much is certain that if
the parties place creed above country, our independence will be put
in jeopardy a second time, and probably be lost for ever. This
eventuality we must all resolutely guard against. We have to be deter
mined to defend our independence with the last drop of our blood.”

Against Casie System

In his book titled, “Annihilation of Castes” he says, ‘ ’There is no
doubt in my opinion, that unless you change your social order, you
can achieve little by way of progress You cannot mobilise the
community either for defence or for offence. You cannot budd
anything on the foundation of caste. You cannot build up a nation,
you cannot build up a morality. Anything that you will build on the
foundations of caste will crack and will never be a whole.” Therefore,
according to him the society must be based on reason, and not a
tradition of caste system. Thus with morality as the basis of all his
actions, he did not become the slave of the circumstances and used
every situation to gain supremacy rather than to bow to luck, destiny
or fate.

Against Hero•worship
Dr. Ambedkar was not a hero-worshipper. He did not allow his
followers to do it either, because he was very much conscious of the
’evils of hero-worship and the havoc it had caused in our country down
4 UE END Of THE ROAD 115

the centuries. The reason according to him was that “OYer regard for
leaders saps self-confidence of thc masses,’ leaving them helpless when
left lcaderless in the hour of trial or when led by unscrupulous
leaders.”
“Onc great reason for the downfall of the Hindu society and
the perpetuation of its degraded position is the injunction of 'Krishna'
that whenever in disiculties, the people should look out for his
'Avtar' (incarnation) to redeem them fiom the slouch of
despondency. That has made the Hindu community helpless in thc
face of calamity.”
“I don't want you to follow such a niinous teaching. I don't want
you to’be dependent on any single-personality for your salvation.
Your salvation must lie in your own hands, through your own
efforts.”

A Great Man
ln one of his speeches Dr. Ambedkar once said, “the great man
must be motivated by the dynamics of social purpose, and must
act as the scourge and the scavenger of sotiety. Thèse are the
clerrients which distinguish an eminent individiial as a great. man
and constituée his title-deeds to respect and reference.” Was Dr
Babasahib Ambedkar a great man? Recording to the tests and
criteria laid down by himself, he was definitely so.
For those who are interested in knowing more about the life
and cook ot Dr: Babasahib Ambedkar I would lié e to
recommend in particular the books written by him as given in A
ppendix-I and rcference bö oks given in Appendix II.
As far as the present author is concerned, this is only a very
novice- like attempt on his part to give a thumb-nail sketch of
Babasahib’s life, times, and his contributions to our ethos as a
thinker, a champion of thc down trodden, a vlsionary of the
dimensions of a true statesman, and above all a scholar of deep
erudition. This biography, therefore, proves the dictum that those
who have .initiative and drive and can work ceaselessly as
missionaries, no matter to which caste, community or religion they
belong to are able to move upward and make a mark. Babasahib
was Very fond of using the term 'Bharat' for lndia and therefore,
I conclude this humble tribune to his mcmoiy b¿ sz¿ing “Jai Bharat,
Jai Bheem”
 APPENDIX I

BOOKSJPAPERS BY DR, BABASAHIB AMBEDKAR

M.A. Ph.D. , D 8t, (London), ML.D, (Columbia), D Liit (Osmznia), (Bar-at-lew),

Castes in India: their Mechanism, Genesis and Dcv,clopment

(Ifldian Antiquity, day 1F1 i)
EvolUtion Of PfoVincial Finance th British India, P.S. King
(London), 192s.
Statement submitted on behalf of the Bahishkfit Hitkarini Sabha
to the Indian Statutory Commission, 2âth i\lay 1928,
s Supplementary Memorandum submi‹trd-to the Second Session of
the R.T.C, on behalf of the Untouchables, 1931.
Annihilationof Caste, Thacker (Bombay) 1937.
Ranadc, Gandhi arld Jinnah, Thacker (Bombay) 1943.
7. Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables, Thacker
(Bombay), 1943,
8. .Communal Deadlock and a .Way to Solve it, F&O Printing
(Delhi), l9d) ,
Pakistan or the Partition of India, Thacker (Bombay), 1946.
10. What Congress and Gandhi have done to the Untouchables?
Thacker (Bombay), 1§46.
11. History of Indian Cufrency & Banking, Thacker (Bombay), 1946.
Who were the Shuérai? Thackei (Bombay) 1946.
State5 and @nOi1tlC5, Thatkef (Bombay) 1947,
Thc Untouchables, Amrit (New Delhi) 1948.
Mahatashtra as a Linguistic State, Thickei (Bombay) 1948.
Thoughts on Linguistit States, Ktishea Press (Bombay) 1935,
17, The Buddha and His Dhammi, Siddharth (Bombay) l9i7.
18. Ê C$CfätlOH V6. Ffeedom, Bheem Patfika (Jullunder) 1970.
Dr, Arrtbedkar on PoonaPact, Bhecm Pattika (Jullunder)1973.
20. The Rise and Fall of Hindu Wonnen, Bheem Patrika (Jullunder)
1980.
Appendix I

21. Buddha and the Future of His Religion, Bheem Patrika

(Jullunder) 1980
22, Thus Spoke Ambedkar Vols I-IV—Bheem Patrika (Jullunder)
1979.
23. Dr Babasahib Ambedkar: Writingsand Speeches, Vol.I-1979
and Vol, 1t-1982, Education Department, Govt. of
MaharaShtra, Bombay.
 APPENDIX 11

BOOKS ON DR. BABASAHIB AMBEDKAR

Ahir, D.C.—Buddhismind Ambedkar, Ajay(Nice Delhi) 1968

Ahii, D.C.—Gandhi afld Ambedkar, Study Cit£lc (Jullundef)
197'v.
Barre S.G.—Dr, B.R. Ambedkar—A Symbol of
Social Revolt, Maharashtra InformationCentre, 1967,
Bhirill, C Serial and Political Ideas ofB.R. Ambediii,
Aalckh Jaipur), 1977.
Dongre M.K. Dr —EconomicThoughts of Dr B.R, Ambedkar,
Ambedkar Samaj (Nagpur), 1974.
Dhalc Raja—Dr. Arnbedkar and Rtvolution, 1976.
Jatav, D.R.—The Political Philosophy of Ambedkar, Phoenix
(Agra) 1965,
8. Jatav, D.R.—The Social Philosophy of Ambedkar, Phoenix
(Agra) 1961.
Jatav, D.R.—Ambedkar Ka Naitik Darshan, Phoenix (Agra)
1969.
10. Jatav, D,R.—The Critica of Ambedkar, Jan Utthan PatiShad
(New Delhi) 1975.
11. Jatav; D , R. —D r. A m bed k ar' s R of c in Nation al
Moviment—Buddha Sahitya Sammelan, New Delhi 1979,
12, Krishna lyer, Mr. Justice, V.R —Ambcd£ar Memorial
lectures—Jawahar1al Nehru University—New Delhi 1976.
Kcci, D.—Dr. Ambedkar: Life and MÍ5sion, Popular (Bombay)
1962.
14. Keci, D. Dr. Ambedkar A, Hemofial Album, Popular
(Bombay). t982.
Kuber, W.N. Dr, Ambedkar: A Critical Study, PPH (New
Delhi), 1973.
Kubrr, W.N.—B.R. Ambedkar: A Biography, Govt. of lndia
Publication (New Delhi) 1978.
Appendix 11

17. LokhaGn So Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar: A Study in Social

de
Democracy, Sterling (New Delhi) 1977 .
18. Rajasekhariah, A. M. — B.R. Ambedkar: The Politics of
Emancipation, Sindhu (Bombay), 197§.
19. Robin, J.—,Dr. Ambedkar and His Movement, Ambedkar Society
(Hyderabad)1, 965 .
20. Tope, T.K. —Dr B, R. Ambedkar—Maharashtra Information
Centre, New Delhi, 1964.
21. Gov t. ‘of Maharashtra Education Department—Bombay,—
Source Material on Dr. Babasahib Ambedkar and the
Movement of Untouchables, VO1. 1 1982