OECD Budgeting in Chinese Taipei
OECD Budgeting in Chinese Taipei
OECD Budgeting in Chinese Taipei
CHINESE TAIPEI
This document and any map included herein are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty
over any territory, to the delimitation of international frontiers and boundaries and to the name of
any territory, city or area.
Foreword
Chinese Taipei is an Invitee in the OECD Committee of Senior Budget Officials (SBO) and takes
an active part in its activities.
In 2023, it was agreed that the OECD would undertake a review of Chinese Taipei’s budget
process. This paper presents the results of that review. It is divided into five sections. The first
section provides an overview of Chinese Taipei’s economic and fiscal performance and outlines
key features of the “architecture” of public finances in Chinese Taipei. The second section profiles
the Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS). The third section
discusses the budget formulation process. The fourth section discusses the budget approval
process. The fifth and final section presents main findings and key recommendations for the
Chinese Taipei authorities to consider.
OECD experts visited Chinese Taipei in March 2023 for extensive discussions with officials from
the DGBAS, the Department of Finance, the Development Council and line Departments. The
mission also met with officials from the Legislative Yuan, the Budgetary Research Center and
the Audit Office. In addition, the mission had an opportunity to exchange with leading academics
on these issues. A second mission visited Chinese Taipei in September 2023 for further fact-
finding and discussion with DGBAS officials.
Under the leadership of Elsa Pilichowski, Director for Public Governance, this paper was
prepared by Jón Blöndal, Head, Budgeting and Public Management, OECD. It benefitted from
editorial assistance and was prepared for publication and laid out by Meral Gedik.
The OECD wishes to extend its gratitude to all the officials it met for the generous time they spent
with the mission and the full and frank discussions. In particular, the OECD would like to thank
Mr. Dennis Liu and Ms. Una Chang of the DGBAS for their invaluable assistance throughout the
preparation of this review.
The views expressed in this report should not be attributed to any individual or organisation
consulted in its preparation.
The term Chinese Taipei is used throughout this report in line with OECD protocols. The names
of some governmental entities have been similarly modified.
1 Introduction
Chinese Taipei has experienced extraordinary economic growth since the 1960s (Figure 1.1),
and today enjoys one of the highest per capita incomes in Asia. Sound macroeconomic policies
have underpinned these achievements.
35
30
25
20
15
10
0
2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022
0.4
0.2
-0.2
-0.4
-0.6
-0.8
-1
-1.2
-1.4
-1.6
2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 2023
Revenue Expenditure
14
13.5
13
12.5
12
11.5
11
10.5
10
2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 2023
Expenditures have grown largely in line with rising revenues over time, although strict
expenditure discipline was maintained following the global financial crisis, as shown in Figure 1.4.
The aggregate levels of revenue and expenditure are low in international comparison, especially
for such an advanced economy. This needs to be interpreted with care, however, as social
welfare spending is conducted largely through special funds with mandatory contributions
separate from the general budget. This is discussed further in Box 1.3 and the next section. It
also needs to be borne in mind that this was a period of rapid economic growth with significant
new nominal resources becoming available each year.
Chinese Taipei’s fiscal experience with COVID-19 was unique. The economy flourished during
this period driven by demand for semiconductors (Box 1.1). This resulted in a surge in
government revenue. Even with emergency support in full force, the budget only recorded
modest deficits in 2020 and 2021 and experienced a surplus in 2022.
This surplus generated great public pressure for the money to be returned. At the same time,
worldwide energy prices were surging following Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. As
a response, innovative fiscal initiatives were taken which led to a significant fiscal deficit in 2023.
The measures were, however, constructed to be one-off or time-limited in duration and to support
long-term fiscal challenges. Specifically, the government distributed a universal cash payment of
TWD 6 000 [USD 200] to each and every citizen and provided subsidies to the power utility to
minimise rate hikes to households following the surge in global energy prices. The government
also made a substantial capital injection to the public pension fund to support its long-term
sustainability.
In addition to the above, the government also increased spending on specific public works
projects on the basis they would support long-term economic growth.
A National Health Insurance (NHI) system funds universal medical coverage. Its principal source
of financing is a mandatory payroll tax (currently 5.2%) that goes directly to the NHI. How the
payroll tax is shared between employers and employees varies. In addition, the government
makes contributions for low-income earners and ensures its overall viability.
A Labour Pension Fund (LPF) system administers individual retirement accounts for all workers.
Employers must contribute a percentage (6% in 2023) of an employee’s salary to their respective
individual retirement account. Employees can make additional voluntary contributions to their
account. The government guarantees a minimum rate of return on the accounts. Various other
corporate and profession-specific pensions funds are in operation as well in Chinese Taipei in
addition to the government-affiliated ones.
In addition, the Labour Insurance Fund (social security tier-1 pensions) has been undergoing
comprehensive reform in recent years. This pension fund is severely underfunded and represent
the greatest long-term fiscal challenge for Chinese Taipei. The government has been raising
contribution rates as well as making very significant capital injections to the fund as outlined
above.
The expenditures undertaken by these social welfare funds are mainly financed by social security
contributions equivalent to about 6% of GDP. This compares to general budgetary expenditures
of around 12% of GDP in recent years – see Figure 1.4 above.
The use of these special funds is largely a reflection of public attitudes towards government. The
contributions are perceived as premiums rather than taxes, and thus face less opposition than
taxes. This attitude is also reinforced by the fact that most medical services in Chinese Taipei
are provided by the private sector.
Two laws have been enacted in Chinese Taipei to further promote fiscal responsibility – the Public
Debt Act of 1996 and the Fiscal Discipline Act of 2019. It is noteworthy that this legislation had
its origins in the Legislative Yuan, and not with the government. This demonstrates the
widespread commitment to fiscal responsibility in Chinese Taipei.
• The Public Debt Act mandates that the debt of the government may not exceed 40.6% of
GDP (three-year rolling average). Chinese Taipei’s debt sits well below these limits. New
borrowing may not exceed 15% of total expenditures each year. In addition, it requires
the government to allocate “at least 5% to 6%” of tax revenue for repayment of principal
on debt.i
• The Fiscal Discipline Act builds on the Public Debt Act and contains general provisions to
promote fiscal discipline and spending restraint. Most pronounced is a requirement to
identify the sources of funding for any new government expenditure. .
However, in many ways the latter only served to codify current practice. For example, the 2015
Long-term Care Services Act was accompanied by a series of new earmarked taxes to fund it.
These two laws come on top of the long existing organic Budget Act, which stipulates that current
revenue and expenditure be balanced except in extraordinary circumstances.
1.4. Conclusion
The economic and fiscal situation of Chinese Taipei is enviable in most respects. It has a dynamic
economy underpinned by the dominance of the global semiconductor sector, low levels of public
debt and a commitment to expenditure discipline, backed by fiscal responsibility laws. Chinese
Taipei’s experience during COVID-19 and the resultant extraordinary revenue were disbursed in
a fashion compatible with its commitment to fiscal discipline.
Looking forward, the greatest fiscal challenge facing Chinese Taipei relates to its rapidly ageing
society and unfavourable demographics (very low birth rates). Most directly, this will impact old-
age pensions and care for the elderly. As noted above, the government has been extensively
reforming the pension system. A substantial amount of the extraordinary revenue during the
COVID-19 pandemic was devoted to the legacy pension fund.
Finally, it is worth noting that, at the end of 2023, Chinese Taipei had foreign reserves of USD
571 billion - the fourth largest foreign reserves in the world. These are managed by the central
bank and kept strictly from financing the budget. The amount of the foreign reserves is in excess
of balance of payments requirements and represents a great reserve fund for Chinese Taipei.
Note
i
Originally agreed as 40% of GNP, later modified to GDP at the equivalent level of 40.6%. The 5%-6%
range reflects a compromise between competing proposals in the Legislative Yuan.
2 Directorate-General of Budget,
Accounting and Statistics
The Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics (DGBAS) is a unique body with
extraordinary scope and power. It has a staff of over 12 800 located at its central office in Taipei
and in every budget entity at all levels of government. It lies at the centre of government, co-
located with the office of the Head of Government, and its staff accompany the Head of
Government to meetings. It has special independent power to issue “instructions” to government
entities. It is responsible for the formulation and implementation of the budget, and is the
government’s principal control agency. It sets accounting standards and produces the
government’s financial reports. It is the official economic forecaster. It acts as the statistics office
and census bureau.
The modern DGBAS traces its origins to the early 1900s when corruption was widespread in
Chinese Taipei and the quality of decision making in government was low. The DGBAS was
founded to foster good governance in Chinese Taipei, to professionalise decision making and
eradicate corruption. This is the historical underpinning for the fundamental role of DGBAS in
almost all aspects of government decision making and operations.
Of the 12 400 DGBAS staff, fewer than 400 work in the Central Office. The remaining staff
members are divided roughly equally among the units located in line departments and agencies
and the units in local governments.
The vast majority of DGBAS staff – estimated at over 70% – are involved in budget
implementation, including internal control. This also largely explains why most DGBAS staff are
located in line departments and agencies and in local government. The comprehensive
compliance procedures and internal control measures take place where the transactions occur.
Figure 2.3. General Fund Budget Department and Special Fund Budget Department -
organigram
2.5. Conclusion
The story of DGBAS has been an overwhelming success in terms of its original mandate to
professionalise decision making and eradicate corruption. Chinese Taipei is now an advanced
economy and the circumstances that led to the current DGBAS could not be more different. It
may be timely to revisit the organisation and functions of DGBAS and embrace a greater focus
on the quality of expenditure.
3 Budget formulation
Chinese Taipei has an extremely centralised approach to budgeting, dominated by the DGBAS.
It is very much focused on the maintenance of aggregate fiscal discipline.
The setting of spending ceilings at the start of April each year is the key milestone in the budget
formulation process. An intensive period of activity, starting in January, leads up to this. Baselines
are updated. Preliminary economic assumptions and revenue forecasts are prepared. New high-
level policy priorities are put forward and departments lobby for new spending. After setting
spending ceilings, departments prepare their budget submissions, often in excess of the ceilings.
Continued high-level discussions and lobbying takes place. Following updated economic
assumptions and revenue forecasts in August, the budget proposal is finalised and submitted to
the Legislative Yuan.
their spending pressures as this will be key to the setting of their spending ceilings. The DGBAS
units will engage in discussion with the respective policy areas to moderate these. The line
between baseline updates and new policies can be fine at times. At the end of the day, however,
the DGBAS units will transmit the figures the policy areas have put forward. The DGBAS central
office, informed by the DGBAS units, will judge what are legitimate updates to the baseline.
In the case of infrastructure spending and science and technology spending, the baseline
updates will be forwarded also to the Development Council and the Science and Technology
Council, respectively, for review. The role of these bodies in the budget process is unique
(Box 3.1).
At the same time, preliminary economic assumptions are being prepared by the Statistics
Department of DGBAS and an initial revenue forecast by the Department of Finance. The
forecast will indicate resource availability ahead of decisions on Spending Ceilings. These will be
ready by the end of March.
It is noteworthy that it is DGBAS itself that prepares the economic assumptions for the budget.
This includes the forecasts for GDP growth, the composition of GDP growth, the current account
and inflation.
The Department of Finance’s revenue forecast will naturally be informed by the economic
assumptions prepared by DGBAS, but the Department of Finance employs a conservative
approach to revenue forecasting. Actual revenue regularly exceeds forecast revenue – and at
times by very significant amounts.
There is not an independent body to assess the economic assumptions prepared by DGBAS. It
does however invite academics and external researchers to share their views on economic trends
and the economic assumptions for the budget. According to the Fiscal Discipline Act, DGBAS must
provide an “explanation” if there’s a difference of more than “twenty percent” between the forecasts
and assumptions formulated by DGBAS and the views of the invited academics and researchers.
The conservative approach to revenue forecasting serves as a buffer for any deviations that may
arise.
The DGBAS central office will analyse all the baseline updates it has received, including the
reviews from the Development Council and the Science and Technology Council, and prepare a
report to the Head of Government. It will only incorporate into this report its judgment of legitimate
baseline updates, not the original proposals by Departments. DGBAS updates, on a standardised
basis, certain categories of expenses such as salaries.
The Department of Finance will also present its revenue forecast to the Head of Government.
There will be discussions with the Statistics Department of DGBAS and the Budget Departments
of DGBAS in arriving at the revenue forecast.
The report by DGBAS does not recommend specific expenditure ceilings. It is however the basis
for high-level discussions between the Head of Government, Head of DGBAS and Heads of
Departments, and the basis upon which the spending ceilings are arrived at.
An intense amount of lobbying for new policies and new spending occurs in the months leading
up to the decision on spending ceilings and it becomes more intense in the immediate period
before. With high economic growth, resources would typically exceed baselines for the upcoming
year, creating room for new spending.
These are resolved through a series of bilateral meetings between the Head of DGBAS and the
Heads of Departments. In some case, bilateral meetings occur between the Head of Government
and Heads of Departments.
In early April, the DGBAS issues the spending ceilings for each department. A department would
only be aware of its own spending ceiling, not those of other departments. The ceilings that
departments receive will reflect their updated baselines and any political decisions to increase
(or decrease) funding for a particular area. In formal terms, the spending ceilings are set for the
following year and the next three years. In practice, the focus is on the following year only
(Box 3.2).
3.6. Conclusions
The overwhelming focus of the budget formulation process in Chinese Taipei is to maintain
aggregate fiscal discipline and control expenditures. It has a proven track record in achieving this
mission.
There is less of a focus on the institutional framework that supports the quality of public
expenditure.
Budgeting in Chinese Taipei has only an annual focus, notwithstanding the existence of a
nominal multi-year framework. Updating baselines is a singular event rather than an on-going
process. These two issues are mutually reinforcing.
The use of performance information to inform budget decision making is lacking despite the
collection of a wealth of such information by the Development Council. There is little attention
paid to re-allocation and spending review of baseline expenditures. Attention is focused on
incremental increases.
Addressing these issues may imply a change in the way DGBAS operates with a greater focus
on quality of public expenditures.
The lack of institutional independence for formulating economic assumptions and setting
accounting standards is noteworthy.
Budget transparency is exemplary although information on public finances may appear rather
dispersed to a casual user.
4 Budget approval
The Legislative Yuan’s takes as its mission to promote and reinforce expenditure discipline in
Chinese Taipei. As discussed in the Introduction, it was the Legislative Yuan – at its own initiative
– that enacted the Fiscal Discipline Act. This is very much a reflection of popular sentiment.
Members of the Legislative Yuan regularly implore the government to exercise fiscal discipline
and they “interrogate” senior officials for their use of funds throughout the year.
The actual powers of the Legislative Yuan to amend the budget are however very limited. It can
only reduce expenditure; it may not increase expenditure. This has been interpreted to prevent
the Legislative Yuan from any reallocation of funds, (it may not reduce one appropriation to fund
an increase in another even if the net effect is zero).
As a principle, the Legislative Yuan exercises this power and proposes reductions in expenditure
from what is contained in the original proposal. The Legislative Yuan has however increasingly
taken to the practice of “freezing” appropriations, i.e. preventing the use of an appropriation, until
specific requirements have been met in the course of implementing the budget.
The presentation of the budget proposal is a high-profile event extensively covered by the media.
The government will highlight its policies and priorities. All political parties engage in the
subsequent discussion which often becomes quite boisterous. This occasion is a prime
opportunity for the parties and individual members to present themselves to the public. General
calls exhorting fiscal discipline often animate this discussion. The government responds as
appropriate.
This constitutes the first reading of the budget. It is then referred to the Finance Committee.
The Finance Committee plays a key role in scrutinising the budget proposal. It focuses on the
overall fiscal position, the budgetary aggregates and its economic impact. The Finance
Committee also has direct oversight responsibility for DGBAS, the Department of Finance and
the Central Bank.
For specific appropriations, the Finance Committee relies on the seven sectoral committees to
scrutinise their respective areas of competence. For example, the budget for the Department of
Education would be examined by the Education and Culture Committee. The Finance Committee
manages this process and sets specific timelines for each of the sectoral committees to report
back. Committee meetings are open to the public and are broadcast live.
The level of analysis and the time it takes to consider the budget proposal ranges across each
of the seven committees. They may invite senior officials to present on their proposal and to
answer questions. The committees will be assisted by the Budgetary Research Center in its work
as well as informed by the conclusions of the Audit Office. Outside groups and external experts
are rarely invited to participate in meetings where the budget proposal is being considered.
The focus of the committees is on discussing which appropriations to “freeze.” A common
practice in for the Legislative Yuan to “freeze” an appropriation. This entails that the
appropriations cannot be disbursed, or can only be partially disbursed, without the department
reporting back to Legislative Yuan after fulfilling specific requirements set by the committee. It is
also not uncommon for committees to undertake field visits departments.
Some committees complete their scrutiny in a meeting lasting only a few hours, others may take
several days. It is, however, always a short period of scrutiny.
The committees then submit a report to the Finance Committee. The reports will include a list of
appropriations to be frozen. If there are divergent views in the committees, they will all be
presented in the report. The Finance Committee will integrate all of the sectoral committee
reports together with its overview. This will be ready ahead of the Second Reading of the budget
in plenary. It is noteworthy that very few specific recommendations for reducing expenditure are
generally contained in this integrated report.
The discussion on where to reduce expenditure takes place in negotiations among political
leaders or party caucuses following the report of the Finance Committee. They will agree (or a
majority will) where to reduce expenditure and by how much. The reductions are generally
across-the-board in nature and apply to categories of expenditures rather than to specific
programmes. DGBAS staff as is often at hand to provide costings and technical advice. These
negotiations conclude prior to the second reading in plenary. The negotiations will also finalise
any outstanding items resulting from the Report of the Finance Committee.
At the Second Reading, the proposed budget document itself is formally read article-by-article.
The review reports of the Committees are also presented. The conclusions of the negotiations
among political leaders are also formally introduced. A general discussion follows and a motion
to revise the budget proposal is made. Once the proposed budget bill has completed the Second
Reading, it proceeds immediately to the Third Reading and is formally approved.
There are standing procedures in place if the Legislative Yuan were not to approve the budget
prior to the start of the fiscal year. With the exception of new capital spending and new
programme expenditure, the government may continue to operate based on the same level of
spending previously authorised (previous year).
The Center also provides “consulting opinions” at the request of members of the Legislative Yuan.
4.4. Conclusions
The budget approval process in Chinese Taipei highlights the commitment to fiscal responsibility
in Chinese Taipei. The Legislative Yuan promotes a general culture of fiscal discipline and
demonstrates this by reducing total spending in the budget proposal each year.
The actual scrutiny of the budget proposal by the committees of the Legislative Yuan, however,
appears to be minimal and rely to a large degree on the conclusions of the Budget Information
Center and the Audit Office.
This section draws together the main findings and key recommendations arising from the
previous discussion. It is organised in line with the OECD Spending Better Framework.
Chinese Taipei has clear fiscal objectives and enjoys widespread commitment for those
objectives. Fiscal responsibility and expenditure discipline is enshrined in legislation and political
commitment is well symbolised by the Legislative Yuan reducing spending when it considers the
government’s budget proposal.
This has been achieved by a strong focus on aggregate expenditure discipline. This fiscal culture
developed in a period of high economic growth when new fiscal space became available with
rising revenues. Looking forward, it is important for Chinese Taipei to develop a greater focus on
the quality of public spending and the reallocation of expenditures to fund new spending
pressures and new priorities.
Many of the findings and recommendations below can be seen directly in this light.
Spending reviews are a powerful tool to identify opportunities for reallocation in order to align
spending with government priorities, and to control total expenditures. They focus in particular
on the accumulated baseline of expenditures. The scope of individual spending reviews may be
broad or narrow. Performance and results information, budget impact analysis, and public policy
evaluations are key inputs to spending reviews. Spending reviews are generally conducted jointly
by budget offices and line Departments and are inherent part of the budget process.
There is currently not a system in place in Chinese Taipei for conducting regular spending
reviews.
Chinese Taipei may wish to consider implementing a system of spending review. It may be
especially fruitful in an environment where there has been less systematic scrutiny on the
baseline of expenditures and significant amounts are classified as “mandatory.”
rationalise the institutional responsibility and ensure performance information is for, and used for,
budget decision making.
Green budgeting and gender budgeting are in their infancy in Chinese Taipei. In the case of
gender budgeting, it is the responsibility of the Department of Gender Equality rather than
DGBAS. Gender budgeting as a tool would appear to especially relevant for Chinese Taipei to
promote women’s participation in the labour market and other initiatives stemming from the
demographic challenges in Chinese Taipei.
Chinese Taipei may wish to consider reforms in this area to yield returns from the considerable
investment it already makes in collecting performance information and also to realise the potential
benefits from green and gender budgeting.
Public spending comes in many forms. This includes appropriations authorised in the annual
budget, expenditure authorised in standing legislation (“entitlements”) and expenditures
authorised in tax legislation (“tax expenditures”). In addition, governments carry out significant
activity through loans, guarantees and other contingent liabilities that will – or may – have future
budgetary implications.
Chinese Taipei limits the use of tax expenditures and favours the use of direct spending as a
policy instrument. The few tax expenditures in place are listed in the annual budget
documentation with their estimated fiscal impact. There is a similar conservative approach to the
use of loans and guarantees. Only one significant guarantee is in place. Very detailed information
on this guarantee is presented in the budget documentation.
All revenues and expenditures, assets and liabilities should be reported in a comprehensive,
timely, routine and reliable manner. Financial reports should be produced in accordance with
generally accepted accounting practice. The government should endeavour to make this
information available in a user-friendly manner and should promote awareness of fiscal issues
among the public and key stakeholders.
There is a very high standard of budget transparency in Chinese Taipei although information on
public finances may appear rather dispersed to a casual user. There is nonetheless an exemplary
level of fiscal literacy by the public and key stakeholders.
The government endeavours to produce its (accrual) financial statements in line with international
accounting standards. The actual standards in use in Chinese Taipei are however set internally
by DGBAS and may deviate from international standards.
Chinese Taipei may wish to consider establishing an independent accounting standards board,
or independent accounting standards advisory board, rather setting the standards internally.
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The Editors
Elsa Pilichowski
Director, Public Governance Directorate
Jón R. Blöndal
Editor-in-Chief
Meral Gedik
Executive Editor
https://www.oecd.org/en/topics/public-finance-and-budgets.html