BAEG 04 Block 01
BAEG 04 Block 01
University (IGNOU), New Delhi. OSOU has been permitted to use the material.
BACHELOR OF ARTS (HONOURS) IN
ENGLISH (BAEG)
BEG-4
Indian Writing in English
BLOCK-1
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF INDIAN
ENGLISH WRITING
UNIT 1 ENGLISH IN INDIA - ITS HISTORY, STATUS AND
FUNCTIONS
UNIT 2 EAST INDIA COMPANY’S ARRIVAL IN INDIA,
ESTABLISHMENT OF COLLEGES TO PROMOTE
WESTERN EDUCATION
UNIT 3 INDIA’S FIRST WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
UNIT 4 THE EVOLUTION OF INDIAN WRITING IN
ENGLISH IN 20TH CENTURY
BLOCK-1 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF INDIAN
ENGLISH WRITING
OBJECTIVES
After going through this block, you will be able to examine the Educational system
in India during the British Rule. The British were held responsible for spreading
English all over India and hence, in the present day scenario, we find English spread
far and wide all across the nation. This unit will help you analyse the different
situations in which the western education took over Indian education and also how
British English became an integral part of every syllabus
INTRODUCTION
British rule is said to have been responsible for the modernization witnessed in the
Indian civilization. The impact of this process was quiet evident from the changes
adopted by the Indians in their life style, thinking processes, attires, food and
education. Besides the advancements made in the spheres of roads, transports, postal
services etc, their rule acted as a significant period of transition from the indigenous
style of education to western education. The foundations were laid by the East India
Company and the Christian Missionaries to employ Indians for administrative tasks
as well as to serve their political, economical and colonial interests. Originally the
access to education was limited to the royal families, as the British were of the
opinion that Indians could become aware of their rights and positions and protest
against their Raj posing a threat to the British establishment in India. Lord Curzon’s
efforts in the 20th century gave way to spread of higher education within the masses
and channelized Indian education system. However the rulers of the Princely States
in of India who were granted autonomy by the British to manage their own kingdoms
acted as major agents to undertake the social and educational reforms within their
territories. With the spread of education from elementary to higher levels, many new
schools, universities and other institutions were developed during this period which
are symbols of educational advancement as well as hold high architectural merit.
Patiala, aprime princely state is a well known academic centre also important for its
rich culture since the British Raj. Education in Patiala originated under the Maharajas
with the opening of the school of languages in 1860A.D. With the introduction of
Mahindra College (the first Degree College in a city) in 1870, became came an
important educational centre. It was the only college between Delhi and Lahore for a
long time that promoted contemporary higher learning in Northern India. The
historic college building represents an aesthetic mix of regional interpretation of
Indo-Saracenic style of architecture. Later on many educational institutes catering to
medical facilities, sports education etc. was set up in this princely state. This paper is
thus an attempt to explore the education reforms during the British Raj, the changes
that happened and their triggers. It also brings out reforms initiated in Princely States
specifically Patiala as a seat of learning and a detailed study of the Mohindra
College, Patiala, that represents an excellent example of educational institutions
developed during the 19th century
UNIT 1 : ENGLISH IN INDIA - ITS HISTORY, STATUS
AND FUNCTIONS
Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Historical Overview
1.3 Uses and Functions of English
1.3.1 Education
1.3.2 Business and administration
1.3.3 The Judiciary
1.3.4 Media and publishing
1.3.5 Inter-regional communication
1.3.6 Intra-regional communication
1.4 Indianization of English – I
1.4.1 Structural Pressure of Indian Languages on English
1.4.2 The Teaching-learning Situation
1.4.3 Socio-cultural Contexts of Use of English
1.5 Indianization of English - II
1.5.1 Sound System of "Indian English": Vowels and Consonants
1.5.2 Stress Pattern
1.5.3 Sounds of "Indian English": Vowels and Consonants
1.6 Lexis of Indian English
1.7 Syntactic and Stylistic Features of Indian English
1.8 Impact of Colonialism on Education In India
1.9 Indigenous Education
1.10 Debate over Education Policy
1.11 Let Us Sum Up
1.0 OBJECTIVES
During this period the British gradually introduced the English language and
western education in order to create a class of Indians who could serve the imperial
rulers as officials or functionaries, as well as, function as a communicative link
between the rulers and the masses. The earliest attempts to introduce English in India
were made by the missionaries who came primarily for the purpose of religious and
moral preaching rather than for spreading English.
1
1.1 INTRODUCTION
In order to understand the present status and functions of English, it is necessary to
go back in time and take a quick look at the history of English in India. This has
already been discussed in Course 1, but it is necessary to recapitulate it here.
Beginning with the establishment in India of the East India Company, the British
came to India as traders in the second half of the eighteenth century, and stayed on as
rulers for nearly two centuries.
2
even after the British formally left India in 1947, English has continued to gain
ground and has become more and more firmly entrenched in the Indian soil. As a
matter of fact, since independence, several committees and commissions have, on
different occasions, stressed the need to learn English. The government, on its own
part, has consistently lent support to English and encouraged the teaching and
learning of English. Government policies have also given official recognition to
English as associate official language. The situation, as it obtains today, is that
English is recognised "officially as the Associate National Official Language, and as
inter-regional link-language; educationally it is recognised as an essential component
of education and as the preferred medium of learning, with specialised education in
science and technology available through the medium of English only; socially it is
recognised and upheld as a mark of education, culture and prestige." (Gupta and
Kapoor, 1991:19). A stage his now been reached where English is considered an
integral part of the socio-cultural, educational and administrative domains of Indian
life. This spread of English has been accompanied by a general perception that
English is the language of opportunity, social advancement, prestige and power.
1.3.1 Education
Even a casual glance at the way our education system is organised and structured
will show that English plays a crucial, central role in education. Whether a child goes
to an English medium school or an Indian language medium school, she has to learn
English for a period ranging from six to twelve years. The Three Language Formula
despite its uneven implementation in different parts of India, ensures that no student
can pass out of school and go on to vocational or higher education without having
learnt English as a subject. The English medium schools not only impart training in
English from class I, but also teach all subjects through the medium of ' English. At
the level of higher education, the functional load of English gradually increases with
English being the preferred medium of instruction and examination. Specialised
education in pure and applied sciences, technology, medicine, law, business
management, etc. is available only through the medium of English. What this means
in effect is that education, especially higher and technical education, means knowing
English, using English and being proficient in English.
3
1.3.2 Business and administration
Business and administration which are the "receiving systems" that provide gainful
employment to educated young men and women, insist on formal training and
proficiency in English. Most of the competitive examinations require the candidates
to pass a compulsory or qualifying paper in English; big and middle-level business
establishments require aspiring candidates to be fluent in spoken English and
proficient in written English; multinational companies insist on qualifications which
can only be acquired by those who are proficient in English. This means that, as far
as employment opportunities are concerned, most white-collar jobs in the
government and industry (both production industry and services industry) are
available to those who know English. So if one wants to become an official in the
'government of India, a manager in some industry, an officer in the armed forces, a
doctor or surgeon, an air-hostess or a sales executive, one has to be proficient in
English. This, in turn, puts greater pressure on the education system to teach English
to more and more pupils.
4
all over India. In typical official and informal personal interactions, people from
Bengal and Tamil Nadu, from Mizoram and Punjab, from Karnataka and Bihar, etc.
tend to make use of English. This is done not because of animosity or hostility
towards any language or region but simply because English has come to be viewed
as the common linguistic bond between linguistically diverse people.
To round off this part of the, unit, we call say that English has become such a
pervasive presence in the social matrix of India, that an increasing number of
educated, English-knowing Indians use it in almost all domains of life, in all kinds of
situations and for any number of topics. Sometimes they feel constrained to use it
because of linguistic barriers or demands of a particular situation. On other occasions
they use it as a matter of personal choice. All in all, what it means is that in the
present day context in India the use and functions of English are on the increase, and
that English has become an integral part of English-knowing Indians' socio-cultural
reality.
To round off this part of the, unit, we call say that English has become such a
pervasive presence in the social matrix of India, that an increasing number of
educated, English-knowing Indians use it in almost all domains of life, in all kinds of
situations and for any number of topics. Sometimes they feel constrained to use it
because of linguistic barriers or demands of a particular situation. On other occasions
they use it as a matter of personal choice. All in all, what it means is that in the
present day context in India the use and functions of English are on the increase, and
that English has become an integral part of English-knowing Indians' socio-cultural
reality.
5
consolidation and widespread use are, however, only one part of the story. The other
dimension of the Indianisation of English refers to 'what' has happened to the English
language as a consequence. When a language is learnt and used by a large number of
people in non-native contexts (as is the case with English in India) it is inevitable that
certain very obvious and other not too obvious changes take place in the structure of
that language. These changes in the form and structure of the language occur
primarily because of three factors:
1. The structural impact of the other (indigenous) languages present in the given
context;
2. The learning-teaching situations that obtain in that context, and
3. The socio-cultural context in which the language is used in the new setting.
6
understood, used and accepted universally. We shall give below just one example to
illustrate our point. Let us take the English word "mother". In Standard British
English it would be pronounced as /m^. A Bangla speaker would perhaps first learn
it as /ma$ ar/ wherein the first vowel is changed due to the influence of the Bangla
vowel-system. Later on, through training and interaction with other educated Indians,
she might change it to '/ma4 arl. The third form wPdld represent educated Indian
English or Indianised English. What happens i** most cases, however, is that Indian
users of English tend to move towards a pan-lndAan English in terms of grammar
but continue to retain, to a greater or lesser degree, the phonetic features of their
respective mother tongues or dominant regional Indian languages.
7
the rich English-speaking businessman goes on "Vaishno Devi yatra" or offers
"prasadam", throws lavish parties on the occasion of the "mundan sanskar" of his
grandson or advertises for a "very fair, homely convented girl, expert in household
affairs" for his "foreign-returned, tall, handsome son earning six figures annually".
The politicians have to re~ni~iisce about the teachings of "bapu" or invoke the
principles of "panchsheel" or exhort the masses to vote for their party through
"rathyatras" or "padyatras". These are only a few instances of English Language
being used to talk about, describe and cope with the I~idian reality. Little children
refer to the man I from the neighbourhood as "Sharma uncle" and his wife as "Sumi
auntie" or report on the antics of a visiting "cousin-sister". Asurgeon has to be
addressed as "Doctor Saheb", a professor as "Professor Saheb" and a superior in
office as "saab" or "Saheb". The point is that the Indian reality, Indian subjects and
Indian contexts and norms of behaviour reshape and reform English in India. It is this
reshaping and reforming of English that leads lo what we call the Indianisation of
English. As pointed out earlier, it manifests itself at all levels of the structure of
English -- sounds, words, word-combinations and grammatical constructions. In the
section that follows we shall give examples of each of these. To end ' this section we
give below a quote from Raja Rao who, in his inimitable style, is talking 1 about the
lndianisation of English. ... One has to convey in a language that is not one's own the
spirit that is one's own. One has to convey various shades and omissions of a certain
thought-movement that looks maltreated in an alien language. I use the word "alien",
yet English is not really an alien language to us. It is the language of our intellectual
make-up ... but not of our elnotiorla1 make-up. We are instinctively bilingual, many
of us writing in our own language and in English. We cannot write like the English.
We should not.... Our method of expression therefore, has to be a dialect which will
someday prove to be as distinctive and colourful as the Irish or the American. Time
alone will justify it ... the tempo of Indian life must be infused into our English
expression, even as the tempo of American or Irish life has gone into theirs.
8
1.5.1 Sound System of "Indian English": Vowels and Consonants
As stated earlier, the most easily noticeable features of a language variety are
phonetic features. As a result of the fact that English in India is used by speakers of a
large number of Indian languages, the sound-patterns of Indian English are markedly
different from those of native varieties of English. Phonetic features can be
considered under two heads: (a) features of stress-placement (b) sounds of English
i.e. consonants and vowels.
As you go through this part of the unit, you will come across certain technical terms.
Please refer to Block 4 of this course to understand these terms.
We give below a few examples to illustrate the points given above. NE stands for
native I standard English and IE for Indianised English. We shall use these
abbreviations throughout this section.
The word "conduct" for instance, is used both as noun and verb in English. In NE the
Sirs1 syllable is stressed when it is used as noun ['kmd~kt] while the second syllable
is stressed when it is a verb thus giving us [kan'dfikt]. You will also notice that in the
second instance, I the vowel in the first syllable is reduced from [I] to [a 1. In IE, the
general tendency is to pronounce the word without any shift of stress, as well as the
consequent reduction of the vowel. Consider another example "gentleman" where the
9
primary stress is on "gentle" and the secondary or weak stress on "man". Thus in NE
we get /'d3~ntlmard with a reduction of vowel in "man". In IE, on the other hand we
get /d3entl'md
Finally, the sequence of stressed and unstressed syllables which is marked by a rising
-falling rhythm in NE, is generally absent in IE, giving it what has been called a
"monotone" or "sing-song' ' quality.
Regional features apart, "Indian English" shows quite a few divergences from
standard native varieties. It is well-known that even highly educated Indian users of
English often have regional peculiarities in their pronunciation e.g. many Bengalis or
Odias fail to maintain the distinction between /s/ and /sh/ in such words as 'sip' and
'ship', the Bengalis tending to pronounce both as "ship" or even "sheep". However,
there are certain pan-Indian features which characterise Indian English. We give
below a list of the vowels and consonants of IE.
While phonetic features are the most easily noticeable characteristics of Indianised
English (as, in fact, they are of all native and non-native varieties), lexis which
includes words, word-formations and word-combinations, is not less a distinguishing
feature of 'IE'. We shall discuss lexis of IE under two broad categories (a) preference
for certain kinds of words in LE, and @) presence of words of Indian origin in
English. We shall also add a note on the use of certain words to denote meanings
other than those associated with them in NE varieties.
Preferred words (lexical items) in 'IE': While discussing these we have to remember
that most Indians learn their English in formal, classroom settings. This has, in effect,
given 'IE' a formal and bookish quality which several scholars have noticed.
Moreover, Indian leaners also have mostly been exposed to formal discourse on
different subjects as well as to classics of English literature written in earlier times.
This perhaps accounts for a marked presence of words and phrases in 'IE', which may
appear outdated, obsolete or archaic to many. Formal learning, dependence on books
and lack of emphasis on spoken English has also tended to make 'IE' formal rather
than spontaneous, colloquial and conversational. In addition, there is also the fact
that English is used in India more in formal administrative, commercial, judicial and
educational contexts, whereas the more informal interactions are taken care of by
some India11 lauguage (Ll) or by a mixture of IE and L1. It is not surprising
therefore to find scholars listing the following features of IE:
a) Latinity: preference for such words as "demise" over "death", "bosom" over
"chest" "extend" over "give", etc.
b) Polite diction: a marked feature of IE is a preponderance of polite forms.
This is partly due to the politeness code that operates in Indian society, and
partly due to the fact that English, as mentioned earlier, is used mostly in
formal contexts such as administration and law, which places a premium on
polite forms. As a result one gets such forms as "Respected Sir", "Thanking
you", and an abundance of words and phrases for expressing respect,
politeness and gratitude.
c) Excessive use of cliches and phrases: 'IE' is marked by the presence of
phrases such as "Himalayan blunder", "nation-building", "change of heart",
"teeming millions", etc. as well as, such cliches as "at your earliest
convenience", "receipt gratefully L acknowledged" , "do the needful", "better
imagined than described", "leave severely alone", "each and every", etc.
d) Certain nominal groups of NE such as "bunch of keys", "address of
welcome", "member of the family", etc' are changed in 'IE' to "key bunch",
"welcome address" and "family member". Another common example of such
IE usage is "box of matches" being realised as "match-box".
11
e) Words of Indian origin in 'IE'
Right from the time when the English first came to India, a large number of
words from Indian languages gradually found their way into the English
language. Even in the early days of the British Raj, the native English
speakers found it useful to employ certain Indian words in dealing with
Indians in matters pertaining to law, administration and agriculture, etc.
Words such as "rajah" "rani", "pankhawala", "diwan", "cot", "sepoy",
"taluka" are legacies of that period. As the contact between English and
India11 lauguages continued, more and more Indian words found their way
into English. 'IE' today has a large body of lexical items from different Indian
languages. We can only give a few examples here: "almirah", "bandh",
"satyagrah", "tiffin", "hartal", "Harijan", "dak", "panchayat", "mullah", "khud'
', "chaprassi", etc. The phenomenon is so salient that we have dictionaries of
Indian words in English (for reference see list of books at the end of this
unit).
12
Where terms of address are to be used in situations where actual kinship is involved,
IE users tend to use the terms that there has. Several other of this type of usage can
be cited, not only from the domain of kinship, but from several other areas.
13
ii) Contracted forms: IE generally does not have as many contracted forms,
especially such forms as didn't, shan't, aren't, mightn't, etc.
iii) Complex and Compound sentences: IE is marked by a general preference for
complex and compound sentences where one would find simple sentences in NE
varieties. The use of several coordinate and subordinate clauses often makes the
sentences rather lengthy and difficult to process for meaning.
iv) Passive constructions: Another feature of IE is an excessive use of passive
constructions. This is perhaps a legacy of the earlier days when civil servants used to
write reports/summaries for their officers. It has also been suggested that it is due to
the typical Indian attitude of detachment.
v) Indirect expressions: 'IE' users generally prefer to use indirect and roundabout
expressions rather than direct or specific ones, especially when asking for a favour. It
has been suggested that this is due to the cultural differences between Indians and
native speakers of English in Britain or the USA. Indians generally do not like to ask
for favours in direct terms, whereas "in English speaking countries ... most polite is
usually most specific".
vi) Expressions of politeness: 'IE' users, as remarked earlier also, show a marked
preference for overt markers of politeness. Words and phrases, such as "kind
attention", "kind notice", "respectfully submit", "with due respect", "have the honour
to ...." are frequently found in 'IE'. Several other features, lexical, syntactic and
stylistic, may be listed. It is not within the scope of this unit to give an exhaustive
description of Indianised English. We hope, however, that we have been able to
provide a useful description of the process of Indianisation as well as its effects on
the form of IE
Several other features, lexical, syntactic and stylistic, may be listed. It is not within
the scope of this unit to give an exhaustive description of Indianised English. We
hope, however, that we have been able to provide a useful description of the process
of Indianisation as well as its effects on the form of IE.
14
colonial country. New ideas and experiments undoubtedly enrich the existing
knowledge. But the colonial country has to pay a heavy price for it. The real
beneficiaries of colonial education are a selected few who had a specific role
assigned by the colonial rulers in the continuation of the colonial rule. Colonial
education is meant for better control of the colonial country rather than its
development. The ultimate outcome of this policy might be different but the desired
objective is to ‘control’ not to ‘change’ the colonial country.
In the background of this view regarding the dynamics of relationship between
colonial rule and education we shall look at the development of English education in
India. However, before we come to the beginnings of English education, let us take a
look at the indigenous system of education in the early 19th century.
Schools were generally run with the help of contribution from Zamindars or
from local rich men.
In the curriculum the main emphasis was on classical language like Sanskrit,
Arabic or Persian and subjects of classical Hindu or Islamic tradition like
Grammar, Logic, Law, Metaphysics, Medicines, etc.
Though Sanskrit learning was the exclusive domain of the Brahmans, from
the reports available of the early 19th century we find that the non-upper
castes and the scheduled castes had also representation in the lower level
schools.
Women were generally debarred from the formal education system. l In the
absence of printing press till 19th century oral tradition and memory of the
teachers formed the basis of knowledge and information, supplemented with
handwritten manuscripts.
The state had little or no role in school education though kings would
patronise people famous for their learning.
Besides the centres for higher learning which were basically the domain of upper
castes there was a large number of elementary schools. Most of the villages in India
had this kind of elementary schools. These were each run by an individual teacher
15
with the monetary help of the village Zamindars or local elite. These schools used to
teach the students elementary arithmetic and basic literacy to meet the needs of day-
to-day life. Students from different sections of society, except the very backward
disprivileged castes, attended these schools.
The Arabic madrasas was a much more unified entity, intact when the British came
but not much more enquiry-based and perhaps also more religious in the orientation
of the learning or methods. In terms of Social extraction, while the Sanskrit Scholar
was by definition a Brahmin male, the Arabic Scholar was perhaps a little less
exclusive in his social origin or location. In both Sanskrit and Arabic higher
learning, much Secular and Scientific learning on law, medicine, mathematics,
astronomy etc. was cultivated besides literature, philosophy and theology with the
help of books and discussion but chiefly through memorization. The creation of new
knowledge based on imagination, free thinking or intense observation was not so
much in demand in those feudal monarchical societies as conformity and ability to
reproduce long texts purely from memory.
This tradition did not continue to grand as such the causes of its decline could
possibly be:
16
1.10 DEBATE OVER EDUCATION POLICY
Till the second half of 18th century the English East India Company did not face any
dilemma about its role in the promotion of education in India. It was basically a
commercial corporation, so its basic objectives were trade and profit. Before
acquisition of territorial power the Company had no role in education, however, there
were attempts by the missionaries to establish charity schools and to promote
learning. But things began to change with the British occupation of Eastern India in
the second-half of 18th century. Within the official circle as well as outside of it
there was growing debate about what should be the role of the company in the
promotion of learning in India.
Immediately after the acquisition of political power in India the company officials
wanted to maintain neutrality or non-intervention in the sphere of religion and
culture of the indigenous society. The reason behind it was partly the fear of adverse
reaction and opposition to their role by the local people. However, constant pressure
from different quarters, the Missionaries, the Liberals, the Orientalists, the
Utilitarians compelled the company to give up its policy of neutrality and to take the
responsibility of promotion of learning.
The second important point around which the opinions were sharply divided was
whether the company should promote western or oriental learning. In the initial
stage the company officials patronized oriental learning. It cannot be denied that
some of the Englishmen had a genuine desire to acquire and promote oriental
learning.
In this context we may mention the establishment of the ‘Calcutta Madrasa’ by
Warren Hastings (1781), ‘Benares Sanskrit College’ by Jonathan Duncan (1791) and
the ‘Asiatic Society of Bengal’ by William Jones (1784). Those who were in favour
of continuation of the existing institutions of oriental learning and promotion of
Indian classical tradition were called “Orientalists”. The argument put forward by
the Orientalists was that generally there was a prejudice among Indians against
European knowledge and science, so there might be complete rejection of western
knowledge. Some of them were also interested to explore the classical tradition and
culture of this ancient civilization. But even if we acknowledge the genuine desire of
some of the Englishmen for the promotion of oriental culture, there is no doubt that
the Orientalists were guided by some practical considerations. They wanted to teach
the British officials the local language and culture so that they would be better at
their job.
17
Christian ideas and western institutions. Two great exponents of the Evangelical
view were Charles Grant and William Wilberforce.
Others who did not share Evangelical faith also were convinced of the superiority of
western knowledge and one of the chief promoters of this idea was Thomas
Babington Macaulay. He recommended that western learning should be promoted in
India through English language and this should be the objective of education policy
in India. James Mill, the chief advocate of Utilitarianism in India, was highly critical
of Indian religion and culture. But he believed that education alone was not sufficient
to bring desired transformation in India; legislative and administrative reforms were
also essentials for this purpose.
In brief, all of these groups who may be called ‘Anglicists’, in general believed that
Indians were in a backward stage and Western education given through English
language alone was the remedy. But education was expensive. Therefore it was
better to educate a group of people who would gradually educate the rest of the
society. Education would filter down from the elites to the masses. In this way it
would help to develop new cultural values and knowledge in India. This was after
called the ‘filtration’ theory.
The missionaries had a completely different logic for supporting the introduction of
English education in India. The motive of the missionaries was to get access to the
indigenous society through education and to propagate new cultural values which
would help them in conversion of people to Christianity.
The response of Indians to this debate over education policy was a mixed one. Ram
Mohan Roy and others favoured introduction of Western education with the belief
that it would help Indians to assimilate the knowledge of western science,
rationalism, new ideas and literature. This would help in the regeneration of the
country. Some other people believed that knowledge of Western education, specially
the knowledge of English, would help them in getting jobs and coming close to the
ruling elite. So they were in support of Western education. In opposition to this there
were many conservatives who were staunch supporters of Indian classical language
and culture.
They had the apprehension that introduction of Western education would lead to the
collapse of indigenous society and culture.
Thus, there were different shades of opinion among the Europeans as well as Indians
about the role of the company in the development of education in India. Let us see in
the next section what major developments took place in Indian education during
1757-1857. The Anglicists wanted to promote western education because they
wanted to modernize India.
18
1.11 LET’S SUM UP
The earliest attempts to introduce English in India were made by the missionaries
who came primarily for the purpose of religious and moral preaching rather than for
spreading English. The second phase of the presence and spread of English in India
is identified with two names, Raja Ram Mohan Roy and T.B. Macaulay. Raja Ram
Mohan Roy led a group of Indian’s demanding English education for Indians. This
group was convinced that English would be more useful for Indians than Indian
languages for academic, socio-economic, scientific and internal purposes. English
has continued to gain ground and has become more and more firmly entrenched in
the Indian soil. As a matter of fact, since independence, several committees and
commissions have, on different occasions, stressed the need to learn English. The
government, on its own part, has consistently lent support to English and encouraged
the teaching and learning of English. Government policies have also given official
recognition to English as associate official language. The situation, as it obtains
today, is that English is recognised "officially as the Associate National Official
Language, and as inter-regional link-language; educationally it is recognised as an
essential component of education and as the preferred medium of learning, with
specialised education in science and technology available through the medium of
English only; socially it is recognised and upheld as a mark of education, culture and
prestige." (Gupta and Kapoor, 1991:19)
19
UNIT 2 : EAST INDIA COMPANY’S ARRIVAL IN
INDIA, ESTABLISHMENT OF COLLEGES
TO PROMOTE WESTERN EDUCATION
Structure
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Development of English Education
2.3 Impact of Colonialism on Education in India
2.4 Let us Sum up
2.5 Check Your Progress
2.0 OBJECTIVES
The pioneering contribution in modern education. These missionary activities and the
mounting pressure by some Englishmen like Charles Grant and William Wilberforce
compelled the Company to give up its policy of non-intervention in education.
2.1 INTRODUCTION
As we have seen in the earlier section, the beginning of English education can be
traced only to the early 19th century. Before that the efforts made by the missionaries
or by individuals were very limited in nature. We may mention in this connection
Schwartzs schools in Tanjore, Ramnad and Shivganga, the Baptist Missionaries in
Serampore, the London Mission Society, the American Methodists in Bombay, etc.
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2.3 IMPACT OF COLONIALISM ON EDUCATION IN INDIA
Pressure on the Company to encourage Western education. Macaulay, the President
of the General Committee of Public Instruction and Lord Bentinck, the Governor
General, took the side of the Anglicists and Bentinck gave his ruling that “the great
object of the British Government in India was henceforth to be the promotion of
European literature and science among the natives of India; and that all the funds
appropriated for the purpose of education would be best employed on English
education alone”
Some of the important points of the resolution that Bentinck announced in 1835 were
as follows:
Persian was abolished as the court language and was substituted by English.
Printing and publication of English books was made free and available at a
comparatively low price.
more fund provided to support the English education, while there was
curtailment in the fund for the promotion of oriental learning.
Auckland who came after Bentinck as the Governor-General also believed in the
need for the promotion of English education in India. He recommended the opening
of more English colleges in Dacca, Patna, Benares, Allahabad, Agra, Delhi and
Bareilly.
The General Committee of Public Instruction was abolished in 1841 and its place
was taken by a Council of Education. The next major landmark in the development
of English education in this period was the Wood’s Despatch of 1854. Sir Charles
Wood, the president of the Board of Control, in 1854 laid down the policy which
became the guiding principle of the education programme of the government of
India.
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The introduction of a system of grants-in-aid for financial help to the schools,
etc.
In 1857 three universities were established in Calcutta, Bombay and Madras. The
establishment of universities and the opening of education departments in the
provinces provided a basic structure to modern education in India, in fact Wood’s
Despatch provided the model for the further development in education in India.
Along with this official initiative to promote western learning in India, there was
initiative by the missionaries and some individuals to promote Western education. In
Bengal some of the important colleges were established by the Christian
missionaries. These missionary institutions did play a role in spreading western
knowledge, though their basic object was to attract people to Christianity. Besides
the missionaries some individuals played a significant role to promote English
education in Calcutta. The establishment of Hindu College (later Presidency College)
in Calcutta by David Hare and a group of local Hindu notables facilitated the
promotion of secular education among Indians. David Hare was against the teaching
of religious ideas and Sanskrit and Arabic languages. J.E.D. Bethune who was an
ardent advocate of women’s education founded a girls’ school in Calcutta. Among
the Bengalis, Vidyasagar
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2) State the Establishment of Colleges to promote Western Education.
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3) Write a short note on Wood’s Despatch?
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UNIT 3 : INDIA’S FIRST WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
Structure
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 India’s First War of Independence
3.3 Causes of India’s First War of Independence
3.4 Reasons of Failure of the War
3.5 Let’s Sum Up
3.6 Check Your Progress
3.0 OBJECTIVES
The rebellion of 1857 is considered the first blow that came to shatter the British rule
in India. Some of the other rebellions and leaders included Rani Lakshmibai, Kunwar
Singh, Bahadur Shah, Nana Saheb, Tatia Tope and Begum Hazrat Mahal.
3.1 INTRODUCTION
India's first war of independence, better known as the Indian Rebellion of 1857,
began on this day, May 10 in the year 1857. The first martyr of the revolt was
Mangal Pandey and the war was the result of accumulation of many factors over
time.
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The Indian rebellion was fed by resentments born of diverse perceptions, including
invasive British-style social reforms, harsh land taxes, summary treatment of some
rich landowners and princes, as well as scepticism about the improvements brought
about by British rule. Many Indians rose against the British; however, many also
fought for the British, and the majority remained seemingly compliant to British
rule. Violence, which sometimes betrayed exceptional cruelty, was inflicted on both
sides, on British officers, and civilians, including women and children, by the rebels,
and on the rebels, and their supporters, including sometimes entire villages, by
British reprisals; the cities of Delhi and Lucknow were laid waste in the fighting and
the British retaliation.
After the outbreak of the mutiny in Meerut, the rebels very quickly reached Delhi,
whose 81-year-old Mughal ruler, Bahadur Shah Zafar, they declared the Emperor
of Hindustan. Soon, the rebels had also captured large tracts of the North-Western
Provinces and Awadh (Oudh). The East India Company's response came rapidly as
well. With help from reinforcements, Kanpur was retaken by mid-July 1857, and
Delhi by the end of September. However, it then took the remainder of 1857 and the
better part of 1858 for the rebellion to be suppressed in Jhansi, Lucknow, and
especially the Awadh countryside. Other regions of Company controlled India—
Bengal province, the Bombay Presidency, and the Madras Presidency—remained
largely calm. In the Punjab, the Sikh princes crucially helped the British by providing
both soldiers and support. The large princely states, Hyderabad, Mysore, Travancore,
and Kashmir, as well as the smaller ones of Rajputana, did not join the rebellion,
serving the British, in the Governor-General Lord Canning's words, as "breakwaters
in a storm."
In some regions, most notably in Awadh, the rebellion took on the attributes of a
patriotic revolt against European oppression. However, the rebel leaders proclaimed
no articles of faith that presaged a new political system. Even so, the rebellion
proved to be an important watershed in Indian- and British Empire history. It led to
the dissolution of the East India Company, and forced the British to reorganize the
army, the financial system, and the administration in India, through passage of
the Government of India Act 1858. India was thereafter administered directly by the
British government in the new British Raj. On 1 November 1858, Queen
Victoria issued a proclamation to Indians, which while lacking the authority of a
constitutional provision, promised rights similar to those of other British subjects. In
the following decades, when admission to these rights was not always forthcoming,
Indians were to pointedly refer to the Queen's proclamation in growing avowals of a
new nationalism. (https://en.wikipediam.org/wiki/Indian_Rebellion_of_1857)
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3.3 CAUSES OF INDIA’S FIRST WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
There was discrimination among the British and Indian soldiers. It has been
believed that the behavior of British soldiers towards Indian soldiers was quite
rude
By January 1857, rumours had been taking rounds that the English cartridges
were greased with animal fat. This was further sparked when during a fight, a
low-caste sepoy taunted a high caste sepoy for 'losing his caste' after biting the
cartridge as they were greased with the fat of pigs and cows
There had also been rumours that the British were trying to destroy the religions
of the Indian people
One of the other reasons was the introduction of a new land revenue system which
snatched the land from cultivators.
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Impact of the revolt:
In August 1850, the British Parliament passed an act for Better Government of
India
The act ended the rule of the Company in India
The control of the British government in India was transferred to the British
Crown
After the revolt, the British pursued the policy of divide and rule
Total expense of the suppression of the Revolt was borne by the Indians.
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3.6 CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
1) Write a short note on the Uprising of Revolt of 1857?
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UNIT 4 : THE EVOLUTION OF INDIAN WRITING IN
ENGLISH IN 20TH CENTURY
Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 History of Indian English Literature
4.2.1 Issues
4.2.2 Beginnings
4.3 Macaulay’s “Minute” and the Indian Renaissance
4.3.1 Early Twentieth Century
4.3.2 Post-Independence Period
4.3.3 Indiannesss in Context: “The Gandhian Whirlwind”
4.4 Let us Sum Up
4.5 Check Your Progress
4.6 Suggested Readings
4.0 OBJECTIVES
After going through this unit the learner will be able to:
4.1 INTRODUCTION
The attempt to read or write the history of ‘Indian Writing in English’ is critically
embroiled in the problematic of using the proper terminology (Indian English
literature or Indo-Anglian) as evident in the continuous debate on the ‘Indianness’.
Having experienced the history of colonial encounter with the British, the historical,
ideological as well as theoretical questions of using an alien language to express the
essence of Indian sensibility form the core of the problem of interpretation. The
history of colonial encounter with the British is categorically important for any
reading of the history of ‘Indian Writing in English’. To illustrate, the influential
impact of the 1813 Charter Act and the ensuing 1835 English Education Act of
William Bentinck are noteworthy contribution to the wide circulation of English
language and literature thereby contributing to a cultural archive borrowed and
mediated in nature. The history of Indian writing in English is therefore viewed
through the prism of cultural translation and consequent assimilation. However, the
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early twentieth century witnesses the surge of ‘Indianness’ in terms of form, content,
style of writing which parallels the simultaneous process of the rise of nationalism.
The idea of national awakening in terms of a unified national imaginary has been
subject to various debates and interpretations with the progress of Indian history.
Hence, the realm is a dynamic terrain with constantly changing cultural and
ideological dynamics. This module dealing with the history of ‘Indian Writing in
English’ therefore aims not to be rigidly conclusive in terms of offering a simplistic
thematisation of the historical situation and its impact on the literary configurations
and vice versa in the attempt to address the larger historical and cultural dynamics.
The attempt is to offer perspectives on the reading of history by opening a dialogic
terrain where social, political, and economic conditions influence, reconfigure,
interact, reconceptualise the imaginative and intellectual processes and the ensuing 3
literary representations of history as well as historical representation of literature
elude any simplistic conclusive categorization in the context of the larger issues of
historiography, nation/nationalism, the intricate relation between
imagining/fashioning the self in the context of nation-state, the process of
acculturation etc. The other modules designed to read the literature produced during
these years adumbrate such interpretative perspective. Each module deals with
illustrative analysis of representative texts from all relevant genres- prose, poetry,
drama, novel and an attempt has been made to proceed in a chronological order to
offer a coherent perspective. This module “Situating ‘Indian English Writing’” is an
attempt to address the fraught context of the emergence of the literary writing in
English and deals with the context of the self-fashioning of historical, social and
cultural and literary imaginary of the term ‘Indian’.
4.2.1 Issues
This section unfolds the complex history of ‘Indianness’ or ‘being Indian’ in the
context of colonial encounter and the ensuing emergence of a cultural space where
British cultural codes got embedded in Indian English writing. Our aim is to situate
the question of cultural politics and history in the context of literary representations
as literary representations are embroiled in historical and cultural thought. As stated
earlier, the educational reforms initiated by British thrive on the enlightenment idea
of progressive liberalization and our aim is to trace the politics and context of the
imitative aspect of the beginning years, the emergence of a nationalist rhetoric in the
twentieth century and the consequent restructuring and reshaping of the concepts
‘nation’ and ‘nationalism’ in the subsequent years. Hence, the first two sub-sections
set the ground for the further exploration of the evolution of various genres
contributing to the history of ‘Indian 4 Writing in English’ as we learn the intricate
relation existing between the discourses of colonialism and nationalism in the context
of India’s history of colonialism. The third subsection focuses on the poetics and
politics of ‘Language’ thereby going beyond the question of linguistic shift in the
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context of English Studies in India as English has become Indianised during the post-
Independence years. Hence the desire to read the history of colonial encounter in
terms of the exploration of an authentic Indian self though the question of
authenticity of the Indian self-mediated through the prism of an alien language is
channelized in a different way to make it a common affair. Though the impact of
English Studies in India on the collective cultural imaginary remains crucial to the
question of ‘Indianness’ and will be addressed in subsequent modules, we cannot
deny the fact that it is impossible to conceptualise Indian imaginary without English.
4.2.2 Beginnings
The temptation to view English literary study as the extension of the spread of
English education in India is blinding to the fact that English literary study was a
potent tool for the consolidating of colonial authority. In India English Literary Study
was playing a different role contrary to its secular humanist concerns as visible in the
missionary activities. The earliest instance of Indian writing in English is The
Travels of Din Mahomet (1794) written by Din Muhammad who migrated in
England in 1784. The English language came to Indian soil twenty years before the
East India Company came into existence when a Roman Catholic, Father Thomas
Stephens came to India to escape persecution in Elizabethan England around 1578.
India was an enchanting place for traders and merchants- John Newberry, Ralph
Fitch, William Leeds, James Story. Some of them were writers as we see in Ralph
Fitch whose account appeared in Richard Hakluyt’s Principal Navigations
(1599).The influence of such representative cases of missionary and merchant
activities can hardly be negated in the flourishing of Indian English literature.
English came to India around 1660 when the factories of East India Company along
the Malabar and Coromandel coasts began to prosper. In 1660, England witnessed
the restoration of monarchy with Charles II and Charles II sanctioned the company
with various powers thus enabling it to exercise jurisdiction over all English subjects
in factories. They were also granted 5 the power to declare war or peace on native
Indians. Henceforth, during seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the gradual
interaction between the British and the Indian especially in the employment zone led
to the creation of a class of dubashis, bilingual familiar with French, English, Dutch,
and Portuguese. The Indians employed by the Europeans and the Europeans working
for Indian rulers together initiated the first stage of linguistic transmission.
Gradually, the company which initially came for trade slowly became the virtual
ruler and administrator of the country and started to train a category of people to
work for them in offices as clerks and mediators. By 1757, the company was
established as the virtual ruler of Bengal and the establishment of schools and
colleges was a strategic part in consolidation of power leading to the Orientalist
phase of colonial rule. To elaborate, the Charter Act of 1813 imposed an official
responsibility upon the company to educate the Indian natives. Gauri Viswanathan in
The Masks of Conquest traces the history of the last quarter of eighteenth century
when the Parliament worried with the growing power of a commercial company
undertook “a serious and active interest in Indian politics” (27). The greatest concern
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of the Parliament was the moral depravity of the officials and in the context of saving
the native Indians “against the wrongs and oppressions of British subjects resident in
Bengal”, the politics got a new dimension. As Viswanathan argues, “Orientalism was
adopted as an official policy partly out of expediency and caution and partly out of
an emergent political sense that an efficient Indian administration rested on an
understanding of “Indian culture” (28). With Orientalism “the worlds of scholarship
and politics” (Viswanathan 29) merged into a poetics of representation. ‘Anglicism’,
the policy of regarding the promotion of indigenous Indian languages and literatures
in native education instrumental to the undesirable and chaotic consequences was
contrary to Orientalism. Warren Hastings was succeeded by Lord Cornwallis (1786-
1793) as governor-general who thought that “the official indulgence toward Oriental
forms of social organization, especially government, was directly responsible for the
lax morals of the Company servants …. To Cornwallis, the abuse of power was the
most serious of evils afflicting the East India Company, not only jeopardizing the
British hold over India but, worse still, dividing the English nation on the legitimacy
of the colonial enterprise.”(Viswanathan 30). The Anglicist Orientalist controversy
paved the way for close involvement of Englishmen like James Harington, J.P
Larkins, W.W.Martin, John C. Sutherland, Henry Shakespeare, Holt Mackenzie, 6
Horace Wilson, Andrew Stirling, William B. Bayley, Henry Prinsep, Nathaniel
Halhed, and John Tytler, with Indian and political cultural life during the period from
1805 to 1820.Horace Wilson, secretary to the Committee of Public Instruction
advocated various reforms in the Indian curriculum to bring in the teaching of
European science and English literature along with the Oriental languages.The other
prominent voices were Macaulay, Charles Trevelyan and Alexander Duff. The
controversy itself was triggered off by the General Council of Public Instruction in
Calcutta proposing to withdraw financial support to Oriental learning in favour of
promoting the study of English and literature. (Viswanathan, 101) Subsequent
conflicts related to the support for Orientalism or Anglicism were negotiated on the
ground of British consolidation of authority and the Charter Act of 1813 was
basically a result of diverse terrains. The Charter Act of 1813 is instrumental in
introducing missionary activity to Indian as it granted the missionaries with required
power and scope to carry out the reforms. Ironically the reformist activities were
related to the improvement of native morals. Hence English education was intricately
linked with the British government’s policies of exerting and reinforcing its power
and domination over India. According to the Charter Act of 1813, a sum of not less
than one lakh rupees was kept for the improvement of native education. But there
were no definite instructions in the Act regarding the ways the amount of one lakh
should be spent. As Viswanathan rightly points out, “The policy in the years
immediately following the Charter Act was to establish institutions devoted to the
teaching of Oriental languages and literature” (37). The impact of the Charter Act of
1813 on English education in India is immense as gradually the introduction of
English literature in India came as the solution to the existing tension between two
spheres- spread of Indian education and the issue of interference in religion. A clause
within the Charter Act aimed for the “revival and improvement of literature” but the
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term was not properly defined and was kept vague till Thomas Babington Macaulay
interpreted it as Western literature in his famous Minute (1835).
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and the demand came even more from the Indian than the Englishmen in India (28)
K.R.S. Iyengar calls the years from 1835 to 1855 the “phoenix-hour that bred Indo-
Anglian literature” (29). The imposition of English-centred education in India led to
“the literary renaissance in India as seen in Raja Rammohan Roy’s “A Defense of
Hindu Theism” (1817) which is regarded as the first significant piece of writing in
English by an Indian.
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4.5 CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
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