A Typology of Igbo Names

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A TYPOLOGY OF IGBO NAMES
BY
AMANAMBU CHIZOBA CYNTHIA

ART1901318
DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS
FACULTY OF ARTS
UNIVERSITY OF BENIN
BENIN CITY
MARCH, 2024
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DEDICATION
I dedicate this work to God almighty, the giver of knowledge and understanding.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I want to use this opportunity to appreciate those who in one way or the other helped in the
completion of this research work.
First of all, I thank God Father Almighty for His mercies, love, sufficient grace, favours and
abundant grace. My heartfelt gratitude goes my parents, Mr. and Mrs Anthony Ohuabunwa, for
their moral, spiritual, financial and academic supports, I love you sincerely and I will always
choose you over and over again.
I equally want to use this medium to appreciate my lecturers; Dr. J. Ọnụ, Dr (Mrs)
Solomon-Etefia for an impactful foundation on how to write a nice project. A big shout out to
Prof. M.S Agbo, my supervisor, for handling the post of the H.O.D and ensuring a swift
administration. To my amiable lecturers; Mr. F. Duru, Mr. Ajala, Dr. Ideh Amaka,
Dr. Ikhimwin, Dr. Evbuomwan, Prof. C.U.C. Ugorji, Mr. Odio James, Miss P.
Usenbo, Dr. I. N. George-Essien, Dr. (Mrs.) E. O Ikoyo-Eweto, Mr. A. Evbayiro,
Dr. (Mrs.) O. R. Osewa, Mr. E. J. Edionhon, Dr. E. M Omergebe, Prof. Yuka, Mrs.
A. F. Ogbeifun and other lecturers and Staff of the Department of Linguistics
Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Benin, Benin City, I extend my profound
gratitude to each one of them.
I equally appreciat my siblings and relatives for their unwavering supports. My
stay in this school was not a lonely one, thanks to them. To a friend who came
through for me, Emmumejakpor Precious, I appreciate you greatly.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Cover Page - - - - - - - - - i
Dedication - - - - - - - - - - ii
Acknowledgements - - - - - - - - iii
Table of Contents- - - - - - - - - iv
Abstract - - - - - - - - - - vi
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the Study - - - - - - - 1
1.2 Methodology - - - - - - - -- - 4
1.3 Objectives of the Study - - - - - - - 4
1.4 Significance of the Study - - - - - - - 5
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Conceptual Framework - - - - - - - 6
2.2 Previous studies - - - - - - - - - 11
2.3 Purpose of Study - - - - - - - - 13
CHAPTER THREE
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
3.1 Types of Descriptive Analysis - - - - - - - 15
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.1 Introduction - - - - - - - - - 17
4.2 Typology of Igbo Names - - - - - - - 17
4.3 Market or Birth Day Names - - - - - - - 17
4.4 Family Names - - - - - - - - - 19
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4.5 Honorific/Title Names - - - - - - - - 22
4.6 Occupational Names - - - - - - - - 23
4.7 Fauna Names - - - - - - - - - 24
4.8 Physical Structure Names - - - - - - - 26
4.9 Circumstantial Names - - - - - - - - 28
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Summary of findings- - - - - - - 58
5.2 Conclusion - - - - - - - - - 58
REFERENCES - - - - - - - - 60
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ABSTRACT
This study discussed the typology of Igbo names. The study was motivated to account for the
linguistics structure focusing majorly on the morphological analysis of Igbo names. The
objectives of this study is to investigate the cultural significance of Igbo names and naming
system in the Igbo society, to understand the meanings and connotations associated with specific
Igbo names and to identify the morphological components within Igbo names.
The study employed a descriptive research design. The data were collected from library and field
work. In the library work, journals and articles were consulted while on the field work, data were
collected through interviews of two groups of people in the Igbo speech community; elders
above 70 years, who are the actual custodian of the Igbo tradition and culture; those between the
ages of 40 and 60 years, who have imbibed mixed culture owing to language contact and western
education and Christianity. The data collected were analyzed to ascertain the morphological
structures of these names. The findings of the study reveals that naming is a cultural practice in
Igbo land and that names are more than just an identity tag which is why the study introduces
different typologies of Igbo names.
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CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
The typology of Igbo names refers to the systematic classification and study of the various types
and patterns of names within the Igbo culture. Igbo names are an integral part of the Igbo identity
and carry cultural, linguistic, and often religious significance. The typology of Igbo names
involves categorizing them based on different criteria such as linguistic features, meanings,
historical or cultural contexts, and societal influences. This chapter presents the background of
study, methodology, purpose of study and significance of study.
1.1 Background of study
Personal naming is a universal cultural practice. Every society in the world gives name as an
identity tag to its people. However, the selection and connotation attached to the names vary
from society to society and from one culture to another. In Africa, a name is viewed as a message
that the name-giver conveys to society through the bearer of that name (Mutunda 2017). To the
Westerners, a names is just a tag used in reference to a person and should not be more than that.
According to Searle (1971:134) “proper names do not have a sense, they are meaningless marks,
they have denotation but not connotation”. Scholars like Ziff (1971), Mill (1949) and Kripke
(1972) share the same view.
The typology of Igbo names is the classification of names according to the situation surrounding
a person's birth. A name tells the story about a person existence. Naming is as old as the Igbo
culture. Naming is one of the many, cultural practices the Igbos doesn't banter with. Most Igbo
communities derive their names from their forefathers (kinship), market days, deities,
occupation, proverbs, etc. (Duranti, 1997:19), the Igbo names function as mini-narratives about
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the past, the present or the future. A closer look at personal names in Lamso just as in any other
African language reveals that these names are not just viewed as the personal property of the
bearer, the lexical choices in preference for the composition of these names are good pointers to
the socio-cultural leanings of the native speakers (Yuka, 2008:3). The social and cultural
inclination of a people is exhibited in the names they bear. On this note, Yuka’s (2008) claims
that names that panegyrize antisocial behaviour and activities are rejected as personal names.
According to him, words like Shó (thief) [*mdzeshó] ‘I am a thief’; kibaa (madness) [*bò kibaa]
‘madness is better’; rím (witch) [*rìmdzewo] ‘you are a witch’, etc., are not considered worthy
appropriate for personal names.”
1.1.0 The Igbo People
The Igbo people are one of the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria. They occupy the South-
Eastern part of Nigeria which includes Abia, Imo, Enugu, Ebonyi and Anambra state
respectively. They speak the Igbo language which is one of the Kwa sub-group of the Niger
Congo language family. In the traditional Igbo society, idol worshipping is practiced where
almost every family in the community have their own family chi (god) whom they offer libations
to every morning and prayers anytime too. A large number of the Igbos became Christians
during the evangelism of the missionaries while a small minority converted to Islamic religion.
Historically, Igbo people are known for their entrepreneurship spirit, agriculture, trade and crafts
which has contributed to the economic growth of Nigeria.The Igbo cultural practices cuts across
art, music, wrestling, masquerading, marriage, new yam festival, dance, cooperate farming,
storytelling, moon light plays as well as naming ceremony which plays an important role in
identifying an individual.
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In Igbo culture, the naming ceremony often referred to as “ịgụ nwa’ aha” is normally done on the
7th to the 12th day after the birth of a child and circumcision is done after the 8th day of birth.
When a child is born in Igbo land, he or she is welcomed into the world with joyous songs
mostly composed by the women. These women will rub “Nzu” (a white powder) on their necks
as a mark of purity of heart, goodwill and welcome for the new child. In Igbo culture, the naming
ceremony of a child marks the formal presentation of the child to his people, which comprises of
his kinsmen, family, friends, well-wishers and the entire community at large. This event is
normally done to fulfill the social-religious obligations, that are believed to become activated
when a child is born, as well as to thank God for the safe delivery of the child and to ask him to
guide the child, as he embarks on a journey through the earth.
Naming ceremonies often begins with the usual breaking of kola-nuts and prayer as done in any
ceremonial function in Igbo land which involves the pouring of wine libation to the gods. After
this, the child is then given a name by the father. In some communities in Igbo land, a tree is also
planted to represent the life and survival of the child. The ceremony is then ended with the
presentation of gifts to the child.
A woman stays in confinement for seven (7) market weeks after delivering a child. This period
is called the "Ọmụgwọ" period. Generally, the traditional Igbo society has four (4) market days
in a week. She and her child are not permitted by custom to come out of the house until after the
stipulated time. She does not engage in hard works like farming, clearing the compound,
communal services, etc. During this period, the major work she does is to ensure the healthy
living of she and the baby while her mother or sisters come around to help with the houseworks.
She is brought special foods such as “Ariraa”, and “Ji awai or ji mmiri ọkụ”, these she takes
every day until her “Omuguwo” is over. The people of Udi in Enugu State and Awka in
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Anambra State believe in reincarnation so when a child is born they normally make enquiries
from the oracle which of their dead grandparents returned back as the new born child. It’s the
name of this grandparent that will be given to the child (Ubesie, 1998).
1.2 Methodology
The method adopted in this research is the descriptive survey research design. This research
method describes affairs as it is which consists of analysis and interpretation of data. The data for
this study was collected from primary and secondary sources. The primary source consist of oral
interviews while the secondary source consist of documented texts. The oral data was collected
from two different age groups who are members of the Igbo speech community to find out the
meanings of names and reasons behind such names. The two different age groups investigated
are elders above 70 years who are the actual custodian of the Igbo tradition and culture and those
between the ages of 40 and 60 years, who have imbibed mixed culture owing to language
contact, western education and Christianity.
1.3 Aim and objectives of study
The aim of this study is to explore typology of Igbo names and will be guided by the following
objectives
i. To investigate cultural significance of Igbo names and naming system in Igbo society.
ii. To understand the meanings and connotations associated with specific Igbo names.
iii. To identify the morphological components within Igbo names.
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1.4 Significance of Study
i. To improve by educating new generations on the typologies surrounding naming in the
traditional Igbo society before the coming of the missionaries.
ii. To revitalize the naming system in the Igbo society by means of documentation for future
reference.
iii. To explore the linguistic features of Igbo names focusing majorly on the connotative meaning
and morphological analysis. The morphological analysis of Igbo names will help readers,
students, teachers and researchers explore and view the typology of Igbo names from a linguistic
perspective.
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CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 INTRODUCTION
This chapter presents us with review of related literature. It is divided into three sections which
includes; conceptual review, previous studies and purpose of study.
2.1 Conceptual framework
A conceptual framework illustrates what is expected to be found throughout this research. The
concepts are as follows:
2.1.1 Onomastics
To understand better what onomastics is all about, let's define the term name. Name is as old as
creation itself. Redmonds (2007: IX) defines name as “…meaningful special words used to
identify a person, an animal, a place or a thing." Clark (2005: 469) defines name as: “the
technical term for an element added to an idionym, for more secure identification.” The term
onomastics comes from Greek ‘onoma’ which means name. Onomastics also known as
onomatology is the study of names. This study is not just a linguistic discipline but cuts across
different extra linguistic discipline like ethnography, philology, history, philosophy, etc, Bright
(2003). Onomastics is divided into three major groups. They are:
i. Anthroponomastics: This branch of onomastics majors at the origins, meanings and uses of
personal or proper names. Anthroponomastics is studied from two main approaches: historical
and sociolinguistic anthroponomastics. Historical anthroponomastics looks at the origins and
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meanings of names from a historical perspective, while sociolinguistic anthroponomastics
focuses on how names are used in society and how they reflect social status.
ii. Toponomastics: This branch of onomastics studies the origins and meanings of names of
place. Place names can be proper names or common names. Proper names are always capitalized
no matter their position in a sentence. Proper names often have a unique history and may reflect
the culture or beliefs of the people who named them. Common names often refer to features that
are common to many places. Some of the methods used in toponomastics are etymological
research, historical research, geographical research, cultural and linguistics research. The
etymological research which involves tracing the origins of place names, the historical research
looks at the historical context of the places, the geographical research involves the study of the
physical features of the places, the cultural research studies the cultural and social aspects of the
places while the linguistic research focused on the linguistic features of place names, such as
their sound patterns and word structure.
iii. Zoonomastics: Zoonomastics is the study of animal names that have been derived from
animals themselves (like "rabbit" or "wolf"), as well as names that have been inspired by animal
features (like "hawk-eyed" or "bear-like"). In some cases, zoonomastics can also include names
that have been derived from animal-related myths and legends (like "Pegasus" or "Minotaur").
2.1.2 Typology
Typology refers to the study of analysis based on different classification or catehory. The
typology of names refers to how names are structured and organized in a language. Just like with
other parts of a language, names can have different types or categories. For example, in Igbo,
there are names can be categorized into the following: market or birth day names, family names,
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honorific/title names, occupational names, fauna names, physical structure names, circumstancial
names which consists of birth and death prevention names and religious names.
i. Market or birth day names: The market week in Igbo society is a structure of four days
market days; èké, óríè, àfọ̀ r and ǹkwọ́ . This structure of four market days aligns with the names
assigned to children born in any of the market days even before the official naming ceremony.
This naming tradition comprises two forms for both male and female. These names follows a
regular pattern which involves the market-day deity's names coupled with ' nwa' or 'oko' for
males and 'mgba' for females.
ii. Family names: The children bear names peculiar to their family or clan. These names are
mostly derived from the deities and ancestors of each family or clan. Family names also known
as surnames are identifiers shared among members of a family to denote a common lineage or
ancestry. These names are passed down from one generation to another, linking individuals to
their familial roots. These names can hold historical, occupational, or geographical significance,
serving as an important element in establishing individual identity and connecting individuals to
their heritage.
iii. Honorific/title names: These are names given to people to convey respect, status and
acknowledge people's achievements. Names like this are common to different culture and
language speaking communies and at the same time specific to them too.
iv. Occupational names: These are names given to individuals who has displayed distinct skills
and a good degree of professionalism to benefit their field of proffesion. These names vary from
one profession to another in the Igbo society.
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v. Fauna names: These are names derived from animal features both domesticated and wild
animals. These names are given to humans who possess or displays animal features like cunny
and sneaky as a tortoise, strong as a lion, wrestles like a cat, garrulous like a parrot, etc.
vi. Physical structure names: These are names given to an individual because of their physical
structures or characteristics. These names often describe specific physical traits, distinguishing
features, or qualities related to the person's body or overall physical structure. The traits that
prompts these names are mostly inherited from family members (dead or alive), family friends
and relatives.
vii. Circumstancial names: These are names given to individuals based on specific situations or
occurrences related to their birth, life experiences, or noteworthy events. Within Igbo culture,
these names are given to commemorate noteworthy events or characteristics linked to an
individual, and they are often suggested by the circumstances surrounding a child's birth.
Examples of such circumstances include the manner, time, location of birth, as well as
significant festivals or sacred days. Blum (1997: 364) suggests that these names are believed to
influence a child's destiny to some extent, emphasizing the need for alignment with the time and
often the place of the child's birth.
In this research, we have categorized these names into (1) names associated to birth and (2)
names associated with death.
2.1.3 Birth names: These names are categorized based on specific circumstances or events
surrounding a person's birth which may hearld the child's birth. In the context of the Igbo culture,
these names may include the location of birth too. Examples of names that fall under this
category are: names reflecting fertility, wealth-born children, when the child is an only child,
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when the child's birth creates or solves a problem, first child's names, religious names,
solicitation names, lamentation names, adulation names, philosophical names, proverbial names
and modern Igbo names.
Death prevention and survival names: These are names given to commemorate instances
where a child's birth was associated with overcoming life threatening challenges like critical
sicknesses, etc.
2.1.3 Morphology
Morphology is the branch of linguistics that deals with the systematic study of internal structures
of words and rules guiding the word formation processes. Morphology as a sub-discipline of
linguistics was named for the first time in 1859 by the German linguist Schleicher who used the
term for the study of the form of words. Nida (1956), morphology is a study of morphemes and
morpheme preparation for the creation of the word. Haspelmath (2002: 2) defines morphology as
“the study of systematic covariation in the form and meaning of words”, or as “the study of the
combination of morphemes to yield words”. Thus definition shows that words are connected to
each other and this connection is what morphology studies. Word forms varies according to
usage in sentences. Formation of words help us understand words we have never heard before.
The morphological aspect of linguistics helps languages in the formation of new terms, which
does not exist in the language before.According to Anderson (2015), morphology is the study of
words, how they are formed, and their relationship to other words in the same language.
According to Lieber (2006:2),“Morphology is the study of word formation, including the ways
new words are coined in the language of the world, and the way forms of words are varied
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depending on how the are used in sentences”. It means that Morphology is the science that
studies about the word, a word that has innovation when used in sentences.
2.2 Previous Studies
Nkamigbo (2019) highlights the formal surnames in the Igbo land. She recorded that the
emergence of surnames solved the issue of personal name similarities, offering a means of
identification that reflected familial ties and occupational distinctions. One of the major
discovery of the research is the diverse classification of Igbo surnames into five distinct
categories: patronymic, matronymic, occupational, toponymic and pseudonymic/nicknames.
Matronymic serves as tributes to maternal influence and the invaluable role of women in shaping
family dynamics and legacies in names like "Ogbonneye" mother's favorite and "Akunne"
mother's wealth. Occupational names highlights the bearer's exceptional skill in that particular
field "Ogbuagu" lion killer and "Jibueogalanya" yam made wealth. Each class of surname carries
its own quirky essence providing clarity about an individual's familial lineage, maternal heritage,
professional expertise, geographical origins or personal characteristics
Ezeudo (2021) in his book acknowledges the role of linguistic analysis (morphology, syntax and
phonology) in uncovering the cultural significance embedded in African names and naming
practices, mentioning the work of scholars in the field of linguistics, such as Yule (2020), who
has contributed to the study of language. Other scholars mentioned includes Akinola (2014),
Anderson (1992), Aronoff (1992) and Crystal (1985), who worked on morphologyical aspect of
linguistics. The classification of African names isn't just culturally significant but linguistically
significant too. This text equally provides a solid foundation for understanding the
morphological and syntactic analysis of Onitsha personal names. By integrating linguistic
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principles with cultural insights, the study offers a refined perspective on the formation and
meaning of Onitsha personal names, contributing to the broader field of onomastics and
linguistic analysis. Another Morphosyntactic Analysis of names conducted on some Akan
personal names, published in the International Journal of Arts Humanities and Social Sciences
Studies, provides a comprehensive analysis of Akan personal names from a morphosyntactic
perspective. The study investigates the morphology and syntax of approximately 160 Akan
personal names, drawing data from both primary and secondary sources, as well as interviews
with name bearers and givers to understand the complete structural components of the names.
Bamidele (2010), delves into the significance of names and the cultural practices surrounding the
naming ceremonies in Igbo and Yoruba cultures. He strongly emphasizes in his book that names
hold cultural significance in both culture, telling the story of the bearer, the family and his
society. One of the major these cultures pose is the role of gender in naming ceremonies. In Igbo
culture, male and female children are given different types of names, with male children often
being given names that reflect strength and power, while female children are given names that
reflect beauty and fertility. In Yoruba culture, on the other hand, gender is not a factor in the
naming process as both male and female children are given similar types of names. According to
Blum (1997), in China, names are seen as having the power to influence a person's future.
Certain names are believed to bring good luck, while others are thought to be unlucky or
inauspicious. As a result, parents often consult experts to help them choose a name for their child
that will bring good fortune and success.
Onumajuru (2016) delves into the structural, semantic, and pragmatic aspects of Igbo names
categorizing Igbo names into lexical, phrasal, and sentential categories, showcasing the diverse
forms and structures of Igbo name shedding light on the cultural significance and meaning
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embedded in these names within the Igbo community. This study does not only convey literal
meaning but also contextual nuance to understand the layers of meaning embedded in Igbo
names.
2.3 Concern of present study
Having reviewed previous studies of different authors regarding typology of Igbo names, the
purpose of this study is to morphologically analyse the selected names in Igbo. This research is a
departure from merely documenting Igbo names to undertaking intensive analyses of individual
names in order to exhaustively deal with the morphological aspects of individual names.
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CHAPTER THREE
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
3.0 INTRODUCTION
This chapter aims to examine the specific theoretical framework utilized in the study, its
orientation, organization, perspective and relevance to the present study.
3.1 Theoretical Framework
The theoretical framework adopted for this study is "THE DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS" also
known as descriptive linguistics. Descriptive linguistics is objective and not subjective in nature
in the sense that it analyzes languages just the way they are without biase judgement clouded by
preconceived notions. Descriptive linguistics which evolved in the 19th century is concerned
with the systematic study of language structure through an analysis of the forms, structures and
processes at all levels of language structure: phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax,
semantics and pragmatics. The rise of descriptive linguistics is generally attributed to the work of
Saussure; a Swiss linguist who is also the father of modern linguistics, posthumously published
in 1916, "Cours de linguistique générale". Saussure laid out the general principles and methods
of what has come to be known today as descriptive linguistics.
3.1.2 Theoretical Orientation
The first step to describing a language is data collection mostly conducted through interviews,
observations and questionnairs. Most descriptive linguists carry out fieldwork in linguistic
communities and record samples of speech from different speakers, embodied in different speech
contexts: narratives, daily conversation, poetry, and so on. Although voluntary naturalistic
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speech is the ideal, linguists also carry out elicitation, by asking speakers for translations,
checking pronunciation or grammar rules as this helps linguists in their analysis too. This patient
process can span several years and results in the creation of a corpus, a body of reference
materials, against which hypotheses can be tested. Eventually, this analysis results in a published
grammar, which spells out most of the rules of the language. Following the “Boasian trilogy,” a
complete language description includes a grammar, a dictionary, and a collection of texts. In line
with the structuralist agenda, the linguist analyzes the corpus in such a way that the language’s
own structures emerge from a system-internal analysis rather than being imported from another
language or imposed via theoretical assumptions.
3.1.3 Theoretical Organization
Descriptive analysis in linguistics focuses majorly on the systematic classification of various
aspects of language which includes: phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, and
pragmatics. The theoretical organization of descriptive analysis typically follows a structured
approach:
i.Phonetics: This is the systematic study of the physical properties of speech sounds, such as
their production, transmission and perception. Descriptive analysis in phonetics involves
categorizing sounds based on their place and manner of articulation, as well as their acoustics
also known as their voicing properties.
ii. Phonology: Phonology is a branch of linguistics that deals with the communicative details of
spoken speech sounds and the cognitive aspects of speech sounds such as phonemes, allophones,
and phonological rules. The descriptive approach in phonology aims to identify distinctive
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features of sounds within a particular language, analyze patterns of sound distribution and
describe phonological processes like assimilation, deletion, insertion and so on.
iii. Morphology: Morphology is another branch of linguistics that focuses on the internal
structure of words and words formation processes. Descriptive analysis in identifies
morphological units like morphemes and affixes and describes morphological processes such as
compounding, derivation, blending, etc.
iv. Syntax: Syntax investigates the structure and organization of sentences, phrases, and clauses
in a language. Descriptive analysis in syntax entails identifying syntactic categories (e.g nouns,
verbs, adjectives), analyzing sentence structures (e.g., word order, phrase structure), and
describing syntactic phenomena such as agreement, movement, and constituency.
v. Semantics: Semantics explores the meaning of words, phrases, and sentences, as well as the
relationships between linguistic expressions and the world. Descriptive analysis categorizes
semantic roles, analyzes lexical semantics (e.g., word meanings, sense relations), and describing
semantic phenomena such as polysemy, homonymy, etc.
vi. Pragmatics: Pragmatics studies the use of language in context to convey meaning always
between persons with shared information. Descriptive analysis in pragmatics entails analyzing
discourse structure and describing pragmatic phenomena such as politeness strategies and
presupposition.
3.1.4 Theoretical relevance to the study
Descriptive analysis holds a significant importance to the study of Igbo names due to its ability
to examine the rules and patterns that governs the grammar, syntax, and morphology of a
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language. For example, descriptive analysis can examine the structure of sentences in a language
and the patterns of word order. It can also look at how the structure of a language changes over
time. By adopting this framework, researchers gain more insight on the internal structure of Igbo
names.
The descriptive analysis relates most closely to the typology of Igbo names. This is because the
study of the structure of Igbo names involves analyzing the morphological components of the
names, like the prefixes, roots, and suffixes. It also involves analyzing the rules that govern how
the names are constructed.
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CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.0 Introduction
This chapter focuses on data presentation and analysis collected from both primary and
secondary sources. The analysis involves a descriptive study that allows for a comprehensive
examination of typologies of Igbo names.
4.1 Typology of Igbo Names
The following categories of names accounted for in this study includes: market/birth day
names, family names, honorific/title names, occupational names, fauna names, physical structure
names, circumstantial names and religious names.
4.1.1 Market or Birth Day Names
A structure of four-day names aligns with the Igbo days of the week, wherein a child is
assigned a name based on the day of birth even before the official naming ceremony. This
naming tradition comprises two forms for males and one for females. The names associated with
Igbo market days follow a consistent pattern, involving the market-day deity's name, coupled
with 'nwa' or 'oko' for males and 'mgba' for females. The following example illustrates this
pattern:
Males
ai. Óké + èké - Òkéké
male MD male èké
ii. Nwá + èké - Nwéké
child MD child of èké
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bi. Óké + áfọ̀ r - Òkáfọ̀ r
male MD male áfọ̀ r
ii. Nwá + áfòr - Nwáfòr
child MD child of áfọ̀ r
ci. Óké + óyè - Òkóyè
male MD male óyè
ii. Nwá + óyè - Nwóyè
child MD child of óyè
di. Óké + nkwọ́ - Òkónkwọ́
male MD male nkwọ́
ii. Nwá + nkwó - Nwánkwó
child MD child of nkwọ́
Females
e. Mgbá + èké - Mgbéké
time MD time of èké
f. Mgbá + àfọ̀ r - Mgbáfọ̀ r
time MD time of àfọ̀ r
g. Mgbá + óyè - Mgbóyè
time MD time of óyè
h. Mgbá + nkwọ́ - Mgbákwọ́
time MD time of nkwọ́
Analyzing examples 4.1.1 (ai-h), the structure of four-day names aligns with Igbo market days. It
is evident that these names consist of two root words combined to create a new compound word
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morphologically. Specifically, examples (ai – dii) represent the male counterparts, while (e-h)
represent the female counterparts. In the Igbo language, the terms Óké 'male' or Nwá 'child' serve
as root words attached to another root word, forming names for males born on specific market
days (èké, óyè, àfòr, and nkwó). On the other hand, Mgbá 'time' or 'when' is affixed to these
market days, indicating females born on the mentioned market days. These names adhere to a
traditional pattern for both males and females, characterized by a compounding structure.
4.1.2 Family Names
Family names, also referred to as surnames or last names, are identifiers shared among
members of a family to denote a common lineage or ancestry. These names are passed down
from one generation to another, linking individuals to their familial roots. Consider the
following examples:
a. Ágbàrà: Ágbàrà is a divine force that manifests as 'the eye of sun or God'’
i. Nwá + Ágbàrà - nwágbàrà
child the eye of sun or God'’ child of the eye of sun or God'’
ii. Ùdé + Ágbàrà - Ùdéágbàrà
reign the eye of sun or God'’ reign of the eye of sun or God'’
iii. Òbí + Ágbàrà - Òbíágbàrà
palace the eye of sun or God'’ palace of the eye of sun or God'’
b. Ọ̀ fọ́ r: It is an age-long traditional stick which Igbo people use for authority, truth,
justice, peace, fairness and equity. They always use it to call on the Almighty.
i. òfó ká nsí = òfókánsí (òfóká)
Justice + is greater than + poison Justice surpass poison
ii. òfó dì ílè = òfódìílè (òfódì)
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Justice + is + real Justice is real
iii. ọ̀ gụ̀ + éjì + òfó + àlụ́ = ọ̀ gụ̀ éjìòfóàlụ́ (ọ̀ gụ̀ éjìòfó)
fight we use justice to fight fight we fight with justice
iv. òfó + égbúlá + m = òfóégbúlám (òfégbú)
Justice should not kill me Justice should not be lethal
v. Ézè + jì + òfó = Ézèjìófó (Ézèjì or èjìòfó)
The King holds justice The King holds the justice
c. Ùbá: This refers to be abundant or wealth.
i. Ùbá + nkà = Ùbánkà (Ùbá)
wealth craft wealth of craft
ii. Ùbá + sìé = Ùbásìé (Ùbá)
wealth should smell wealth smell
iii. Ndù + kà + ụ̀ bá = Ndùkàụ̀ bá (Ndùkà)
life is greater than wealth life surpass wealth
iv. Ùbá + nà + ésé + ókwú = Ùbánàéséókwú (Ùbánésé)
wealth is causing problem wealth is causing problem
Examples 4.1.2 (a-c) examine names within Igbo culture, focusing on their association with
specific clans. These clans, situated in Igbo land, are distinguished by unique names whose
origins can be traced back to revered deities worshipped by ancestors. Notable instances include
Ágbàrà, explored in (ai-iii), representing a divine force manifesting as 'the eye of the sun or
God.' The naming convention follows a morphological compounding pattern, where Nwá 'child,'
Ùdé 'reign,' and Òbí 'palace' are individually combined with the root word Ágbàrà, resulting in
novel names like Nwágbàrà, Ùdéágbàrà, and Òbíágbàrà. In example (bi-v), clan names
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featuring the root word Ọ̀ fọ́ r, symbolizing justice in Igbo culture, are discussed. Analyzing
names in this category, such as òfókánsí or òfóká, conveys the idea that justice surpasses
everything. Names like òfódìílè (òfódì) signify the reality of justice, ọ̀ gụ̀ éjìòfóàlụ́ (ọ̀ gụ̀ éjìòfó)
express the fight being conducted with justice, òfóégbúlám (òfégbú) serves as a prayer for justice
not to be lethal, while Ézèjìófó (Ézèjì or Èjìòfó) implies that the king upholds justice. These
names are structured as sentences, combining various words to convey the overarching meaning
with Ọ̀ fọ́ r at its core. Examining examples (ci-iv) are clan names with the root word Ùbá,
signifying abundance or wealth in Igbo. In (i) Ùbá+nkà, compounding is evident; (ii) Ùbá+sìé
(Ùbá) involves noun-verb compounding; (iii) Ndù+kà+ụ̀ bá (Ndùkà) forms a sentential
expression that life surpasses wealth, and (iv) Ùbá+nà+ésé+ókwú (Ùbánésé) is another
sentential expression indicating the impact of wealth causing problems in a family or
community.
4.1.3 Honorific/Title Names
Honorifics are titles, words, or expressions used to convey respect, status, or politeness
for a person. Consider the examples below:
i. É + rí-bé + ágwụ́ ágwụ́ - (Éríbéágwụ́ ágwụ́ )
Pro eat Infix unlimited Continue eating it is unlimited
ii. Ùgò + chí + mè-rè + ézè - (Ùgòchímèrézè)
proper name God do-Infix king Eagle God made king
iii. Ágụ́ + jí + égbè - (Ágụ́ jíégbè)
Tiger hold gun Tiger with gun
iv. Jụ̀ -kwá + èsè - (Jụ̀ kwáèsè)
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ask-Infix about Verify
v. Àkụ̀ + nà + á-tá-ká-sị́ - (Àkụ̀ nàátákásị́)
rich Aux. Infix-bite-Infix-Suffix Wealth is biting
The examples in 4.1.3 (i-v) represent honorific or title names in Igbo, which serve as expressions
conveying respect, status, or politeness for an individual. Analyzing the structure of these names
reveals clusters of morphemes that create words, forming sentences. In example (i),
Éríbéágwụ́ ágwụ́ is composed of E- as a pronoun marker prefix, -ri- for "eater" root, -be- as an
infix, and -agwụ́ agwụ́ for "unlimited" reduplication. Together, these elements convey the idea of
something that can never finish despite being consumed. Example (ii), Ùgòchímèrézè, includes
Ugochi- as a “proper name” prefix, -me- for "do" root word, -re- as an infix, and -eze for "king"
suffix, expressing someone whom God has made a king. In (iii), Ágụ́ jíégbè is comprised of Agụ́ -
for "tiger" prefix, -ji- for "hold" root, and -egbe for "gun" suffix. The name suggests someone
feared like a tiger, especially when armed with a gun, symbolizing power or wealth. Example
(iv), Jụ̀ kwáèsè, consists of Jụ̀ - for "ask" root, -kwa- as an infix, and -ese for "about" suffix. The
name implies that questions should be asked about the bearer's abilities, whether in monetary
matters or wisdom. In (v), Àkụ̀ nàátákásị́ features Akụ̀ - for "rich" as a prefix, -na- as an infix
(Aux.), -a- as an infix, -ta- for "bite" root, -ka- as an infix, and -sị́ as a suffix. This conveys the
idea of someone possessing excess wealth, with their affluence described as biting.
4.1.4 Occupational Name
These are work situation names given to persons who has a specific field of interest and
distinct skills that benefit that field. Instances are:
i. Ògbú + ágụ̄ / éfí - Ògbúágụ̄ /éfí
killer lion cow who kills lion/cow
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ii. Dí + jí - Díjí
Master Yam Yam cultivator
iii. Dí + òchì - Díòchì
Master Palm wine Palm wine tapper
iv. Dí + ntá - Díntá
Master Hunt Hunter/master of hunt
v. Ọ̀ kà + mgbá - Ọ̀ kàmgbá
Who Wrestles Wrestler
vi. Dí + mgbá - Dímgbá
Master Wrestle Master Wrestler
vii. Dí + ị́bìà - Díbìà
Master doctor/diviner Master of divination/doctor/native
In the Igbo language, names are assigned based on occupation, as illustrated in examples 4.1.4 (i-
vii). It is evident that the literal meaning of these names communicates the intended occupation
of the individual. Examining instances (ii-iv & vi-vii), the Igbo term "dí" extends beyond a mere
translation of "husband"; it essentially conveys "master" or "lord." In the Igbo cultural context,
"dí" signifies not only the head of the household but also someone with authority over his wives
and various aspects of life. The names Díjí 'Yam cultivator,’ Díòchì 'Palm wine tapper,’ Díntá
'Hunter/master of the hunt,’ Dímgbá 'Master Wrestler,’ and Díbìà 'master of divination’ are
formed by combining "Dí," denoting ‘master/lord’, with the individual's occupation, resulting in
unique names. For instance, in Díbìà, the inclusion of 'ibia/abia' refers to a wand used in
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divination rituals. Examples (i & v), Ògbúágụ̄ /éfí 'who kills lion/cow’ and Ọ̀ kàmgbá 'Wrestler,’
briefly reveal the livelihoods of the name bearers.
4.1.5 Fauna Names
Fauna names refer to names that are derived from animals, including both domesticated and
wild species. In Igbo culture, Fauna names might include names inspired by animals found in the
region or names that carry specific meanings associated with those animals. For example:
i. Óbì + ágū - Óbìágū
Heart lion lions heart
ii. Àkwá + ùgò - Àkwáùgò
Egg eagle eagle’s egg
iii. Ùgò + mmá - Ùgòmmá
Eagle beauty eagle’s beauty
iv. Àkwá + éké - Àkwáéké
Egg python python’s egg
v. Àdà + mbà - Àdàmbà
daughter cat cat’s daughter
Examining examples 4.1.5 (i-v) reveals names in Igbo assigned to individuals based on
characteristics associated with specific animals, qualities attributed to those animals, or as a
means to honor or commemorate a connection with a particular species. In Igbo culture, naming
individuals after animals may stem from perceived qualities such as strength, agility, or symbolic
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traits associated with certain animals in cultural or religious contexts. For instance, in example
(i), Óbìágū, meaning "lion's heart," combines the Igbo words for " Óbì" and "ágū," creating a
name that conveys bravery and strength, associating the individual with the powerful
characteristics of a lion. Example (ii), Àkwáùgò, meaning 'eagle’s egg,’ combines 'egg' and
'eagle' to convey beauty, honor, pride, and grace. Considering the eagle's traits of beauty,
bravery, courage, honor, pride, determination, and grace, the egg may signify strength, courage,
and resilience derived from faith. Example (iii), Ùgò 'eagle' and mmá 'beauty’ combine to form
the name Ùgòmmá, meaning 'eagle’s beauty,’ expressing majesty and invincibility associated
with the way eagles look and act. Throughout history, eagles have symbolized beauty, bravery,
courage, honor, pride, determination, and grace. Example (iv), Àkwáéké, a combination of Àkwá
'egg' and éké 'python,’ forms 'python’s egg,' conveying fertility, renewal, and a connection to
ancestral and spiritual realms in Igbo culture. Pythons are large, powerful, beautifully skinned,
shy, and secretive animals, symbolizing traits of protection and nurturance. Lastly, example (v),
Àdàmbà, meaning 'cat’s daughter,' conveys cleverness, combining Àdà 'daughter' and mbà 'cat.'
Cats often symbolize agreeable traits such as affectionateness, friendliness, and gentleness, along
with extraversion traits like being active, vigilant, curious, inquisitive, inventive, and smart.
These names reflect the significance of animals in Igbo lives, expressing admiration for their
characteristics and contributing to the broader typology of names within the cultural and
linguistic context.
4.1.6 Physical Structure Names
Physical structure names refer to names given to individuals based on attributes related to their
physical appearance, characteristics, or features. Consider the below examples:
i. Nné + nnà - Nnénnà
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mother father father’s mother
ii. Nné + nné - Nnénné
mother mother mother’s mother
iii. Nnà + nnà - Nnànnà
father father father’s father
iv. Nné+ ọ́ má - Nnéọ́ má
mother good good mother
v. Ọ́ là + édò - Ọ́ làédò
gold yellow gold
vi. Mkpụ́ rụ́ + mmá - Mkpụ́ rụ́ mmá
Seed beauty seed of beauty
vii. Mmírí + mmá - Mmírímmá
water beauty beauty of water
viii. Ólá + mmá - Ólámmá
gold beauty beautiful gold
The examples in 4.1.6 (i-viii) represent Igbo names given to individuals based on attributes
associated with their physical appearance, characteristics, or features. In Igbo culture, beauty is
predominantly linked with women, to the extent that any woman may feel inadequate if she does
not possess conventional beauty standards, despite her other qualities or accomplishments. For
example, names like "Nnénnà" (father’s mother), "Nnénné" (mother’s mother), and "Nnànnà"
(father’s father) are given to children who resemble or exhibit traits similar to their grandparents.
Additionally, the name "Nnéọ́ má" (good mother) is assigned to a child who behaves like her
mother. These names follow a morphological pattern known as compounding, where "nné"
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(mother) or "nnà" (father) is combined with another root word to convey the complete meaning
of the name. Examples (v-viii), including Ọ́ làédò "gold," Mkpụ́ rụ́ mmá "seed of beauty,"
Mmírímmá " beauty of water," and Ólámmá "beautiful gold," denote names assigned to
individuals based on physical attributes such as good shape, straight legs, pointed nose, smooth
or hairy skin, blended complexion, etc., enhancing a woman's beauty. In (e), the name Ọ́ làédò
"gold" is a metaphor commonly used in Igbo to symbolize a woman with radiant charm and
positive qualities. Gold, recognized for its attractive color, brightness, and durability, represents
these traits. Example (vi), Mkpụ́ rụ́ mmá "seed of beauty," combines "seed" and "beauty,"
capturing the promise of life and growth within its delicate form, typically given to exceptionally
beautiful women. (vii) Mmírímmá "beauty of water " conveys fluidity, transparency, and the vital
ability to sustain life. Associating a lady with "beauty of water " draws on water's qualities to
describe her physical and inner beauty, symbolizing purity, grace, and indispensability. This may
also reflect cultural or personal significance, using nature-inspired names to express admiration
for the individual's unique qualities. Finally, (viii) Ólámmá "beautiful gold" is a metaphorical
way of addressing a beautiful woman, emphasizing her radiant and exquisite appearance and
drawing a comparison between her beauty and the brightness of gold. These examples clarify
that physical structure names are often crafted to celebrate womanhood or the feminine spirit.
Following a morphological pattern known as compounding, these names combine root words to
convey nuanced attributes associated with physical appearance or familial connections. Family-
based names, such as, Nné + nnà – Nnénnà, Nné + nné – Nnénné, Nnà + nnà – Nnànnà, Nné +
ọ́ má - Nnéọ́ má, Ọ́ là + édò - Ọ́ làédò, Mkpụ́ rụ́ + mmá - Mkpụ́ rụ́ mmá, Mmírí + mmá – Mmírímmá,
and Ólá + mmá – Ólámmá employ metaphors to symbolize radiant charm, positive qualities, and
inner and outer beauty.
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4.1.7 Circumstantial Names
Circumstantial names are titles given to individuals based on specific situations or occurrences
related to their birth, life experiences, or noteworthy events. Blum (1997: 364) suggests that
these names are believed to influence a child's destiny to some extent, emphasizing the need for
alignment with the time and often the place of the child's birth.
In this research, we have categorized these names into (1) names associated to birth and (2)
names associated with death.
1) Birth: Names in this typology depicts certain events that herald the birth of a given
child. When the child is born, s/he is given a name that depicts those events. Such as
A. Names Reflecting Fertility Challenges
i. Nwá bụ̀ ùgwúm Nwábụ̀ ùgwúm
child is my pride child is my pride
ii. Ọ̀ gụ́ gụ̀ ọ́ m ákwá Ọ̀ gụ́ gụ̀ ọ́ mákwá
he consoled my tears he wiped my tears
iii. Kásìé m óbì Kásìémóbì
console my heart comfort me
iv. Óbì àjúlú m 'Óbìàjúlúm'
my heart is calm my heart is at peace
v. Òbùm nékè? 'Òbùmnékè?
am I the one that create? Am I the creator?
vi. Nwá kà égó 'Nwákàégó'
child is bigger than money child surpass money
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vii. Ndụ̀ ká àkụ̀ 'Ndụ̀ káàkụ̀ '
life is bigger than wealth life surpass wealth
viii. Nwá ámáká 'Nwáámáká'
child is beautiful child is beautiful
ix. Ósítà dị́ mmá ọ́ dị̀wàrà gbó Ósítàdị́mmáọ́ dị̀wàràgbó
if it gets better today it is early if it gets better today it is early
x. Ònyé mà échí? Ònyémàéchí?
who knows tomorrow? who knows tomorrow?
xi. Ndìdì ámáká 'Ndìdìámáká
patience is beautiful patience is beautiful
xii. Àrínzè chúkwú Àrínzèchúkwú'
if not for God if not for God
Examples 4.1.7 (A; i-xxi) are names reflecting the fertility challenges of a woman, which can
result from barrenness or the search for a child. Upon evaluating these data, it becomes apparent
that these Igbo names focus on expressing sentiments related to fertility challenges. In this
context, Igbo names also adhere to a pattern, being composed of roots, modifiers, and
connectors. In example (i), "Nwá bụ̀ ùgwùm" (Nwábụ̀ ùgwúm), the root word is 'Nwá' (child), the
modifiers are 'bụ̀ ' (is), ùgwùm (my pride), conveys the value of a child in every woman's life and
in a family. In example (ii), "Ọ̀ gụ́ gụ̀ ọ́ m ákwá" (Ọ̀ gụ́ gụ̀ ọ́ mákwá), Ọ́ is the prefix, the root word is
gụ́ gụ̀ ọ́ (console), and the modifiers are 'm' (my), ákwá (tears) "he wiped my tears" portrays a
consoling gesture. In example (iii), "Kásìé m óbì" (Kásìémóbì), the root word is Kásìé (console),
and the modifiers are 'm' (my), óbì (heart), "console my heart" conveys the state of the woman
before she gave birth to the child. The arrival of the child wiped away all her tears. In example
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(iv), 'Óbìàjúlúm' meaning 'my heart is at peace,' suggests that the woman faced internal
struggles, possibly related to the search for a child. However, with the birth of her child, these
issues vanished. Notably, this name is predominantly given to male children in the household.
Example (v) 'Òbùmnékè?' meaning 'Am I the creator?' is an interrogative name, which conveys
the idea that people questioned or criticized the barren woman. The arrival of the child answered
these inquiries, suggesting the child as a response to the questions thrown at her. In example (vi),
'Nwákàégó' meaning 'child surpasses money' expresses the sentiment that regardless of wealth,
without a child, one has nothing. Similarly, (vii) 'Ndụ̀ káàkụ̀ ' meaning 'life surpasses wealth'
emphasizes the importance of life over material wealth. An Igbo adage complements this idea:
'Ónyé ghárá ndụ́ kpáá àkụ̀ , ónyé író èríé yá' - "If one lives and runs after wealth, the enemy will
consume the wealth." In (viii) 'Nwáámáká' meaning 'child is beautiful,' underscores the
significance of a child in Igbo culture and that beauty of every woman is having a child. Example
(ix) 'Ósítàdị́mmáọ́ dị̀wàràgbó' meaning 'if it gets better today, it is early,' abbreviated as 'Ósítà' or
'tàgbóó,' suggests that any moment one wakes up is the right time for positive change. (x)
'Ònyémàéchí?' meaning 'who knows tomorrow?' serves as a rhetorical question, questioning
those who doubted the woman's future as a mother. (xi) 'Ndìdìámáká meaning 'patience is
beautiful,' advises against rushing things, as the child eventually arrived at the right time. And
(xii) 'Àrínzèchúkwú' meaning 'if not for God' highlights the belief that the woman attributes the
birth of her child to divine intervention. Where, a morphological analysis reveals a consistent
pattern of compounding and the incorporation of meaningful root words to convey cultural
values. 'Óbìàjúlúm' (my heart is at peace) - Compounded from "Óbì" (heart) and "à-jú-lú m" (at
peace), reflecting the internal struggles of a woman, possibly related to the search for a child, and
the subsequent peace brought by the child's birth, 'Òbùmnékè?' (Am I the creator?) - Constructed
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from "Òbùm" (am I) and "nékè" (creator), forming an interrogative name that addresses societal
questioning and criticism faced by a barren woman, with the child's arrival serving as an answer.
'Nwákàégó' (child surpasses money) - Formed by combining "Nwá" (child) and "kàégó"
(surpasses money), emphasizing the value of a child over material wealth, highlighting the
sentiment that without a child, one has nothing. 'Ndụ̀ káàkụ̀ ' (life surpasses wealth) - Comprising
"Ndụ̀ " (life) and "káàkụ̀ " (surpasses wealth), underscores the importance of life over material
possessions, aligning with the cultural belief that prioritizes life over the pursuit of wealth.
'Nwáámáká' (child is beautiful) - Combined from "Nwá" (child) and "ámáká" (is beautiful),
emphasizing the cultural significance of motherhood and suggesting that a child enhances the
beauty of every woman. 'Ósítàdị́mmáọ́ dị̀wàràgbó' (if it gets better today, it is early) - Constructed
by combining "Ósítà" (if from today) and "dị́mmáọ́ dị̀wàràgbó" (it gets better, it is early),
conveying the idea that any moment is the right time for positive change. 'Ònyémàéchí?' (who
knows tomorrow?) - Formed by combining "Ònyé" (who) and "màéchí" (knows tomorrow),
serving as a rhetorical question challenging those who doubted the woman's future as a mother.
'Ndìdìámáká' (patience is beautiful) - Comprising "Ndìdì" (patience) and "ámáká" (beautiful),
advises against rushing, suggesting that the child eventually arrives at the right time and
'Àrínzèchúkwú' (if not for God) - Constructed from "Àrínzè" (if not) and "chúkwú" (God),
reflecting the belief that the woman attributes the birth of her child to divine intervention.
B. Wealth-Born Children:
i. Ọ̀ bị́à kà ó ríé àkụ̀ Ọ̀ bị́àkàóríéàkụ̀
She came to eat wealth She came to eat wealth
ii. Ọ̀ bị́à gà èrí àkụ̀ Ọ̀ bị́àgàèríàkụ̀
Who came will eat wealth who came will eat wealth
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iii. Ọ̀ bị́à nùjú nwá Ọ̀ bị́ànùjúnwá
She came in abundance of child She came in abundance of child
iv. Ọ̀ bị́à nùjú àkụ̀ Ọ̀ bị́ànùjúàkụ̀
She came in abundance of wealth She came in abundance of wealth
v. Ọ̀ bị́àlụ̀ ná mmá Ọ̀ bị́àlụ̀ námmá
She came in good She came in good
vi. Nwá wètèrè àkụ̀ Nwáètèrèàkụ̀
child bring wealth child bring wealth
vii. Ụ́ bá sì nà chí Ụ́ básìnàchí
wealth is from God wealth is from God
The data in example 4.1.3 (bi-vii) illustrates scenarios where a child is born into wealth or brings
prosperity to the family. These names are complexly constructed with morphemes, each carrying
distinct and meaningful units that collectively contribute to the overall significance of the names.
Taking examples (i & ii), 'Ọ̀ bị́àkàóríéàkụ̀ ' (she came to eat wealth) and 'Ọ̀ bị́àgàèríàkụ̀ ' (who
came will eat wealth), the main root word, 'àkụ̀ ' (wealth), is modified by 'Ọ̀ bị́àkàóríé' ('she came
to eat') and 'Ọ̀ bị́àgàèrí' ('who came will eat'), denoting a child that comes to enjoy wealth.
Usually given to female children. Similarly, in (iii) 'Ọ̀ bị́ànùjúnwá' ('She came in abundance of
child') and (iv), 'Ọ̀ bị́ànùjúàkụ̀ ' ('She came in abundance of wealth') express the abundant arrival
of a child or wealth. Names such as 'Ọ̀ bị́àlụ̀ námmá' ('She came in good'), as seen in example (v),
signify a child that arrives in a time of enjoyment. This name is usually given to both male and
female children. The short forms of these names in (i – v) is “ọ́ bị́ị́”. In (vi), 'Nwáwètèrèàkụ̀ '
('child brings wealth') captures the idea that a child brings prosperity to the family. Finally, in
example (vii), 'Ụ́ básìnàchí' ('wealth is from God') is usually given to male children, conveying
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the belief that wealth comes from above." These names in (vi – vii) are usually given to male
children. The names are morphologically complex, employing various morphemes to convey
different meanings. The morphological structure of 'Ọ̀ bị́àkàóríéàkụ̀ ' (she came to eat wealth), is
Ọ̀ bị́à (she came) kà (to) óríé (eat) àkụ̀ (wealth), 'Ọ̀ bị́àgàèríàkụ̀ ' (who came will eat wealth) as
Ọ̀ bị́à (who came) gà (will) èrí (eat) àkụ̀ (wealth), 'Ọ̀ bị́ànùjúnwá' (she came in abundance of
child) Ọ̀ bị́à (she came) nùjú (in abundance) nwá (child), 'Ọ̀ bị́ànùjúàkụ̀ ' (she came in abundance
of wealth) Ọ̀ bị́à (she came) nùjú (in abundance) àkụ̀ (wealth), 'Ọ̀ bị́àlụ̀ námmá' (she came in good)
Ọ̀ bị́àlụ̀ (she came in) ná (good) mmá (goodness), 'Nwáètèrèàkụ̀ ' (child brings wealth) Nwá
(child) wètèrè (brings) àkụ̀ (wealth), 'Ụ́ básìnàchí' (wealth is from God), Ụ́ bá (wealth) sì (is) nà
(from) chí (God). These names exhibit a pattern of compounding and modification, where root
words are combined or altered to create rich and meaningful names.
C. When the child is an only child
i. Sọ̀ mụ́ àdị̀nà - Sọ̀ mụ́ àdị̀nà
only me should not stay only me should not live
ii. Òbí èchìnà - Òbíèchìnà
palace should not close palace should not close
iii. Òbí/Áfàmụ́ éfùnà - Òbí/Áfàméfùnà
palace/my name should not be lost palace/my name should not be lost
iv. Mmádụ̀ ákọ́ nàòbí - Mmádụ̀ ákọ́ nàòbí
human shouldn't be scarce in the home human should not be scarce in the palace
v. Ọ̀ nọ̀ chìrì òbí nnáyá - Ọ̀ nọ̀ chìrìòbínnáyá
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replaced home his father replacer of his father’s palace
The data in example 4.1.3 (ci-vii) illustrates scenarios where a child is an only child in the
family. These names are complexly constructed in sentential form. Taking example (i),
'Sọ̀ mụ́ àdị̀nà' (only me should not live) is a name usually given to both male and female children.
It is more of a plea or a request for consideration and might be described as such. This would
imply that the speaker is asking for a change in the current situation or expressing a desire for
inclusion. In example (ii), 'Òbíèchìnà' (palace should not close) could be a kind of wish or
prayer, expressing the hope that the palace remains open, welcoming, and prosperous. In this
sense, it might be a positive and auspicious expression, and it is mostly given to male children. In
a similar vein, in example (iii) 'Òbí/Áfàméfùnà' (palace/my name should not be lost) appears to
convey a desire or request related to the preservation of something significant, whether it be a
palace or one's name. The inclusion of 'Òbí' suggests a concern or wish regarding the palace,
possibly serving as a symbolic representation of heritage, tradition, or authority. The statement
may imply a desire for the palace to endure, maintain its significance, or avoid closure or loss.
On the other hand, 'Áfàméfùnà' (My name should not be lost) suggests a personal concern about
the preservation of one's name. It could reflect a wish for one's legacy or identity to endure
through generations, ensuring that the name is remembered and not forgotten. In example (iv),
'Mmádụ̀ ákọ́ nàòbí' (human should not be scarce in the palace), usually shortly called 'Mmádụ̀ ákọ́ '
or 'Ákọ́ nàòbí,' conveys a clear desire for the presence of people or humans in the palace. 'Mmádụ̀ '
(Human) refers to a person, 'Ákọ́ nà' (should not be scarce) implies there should not be a scarcity
or shortage of people, and 'Òbí' (Palace) refers to a palace, a significant and often symbolic place
associated with authority, leadership, and tradition. Putting it together, the name expresses a wish
or preference for a sufficient number of people or individuals within the palace. Similarly, names
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such as 'Ọ̀ nọ̀ chìrìòbínnáyá' (replacer of his father’s palace), as seen in example (v), denote a
child who takes on the role of replacing or succeeding his father in the leadership or ownership
of the palace. This may imply familial or hereditary succession within a cultural or traditional
context, capturing the idea of inheriting or assuming a position of authority within the context of
a paternal lineage and the associated palace. Observing the morphological structure of each name
in example 4.1.3 (ci-vii), 'Sọ̀ mụ́ àdị̀nà' (only me should not live) is broken down as Sọ̀ mụ́ (only
me) àdị̀nà (should not live), 'Òbíèchìnà' (palace should not close) Òbí (palace) èchìnà (should not
close), 'Òbí/Áfàméfùnà' (palace/my name should not be lost) Òbí/Áfàmụ́ (palace/my name)
éfùnà (should not be lost), 'Mmádụ̀ ákọ́ nàòbí' (human should not be scarce in the palace) Mmádụ̀
(human) ákọ́ (should not be scarce) nàòbí (in the palace) and 'Ọ̀ nọ̀ chìrìòbínnáyá' (replacer of his
father’s palace) Ọ̀ nọ̀ chìrì (replacer) òbí (of his father) nnáyá (palace). These names exhibit a
pattern of compounding and modification, where root words are combined or altered to create
meaningful names.
D. When a child's birth creates or solves a problem.
i. Ùdó dì mmá - Ùdódìmmá
peace is good peace is good
ii. Ọ̀ gọ̀ àmáká - Ọ̀ gọ̀ àmáká
generosity is good generosity is good
iii. Ífé ádị́gó mmá - Íféádị́gómmá
Things are good things are good
iv. Ọ̀ gụ̀ égbú nwá - Ọ̀ gụ̀ égbúnwá
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fight should no kill child fight should not kill child
v. Íló dì ụ̀ bá - Ílódìụ̀ bá
enmity is abundant enmity is abundant
vi. Íwé kà - Íwékà
anger surpass anger surpass
vii. Mmádụ̀ bụ̀ íké - Mmádụ̀ bụ̀ íké
people is strength people is strength
viii. Íkwú kà - Íkwúkà
relatives surpass relatives surpass
ix. Ụ́ lọ̀ ọ́ má - Ụ́ lọ̀ ọ́ má
house good good house
The examples (di-ix), are Igbo names that denotes when a child's birth creates or solves a
problem. Examining examples (i-iii), are names that denotes children whose their birth solved
problems and brought about a positive change or resolution to a problem. Each of these names
represents a form of exaltation as they celebrate and expressions of joy, gratitude, and
acknowledgment of the positive impact that the child has on the family or community, framing
the child's existence as a blessing and a source of goodness. Where Ùdódìmmá (peace is good)
suggests that the child's birth has brought about a positive change, introducing peace into a home
that may have experienced problems or conflicts. The name reflects the belief that the child's
presence has a calming and harmonizing influence, contributing to the well-being of the family,
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Ọ̀ gọ̀ àmáká (generosity is good) implies that the child's birth is associated with generosity,
emphasizing a positive quality that the child embodies. It may signify that the child's existence is
seen as a source of benevolence and sharing, enriching the lives of those around them,
Íféádị́gómmá (things are good) communicates a sense of overall positivity and goodness
associated with the child's birth. It conveys the belief that the circumstances surrounding the
child's arrival are favorable, and the child is considered a source of positive energy and well-
being.
Examples (iv-vi), indicate that these children were born during times of conflict or war.
The names serve as a form of recognition and acknowledgment of the challenging times during
which the children were born. The Igbo names provided—Ọ̀ gụ̀ égbúnwá (fight should not kill
child), conveys a poignant message, expressing the hope or desire that despite the presence of
conflict or war, the child should be spared from harm. It reflects the challenging circumstances
surrounding the child's birth, suggesting a plea for the child's safety and well-being in the midst
of conflict. Ílódìụ̀ bá (enmity is abundant), directly acknowledges the prevalence of enmity or
hostility during the time of the child's birth, and serves as a descriptive statement, highlighting
the challenging social or political context in which the child was born. And Íwékà (anger
surpass) suggests that anger or conflict is prevalent and intense, potentially surpassing normal or
expected levels. It echoes the difficult environment or circumstances surrounding the child's
birth, emphasizing the intensity of the prevailing emotions.
In examples (vii-ix), are names of children whose birth brought unity or who were born
into unity. These names suggest a positive theme of unity and strength associated with the
circumstances of the children's births. The names Mmádụ̀ bụ̀ íké (people are strength), conveys the
idea that the birth of the child brings strength to the community or family, and emphasizes the
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collective power and unity of the people, suggesting that the child contributes to the overall
strength and well-being of the community. Íkwúkà (relatives surpass), implies that the child's
birth is associated with a surpassing unity among relatives. It may suggest that the family bonds
or relationships among relatives are particularly strong, and the child's presence enhances the
sense of togetherness. and Ụ́ lọ̀ ọ́ má (good house) reflects a positive and harmonious atmosphere,
suggesting that the child is born into a good and united household. It conveys the idea that the
family or community in which the child is born is characterized by goodness, unity, and positive
relationships.
The morphological processes involved in the above data primarily include compounding,
where two or more morphemes are combined to create new words. Specifically, these Igbo
names are formed by combining root words or morphemes to convey a complete and meaningful
idea. For instance: 'Ùdódìmmá' (peace is good): Ùdó (peace) + dì (is) + mmá (good), 'Ọ̀ gọ̀ àmáká'
(generosity is good): Ọ̀ gọ̀ (generosity) + àmáká (is good), 'Íféádị́gómmá' (things are good): Ífé
(things) + ádị́gó (are) + mmá (good). 'Íwékà' (anger surpass): Íwé (anger) kà (surpass),
'Mmádụ̀ bụ̀ íké' (people are strength): Mmádụ̀ (people) bụ̀ (are) íké (strength), 'Íkwúkà' (relatives
surpass): Íkwú (relatives) kà (surpass) and 'Ụ́ lọ̀ ọ́ má' (good house): Ụ́ lọ̀ (house) ọ́ má (good).
While compounding is the primary process, there is also evidence of affixation, where prefixes
or suffixes modify the meaning of the base word. For instance: 'Ọ̀ gụ̀ égbúnwá' (fight should not
kill child): Ọ̀ gụ̀ (fight) + égbú (should not kill) + nwá (child), 'Ílódìụ̀ bá' (enmity is abundant): Íló
(enmity) + dì (is) + ụ̀ bá (abundant)
E. First child's names
i. Ògbò nnàyá - Ògbònnàyá
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same name of his father his father’s namesake
ii. Ényìnnàyá - Ényìnnàyá
friend of his father his father’s friend
iii. Íké nnàyá - Íkénnàyá
strength of his father his father’s strength
iv. Nnékà - Nnékà
mother surpasses mother surpasses
v. Àdá nné - Àdánné
daughter mother her mother’s daughter
vi. Òyìrì nnéyá - Òyìrìnnéyá
resembles her mother her mother’s resemblance
The examples (ei-viii), are Igbo names that denotes that a child is the first to be born in the
family. Examining examples (i-iii), are Igbo names given to first male child. Ògbònnàyá (Same
name of his father), signifies that the child shares the same name as his father, representing a
connection and continuity of identity within the family, Ényìnnàyá (Friend of his father),
suggests a close and amicable relationship between the child and his father, emphasizing the
companionship and bond between them and Íkénnàyá (Strength of his father), conveys the idea
that the child is the strength or source of power for his father, emphasizing a sense of pride and
significance. Examples (iv-vi), are Igbo names given to first female child. Examining (iv) Nnékà
(Mother surpasses), the name indicates that the child holds a special place in the mother's heart,
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signifying that the mother's love or influence surpasses all, (v) Àdánné (Daughter of her mother),
highlights the close relationship between the child and her mother, emphasizing the role of being
the daughter and representing a strong maternal connection and Òyìrìnnéyá (Resembles her
mother), suggests that the child bears a resemblance to her mother, acknowledging the physical
or perhaps even personality similarities.
The morphological analysis of the given Igbo names in example 4.1.5 (i-vi) reveals the
use of compounding, examples; 'Ògbònnàyá' (his father’s namesake): Ògbò (same name) nnàyá
(of his father), 'Ényìnnàyá' (his father’s friend): Ényì (friend) nnàyá (of his father), 'Íkénnàyá'
(his father’s strength): Íké (strength) nnàyá (of his father), 'Nnékà' (mother surpasses): Nné
(mother) kà (surpasses), 'Àdánné' (her mother’s daughter): Àdá (daughter) nné (mother) and
'Òyìrìnnéyá' (her mother’s resemblance): Òyìrì (resembles) nnéyá (her mother). In each example,
compounding is evident as the root words are combined to convey a specific meaning related to
familial relationships.
F. Religious Names
i. Mùókà - Spirit is greater
ii. Ọ́ lụ́ chí - God's work
iii. Ànị̀zọ̀ bá - May the Earth save
Examples (fi-iii) are names Igbos use to express their religious beliefs. It is found that most of
these names revolve around the Supreme Being and this is why Miller and Miller (1973:1477)
say that “many names were Theophanous". Consider examples (i) Mùókà (Spirit is greater), it
signifies a belief in the greatness or supremacy of the spirit. It reflects a spiritual worldview
where the spirit is considered powerful and significant. (ii) Ọ́ luụ́ chí (God's work), directly
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acknowledges the divine, emphasizing that the individual is a creation or work of God. It reflects
a deep sense of spirituality and the recognition of God's role in shaping one's existence. and (iii)
Ànị̀zọ̀ bá (May the Earth save), invokes a connection with the Earth and expresses a wish for
salvation or protection. It also reflects a belief in the Earth as a benevolent force capable of
providing safety or deliverance. The reference to these names as "Theophanous," as noted by
Miller and Miller, suggests that many Igbo names are associated with divine or spiritual themes.
Theophanous names are those that reveal or reflect the divine. In this context, these names
highlight the deep-rooted religious and spiritual beliefs within the Igbo culture, where
individuals are named with expressions of reverence toward the Supreme Being and the spiritual
realm. Morphologically, the structure of each name is as follows; 'Mùókà' (Spirit is greater):
Mùó (spirit) kà (is), the morphological process here is primarily compounding, combining 'Mùó'
with 'kà' to convey the complete idea, 'Ọ́ luụ́ chí' (God's work): Ọ́ luụ́ (God) chí (work) involves
compounding, combining 'Ọ́ luụ́ ' with 'chí.' And 'Ànị̀zọ̀ bá' (May the Earth save): Ànị̀zọ̀ (earth) bá
(save) also involves compounding, combining 'Ànị̀zọ̀ ' with 'bá.'
G. Solicitation Names: Solicitation comes from solicit, which means "to request," or "to
entreat." It is the act of requesting. These names are normally given to children born at a period
after they have visited such family severally. Consider the examples:
i. Ónwú bíkó - Ónwúbíkó
death please Please death
ii. Òzó émèzìnà - Òzóémèzìnà
another should not happen another should not happen
iii. Médàá mụ́ óbì - Médàámụ́ óbì
Console my heart Console me.
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iv. Íwé jùrú óyí - Íwéjùrúóyí
Anger be cold anger calm down
v. Íbè égbúná m - Íbèégbúnám
relative don't kill me relative should not kill me
The names provided in the aforementioned examples g. (i-ii) are categorized as solicitation
names, specifically employed to make pleas to individuals possessing influential authority, with
the intention of securing a request or favor. These names are prevalent within Igbo culture and
are employed for the purpose of solicitation. For instance, the name Ónwúbíkó (Please death) in
example (i) compounded as the combination of 'Ónwú' (death) and 'bíkó' (please) to forms
poignant plea or request for death to exhibit mercy or kindness, serves as an entreaty to prevent
the occurrence of death. This name may be bestowed upon a child if the family has experienced a
series of child deaths, signifying a desire for a more merciful approach from death when a new
child is born. In example (ii), Òzóémèzìnà (Another should not happen), colloquially referred to
as Òzóémè or Òzó, employing the compounding process by combining 'Òzó' (another) with
'émèzìnà' (should not happen), is given to a child, particularly in the aftermath of adverse events
within the family, such as the death of children, delays in childbirth, or sickness. The name seeks
to solicit protection for the remaining children in the family. Similarly, in example (iii),
Médàámụ́ óbì (Console me) is a plea that the arrival of the child brings solace to the family,
which may have been undergoing challenging circumstances affecting its tranquility. It employs
compounding to express a heartfelt request for consolation, combining 'Médàá' (console) with
'mụ́ óbì' (my heart). The name solicits positive changes, peace, and consolation for the family. In
example (iv), Íwéjùrúóyí (anger calm down), often abbreviated as Íwéjụ̀ ọ́ , exhibits compounding
by combining 'Íwé' (anger) with 'jùrúóyí' (be cold) to convey a directive for anger to subside or
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calm down, representing another form of request for peace and calmness, particularly during
turbulent times. Example (v), Íbèégbúnám (relative should not kill me), which utilizes
compounding to express a plea for protection from harm by combining 'Íbè' (relative) with
'égbúnám' (should not kill me), is a solicitation that urges relatives not to harm each other. This
name might be given to a child if the family is affluent or faces threats and enmity from external
sources.
H. Lamentation Names: Lamentation refers to the act of expressing grief, sorrow, or mourning,
often through vocal expressions or written words as a loss of a loved one. Example of such
names are:
i. Ákwá éjú - Ákwáéjú
tears is not sufficient Weeping does not suffice
ii.. Émélí ífé - Émélífé
Did not do anything Did not commit anything
iii. Mgbè chí kwé - Mgbèchíkwé
When God agrees When god agrees
iv. Ọ́ dị̀ náká chí - Ọ́ dị̀nákáchí
it is in hands of God It is in God's hands
v. Òtú ọ́ màsị̀rị̀ chí - Òtúọ́ màsị̀rị̀chí
As it pleases God as it pleases God
vi. Ọ́ nwụ́ ásọ́ ányá - Ọ́ nwụ́ ásọ́ ányá
Death doesn't fear eye Death is fearless
The examples provided in h. (i-vi) showcase Igbo names that convey deep sadness, or sorrow,
often associated with mourning, grief, or lamentation over challenging situations or loss. In (i)
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Ákwáém (Weeping does not suffice), this name signifies that no quantity of tears will be
adequate to alter or alleviate the difficult situation that has transpired or is ongoing. It
underscores a sense of helplessness and the inadequacy of tears in the face of adversity. The
name Émélífé (Did not commit anything) in (ii), communicates the innocence of the individual
undergoing a problem, emphasizing that they have not engaged in any wrongdoing or crime
deserving of the punishment or difficulties they are facing. Example (iii) Mgbèchíkwé (When
God agrees), reflects lamentation over a challenging situation, with the individual expressing
hope for the time when God will agree to intervene and bring about a positive change. Examples
(iv)) Ọ́ dị̀nákáchí (It is in God's hands), conveys that everything happening, causing lamentation,
is under God's control. It implies a surrender to a higher power, acknowledging that only God
can determine the outcome of the situation, (v) Òtúọ́ màsị̀rị̀chí (As it pleases God), is bestowed
upon a child in situations where the family might have had expectations that were not met, such
as expecting a male child but receiving a female one, or when the child is born with health
challenges. The name expresses grief or profound sadness over the present circumstances,
acknowledging that the situation is as it pleases God, and (f) Ọ́ nwụ́ ásọ́ ányá (Death is fearless),
conveys deep sadness, particularly in the context of death. It expresses the frustration or
questioning of why death appears fearless, especially when it takes away loved ones. The name
reflects the emotional impact of death on those left behind.
I. Adulation Names: These names are expression of intense admiration for someone, typically
to gain favor, approval, or to ingratiate oneself with that person. Often times, the prayer is
answered favourably and the party concerned jubilate. It pays due homage to the gods in names.
Consider the examples:
i. Àhínzè chúkwú - Àhínzèchúkwú
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If not God if not for God
ii. Áká chúkwú - Ákáchúkwú
hand God hand of God
iii. Òbí chí èkwé - Òbíèkwé
Palace God agreed Palace God has agreed
iv.Nnàm ékwé - Nnàmékwé
My father agreed My father has agreed
v. Àjà égbòó - Àjàégbòó
Sacrifices have meditated Sacrifices have meditated
Examining the instances in I(i-v), the Igbo people manifest names that convey profound
admiration, praise, or flattery. As we study these names, starting with (i) Àhínzèchúkwú (if not
for God), it extends lavish praises to God for enabling jubilation, as the celebration would not
have occurred without His grace or intervention. Moving on to (ii) Ákáchúkwú (hand of God), it
signifies that the celebratory context stems from the involvement of God's guiding hand in the
situation or lives of the people. Names like Òbíchíèkwé (Palace God has agreed) in (iii) and
Nnàmékwé (My ancestor has agreed) in (iv) express gratitude to the deities, acknowledging their
benevolence and agreement to bestow blessings upon them. These names essentially flatter God
by acknowledging and appreciating His approval of the current situation. In (v), Àjàégbòó
(Sacrifices have meditated) communicates that the sacrifices made have acted as mediators,
resulting in the blessings they have received. This name serves to inform and express that their
sacrificial acts have played a role in facilitating divine favor. These Igbo names not only express
admiration and praise but also convey a sense of gratitude and acknowledgment of divine
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intervention or approval, with each name articulating a unique perspective on the relationship
between the individuals and the divine forces in their lives.
The Igbo names and expressions in examples (a-f) exhibit a morphological structure
characterized by compounding. 'Ákwáéjú' (Weeping does not suffice) combines Ákwá (tears)and
éjú (is not sufficient) to form a succinct expression, 'Émélífé' (Did not commit anything)
combines Émélí (did not do) and ífé (anything) to convey the complete idea, 'Mgbèchíkwé'
(When God agrees): Mgbè (when) and chí (God) and kwé (agrees) to form a coherent
expression, 'Ọ́ dị̀nákáchí' (It is in God's hands): Ọ́ dị̀ (it is) and náká (in hands of) and chí (God) to
express the idea of being in God's hands, 'Òtúọ́ màsị̀rị̀chí' (As it pleases God): Òtú (as it) ọ́ màsị̀rị̀
(pleases) chí (God) to form a meaningful expression, and 'Ọ́ nwụ́ ásọ́ ányá' (Death is fearless)
combines Ọ́ nwụ́ (death), ásọ́ (doesn't fear) and ányá (eye) to convey a powerful message.
J. Boasting Names:These names serve as ways of openly and often excessively promoting
oneself or one's achievements with the aim of impressing others, and the constancy of the
success of one’s prayer could lead to boasting and as such, these names given:
i. Áká kùrú nwá - Ákákùrúnwá
hand carry child let hand carry child
ii.. Àkù ábátá - Àkùábátá
wealth has come Wealth has come
iii. ífé dì - ífédì
something is/exists there is something
iv. Mmá gwụ́ -lụ́ àkụ̀ - Mmágwụ́ lụ́ àkụ̀
Beauty finish-pst wealth Beauty that exhausted wealth.
v. Nkè mụ jì ká - Nkèmjìká
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The one I hold is greater The one I hold surpass
The illustrations presented in J (i-v) are illustrative of boasting names within the Igbo culture. As
we look into these names, it becomes apparent that Igbo people may engage in boasting for
diverse reasons, ranging from seeking validation to garnering admiration or asserting dominance
in social or competitive settings. In (i), Ákákùrúnwá (let hand carry child) unabashedly boasts
about a woman's ability to bear a child, emphasizing that any hand is qualified to carry the child
because she epitomizes true womanhood by virtue of her motherhood. Moving on to (ii),
Àkùábátá (Wealth has come) proudly asserts that wealth has finally arrived, signaling affluence
and richness. Those who bear this name often hail from prosperous backgrounds or have
achieved notable wealth. The name serves as a proclamation of their financial success.
Examining (iii) ífédì (there is something), it boasts about the presence of something valuable,
typically referring to the availability of wealth or other resources essential for sustaining life.
Meanwhile, (iv) Mmágwụ́ lụ́ àkụ̀ (Beauty that exhausted wealth) serves as a girlish name that
boldly brags about the individual's beauty, suggesting that their attractiveness has surpassed the
bounds of material wealth. This name is often given to Igbo women who are considered
exceptionally beautiful. In the case of (v), Nkèmjìká (The one I hold surpass), the name serves as
a declaration of superiority, boasting about one's possessions and asserting that what they hold
surpasses the possessions of others. This name reflects a prideful acknowledgment of one's
comparative abundance.
The Igbo names and expressions in examples (a-e) showcase the morphological structure
characterized by compounding. 'Ákákùrúnwá' (Let hand carry child): Áká (hand) kùrú (carry)
nwá (child) to create a concise expression. 'Àkùábátá' (Wealth has come): Àkù (wealth) ábátá
(has come) to convey the complete idea, 'ífédì' (There is something): ífé (something) dì (is/exists)
55
to form a succinct expression, 'Mmágwụ́ lụ́ àkụ̀ ' (Beauty that exhausted wealth): Mmá (beauty)
gwụ́ -lụ́ (finish-past) àkụ̀ (wealth) combines to convey a specific narrative, 'Nkèmjìká' (The one I
hold surpass): combines Nkè (the one) mụ (I) jìká (hold is greater) to express the idea concisely.
K. Philosophical Names: These typically refer to names that are inspired by or convey
philosophical concepts, ideas, or principles in names like:
i. Éjìké èmé ụ̀ wà - Éjìkéméụ̀ wà
Not by power to do this world Life is not by force
ii. Nwá kà égó - Nwákégó
Child is greater than money Child surpass money
iii. Àmà ndí ánà-ézè - Àmàndíánàézè
who knows people that are avoided does one know who to avoid
iv. Ùwà ézù òkè - Ùwàézùòkè
The world is not complete The world is not complete
Yes, some Igbo names are considered philosophical in nature as they convey deeper meanings
and insights about life, relationships, and the human experience. Examining examples K(i-iv),
Éjìkéméụ̀ wà (Not by power to do this world) reflects a philosophical perspective on the nature of
life and accomplishment. It suggests that success or the ability to navigate the world is not solely
determined by one's physical or material power. It implies that there are other factors or forces at
play in the world, employing the morphological process of compounding, where 'Éjìké' (not by
power) and 'méụ̀ wà' (to do this world) are combined to create a meaningful expression. Nwákégó
(Child surpasses money) carries a philosophical message emphasizing the value of children over
material wealth. It suggests that the significance of a child surpasses that of money, highlighting
the importance of family and relationships over material possessions. The morphological process
56
involved here is compounding, as 'Nwá' (child) and 'kégó' (is greater than) are combined to
convey this comparative relationship. Àmàndíánàézè (Who knows people that are avoided)
reflects a philosophical inquiry into human relationships and the complexities of knowing who to
avoid. It implies a level of uncertainty in understanding the intentions and behaviors of people,
employing compounding to combine 'Àmà' (who) and 'ndíánàézè' (people that are avoided) to
create a thought-provoking expression. Ùwàézùòkè (The world is not complete) conveys a
philosophical perspective on the incompleteness of the world. It suggests that there may be
elements or aspects missing, highlighting the imperfections and ongoing nature of life. The
morphological process involved is also compounding, combining 'Ùwà' (the world) with 'ézùòkè'
(is not complete) to express this notion concisely. In each case, these names showcase the
linguistic richness of compounding in Igbo, allowing for the encapsulation of profound
philosophical insights within concise expressions.
L. Proverbial Names: Proverbial names are names that are derived from or inspired by
traditional proverbs, often reflecting the wisdom or cultural values. For example,
i. òfú nné - òfúnné
siblings of the same mother unity
ii. ụ̀ gbá àjà - ụ̀ gbáàjà
clay pot ritual effective strategies
iii. Ìzù ká - Ìzùká
discussion surpass solidarity
iv. Nwá dì áló - Nwádìáló
child isheavy child is priceless
v. Íhú ọ́ má - Íhúọ́ má
57
face good favor
The examples in No. L(i-v) showcase Igbo names with proverbial meanings, reflecting deeper
cultural insights. Òfúnné (siblings of the same mother - unity) employs compounding to unite
"òfú" (siblings) and "nné" (same mother) into a concise expression emphasizing family unity.
Ụ̀ gbáàjà (clay pot ritual - effective strategies) involves compounding to combine "ụ̀ gbá" (clay
pot) and "àjà" (ritual), conveying a proverbial message about effective strategies. Ìzùká
(discussion surpass - solidarity) uses compounding to combine "Ìzù" (discussion) and "ká"
(surpass), conveying the power of dialogue to surpass challenges and promote solidarity.
Nwádìáló (child is heavy - child is priceless) features compounding to suggest the weight and
priceless value of a child beyond the literal translation. Íhúọ́ má (face good - favor) utilizes
compounding to link "Íhú" (face) and "ọ́ má" (good), expressing a proverbial message about the
positive impact of a pleasant countenance on receiving favor. In each case, these names leverage
the morphological process of compounding to encapsulate profound cultural and philosophical
meanings within concise expressions.
J. Modern Igbo Religious Names: These are names used within the Igbo-speaking communities
that reflect contemporary religious beliefs, particularly within the context of Christianity.
Examples:
i. Chukwubùezè God is king
ii. Chukwunònso God is near us
iii. Chètechi Remember God
iv. Tòochukwu Praise God
58
Examples J (i-d) feature Igbo names with a "chi" or "chukwu" component, reflecting Christian
beliefs and conveying specific messages related to God. Chukwubùezè (God is king) employs
the morphological process of compounding, combining "Chukwu" (God) and "bùezè" (king), to
convey the message of God's sovereignty and kingship. Chukwunònso (God is near us) utilizes
compounding with "Chukwu" and "Nònso" (near us), emphasizing the nearness of God to
humanity. The name incorporates the morpheme "Nònso" to express proximity and relationship.
Chètechi (Remember God) involves compounding by combining "Chète" (remember) with "chi"
(God), urging individuals to keep God in their thoughts and actions. The morphological process
emphasizes the act of remembrance and mindfulness. Tòochukwu (Praise God) features
compounding with "Tòo" (praise) and "Chukwu," encouraging the act of praising God. The
morphological structure conveys the message of expressing gratitude and worship. In each case,
these names use compounding to merge elements and create meaningful expressions that align
with Christian beliefs and underscore the importance of divine presence, mindfulness, and
worship in the Igbo cultural and religious context.
2) Death Prevention and Survival Names: Given to commemorate instances where the child's
birth was associated with overcoming challenges, illnesses, or situations that posed a risk to
survival.
i. Ozo eme kwa la ozoemela
another should not happen another should not happen
ii. Nkem ako kwa la m nkemakọlam
my own don’t be scarce my own should not be scarce
iii. Nwa dị̀rị m ndụ Nwadị̀rịmndụ
59
child be alive for me child live
iv. Ọ́ nwụ́ egbuchula m Ọ́ nwụ́ eguchulam
death do not kill me on time don’t die early
v. Ọ́ nwụ́ asọ ghị anya Ọ́ nwụ́ asọanya
Death does not fear eye Death does not fear
vi. Ọ́ nwụ́ dị̀ njọ Ọ́ nwụ́ njọ
death is bad death is bad
vii. Ọ́ nwụ́ biko Ọ́ nwụ́ biko
death please please death
viii. Ọ́ nwụ́ ma ihe ọ na-eme Ọ́ nwụ́ maiheọnaeme
death knows what it is doing death knows what it is doing
ix. Ọ́ nwụ́ ga zulike Ọ́ nwụ́ gazulike.
Death go and rest Death rest
x. Ọ́ nwụ́ mere m arụ Ọ́ nwụ́ meremarụ
death did me abomination death did me bad
xi. Ọ́ nwụ́ amaghị onye bu onye Ọ́ nwụ́ amaonye
death does not know who is who death does not segregate
xii. Ọ́ nwụ́ emekam ihe ọjọ Ọ́ nwụ́ emekamiheọjọ
death did a very bad thing to me death dealt with me
xiv. Ọ́ nwụ́ sọrọ m nsọ Ọ́ nwụ́ sọrọmnsọ
death avoids me death doesn’t want me
xv. Ọ́ nwụ́ di iwe Ọ́ nwụ́ diiwe
death is angry death is sad
60
a. Ọ́ nwụ́ amaghị eze Ọ́ nwụ́ amaeze
death does not know king death knows nobody
b. Mmádụ̀̀ akọ na obi Mmádụ̀̀ akọ
someone don’t be scarce in palace someone will not be scarce at home
c. Mmádụ̀ agwụ na obi Mmádụ̀̀ agwụ
someone don’t be finish in palacesomeone will not finish at home
d. Ụwa di egwu Ụwadiegwu
world is scarily world is dangerous
e. Ụwa abụ nke onye Ụwaabụnkeonye
World is not anyone’s own? the world has no owner
f. Ụwa dị̀ omimi Ụwadị̀omimi
world is deep world is mysterious
g. Onye ji ndụ ya na aka? Onyejindụyanaaka
who hold his life at hand? No one holds his life
h. Ndù kwé Ndukwe
The Igbo names provided in examples 4.1.1 (a-v) exhibit various morphological processes,
which involve the structure and formation of words. In the majority of these names, the common
morpheme 'Ọ́ nwụ́ ' (Death) serves as a root or base, and additional morphemes are added to
create meaningful expressions. The morphological processes include compounding, affixation,
and reduplication. For instance, Ozoemela (another should not happen) ingeniously compounds
"Ozo" (another) with "emela" (should not happen), forming a new word that articulates a desire
to avert the recurrence of a specific event or challenge, Nkemakọlam (my own should not be
61
scarce) deftly compounds "Nkem" (my own) with "akọlam" (should not be scarce), conveying a
wish for abundance and prosperity, particularly in the context of personal possessions or
attributes, Nwadị̀rịmndụ (child be alive for me) masterfully compounds "Nwa" (child) with
"dị̀rịmndụ" (be alive for me), expressing a profound desire for the child's well-being and
continued existence, Ọ́ nwụ́ eguchulam (death do not kill me on time) strategically compounds
"Ọ́ nwụ́ " (death) with "eguchulam" (do not kill me on time), addressing the theme of overcoming
the threat of premature death, Ọ́ nwụ́ asọanya (Death is fearless) cleverly compounds "Ọ́ nwụ́ "
(death) with "asọanya" (does not fear eye), implying a triumphant stance against death or fear,
and Ọ́ nwụ́ diiwe (death is angry) effectively compounds "Ọ́ nwụ́ " (death) with "diiwe" (is angry),
conveying a negative sentiment about the nature of death.
Ọ́ nwụ́ biko (death please) employs affixation by adding the morpheme "bi" (please) to
"Ọ́ nwụ́ ," expressing a plea or request to death. Ọ́ nwụ́ maiheọnaeme (death knows what it is
doing) utilizes affixation with "maiheọnaeme" (knows what it is doing) appended to "Ọ́ nwụ́ ,"
suggesting an acknowledgment or acceptance of death's purposeful actions. Ọ́ nwụ́ gazulike
(Death go and rest) involves affixation, with "ga" (go) and "zulike" (and rest) added to "Ọ́ nwụ́ ,"
conveying a desire for death to cease its actions or usher in a period of rest. Ụwaabụnkeonye
(World is not anyone’s own) features affixation, incorporating "abụnkeonye" (is not anyone’s
own) with "Ụwa," emphasizing the idea that the world does not belong to any singular
individual.
Ọ́ nwụ́ njọ (death is bad) employs reduplication by repeating the morpheme "Ọ́ nwụ́ " to
underscore the undesirable nature of death. Ọ́ nwụ́ meremarụ (death did me abomination) utilizes
reduplication with "Ọ́ nwụ́ " to convey a poignant sense of wrongdoing or harm caused by death.
Ọ́ nwụ́ sọrọmnsọ (death avoids me) applies reduplication with "Ọ́ nwụ́ " to suggest a positive
62
sentiment of avoidance or protection from death. Ndukwe (life accept) leverages reduplication
with "Ndu" (life), expressing a sentiment of acceptance toward life. These morphological
processes contribute to the complex formation of Igbo names, allowing individuals to convey
specific messages, sentiments, and reflections through the artful composition of words.
63
CHATER FIVE
SUMMARY, FINDINGS AND CONCLUSION
5.0 Introduction
The study unveiled a notable finding that highlights the immense research on the typology of
Igbo names through a meticulous analysis of primary and secondary data sources.
5.1 Summary
The importance of names in Igbo culture can be traced back to their traditional beliefs and
values. In Igbo cosmology, names are seen as powerful symbols that reflect an individual's
destiny and personality. The naming ceremony, known as the "Igu Afa", is an important rite of
passage in Igbo culture. The ceremony involves the naming of a child and the performance of
rituals to confer protection and blessings on the child. The names chosen for a child reflect not
only the parents' hopes and aspirations for the child, but also the wider community's beliefs and
values. For example, many Igbo names are derived from proverbs or popular sayings, which
carry profound meanings about morality, character, and ethics. As a result, names can be seen as
a form of social identity, reflecting the values and beliefs of the wider community.
5.2 Findings
i. To investigate cultural significance of Igbo names and naming system in Igbo society. The
naming system in Igbo society is very complex and significant cultural practice where they
believe strongly in reincarnation. They sometimes enquiries at a child's birth to determine which
of their ancestors reincarnated. Igbo names are often given based on cultural and religious
beliefs, as well as the circumstances surrounding the birth of a child. For example, a child might
64
be given a name that reflects the circumstances of their birth such as; fertility issues, birth day
names, physical structures names, death prevention names, etc. The name can also reflect the
parents' hopes and wishes for the child's future. So, in general, Igbo names are not just labels, but
they carry deep meaning and significance.
ii. To understand the meanings and connotations associated with specific Igbo names. Meanings
attached to Igbo names are more connotative than denotative as some of the names are
metaphoric and proverbial expressions. Names like fauna names are metaphoric where an animal
qualities are ascribed to humans who displays such characteristics. For example; "Óbìágū"
literally translates to 'heart of a lion' which does not mean the person has a heart of a lion. This
name connotes that the bearer possesses bold, fearless and courageous features of a lion. Another
example is the proverbial name, "Òfúńnē" which means 'one mother'. The connotation behind
this name is 'unity'.
iii. To identify the morphological components within Igbo names. The morphological
components of Igbo names also plays an important role in understanding the linguistic diversity
and evolution of the Igbo language. Igbo names are typically made up of morphemes which may
be free or bound morphemes. These components can be analyzed to understand the origins and
evolution of the language.
5.3 Conclusion
The cultural and linguistic significance of Igbo names and naming ceremonies highlights the
importance of understanding and preserving the diverse identities of the Igbo people. Igbo names
are not only a form of individual identity, but also a representation of collective identity and
shared culture whose meanings and symbolism can be comprehended through the study of
65
proverbs, idioms, and other forms of traditional knowledge. The preservation of Igbo names is
essential for the preservation of the Igbo language and culture as a whole becaise it's an
important aspect of the history and heritage of the Igbo people which aids in understanding the
existence. The morphological structures of Igbo names are a reflection of the complex grammar
and syntax of the Igbo language as it depicts how the study of Igbo names can contribute to a
broader understanding of the Igbo language.
66
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1

A TYPOLOGY OF IGBO NAMES

AMANAMBU CHIZOBA CYNTHIA

completion of this research work.

choose you over and over again.

Usenbo, Dr. I. N. George-Essien, Dr. (Mrs.) E. O Ikoyo-Eweto, Mr. A. Evbayiro,

A. F. Ogbeifun and other lecturers and Staff of the Department of Linguistics

Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Benin, Benin City, I extend my profound

gratitude to each one of them.

I equally appreciat my siblings and relatives for their unwavering supports. My

through for me, Emmumejakpor Precious, I appreciate you greatly.

2.2 Previous studies - - - - - - - - - 11

2.3 Purpose of Study - - - - - - - - 13

3.1 Types of Descriptive Analysis - - - - - - - 15

4.2 Typology of Igbo Names - - - - - - - 17

4.3 Market or Birth Day Names - - - - - - - 17

4.4 Family Names - - - - - - - - - 19

4.6 Occupational Names - - - - - - - - 23

4.7 Fauna Names - - - - - - - - - 24

4.8 Physical Structure Names - - - - - - - 26

4.9 Circumstantial Names - - - - - - - - 28

different typologies of Igbo names.

study, methodology, purpose of study and significance of study.

1.1 Background of study

(1972) share the same view.

appropriate for personal names.”

1.1.0 The Igbo People

guide the child, as he embarks on a journey through the earth.

presentation of gifts to the child.

contact, western education and Christianity.

1.3 Aim and objectives of study

iii. To identify the morphological components within Igbo names.

i. To improve by educating new generations on the typologies surrounding naming in the

traditional Igbo society before the coming of the missionaries.

includes; conceptual review, previous studies and purpose of study.

2.1 Conceptual framework

concepts are as follows:

(2003). Onomastics is divided into three major groups. They are:

and sociolinguistic anthroponomastics. Historical anthroponomastics looks at the origins and

their sound patterns and word structure.

males and 'mgba' for females.

serving as an important element in establishing individual identity and connecting individuals to

one profession to another in the Igbo society.

these names are given to commemorate noteworthy events or characteristics linked to an

often the place of the child's birth.

names associated with death.

and modern Igbo names.

2.2 Previous Studies

categories: patronymic, matronymic, occupational, toponymic and pseudonymic/nicknames.

professional expertise, geographical origins or personal characteristics

morphological and syntactic analysis of Onitsha personal names. By integrating linguistic

linguistic analysis. Another Morphosyntactic Analysis of names conducted on some Akan

Studies, provides a comprehensive analysis of Akan personal names from a morphosyntactic

that will bring good fortune and success.

2.3 Concern of present study

orientation, organization, perspective and relevance to the present study.

3.1 Theoretical Framework

processes at all levels of language structure: phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax,

of what has come to be known today as descriptive linguistics.