A STUDY OF PREJUDICE IN A PERSONALISTIC SOCIETY:

AN ANALYSIS OF AN ATTITUDE SURVEY OF COLLEGE

STUDENTS-UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES

GEORGE HENRY VVEIGHTi\lAN

Summary:
I;-.; 1955 A QUESTIONNAIRE designed to explore the nature of stereo-
typical thinking and of cultural animosities in a non-Western cultural
context was distributed to college students at the University of the Phil-
ippines. An analysis of the data supports the earlier observations that
there is a tendency for Filipinos to prefer Caucasians (especially Amer-
icans) to Orientals (including even certain Philippine sub-groups). Per-
haps the most significant findings of the study are: (1) demonstration of
the inapplicability of an American-type "vocabulary of prejudice" to
another culture and (2) the implications of such a study of antipathies
for an understanding of the nature of Philippine culture as a whole.
Questions in American studies dealing with the issues of antipathies
and of social: distance which have been found to be highly correlated with
items in the universe of prejudice in the different context of Philippine
society a ppear to be correlated to a universe of social relations. Only
in the examinations of the "extreme cells" (which are not scale types)
was it possible to detect any indication that antipathy of personality,
values, contacts, and general background questions.

Prejudice: Its Universe and Correlates

Gordon Allport has defined prejudice as a "feeling, favorable or un-
favorable toward a person or thing, prior to, or not based on actual ex-
perience" and as "thinking ill of others without sufficient warrant." 1
This definition, by its nature, tends to conceive narrowly of prejudice as
"negative" or "against" while it actually could be "positive" or "for."
Robin H. 'William's description is more encompassing: "prejudgement
of individuals on the basis of some type of social categorization. . . a
generalization which operates in advance of the particular situation in
which it is manifested . . . a cluster of cognitive judgments, implying a
set of behavioral expectations. . . and a set of evaluations of good and
bad, superior and inferior." 2

1 Gordon W. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice, pp, 6-9.

2 Robin M. Williams, .Ir., The Reductio-a of Intergroup Tensions, p. 36.

87
88 ASIAN STUDIES

Conceptually, prejudice may be viewed as a form of automatic think-

ing in which the ascription of certain traits is done on the basis of some
simple categorization. "I dislike the color purple" is a simple statement,
a statement of dislike or antipathy. However, the observation "since it
is purple, nothing can be good about it" would represent a prejudicial
remark.
The conceptual mappings of the dimensions of prejudice would in-
clude subuniverse of normative behavior and indices of social distance,
antipathy, stereotyping, hypothetical interactions, and personal interac-
tions. In the attempt to point out prejudice in the American context,
American social scientists have long been able to use successfully in sur-
veys question items dealing with these various indices in order to study
the nature of prejudice in American society. This has been possible
because questions of antipathy, social distance, and stereotyping are known
to act as indices of items in the American universe of prejudice. They
correlate so closely with prejudice that they may be viewed as "equiva-
lents."
Of considerable heuristic interest is the question of whether or not,
given a society with a cultural context for social relations different from
that of America, the concept of prejudice can he universally indexed by
items of antipathy, social distance, and stereotyping similar to those found
50 effective in America. Seemingly, the Philippines, for more than fifty
years profoundly influenced by American culture, would not be expected
to provide the ideal setting for such an inquiry, but as students of Phil-
ippine society are aware, such apparent resemblances prove quite super-
ficial upon analysis.
The study presently being discussed chose for the purpose of eco-
nomy and administrative ease to use in the analysis of a particular social
context affect items from the dimensions of social antipathy and stereo-
typing (which has been defined as "an exaggerated belief associated with
a category. Its function is to justify [rationalise] our conduct in relation
to that category.") 3

The Philippine Cultural Setting

The issues of ethnic antagonisms and of prejudice III the Philippines
operate in a society which is personalistic and particularistic to a marked
degree. Concern with social relationships is pervasive and profound.
Dyadic, rather than collective, interaction is both paramount and crucial.
Consanguine, conjugal, and ritual extensions of the kin relationships are

. 3 Gordan W. Allport, op, cii., p. 191.

 ,A STUDY OF PREJUDICE IN A PERSONALISTIC SOCIETY 89

all important. In such a non-collective oriented society, the phenomenon

of cultural pluralism partakes of a form in sharp contrast to the plu-
ralism of American life. Almost eighty languages or vernaculars are
spoken in the Philippines. The seven or eight largest native language
groups each numbers more than one million speakers. While all of these
are "related languages," they are not mutually intelligible and tend (es-
pecially in the past) to reinforce the particularistic orientations of kin,
village, and regional ties.
Four hundred years of Hispano-Arnerican colonialism has made the
Philippines the most Christian and superficially the most Westernized
of all Asian nations. Actually, the Philippine peoples have preserved a
rich indigenous institutional framework, albeit influenced by the Sino,
Hispano and lastly American cultural patterns. Nevertheless, this iden-
tification and esteem for the 'Vest among certain elements of the society
have been coupled with a disdain for the Asian cultural forms - of both
the alien Asian residents and certain Filipino groups which possess values
or demonstrate practices perceived as deviating from the desired Western
patterns.
The potentialities of these cultural antagonisms have been compli-
cated by the presence of non-Christian native enclaves (the "pagans" and
Muslims) and by a sizeable Chinese minority 4 which, in spite of its so-
cial rejection and its politically precarious position, has long wielded an
economic power out of proportion to its numbers. Sino-Filipino inter-
action in the past has been characterized by massacres, communal rioting,
severe legal restrictions, expulsions, and legally imposed ghettos. At pre-
sent the Philippine government is engaged in an extensive, but hardly
systematic, campaign to bar "aliens" (i.e., Chinese) from a considerable
portion of the economic life of the country. Yet while anti-Chinese feel-
ing has always been marked, there has always been widespread inter-
marriage among Chinese and Filipinas (i.e., Chinese men and Philippine
women). A large proportion of the Filipino population is of relatively
recent Sino-Filipino ancestry. Thus, the final argument of ·the American
Southern White, "Yes, but would you want your sister to marry one?" is
in the Filipino context inappropriate and not indicative of Filipino
feelings of antipathy toward the various minority groups.
The minute Western (mainly American and Spanish) communities 5
of considerable economic power and social prestige, an Indian resident

4 The number of Chinese who registered in 1958 was put at 145,750 by the
Philippine Burean of Immigration. Estimates of "ethnic Chinese" range from
300,000 to 750,000, with the lower figure probably closer to the actual number.
5 Registered American and Spanish citizens total only a few thousand.
H:owever, the social picture is obscured by large numbers of naturalized FBi-
pmos, of "mixed" ancestry-especially Spanish mestizos.
90 ASIAN STUDIES

group 6 famous in the Filipino folklore for its magic-sexuality and for
constituting the "bogeyman" of all Christian Filipino children, and the
recently (post 'World War II) repatriated Japanese community have also
produced occasions for discord in the past and at present. However, the
point should be made that while the typical Filipino village (barrio) or
small town often possesses the features of a homogeneous and mutually
cooperating extended kin group, the larger towns and cities possess (by
Filipino standards) heterogeneity that Americans 'would associate with
New York City at the height of the various waves of migration. The vil-
lager has a word for the outsider or stranger (taong-labas). To the villager
transplanted or uprooted to the city, the Chinese, the "Bombay" (Indian),
Spanish mestizo, the American tourisia, and the Filipinos who are not his
kin (hamag-anah) nor even his village mates (Kababayan) are all "outsiders."
(taong-labas). Thus, antipathy to the Chinese (or any other ethnic group)
embodies elements of antipathy to the non-kin. 'While at times (which
might be quite often) such "compounding" intensifies ethnic animosities,
on the level of individual interaction, personalistic contacts and elabora-
tion of ritualistic kinship ties can conceivably dissipate such antipathies.
At the same time, overt prejudice and anti-locution against the Chi-
nese in the Philippines operate in a socio-political context strikingly di£.
Ierent from that of America. For in America, despite all the marked
expressions of socio-economic discrimination and conflict, ethnic and ra-
cial prejudice runs counter to the basic American credo, posing what
writers have termed the "American dilemma." Discrimination against
fellow-Americans creates ambivalent feelings which even the most zealous
bigots must attempt. to rationalize. 'This is not necessarily the case in
the Philippines where discrimination and anti-locution against the "alien,"
the stranger, and iaong-labas find overt expressions in folklore, law, and
society. Thus, anti-locution, cultural antagonisms, and ethnic stereotyping
are far more overt in the Philippines than in the United States. Yet, given
the personalistic orientation of the traditional Philippines society, preju-
dice may be expected to be more differentiated than in the American
context.

l'he 1955 Study

Various social distance studies in which American Whites and Span-
iards were preferred over the Chinese, Indians, and Japanese (particularly
after the war) in that order, had long been taken in the Philippines as
a demonstration of Filipino preference for Occidentals over Orientals."

The registered number of Indians totaled less than 2,000 in 1958.

6
Josl V. Berreman, "Philippine Attitudes toward Racial and National
7
Minorities," Research Studies of the State College of Washington, XXV:2, June
 A STUDY OF PREJUDICE IN A PERSONALISTIC SOCIETY 91

([he fact that social distance scales correlate with rather than are neces-
~arily equivalences of prejudice was often obscured.) None of these stu-
dies, however, passed far beyond the most elemental aspects of the social
distance method nor were they productive of data on the more complex
discussions of opinion in the area of inter-group relations. In 1955,
while a member of the Department of Sociology of the University of the
Philippines, this writer attempted a construction of a survey of attitudes
which would closely parallel similar studies that had been carried out in
Americ:l. This admittedly exploratory account was designed to produce
some insights into the forms of stereotyping and social antipathy taken
in a particularistic rather than a universalistic culture.
In July 1955, the questionnaires were distributed in the first term
course of Sociology, which was then compulsory for all students at some
time in their college career. Since the classes were compulsory and
cantroUed by the surveyor, the choice of the first term sociology students
was obvious. There had been no previous discussion of ethnic rela-
tions in the class sections. The original sample numbered 672, of which
654 were Filipino citizens. But it should be borne in mind that in their
sociology classes - to say nothing of their university contacts - there were
foreign nationals (e.g., Chinese, Indians, Vietnamese, Americans, and
Spaniards). In addition, a handful of the Filipino "citizens" are "eth-
nic" Chinese or "ethnic" Spaniards, while many more are of recent
"mixed" ancestry. Almost half of the sample (313) were in their first
year of college. Sophomores accounted for 233 of the remainder. Cer-
tain peculiarities of the general Philippine educational system led to the
following age distribution: 8
16 years and below (i.e., 14 to 15) 156
17 years 169
18 years 159
19 years and above 170

Although Sociology 11 was a university-wide required course, students

from the College of Liberal Arts numbered 583 of the total sample of 672.
The sex ratio in that particular college reflected itself in the sample-
there being almost twice as many girls as boys in the sample. In the
analysis, these background factors of age and sex are controlled; they

1957. pp. 186-194 summarizes the various findings of S.E. Macaraig, Benicio
T. Catapuzan, Chester Hunt, and Akhtar Sharif Kanwar, Kanwars A Study
Of Social Distance between some Filipinos and Sixteen Other Ethnic Groupe is
the most elaborate and Philippine oriented of these initial studies.
8 Since there are only ten years of pre-college schooling and many children
commence school before the legal age of seven, it is quite possible for a college
freshman class to include many fourteen and fifteen year clds.
92 ASIAN STUDIES

are discussed here only to note that any sample drawn from the Univer-
sity of the Philippines would not possess the characteristics usually asso-
ciated with an American state university.

Analysis: Climate of Opinion

A perusal of the marginals of questions relating to social distance,
antipathy and stereotyping tend to support most of the previous findings
about Filipino preferences for Westerners. Interactions of various types
with Westerners (Table I) are persistently perceived as less distasteful
than with other Orientals or even a Filipino sub-group (the Moros).
Table II presents the marginals dealing with traits or characteristics fre-
quently attributed to various groups in the Philippines. Again the Amer-
icans fare better than the Chinese and various Filipino groups. Few mem-
bers of the sample agreed with unfavorable descriptions of the Americans.
The Spaniards present an unusual contrast. While faring relatively well
with respect to marriage and partying (Table I) they are regarded as
possessing, at least by American standards, certain unattractive attributes.
The response to the Chinese characterization is rather provocative:

TABLE I

Preferential Directions of Marginals N = 654

Distasteful to eat at the same table Number Percent

Q. 51 American 107 16.4%
Q. 47 Chinese 155 23.7%
Distasteful to dance with
Q. 52 American 130 19.9%
Q. 48 Chinese 199 30.4%
Distasteful to have a relative marry
Q. 54 American 248 37.9%
Spanish 317 48.5%
Chinese 415 63.5%
Indian 455 69.3%
Distasteful to attend party where others are
Q. 53 American 287 43.9%
Q. 55 Spanish 375 57.0%
Q. 60 Moro 419 64.1%
Q. 57 Indian 421 64.4%
Q. 49 Chinese 434 64.4%
Q. 59 Japanese 445 68.0%
 A STUDY OF PREJUDICE IN A PERSONALISTIC SOCIETY 93

TABLE II

Stereotypical Directions of the Marginals

Agree Number Percent

Q. 36 Leytefios: lazy and ignorant 110 17%
Q.l0 Americans: insincere 127 19%
Q. ,11 American aid for P.I. for self interest 128 19.5%
Q. 37 Better to have fewer foreigners here 279 43%
Q. 39 Moros: cruel, inclined to run amok 370 56%
Q. -12 Members of the Iglesia: fanatics 384 59%
Q. 38 Chinese: dishonest in business dealings 421 65%
Q. 44 Spaniards: proud and high hat 543 83%
Q. 45 Chinese: better businessmen than Filipinos 547 84%

they are deemed to be dishonest and far better businessmen than the
Filipinos.
Actually the story which the marginals tell may be deceptive. There
is indeed an impressive progression in the preferential directions of the
marginals. True, an increasing number find it "distasteful" to eat, dance,
marry, and party with various ethnic minorities. There is a clear pre-
ference for Westerners over Orientals. However, analysis of the matrix of
responses to all the items revealed that the responses indicating preferences
or antipathy for these alien and native groups do not form a scale pattern.
In other words, these sets of antipathies cannot be said to refer to a spe·
cific discussion or variable "antipathy," but on the contrary, indicate dif-
ferential responses. Many who find it distasteful to dance with a foreigner
would not find it distasteful to eat with, or even have a relative marry
one. Many who would not find it distasteful to have a relative marry an
American, Spaniard, or Chinese would find it distasteful to party with
them. Regarding Chinese as dishonest, Spaniards as "high hat" and
proud, and Moros as cruel was seen to have little relationship to whether
or not one would find it distasteful to have a relative marry one or to
party with them. Indeed, a large part of those who did not find it dis-
tasteful to mix with Chinese or Spaniards agreed with descriptions of
these groups that stressed certain unpleasant traits attributed to them.
How, then, to explain this seemingly erratic behavior? Actually the
responses were anything but erratic; they graphically mirror the parti-
cularistic nature of social life in the Philippines. Items in America which
belong to the universe of prejudice are found in the Philippines to be
involved in a universe of personalistic social relationships. Thus, the
question, "Would you find it distasteful to dance with a Chinese?" is
94 ASIAN STUDIES

asking not only about one's reaction to a Chinese but also to one's reac-
tion to dancing. Anyone who finds it distasteful to dance must -ine-
vitably find it distasteful to dance with a Chinese. Although Filipinos,
as a group,' are quite fond of Western dancing (in contrast to other South-
east Asians), a not too small minority find it immoral per se, Similarly,
it might be demonstrated that the question, "Would you find it distaste-
ful to eat with a Chinese (or an American)?" involves more than a mere
response to a specific prejudice.
The question, "Would- you find it distasteful for a member of X
group to marry your brother or sister?" probably most sharply represents
the case where for American and Philippine societies the concepts are not
the same. In the particularistic and personalistic Philippines, a member
of X group who marries one's sister is perceived not as a member of X
group but as a brother-in-law. In contrast, to go to a party as an out-
sider is to go 111to a social situation unstructured by previous personalis-
tic ties. Many Filipinos would thus find such a party distasteful whether
or not X group were Chinese, Americans, rich men, paupers, engineers,
or members of another Filipino kindred. In effect, to many Filipinos the
questien is perceived as asking, "How would you like to feel that you
didn't belong at the party>".
Whereas the question dealing with social interaction was confounded
by Philippine perceptions of social relationships, those dealing with ste-
reotyping were confounded often by a literal grasp of social realities in
the Philippines. One of the individuals concerned with the project once
asked. "How can these statements (Questions 36-44) give an insight into
prejudice? Most of them are true." In the more literal Philippine
context it appears that the non-prejudiced, just as the prejudiced, will
agree that most Chinese businessmen are dishonest (most Filipino busi-
nessmen are similarly regarded), that most Spaniards (who are upper
class) are "high hat" and proud, and that members of the Iglesia ni
Kristo (who possess some annoying evangelical techniques) are fanatics
because they are.
Fifty years ago in America, dialect jokes and overt stereotyping of
minority groups were so widespread that they could hardly be used as
effective cutting points to differentiate high and low prejudice groups.
Now, however, it is assumed quite accurately that the use of stereotypical
epithets and thinking closely mirrors prejudice in America. In the Phil-
ippines often extreme (by American standards) stereotypical verbalization
by -a Filipino tells one surprisingly little of how the speaker will respond
to a specific Chinese (or other ethnic group member). The widespread
anti-Chinese sentiments in the Philippines are generalized rather than
 A STUDY OF PREJUDICE IN A PERSONALISTIC SOCIETY 95

specific in their application. Ironically, the American-style patronizing

form, "Some of my best friends are X" is rarely used in the Philippines,
largely because it is not seen as germane to ethnic .animosity. That one's
father or brother-in-law is Chinese is not viewed as relevant to whether
one feels Chinese as a group to be dishonest or un-Filipino. Similarly,
regarding Spaniards as "aristocratic," "luxury loving," and "snobbish" (as
Berreman found in 1955) o has little to do with their preference rating in
general or with social interaction on the individual level.

Analysis oj the Extreme Cells

In an effort to study prejudice itself or at least its correlates of so-
cial distance and antipathy unconfounded by factors identifiable with
questions of social relationships or of social realities, analysis was directed
to those elements of the sample group who had consistently agreed or
.disagreed about the Chinese. These statements included:
1. Do you think you would find it distasteful:
a. To eat at the same table with a Chinese?
b. To dance with a Chinese?
c. To go to a party and find that most people are Chinese?
d. To have a Chinese marry your brother or sister?
2. Do you dislike the idea of going to a university with Chinese, or
don't you mind it?
a. I dislike the idea.
b. I don't mind, but I rather not.
c. I just don't care.
d. I like to have some Chinese in the university.
Those who agreed with all parts of (1) and endorsed either "a and
b" of (2) were classified as "anti-Chinese" (n = 49). Those who dis-
agreed with all parts of (1) and endorsed either "c or d" of (2) were clas-
sified as "non-anti-Chinese" (n = 85).
The addition of the statement:
3. Although some Chinese are honest, in general Chinese are dis-
honest in their business dealings. - - - Agree - - - Disagree was found
to reduce the respective groups from 49 to 40 and from 85 to 48. An
analysis of these smaller sub-groups revealed a persistence of the same
trends observed with the larger extreme cells subgroups. However, since
the smallness of the latter subgroup weakened the statistical significance,

9 Joel V. Berreman op. cii., p. 191. Although Dr, Berreman assigns "lux-
uJ'y-living" 'as an unde~irable trait, this may not be the Filipino estimation.
96 ASIAN STUDIES

attention here will be devoted to a consideration of the large subgroup

extremes.
Table III provides some insight into these extreme "types." The
"hostile" group has a higher representation of girls, is younger, and less,
advanced in their college careers. City folks tend to be less "antipatico"
than the poblacion inhabitants, while there does not appear to be much
difference with respect to the minute sample from the barrios (villages).
Education of the parents provides an interesting pattern, in contrast. In
general, there is little difference between the extremes with respect to.
those having college graduate parents, but those who are less "antipatico"
are more likely to have merely elementary educated parents while the
"antipatico" are more likely to have high school educated parents. In.
so far as educational attainment (in the Philippines especially for wo-
men) reflects one's SES it would appear that antipathy is least among those
poorest, not decisive among the richest, but most marked among the'
"middle class" section of the society. Father's occupation provides prob-
ably the most crucial insight into the pattern of the mechanism of Phil-
ippine Sinophobia. It is not those who are in competition with the Chi-
nese (i.e., those in commerce) nor those who are dependent economically'
on the Chinese (i.e., those in skilled or unskilled trades or farming) who
are most critical of the Chinese. Rather, antipathy is most marked among
families of educators who train the future generation, professionals and
government officials and employees. It is precisely these elements who.
constitute the most Westernized portion of Philippine society. 'With re-
spect to the figures in "home dialect," the most important finding is that
there appears to be no significant finding. However, this runs counter
to a previously widely held belief that Tagalogs were far more prejudiced
than other language groups in the country.

TABLE III

General Background Factors of Extreme Cells

(49) (83)
5- 5+
% CJ1
/0

Sex
26 Male 40
74 Female 60
 fA STUDY OF PREJUDICE IN A PERSONALISTIC SOCIETY 97

Residence
45 City Inhabitants 55
51 Town (poblacion) 42
4 Village (barrio) 5
Mother's Education
14 Elementary or less 29
27 High School 19
59 Some College or More 52
Father's Education
4 Elementary or less 18
18 High School 11
78 Some College or More 71
Age
32 16 and below 15
47 17-18 60
n 19 and above 25
College Year
48 First 47
40 Second 29
8 Third 19
4 Fourth 5
Home District
59 Tagalog 64
13 Ilocano 12
12 Visayan 12
Father's Occupation
21 Government 16
7
50 Professionals and Educators 262
17 Commerce 31
4 Skilled-unskilled 9
0 Farmer-Landlords 7

Table IV depicts the relation of such antipathy to such factors as

contact, values, and personality. In this area, at least in the Philippines,
the pattern of Sinophobia bears marked parallels to the American pat-
tern of ethnic prejudice. The "sirnpaticos" have had more contacts and
more socially meaningful contacts than do the "antipaticos." With reo
98 ASIAN STUDIES

spect to questions on values and personality, the "prejudiced" Filipino

mirrors the same traits associated with his American counterpart.
Table V relates Sinophobia (or its absence) to antipathy to other
ethnic groups. Here again, the contrast is marked. The Sinophob~s' an-
tipathies directly mirror the marginals, (see Tables I and II), whereas
for the non-Sinophobes the negative response is relatively low and their
antipathy to fellow Asians is not much greater than that towards the
Westerners. Among the Sinophobes, there is a pronounced tendency to
view Americans in a more favorable light than even various Filipino
groups (Leyteiios, Moros, and Iglesia ni Krista). Nevertheless, as observed
before, in the Philippines a social reality is perceived as a social reality.
Hence, even the non-Sinophobes are inclined to see the Chinese business-
man as dishonest, the Iglesia ni Kristo as fanatical, and the Spaniards are
"high hat." (However, they do so with more restraint than do the Sino-
phobes). Both extremes equally regard the Chinese as better merchants
than Filipinos.

TABLE IV
Sinophobia Related to Contact, Values and Personality

01
/0 %
Contact with Chinese
20 Considerable pre-college school contact 55
25 Short period 25
65 No 40
Contacts zn Recrmt Week
35 None 23
20 One II
31 2-11 34
6 5-9 II
'6 10 or more 21
Occasions tor Recent Contact

40* Classes-University contact 38

25 Organization, Crowds, Games 42
17 Neighborhood 9
15 None 8

* % for occasions of contact relates to number of contacts given:

52 for prejudiced; 116 for non-prejudiced.
 A STUDY OF PREJUDICE IN A PERSONALISTIC SOCIETY 99

Values
62 Cannot trust people 47
Most Important
34 Doing what is expected 27
4 Having fun I
31 Being friendly 46
31 Being successful, 25
Personality
61 Feel uneasy meeting strangers 31
33 Feel guilty often 25
47 Sometimes 63
20 Hardly ever 12
Feel People Treat Unfairly
33 Often 16
55 Sometimes 66
12 Hardly ever 18

TABLE V

Antipathy to Other Ethnic Communities

Anti-Chinese N on-A nti-Chinese

5-
o~
5+
/0 %
Distasteful
14 To dance - American 18
22 To eat with - American 11
,13 To party - American 17
45 Relative marry - American 15
67 Party with Spaniards 26
59 Relative marry Spaniard 20
96 Party with Indian 23
94 Relative marry Indian 34
88 Party with Japanese 36
90 Party with Moros 32
100 ASIAN STUDIES

Agree
14 Americans - insincere 14
20 Americans aid in self interest 18
31 Leytefios - lazy 12
65 Moros - cruel 48
'7'2 Country better off if fewer foreigners 42
82 Chinese-dishonest in business 48
84 Chinese - better businessmen than Filipinos 83
84 Iglesia m Kristo - fanatics 50
90 Spaniards - high hat 71
Favor
Nationalization of labor 28
(barring aliens)

This is an objective truth but one would imagine that the Sinophobes
would draw a different conclusion from this than would the non-Sino-
phobes. Not too surprisingly, the Sinophobes endorse the Nationalization
of labor (i.e., Filipinization) far more than do the non-Sinophobes. Yet,
recalling the background characteristics one notes that this means that the
competitors of the Chinese and the labor force are precisely the groups
most opposed to such legislation, although the advocates of such political
restrictions argue that this legislation is designed to benefit those groups.
Although the Philippine House of Representatives has repeatedly passed
such a legislation bya wide margin and despite the widespread press-radio
campaign in its favor, nearly two-thirds of the total sample opposed such
legislation.
Even the extreme cells are confounded; certainly xenophobia was an
aspect of the Sinophobia. And among the "non-anti-Chinese" are not
only the non-prejudiced but also the adherents of "Asia for the Asians"
and the "Joe (the American) Go Home" schools of thought. A study of
the extreme cells on responses to questions about Americans might prove
rewarding and offer insight into the realm of Philippine prejudice in
general 'and of Filipino xenophobia in particular.
There appears a strong indication that economic and social factors
are related to Philippine ethnic antagonisms in a manner different from
that observed in America and elsewhere (i.e., economic competition as a
crucial factor). Probably the explanation lies in the fact that the emerg-
ing semi-professional middle class senses the Chinese as a rival for power
far more than does either the old elite or the mercantile elements of the
society (who may very well be of recent Chinese ancestry). Perhaps a
 JA STUDY OF PREJUDICE IN A PERSONALISTIC SOCIE'l'Y 101

felt socio-political rivalry may be more potent for cultural antagonism

than actual economic competition.
Some-what ominous is the tendency for the technically most "ad-
vanced," modern, Westernized elements to display the greatest cultural
antagonism and undifferentiated prejudice. As the particularism of the
kin and of the village give way to the particularism of class or zealous
lIationalism, one may perhaps expect an intensification of intergroup ten-
sions, Robin Williams has noted of American intergroup tensions that
"value of the Creed have continually struggled against pervasive and
powerful countercurrents of valuation." In the Philippines there is no
such universalistic creed to neutralize these tensions. However, in the
past the nature of the old Philippine familistic particularism at least was
productive of a differentiated form of prejudice. As the ethnic pluralism
of the past gives way to the nationalistic antagonisms of the present, one
may fear that an undifferentiated form of prejudice similar to the type
studied in America but unchecked by any universalistic credo may be-
come more pronounced. Given the politico-economic developments dur-
ing the post-World War II period, the social implications are explosive.