Morin Bio Bibliography
Morin Bio Bibliography
Morin Bio Bibliography
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viii Foreword
The 21st century has seen several research centers devoted to Morin's work,
including one at the University of Messina in Sicily, and most notably the inau
guration of Multiversidad Mundo Real Edgar Morin, a university in Hermosillo
(Sonora) Mexico, based on the principles of Morins work.
Morin's books address such a variety of issues that it's necessary to first cat
alog some of them, at least a small selection out of the 60 or so books he has
published, in order to get an idea of the scope of his work. In the process, we
can begin to see the "path laid down in walking," and to recognize the threads
that tie much of Morins work together.
For a useful introduction to Morin in English, the reader is referred to
Myron Kofman's (1996) Edgar Morin: Erom Big Brother to Fraternity, in the Pluto
Press Modern European Thinkers series. Kofman is particularly good on the
historical context and Morins experience with Hegelian-Marxism. Given the
relatively short space here, and the vast range of Morins experience, I refer to
Kofman's work for a discussion of this fascinating period and its influence on
Morin's thought. Morin's Homeland Earth offers an accessible introduction to his
socio-political and moral thought.
Beginnings...
Morin's first book was EAn Zero de I'Allemagne [Germany Year Zero], written
right after the end of World War II when Morin, then in his mid-20s, was in
Germany with the French Army. Germany Year Zero was his eflort to document
the devastation of one of Europe's most sophisticated and cultured countries,
the home of Goethe, Beethoven, Kant, and other towering figures of western
civilization. It was an attempt to understand how such a country could have
been overtaken by the horror of the Nazi era. Central to the book is Morin's
unwillingness to reduce Germany and Germans to "sale boches" (filthy
Germans), and to assess the horror of the situation in a broad context and with
an unusual depth of feeling. Here we already find a cornerstone of what Morin,
the Jewish resistance fighter who lived in mortal danger during the war years,
would later called complex thought, his refusal to reduce and thereby mutilate.
Briefly, complex thought does not reduce and polarize. Morin does not want to
reduce Germany and its people to the actions of the Nazis, which in the imme
diate aftermath of the war was all too easily done. This refusal to reduce, to take
a Manichean, simplistic view (a view that is often driven by fear, anger, and
other emotions, but often masquerades as coldly rational), is a central element
of Morin's thought.
The term reductionism is used with great, perhaps excessive, Irequency
these days. With Morin it is not some theoretical abstraction, a form of name-
calling. Instead, with Morin it emerges from, and is embedded in, the existen
tial reality of daily life. It manifests in the unwillingness to take a reductionist
X Foreword
stance to the German people. It refuses to equate Germans and Germany only
with the Nazis and the Holocaust. It would be all too easy to say that the
German reduction of Jews warrants an equal reduction of Germans, as "pure
evil," or some similar stance. But Morin insists on viewing Germans in their full
complexity. He explores why and how, given the complexity of the German
people, they fell victim to the Nazi scourge. And most importantly, he always
reminds us that as human beings we are all vulnerable to episodes of madness.
Morin reminds us that the dualism of good versus evil all too easily leads us to
believe that "they" are "evil," and "we" are by definition "good," and therefore
anything we do is also by definition good and legitimate. Crucial here is that
the belief in "our" inherent goodness is accompanied by a lack of self-reflection
and self-criticism, usually with disastrous results. The participation of the
observer in every observation, the role of self-reflection and self-inquiry in
inquiry, the dangers of reduction and disjunction, and the often hidden motives
of the quest for certainty will be central and recurring themes in all of Morins
work. As Selvini Palazzoli (1990) writes:
Another theme from Morins earliest works that later came up in a debate in
2000 with Jacques Derrida in the pages of Le Monde is Morins insistence on the
vital importance of forgiveness. For Derrida, forgiveness should be an excep
tion, at the edge of impossibility. For Morin, forgiveness is a resistance to the
cruelty of the world—the title of his response to Derrida (Morin, February
2000). Once again, this involves precisely the refusal to perpetuate the very atti
tudes that provoke conflict and keep the cycle of violence and hatred going.
Forgiveness is what takes us beyond simplistic, dualistic thinking, and leads us
toward a politics of civilization (Morin &r Nair, 1997). For Morin, forgiveness is a
virtue we must cultivate, even when it seems easier and more immediate to hate.
It should be pointed out that Morin's work is by no means saccharine or
Pollyanna-ish, devoid of realism and ungrounded in an awareness of the real
terror humans have inflicted upon each other. Indeed, in his popular book
Homeland Earth (Morin & Kern, 1999), he speaks of a "Gospel of Doom" that
recognizes our fate and invites us to stare it in the face and view it as an invi
tation for human solidarity, to come together under the recognition that we are
all in the same existential boat. In Morin we find a mature compassion that
comes from having experienced first-hand, as a resistance fighter and French
citizen, the horror that was unleashed on his own country and the rest of
Europe. Morin's unwillingness to demonize might be viewed as a "tender-
Foreword xi
minded" unwillingness to face the harsh realities of life and take a stand, a
position of "friendly weakness." Nothing could be further from the truth. In
fact, Morins view is that the cycle of horror and violence will be perpetuated
precisely because we demonize others and are unwilling to forgive, to recog
nize the extent to which we all, as humans, are capable of an extreme range of
behaviors. The unquestioned belief in ones own "goodness" can lead, through
a process Jung called "enantiodromia," to a coincidence of opposites, where
the very actions taken to fight the enemy bring about the conditions that the
enemy's victory would ensure. Where, for instance, a democratic country
fighting a totalitarian regime resorts to such drastic draconian actions that it
actually destroys the very democratic principles it is allegedly attempting to
safeguard.
Morin has a strong affinity for certain aspects of Buddhism, having seen the
extent of our human capacity for love and hate, our intelligence and our stu
pidity. His wisdom and compassion come from having looked within and with
out deeply and with great depth of feeling. As the eminent sociologist Alain
Touraine wrote, quoting the African Terentius, it can be said of Morin, more
than any thinker in our era, that nothing human is alien to him (Touraine,
2001). This includes, for instance, recognizing that the gruesome actions of
ordinary German citizens were not performed by exceptional, evil monsters,
but by ordinary human beings. Research in social psychology, from Milgram to
Zimbardo, was later to show how "the power of the situation" could turn edu
cated citizens into Nazi killers. "Nice" Stanford students could, within a matter
of hours, treat "prisoners" in an experimental setting, their fellow students,
much the same way that some military personnel in tremendously stressful and
exceptional conditions treated prisoners whom they believed would not think
twice about killing them if released. Morins particular gift is to show us how
there, but for the grace of God, go all of us.
Morins first book was the inspiration for the classic Italian neo-Realist
movie Germany Year Zero iGermania Anno Zero] by Roberto Rossellini. Morin
has had an ongoing relationship of mutual influence with the arts and artists
around the world. This is another aspect of his work that makes him so unique
in the often dreary and secluded world of the social sciences. Examples include
Morins delightful reflections about New York, a collaboration with Dutch visu
al artist Karel Appel (Morin & Appel, 1984), and his influence on, among oth
ers, the great Brazilian songwriter Caetano Veloso, who explicitly discusses the
importance of Morins work for his artistic vision and for Brazil's resistance
against authoritarian government (Veloso, 2003), and his relationship with
such figures as novelist Marguerite Duras. Most recently we have seen the pub
lication of Peuples, a book of photographs of peoples from all over the world by
Pierre de Vallombreuse with Morins commentary (de Vallombreuse & Morin,
2006).
xii Foreword
Morin's next work was LHomme et la Mart [Humanity and Death) (1951).
Here we find, in typically Morinian fashion, a sustained meditation on death
that is both deeply personal and planetary, both holographic and multidimension
al, to use terms Morin was to employ later. It is personal, because Morin lost
his mother at an early age, and the event affected him profoundly. It haunts his
work in too many ways to address in this brief sketch. A thoughtful discussion
of the role Morin's mothers death played in his life can be found in Heinz
Weinmann's introduction to the collection of Morin essays entitled La
Complexite Humaine (Morin, 1994b). Morin's work is planetary in scope
because he explores death cross-culturally in the great religions and spiritual
traditions, throughout human history, and in the sciences, finding that the plu
rality of interpretive frameworks shed light, each in a different way, on the most
profound event. Morin's work has always had this holographic, multidimen
sional quality: the part and the whole are always interconnected, and one finds
the part in the whole and the whole in the part; and the subject is approached
from a variety of dimensions, from the biological to the cultural to the psycho
logical and mythological.
Morin's approach has always been both planetary and personal. We later
find wonderful examples of this holographic method in Vidal et les Siens [Vidal
and his People] (Morin, 1996), which is at once a biography of his father, Vidal,
a history of Sephardic Jews, and a history of Europe, and in Pour Sortir du
Ventieme Sit'de [Entering the 20th Century] (Morin, 2004b), in which Morin
addresses key political issues through a combination of theoretical and histori
cal reflection on the state of the world grounded with examples from his own
experience.
Morin's book on death brings together two themes that will recur through
out his work. The motivation for inquiry emerges from personal experience,
most dramatically with the death of his mother, not abstract speculation or dis
ciplinary agendas. Another key element in this work is transdisciplinarity.
Morin's inquiry is not limited to one discipline. It draws on a whole range of
pertinent knowledge (Morin, 2001b). In other words, he is not approaching his
subject from what 1 have elsewhere called a discipline-driven perspective
(Montuori, 2005). He is not driven by problem solving in the context of the
agenda of a specific discipline. Rather, he is motivated by his own experience,
in this case his loss, by the need to make sense of lived human experience, his
own and that of every other human being. This is central to what makes Morin's
vision of transdisciplinarity so important and so timely: it is grounded not in
attempts to create abstract theoretical frameworks, or to further the agenda of
a new discipline, but in the need to find knowledge that is pertinent for the
human quest to understand and make sense of lived experience, and of the "big
questions," which are usually left out of academic discourse precisely because
they are too complex and transdisciplinary. Lived experience simply cannot sat
isfactorily be reduced to the perspective of one discipline.
Foreword xiii
Autocritique
Morin's early work on death shows his willingness to grapple with profound
existential issues so often obliterated in the all-too-often sterile discourse of
social science and philosophy. This existential aliveness, this grounding in the
lived experience of the realities of existence, is present in Morin's work whether
he is discussing cybernetics, cinema, self-organization, ecology, politics, or edu
cation Morin's work does not come from an attempt to escape life for an ivory
tower, or to control it through intricate theoretical frameworks and maps, but
from an effort to immerse himself in it more deeply, and to provide the sciences
with tools to account more adequately for the lived complexity of life, and
indeed to assist the reader in that process of immersion. Morin characterizes his
later work on complex thought as an attempt to develop a method that does
not "mutilate," that does not fragment and abstract, that does not do violence
to life, by giving is a unidimensional, anemic, antiseptic, homogenized purs pro
toto. This transdisciplinary approach could later be seen in the journal
Arguments that Morin led along with Roland Barthes, Kostas Axelos, and others
from 1956 to 1962. The broad range of topics addressed in the journal reflect
ed a focus on issues rather than disciplinary agendas, and a willingness to range
far and wide.
After World War 11. the influence of the Left and of the communist party
in European thought was enormous. There were very clear boundaries with
which to assess what was considered to be outside the party line. Morin's inde
pendent thought was clearly transgressive, and in Autocritique Morin (2004a)
documents his expulsion from the party for writing an "inappropriate" article.
Morin's Autocritique is a remarkable document from an "engaged" intellectual
grappling with the complexities of politics and self-deception. It is a model of
honesty and sell-reflection and provides us with rare visibility into the life and
thought of a man in the thick of the events that were shaping European and
indeed planetary culture at that time, primarily Stalin's rise to power and the
repression in the Eastern block countries. Drake (2002) provides some context,
l ie writes that Morin was "one of the few PCF (French Communist Party) intel
lectuals who refused to blindly follow the Party line" (p. 70). Exploring such
phenomena as self-deception, cognitive dissonance, groupthink, and authori
tarian/totalitarian thinking and behavior in himself and in "the party," we find
another theme that will run through all of Morin's future work. In his 7 Complex
Lessons in Education for the Future (Morin, 2001b), a document Morin wrote at
the request of UNESCO, the first lesson is about self-deception and combating
"error and illusion." How is it that we let ourselves literally become possessed
by ideas, by the party, by our "faith," by our "cause," even by what we believe
to be "science?"
xiv Foreword
S o c i o l o g y a n d P o p u l a r Culture
At the same time that Morin was exploring such a weighty subject as death and
engaging in a very public political "self-critique" of his participation in the
Communist party, and the way that this applied holographically to the larger
issues of the role of ideologies and totalitarianism and participation in larger
planetary culture, he was also beginning to write a series of books on what might
be initially thought of as "lighter fare." In the mid to late 1950s and early 1960s,
Morin wrote path-breaking works about cinema, the star system, and popular
culture. Several of these books, originally published from the mid 1950s to the
early 1960s, have been published or re-issued in the United States by the
University ol Minnesota Press (Morin, 2005a, 2005b). Morin's innovative work
in this area has been recognized as crucially important—both prescient and still
vitally relevant in a discussion that has often drowned in vapid and sensational
ist scholarship. As Lorraine Mortimer writes in the introduction to Cinema, or
the Imaginary Man (Morin, 2005b), Morin's book was a breath of fresh air in
1959, when much of the discourse on cinema was highly critical of bourgeois
entertainment, viewing it as opium for the masses that promoted capitalist val
ues. Mortimer pointedly reminds us of how the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu
attacked Morin's study of mass culture because it was "an instrument of alien
ation at the service of capitalism to divert the proletariat from its revolutionary
mission" (Mortimer, 2001, p. 78). This once again gives us an idea of Morin's
constant battle against reductionism, the attempt to reduce a complex phenom
enon to one potential aspect and manifestation, and in the process dismiss it.
In the case of Bourdieu, we find a view of cinema that does not take into
account the infinite emotional, social, and other complexities that the experi
ence affords us. It is deeply doctrinaire by reducing the enormous complexity
of cinema to, in Bourdieu's trite and cliche-ridden critique, "an instrument of
alienation at the service of capitalism to divert the proletariat from its revolu
tionary mission." In the late 1950s in The Stars (Morin, 2005a), he was also the
only thinker associated with the at the time completely counter-cultural idea
that the cult of celebrity has a strong religious component (Young, 2002).
Interestingly, Young goes on to cite research conducted in the United Kingdom
and the United States that suggests celebrity worship does indeed play a role
similar to that of religion and is the source of new "myths" and mythical figures
in today's society.
Morin was one of the first academics to take popular culture seriously. His
psychoanalytically influenced discussion o! interiority, subjectivity, dreams,
myth, his use of the concepts of projection and introjection, and his focus on
creativity and the imagination acknowledged the importance of understanding
popular cultural phenomena that clearly had, and continue to have, an enor
mous impact on people's lives. Among other things, Morin studied the seem-
xvi Foreword
ingly trivial fan letters written to movie stars in popular magazines, identifying
the mechanisms of projection and identification in the adulation of "stars."
Again we see Morin moving from the macro role of popular culture to the
micro, the specific examples of individual gestures of fans toward their idols.
This reflects a guiding principle of Morins work, found in Pascal's statement
that it is impossible to understand the whole without understanding the part,
and impossible to understand the part without understanding the whole. In
Method, Morin would later use this as an entry point to critique both reduction-
ism and holism.
But why this sudden detour into cinema? Morins research is motivated by
his own life experiences. After the death of his mother, the young Morin
became an obsessive movie-goer, and developed a fascination for the magical
dimensions of cinema. It allowed him to temporarily inhabit and dream of a
different world, escape his pain, and immerse himself in a world of creativity
and imagination through a ritualistic process not unlike the experiences of art
of our distant ancestors, glimpses of art illuminated by flickering lights in dark
caves. It is a commonplace to say that one's research is really a reflection of one's
life. But in Morins case this is particularly evident, and central, as 1 have sug
gested, to his transdisciplinary approach, which does not seek to simply solve
a problem, but is a quest for meaning derived from his own personal experi
ence, and clearly from that of millions of other movie-goers.
In 1961, film-maker Jean Rouch and Edgar Morin made the documentary
Chronicle of a Summer. Set in Paris in the aftermath of the Algerian war and
before the explosion of riots that played such a role in the 1960s, culminating
in the events of 1968, this documentary holds the distinction of being recog
nized as the first example of cinema verite. It breaks down the barrier between
the camera and the subject in a precursor to a far more participative approach
to inquiry and documenting events, and the more recent excesses of "reality tel
evision." Roland Barthes wrote, "What this film engages is humanity itself." In
his review of documentary filmmaking, Claiming the Real: The Documentary Film
Revisited, Brian Winston (1995) referred to Chronicle of a Summer as the key cin
ema verite film.
The documentary had a profound influence on French film-maker Jean-
Luc Godard, and has become a classic of documentary making and visual
anthropology. Particularly important is the self-reflective dimension, which
includes interviewees being filmed observing footage of their interviews, creat
ing a self-reflective loop (Ungar, 2003). This innovative approach shows
Morin's lifelong concern for inter-subjectivity and self-reflection that was later
to be articulated extensively in his works of sociology and complex thought
(Morin, 1994b, 1994c, 2008).
The publication of Introduction a une politique de 1'homme. Arguments poli-
tiques [Introduction to a politics of humanity. Political perspectives) (Morin,
1999a) in 1965 was the next step in Morin's political reflections. Here Morin
Foreword xvii
explored the nature of human nature in the political context, critiquing Marx,
Freud, and other currents of thought, including a trenchant critique of the
notion of "development," while developing his notion of a planetary politics
and planetary culture, which he was to elaborate in later works. Essential here
was Morin's excavation of the underlying assumptions of the various approach
es to understanding and framing human nature, which he was to return to in
the work that became the predecessor to his magnum opus, Method, Le
Paradigme Perdu [Paradigm Lost) (Morin, 1979) Morin's transdisciplinary
approach crosses and integrates a plurality of disciplines, and a key dimension
of transdisciplinarity is understanding the way that knowledge is constructed
in various disciplines and approaches (Montuori. 2005a) Morin's work is rad
ical in this sense because it traces the roots of knowledge, digging deep to find
the underlying assumptions that form the foundations for the differing perspec
tives. Transdisciplinarity explicitly surfaces the assumptions of the many differ
ent disciplines it addresses. Although not demanding in-depth expertise and
specialization to quite the same extent that a discipline-based researcher might
have, transdisciplinary research does demand a more philosophical or meta-
paradigmatic position that steps back to observe how different paradigms shape
the construction of knowledge, exploring the roots of the disciplines. The point
is to become aware of one's own assumptions about the process of inquiry, as
well as to uncover the assumptions of the various perspectives that inform
inquiry.
Morin's next two works, written in the mid-1960s, followed somewhat
naturally from his Cinema Verite documentary. They focused on innovative,
participatory approaches to social research, what he called a "sociology of the
present," using a "multidimensional method." Both of these works were fortu
nately translated into English. The Red and the White (Morin, 1970), a study of
modernization in the Breton village of Plozevet, utilized Morin's "phenomeno-
graphic" approach, a precursor to the recent boom in qualitative research
methodologies, at a time when most if not all sociological research was quan
titative. Morin and his research team actively participated in the life of the vil
lage and collected data in a variety of ways, from the quantitative to the quali
tative, by living in the village and keeping diaries about their experience as
researchers. These diaries and have recently been published in their entirety
(Morin, 2001a). The Red and the White shows Morin's desire to capture the full
complexity and richness of this village, and the realization that traditional soci
ological methods simply did not come close to this—they did not address the
lived experience of human beings undergoing a major social change.
Rumor in Orleans (Morin, 1971) is the fascinating and disturbing account
of a rumor about alleged white slave trade conducted by Jews in the city of
Orleans, which led to some degree of panic and attacks on stores owned by
Jews. Morin's research managed to unravel the web and actually laid the rumor
to rest. Again we see Morin at the leading edge of thought with what would be
xviii Foreword
called "action research" today. Morin broke down the assumptions that research
should be quantitative and place the researcher as "the expert," "objectively"
studying his "subject." His research was also an intervention, and an example
of "clinical sociology." For Morin, this research is also a critique of universalism,
the search for laws and grand theories, and a valorization of what he called "the
event"—the unique, the unrepeatable, the destabilizing moment—and crisis as
an opportunity for inquiry, a subject he was later to explore in his work on
"crisiology" (Morin, 1993, 1994c).
Discussing his methodology, Morin wrote:
From his work on popular culture to cinema verite to his participatory research
approach, Morin challenges assumptions about high and low culture, the
objectivity and distance of the researcher and the camera, and the critique of
expertism that instead favors immersion and participation in the everyday, and
draws on the knowledge of nonspecialized participants. This is part of Moriris
larger thrust to bring the discourse of social science in much closer relationship
to the lived realities of human experience, the contingencies, the seeming triv
ialities, the emotions, subjectivities, and uniqueness of life in all its manifesta
tions, while at the same time uncovering the epistemological dimension,
addressing how we make sense of the world, how we construct our knowledge.
Journals
In the early 1960s Morin began publishing selected journals. These were very
personal reflections and explorations that chronicled his experiences from the
Foreword xix
very mundane to the dramatic, from the profound philosophical and psycho
logical reflections of Le Vij du Sujet (Morin, 1982) to the account of his voyage
to China in the 1990s (Morin, 1992b). These documents showed the author
grappling with issues in the moment, and with his own responses to the crises
he was facing, whether intellectual or personal. Particularly fascinating is the
California Journal, soon to be published in English. This is an account of Morins
year in California during the height of the 1960s, spent at the Salk Institute in
San Diego, in the company of Jonas Salk, Frangois Jacob, and Anthony Wilden,
among others. Morin immersed himself in biology, cybernetics, and systems
theories, and reflected on the dramatic social changes he was witnessing.
California Journal provides a vibrant portrait of a changing society by a complex
man whose Mediterranean sensibility pervades his life and work. Tellingly, we
find none of the "mixture of condescension and envy found in the now-popular
travelogues of European intellectuals in the United States.
Many of his closest colleagues and collaborators have considered Morin's
journals to be some of his deepest and most significant contributions. The
authors voice, already so vivid in his scholarly works, becomes even more alive
in these pages, as we go behind the scenes during the writing of a book, during
a television appearance, apartment-hunting in Paris, or at a conference.
Ironically, some of Morins journals have been attacked by critics who have
found them lacking the "seriousness" one should find in an academic.
Apparently intellectuals can write weighty tomes about popular culture (now
that Morin has contributed to making it an acceptable subject of study) but can
not admit to enjoying it. It seems the serious academic is not entitled to discuss
that s/he eats and drinks, watches late night television, or enjoys soccer, but
only superciliously reflect on the extent to which "the masses" are bamboozled
by the media and pop culture—a clear hangover from the attitude that Bourdieu
represented so clearly. Its acceptable to look at the impact of popular culture on
others, but not on the academic him or herself. Academia is still very suspicious
of "subjectivity," which essentially amounts to the everyday experience of life,
and particularly of the subjectivity of the academic! Ones subjectivity, one's
domestic life need to be neatly compartmentalized and strictly separated from
one's life as a scholar. Although it is acceptable to engage in phenomenological
research of lived experience—somebody else's, of course—-it is largely only fem
inist scholars who have stressed the importance of fully integrating the knower
in all her vulnerabilities. Morin insists on reminding us that life is not confined
to one or two disciplines, and his life involves, among other pursuits, movies,
house-hunting, his wife's asthma attacks, pets, conferences, friendships, pub
lishers, and the occasional overindulgence at dinner. A philosophy of life can
not exclude these moments from its purview.
The pretense of objectivity unsullied by the contingency of life has never
been something Morin aspired to. In fact, he has been actively working on dis
mantling it. He has also been aware that this academic front has all too often
XX Foreword
acted a cover for immature emotionality and self-deception. Morin breaks away
forcefully from the reductive image of the intellectual as a disembodied brain
with a huge ego (which goes unacknowledged, of course, given the stress on
objectivity), and opens himself up to us in his work and his actions, for scruti
ny, exploration, and appreciation, showing himself to us in the full range of his
life experiences. As Maturana and Varela remind us. everything that is said is
said by somebody (Maturana & Varela, 1987). In traditional academic discourse
and inquiry, the locus was on the elimination of that "somebody in search of
the "God's eye view from Nowhere." As we read Morin. he shows us who the
"somebody" is and provides us with an example of "embodied" inquiry and
personal reflection. With Morin, the "somebody" is not hidden. The inquirer is
not artificially excised from the inquiry.
The personal exploration of his journals has, at times, led us deeply into
Morin's psyche in ways that would be inconceivable lor most traditional social
scientists, for whom vulnerability is not generally considered a virtue. Indeed,
what is perhaps overlooked is that most social scientists, particularly those who
express themselves only in the confines of the professional |ournal. are simply
unable to give voice to the whole of their life and experience It is generally not
part of the education of the social scientist, of the researcher, to understand him
or herself, to be able to explore his or her own personal involvement in the
research, to document that process and reflect on it. to explore the extent to
which the "sub]ecttve" and the "objective" co-create each other, let alone deeply
question the underlying assumption of his or her work. Autobiography and
self-reflection are an awkward endeavor in social science. They are olten looked
upon with suspicion mixed with grudging admiration. In his journals, Morin is
modeling a process of self-inquiry that is also always holographic because it
always occurs within a planetary context—and one might paraphrase Morin by-
saying that he lives in a planetary culture, and the planetary culture lives inside
him.
Social science is comfortable with the context ol justification, not the con
text of discovery (Montuori, 2006). Social scientists present themselves by pro
posing a position, backed up with empirical data and/or a theoretical frame
work. We are never privy to the actual process of inquiry itself, to the ups and
downs ol the research, the blind alleys, the mistakes, the insights, dialogues,
and the creative process, unless we read popular (auto-) biographies. In Journal
d'un Livre (Morin, 1994a), the journal Morin kept while writing Pour Sortir du
XX siecle. and earlier in Le Vi/ du Sujet, we lincl remarkable insights into the cre
ative process and the life of a thinker, struggling to fight off the tendency for
dispersion, to do, read, experience too much, and lose direction in the process.
And yet the very dispersion, although painful for the author, is one ol the things
that makes Morin such a unique thinker, through his ability to later integrate a
broad range of experiences, theoretical perspectives, and insights and the way
he shows us how to think about them.
Foreword xxi
Along with the deeply personal, Morin also dived into the profoundly pub
lic, through his closely followed public pronouncements on a variety of issues,
whether his impassioned rejection of the Algerian war (Le Sueur, 2003), the
events ol 1068 in Paris (Morin, Lefort, Sr Castoriadis, 1968), his advocacy for
Turkey's entry into the EU, or, more recently, his writings on the Israel-Palestine
question and his role in French environmentalism. A few weeks after the elec
tion of Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007, Morin was invited to discuss France's environ
mental policy with him. Morin is without question part of that dying breed, the
public intellectual. His recent critique of Israeli policies toward the Palestinians
have led to several court cases triggered by lurid accusations of anti-semitism,
and an eventual exoneration. In 2006, this led to the publication of Lr mondc
moderns el In question juivc |The modern world and the Jewish question), in
which, among other things, he stresses the importance of differentiating
between anti-semitism and critiques ol the Israeli government's policies toward
Palestinians tMorin. 2006b). At 86. Morin is still very much a public intellec
tual, involved in television debates, publishing regular op-ed articles in France's
leading newspapers, dialoguing with one of France's leading ecologists (Morin
& Hulot, 2007), and also being a member ol the French president's prestigious
committee on ecology.
Complexity
Morin's vital involvement in intellectual lite has also occurred through a series
ol major conferences and dialogues with scientists, artists, and philosophers.
Most notable perhaps is the conference documented in the three volume LUnite
dc I'hommc |Human Unity] (Morin Piattelli Palmarini, 1978), a multidiscipli-
nary dialogue among primatologists, biologists, neuroscientists, anthropolo
gists, cyberneticists, sociologists, and a variety of other natural and social scien
tists. This extremely rich series ol dialogues, orchestrated by Morin and the
Italian cognitive scientist Massimo Piattelli-Palmarini, represents an important
step toward Morin's transdisciplinary approach. It goes beyond interdisciplinar-
ity, which involves using the methods of one discipline to inform another, to
draw on multiple disciplines while actually challenging the disciplinary organi
zation of knowledge, and the reductive/disjunctive way ol thinking that makes
up what Morin was to call the "paradigm of simplicity." Transdisciplinarity aims
for a different way of thinking, and a different way of organizing knowledge.
Several of Morin's books find him in dialogues with social and natural scientists,
from astrophysicists to biologists to sociologists and philosophers. To give an
idea of the breadth involved, Morin is featured prominently in books on the
implications of the work of Uya Prigogine (Spire, 1999); in a volume on com
plexity theory with Francisco Varela, Brian Goodwin, Stuart Kaullman and
Prigogine, among others (Benkirane, 2006); debates with Rene Thorn and
Michel Serres (Morin, 1983); in a dialogue on memory and responsibility with
xxii Foreword
For the systems theorist, human beings are part of a homogeneous, stable,
theoretically knowable, and therefore, predictable system. Knowledge is the
means of controlling the system. Even if perfect knowledge does not yet
exist, the equation: the greater the knowledge, the greater the power over the
system is, for the systems theorist, irrefutable, (p. 248)
Morin saw the enormous potential of these new approaches while recognizing
their limitations, and he refused to be limited by ideological boundaries. In the
process he developed his own complex interpretation of systems theory, infor
mation theory, and cybernetics, designed to connect the various dimensions of
human inquiry, separated as they were in their own worlds and disciplines,
refusing to communicate with each other. Ironically, Method begins with an
extensive discussion of the relationship between order and disorder, the key
role of emergence, unpredictability, and uncertainty in his approach to com
plexity, and the importance of the prefix "re-" as in re-organization, re-thinking,
and so on, suggesting ongoing process and change (Morin, 2005c). Morin
could not be as easily dismissed as traditional sociological systems thinkers
such as Talcott Parsons. In the United States, the very fact that he did not fit
neatly into one camp and could not be reduced to some simple category (sys
tems theorist, structuralist, post-modernist, post-structuralist) has led to any
number of misinformed assessments of his work, particularly because until
recently only a very small number of his books have been translated into
English, giving a very partial view of a multidimensional body of work.
The 6-volume Method is Morin's magnum opus, a remarkable and seeming
ly inexhaustible treasure trove of insights, reflection, and a real manual for
those who are interested in broadening the nature of human inquiry. Method
integrates the rich and diverse elements of Morin's journey and provides the
reader with an alternative to the traditional assumptions and methods of
inquiry of our time. Morin's method outlines a way of approaching inquiry that
does not reduce or separate, and does justice to the complexity of life and expe
rience. In his sociopolitical works, such as his prescient studies on the USSR
and totalitarianism, on the nature and concept of Europe, and his "manifesto
for the 21st century," Homeland Earth {Morin &r Kern, 1999), Morin applied
this method to the planetary crisis in what he calls this "planetary iron age."
Most recently, Morin has produced, in some cases at the request of
UNESCO and the French government, a series of books and conferences
addressing the application of complex thought in educational contexts (Morin,
2001b). This is part of his ongoing quest to address the crucial issue of prepar-
xxiv Foreword