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applications of linguistics. Widdowson presents the question in termsof linguistics applied and applied
linguistics:The differences between these modes of intervention is that in the case oflinguistics
applied the assumption is that the problem can be reformulated by thedirect and unilateral application of
concepts and terms deriving from linguisticenquiry itself. That is to say, language problems are
amenable to linguisticssolutions. In the case of applied linguistics, intervention is crucially a matterof
mediation. . . applied linguistics. . . has to relate and reconcile different rep-resentations of reality, including
that of linguistics without excluding others.(Widdowson, 2000, p. 5)The “linguistics applied” view seems to
derive from the coming together oftwo traditions:1 the European philological tradition which was exported
to the USA throughscholars such as Roman Jakobson,2 the North American tradition of linguistic-
anthropological field-work whichrequired the intensive use of non-literate informants and the
linguisticdescription of indigenous languages for the purposes of cultural analysis.The social value of
applications of linguistics was widely canvassed.Bloomfield (1933, p. 509) hoped that “The methods and
results of linguistics.. .[and] the study of language may help us toward the understanding andcontrol of
human affairs.” In the 1970s R. H. Robins, representing theEuropeantradition, was eager to encourage the
use of linguistic ideas and methods:“The teacher who understands and can make use of the methods of
scientific
10Alan Davies and Catherine Elderlinguistics will find the task of presenting a language to his pupils very
muchlightened and facilitated” (1971/1980, p. 308). Fifty years after Bloomfield,Douglas Brown (1987) was
still making a similar claim: “Applied linguisticshas been considered a subset of linguistics for several
decades, and it has beeninterpreted to mean the applications of linguistics principles to certain more orless
practical matters” (p. 147).This tradition represents the “expert” view of knowledge and scholarship. Ittakes
for granted that the methods and findings of linguistics are of value toothers to solve their problems. But
the applications must be carried out eitherby linguists themselves or by those who have understood and
can make useof the methods of scientific linguistics. There is no place here for Corder’sapplied linguist as a
consumer of theories, in which linguistics is one among anumber of different source disciplines, let alone
for the extreme proposal madeby Widdowson that linguistics is itself part of applied linguistics.
Critiquesand counter-critiques in the journals suggest that the opposing traditions havebecome more
entrenched. Gregg (1990) argues the case for a unitary positionon second language acquisition research,
while Ellis (1990) and Tarone (1990)declare themselves in favor of the variationist position. Ellis contrasts
twomodels of research, the research-then-theory position, which is essentiallyinductive, as against
theory-then-research, the mainstream classic tradition,which is essentially deductive. We may surmise that
the theory-then-researchapproach is that of linguistics while the research-then-theory is that of
appliedlinguistics. For Gregg, the research-then-theory approach is not seriousbecause it is not based
on theory.So much for the linguistics-applied tradition. What of the applied-linguisticstradition? The two
traditions overlap in the work of Henry Sweet. Howattclaims that “Sweet’s work established an applied
tradition in language teach-ing which has continued uninterruptedly to the present day” (Howatt, 1984,p.
189). Howatt also refers to the influence of J. R. Firth, holder of the firstChair of General Linguistics in the
UK, who had first-hand experience oflanguage learning and teaching in India, and who with the
anthropologistBronislaw Malinowski and their pupil Michael Halliday promoted the notionof the context of
situation. No doubt because of Firth’s lead, the identity ofthe context of situation school is still that of
linguistics-applied in spite of itsstrong social orientation. John Trim records his view of the origin of the
BritishAssociation of Applied Linguistics in an address which represents the viewof the linguist looking at
society’s problems: “Members of Departments ofLinguistics were present (at the inaugural meeting)
because of their wish tosee the findings of their science brought to bear on the social problems of theday”
(1988, p. 9).The real push to a coherent conception of the activity, an applied linguisticsview, came from
Corder who, while insisting on the centrality of linguistics,accepted the need for other inputs. It came
even more strongly fromPeter Strevens who was unashamedly eclectic in what he saw as a
growingdiscipline. His account of the founding of the British Association for Applied
General Introduction11Linguistics emphasizes the sociological and institutional reasons for forming anew
professional group.The fundamental question. . . facing applied linguists in Britain in 1965 waswhether
they were sufficiently like linguists (i.e. theoretical linguists) to remainwithin the linguists’ organization, or
whether they were sufficiently like teachersof foreign languages, including English, to remain within their
organizations, orwhether they were sufficiently different from both to merit an organization oftheir own.
(Strevens, 1980, p. 31)What made those inaugural members interested in founding the new
BAALAssociation was that they had first-hand experience of the social problemsthat linguistic applications
were addressing. What they looked to “appliedlinguistics” for was a framework for conceptualizing and
contemplating thoseproblems.