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History

Politics

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Demographics

Economy

Culture

Home Rule Crisis

Main article: Home Rule Crisis

RMS Olympic, sister ship of Titanic, photographed in dry dock, Belfast

Signing of the Ulster Covenant in 1912 in opposition to Home Rule

By the late 19th century, a large and disciplined cohort of Irish Nationalist MPs
at Westminster committed the Liberal Party to "Irish Home Rule"—self-government for
Ireland, within the United Kingdom. This was bitterly opposed by Irish Unionists,
most of whom were Protestants, who feared an Irish devolved government dominated by
Irish nationalists and Catholics. The Government of Ireland Bill 1886 and
Government of Ireland Bill 1893 were defeated. However, Home Rule became a near-
certainty in 1912 after the Government of Ireland Act 1914 was first introduced.
The Liberal government was dependent on Nationalist support, and the Parliament Act
1911 prevented the House of Lords from blocking the bill indefinitely.[40]

In response, unionists vowed to prevent Irish Home Rule, from Conservative and
Unionist Party leaders such as Bonar Law and Dublin-based barrister Edward Carson
to militant working class unionists in Ireland. This sparked the Home Rule Crisis.
In September 1912, more than 500,000 unionists signed the Ulster Covenant, pledging
to oppose Home Rule by any means and to defy any Irish government.[41] In 1914,
unionists smuggled thousands of rifles and rounds of ammunition from Imperial
Germany for use by the Ulster Volunteers (UVF), a paramilitary organisation formed
to oppose Home Rule. Irish nationalists had also formed a paramilitary
organisation, the Irish Volunteers. It sought to ensure Home Rule was implemented,
and it smuggled its own weapons into Ireland a few months after the Ulster
Volunteers.[42] Ireland seemed to be on the brink of civil war.[43]
Unionists were in a minority in Ireland as a whole, but a majority in the province
of Ulster, especially the counties Antrim, Down, Armagh and Londonderry.[44]
Unionists argued that if Home Rule could not be stopped then all or part of Ulster
should be excluded from it.[45] In May 1914, the UK Government introduced an
Amending Bill to allow for 'Ulster' to be excluded from Home Rule. There was then
debate over how much of Ulster should be excluded and for how long. Some Ulster
unionists were willing to tolerate the 'loss' of some mainly-Catholic areas of the
province.[46] The crisis was interrupted by the outbreak of the First World War in
August 1914, and Ireland's involvement in it. The UK government abandoned the
Amending Bill, and instead rushed through a new bill, the Suspensory Act 1914,
suspending Home Rule for the duration of the war,[47] with the exclusion of Ulster
still to be decided.[48]

Partition of Ireland
Main article: Partition of Ireland

Result of the 1918 general election in Ireland

By the end of the war (during which the 1916 Easter Rising had taken place), most
Irish nationalists now wanted full independence rather than home rule. In September
1919, British Prime Minister David Lloyd George tasked a committee with planning
another home rule bill. Headed by English unionist politician Walter Long, it was
known as the 'Long Committee'. It decided that two devolved governments should be
established—one for the nine counties of Ulster and one for the rest of Ireland—
together with a Council of Ireland for the "encouragement of Irish unity".[49] Most
Ulster unionists wanted the territory of the Ulster government to be reduced to six
counties so that it would have a larger Protestant unionist majority, which they
believed would guarantee its longevity. The six counties of Antrim, Down, Armagh,
Londonderry, Tyrone and Fermanagh comprised the maximum area unionists believed
they could dominate.[50] The area that was to become Northern Ireland included
counties Fermanagh and Tyrone, even though they had nationalist majorities in the
1918 Irish general election.[51]

Events overtook the government. In the 1918 Irish general election, the pro-
independence Sinn Féin party won the overwhelming majority of Irish seats. Sinn
Féin's elected members boycotted the British parliament and founded a separate
Irish parliament (Dáil Éireann), declaring an independent Irish Republic covering
the whole island. Many Irish republicans blamed the British establishment for the
sectarian divisions in Ireland, and believed that Ulster unionism would fade once
British rule was ended.[52] The British authorities outlawed the Dáil in September
1919,[53] and a guerrilla conflict developed as the Irish Republican Army (IRA)
began attacking British forces. This became known as the Irish War of Independence.
[54]

Crowds in Belfast for the state opening of the Northern Ireland Parliament on 22
June 1921
Meanwhile, the Government of Ireland Act 1920 passed through the British parliament
in 1920. It would divide Ireland into two self-governing UK territories: the six
northeastern counties (Northern Ireland) being ruled from Belfast, and the other
twenty-six counties (Southern Ireland) being ruled from Dublin. Both would have a
shared Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, who would appoint both governments and a Council
of Ireland, which the UK government intended to evolve into an all-Ireland
parliament.[55] The Act received royal assent that December, becoming the
Government of Ireland Act 1920. It came into force on 3 May 1921,[56][57]
partitioning Ireland and creating Northern Ireland. the 1921 Irish elections were
held on 24 May, in which unionists won most seats in the Northern Ireland
parliament. It first met on 7 June and formed its first devolved government, headed
by Ulster Unionist Party leader James Craig. Irish nationalist members refused to
attend. King George V addressed the ceremonial opening of the Northern parliament
on 22 June.[56]

During 1920–22, in what became Northern Ireland, partition was accompanied by

violence "in defence or opposition to the new settlement"[23] during The Troubles
(1920–1922). The IRA carried out attacks on British forces in the north-east but
was less active than in the rest of Ireland. Protestant loyalists attacked
Catholics in reprisal for IRA actions. In the summer of 1920, sectarian violence
erupted in Belfast and Derry, and there were mass burnings of Catholic property in
Lisburn and Banbridge.[58] Conflict continued intermittently for two years, mostly
in Belfast, which saw "savage and unprecedented" communal violence between
Protestants and Catholics, including rioting, gun battles, and bombings. Homes,
businesses, and churches were attacked and people were expelled from workplaces and
mixed neighbourhoods.[23] More than 500 were killed[24] and more than 10,000 became
refugees, most of them Catholics.[59] The British Army was deployed and the Ulster
Special Constabulary (USC) was formed to help the regular police. The USC was
almost wholly Protestant. Members of the USC and regular police were involved in
reprisal attacks on Catholic civilians.[60] A truce between British forces and the
IRA was established on 11 July 1921, ending the fighting in most of Ireland.
However, communal violence continued in Belfast, and in 1922 the IRA launched a
guerrilla offensive along the new Irish border.[61]

The Anglo-Irish Treaty was signed between representatives of the governments of the
UK and the Irish Republic on 6 December 1921, laying out the process for the
creation of the Irish Free State. Under the terms of the treaty, Northern Ireland
would become part of the Free State unless its government opted out by presenting
an address to the king, although in practice partition remained in place.[62]

The Coat of arms of Northern Ireland used between 1924 and 1973
The Irish Free State came into existence on 6 December 1922, and on the following
day, the Parliament of Northern Ireland resolved to exercise its right to opt out
of the Free State by making an address to King George V.[63] The text of the
address was:

Most Gracious Sovereign, We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the
Senators and Commons of Northern Ireland in Parliament assembled, having learnt of
the passing of the Irish Free State Constitution Act 1922, being the Act of
Parliament for the ratification of the Articles of Agreement for a Treaty between
Great Britain and Ireland, do, by this humble Address, pray your Majesty that the
powers of the Parliament and Government of the Irish Free State shall no longer
extend to Northern Ireland.[64]

Shortly afterwards, the Irish Boundary Commission was established to decide on the
border between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. Owing to the outbreak of
the Irish Civil War, the work of the commission was delayed until 1925. The Free
State government and Irish nationalists hoped for a large transfer of territory to
the Free State, as many border areas had nationalist majorities. Many believed this
would leave the remaining Northern Ireland territory too small to be viable.[65]
However, the commission's final report recommended only small transfers of
territory, and in both directions. The Free State, Northern Ireland, and UK
governments agreed to suppress the report and accept the status quo, while the UK
government agreed that the Free State would no longer have to pay a share of the UK
national debt.[66]

1925–1965

James Craig (centre) with members of the first government of Northern Ireland
Opening of the Northern Ireland parliament buildings (Stormont) in 1932
Northern Ireland's border was drawn to give it "a decisive Protestant majority". At
the time of its creation, Northern Ireland's population was two-thirds Protestant
and one-third Catholic.[20] Most Protestants were unionists/loyalists who sought to
maintain Northern Ireland as a part of the United Kingdom, while most Catholics
were Irish nationalists/republicans who sought an independent United Ireland. There
was mutual self-imposed segregation in Northern Ireland between Protestants and
Catholics such as in education, housing, and often employment.[67]

For its first fifty years, Northern Ireland had an unbroken series of Ulster
Unionist Party governments.[68] Every prime minister and almost every minister of
these governments were members of the Orange Order, as were all but 11 of the 149
Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) MPs elected during this time.[69] Almost all judges and
magistrates were Protestant, many of them closely associated with the UUP. Northern
Ireland's new police force was the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), which succeeded
the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC). It too was almost wholly Protestant and lacked
operational independence, responding to directions from government ministers. The
RUC and the reserve Ulster Special Constabulary (USC) were militarized police
forces due to the perceived threat of militant republicanism. In 1936 the British
advocacy group - the National Council for Civil Liberties characterised the USC as
"nothing but the organised army of the Unionist party".[70] They "had at their
disposal the Special Powers Act, a sweeping piece of legislation which allowed
arrests without warrant, internment without trial, unlimited search powers, and
bans on meetings and publications".[71] This 1922 Act was made permanent in 1933
and was not repealed until 1973.[72]

The Nationalist Party was the main political party in opposition to the UUP
governments. However, its elected members often protested by abstaining from the
Northern Ireland parliament, and many nationalists did not vote in parliamentary
elections.[67] Other early nationalist groups which campaigned against partition
included the National League of the North (formed in 1928), the Northern Council
for Unity (formed in 1937) and the Irish Anti-Partition League (formed in 1945).
[73]

The Local Government Act (Northern Ireland) of 1922 allowed for the altering of
municipal and rural boundaries. This Act led to the gerrymandering of local
election boundaries in the Nationalists majority cities of Derry City, Enniskillen,
Omagh, Armagh and many other towns and rural districts. That action ensured
Unionist control over local councils in areas where they were a minority.[74] The
UUP governments, and some UUP-dominated local authorities, discriminated against
the Catholic and Irish nationalist minority; especially by the gerrymandering of
local electoral boundaries, the allocation of public housing, public sector
employment, and policing, showing "a consistent and irrefutable pattern of
deliberate discrimination against Catholics".[75] Many Catholics/Nationalists saw
the gerrymandered local electoral boundaries and the abolishing of proportional
representation as proof of government-sponsored discrimination. Until 1969 a system
was in place called plural voting which was a practice whereby one person might be
able to vote multiple times in an election. Property and business owners could vote
both in the constituency where their property lay and that in which they lived, if
the two were different. This system often resulted in one person being able to cast
multiple votes.[76] Decades later, UUP First Minister of Northern Ireland, David
Trimble, said that Northern Ireland under the UUP had been a "cold house" for
Catholics.[77]

The Belfast Harbour Office has been the headquarters for the Harbour Commissioners
for more than 150 years.
During World War II, recruitment to the British military was noticeably lower than
the high levels reached during World War I. In June 1940, to encourage the neutral
Irish state to join with the Allies, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill
indicated to Taoiseach Éamon de Valera that the British government would encourage
Irish unity, but believing that Churchill could not deliver, de Valera declined the
offer.[78] The British did not inform the government of Northern Ireland that they
had made the offer to the Dublin government, and de Valera's rejection was not
publicised until 1970. Belfast was a key industrial city in the UK's war effort,
producing ships, tanks, aircraft, and munitions. The unemployment that had been so
persistent in the 1930s disappeared, and labour shortages appeared, prompting
migration from the Free State. The city was thinly defended, and had only 24 anti-
aircraft guns. Richard Dawson Bates, the Minister for Home Affairs, had prepared
too late, assuming that Belfast was far enough away to be safe. The city's fire
brigade was inadequate, and as the Northern Ireland government had been reluctant
to spend money on air raid shelters, it only started to build them after the Blitz
in London during the autumn of 1940. There were no searchlights in the city, which
made shooting down enemy bombers more difficult. In April–May 1941, the Belfast
Blitz began when the Luftwaffe launched a series of raids that were the most deadly
seen outside London. Working-class areas in the north and east of the city were
particularly hard hit, and over 1,000 people were killed and hundreds were
seriously injured. Tens of thousands of people fled the city in fear of future
attacks. In the final raid, Luftwaffe bombs inflicted extensive damage to the docks
and the Harland & Wolff shipyard, closing it for six months. Half of the city's
houses had been destroyed, highlighting the terrible slum conditions in Belfast,
and about £20 million worth of damage was caused. The Northern Ireland government
was criticised heavily for its lack of preparation, and Northern Ireland Prime
Minister J. M. Andrews resigned. There was a major munitions strike in 1944.[79]

The Ireland Act 1949 gave the first legal guarantee that the region would not cease
to be part of the United Kingdom without the consent of the Parliament of Northern
Ireland.

From 1956 to 1962, the Irish Republican Army (IRA) carried out a limited guerrilla
campaign in border areas of Northern Ireland, called the Border Campaign. It aimed
to destabilize Northern Ireland and bring about an end to partition but failed.[80]

In 1965, Northern Ireland's Prime Minister Terence O'Neill met the Taoiseach, Seán
Lemass. It was the first meeting between the two heads of government since
partition.[81]

The Troubles
Main article: The Troubles

Responsibility for Troubles-related deaths between 1969 and 2001

The Troubles, which started in the late 1960s, consisted of about 30 years of
recurring acts of intense violence during which 3,254 people were killed[82] with
over 50,000 casualties.[83] From 1969 to 2003 there were over 36,900 shooting
incidents and over 16,200 bombings or attempted bombings associated with The
Troubles.[31] The conflict was caused by escalating tensions between the Irish
nationalist minority and the dominant unionist majority; Irish nationalists object
to Northern Ireland staying within the United Kingdom.[84] From 1967 to 1972 the
Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), which modelled itself on the US
civil rights movement, led a campaign of civil resistance to anti-Catholic
discrimination in housing, employment, policing, and electoral procedures. The
franchise for local government elections included only rate-payers and their
spouses, and so excluded over a quarter of the electorate. While the majority of
disenfranchised electors were Protestant, Catholics were over-represented since
they were poorer and had more adults still living in the family home.[85]

NICRA's campaign, seen by many unionists as an Irish republican front, and the
violent reaction to it proved to be a precursor to a more violent period.[86] As
early as 1969, armed campaigns of paramilitary groups began, including the
Provisional IRA campaign of 1969–1997 which was aimed at the end of British rule in
Northern Ireland and the creation of a United Ireland, and the Ulster Volunteer
Force, formed in 1966 in response to the perceived erosion of both the British
character and unionist domination of Northern Ireland. The state security forces –
the British Army and the police (the Royal Ulster Constabulary) – were also
involved in the violence. The UK Government's position is that its forces were
neutral in the conflict, trying to uphold law and order in Northern Ireland and the
right of the people of Northern Ireland to democratic self-determination.
Republicans regarded the state forces as combatants in the conflict, pointing to
the collusion between the state forces and the loyalist paramilitaries as proof of
this. The "Ballast" investigation by the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland has
confirmed that British forces, and in particular the RUC, did collude with loyalist
paramilitaries, were involved in murder, and did obstruct the course of justice
when such claims had been investigated,[87] although the extent to which such
collusion occurred is still disputed.

As a consequence of the worsening security situation, the autonomous regional

government for Northern Ireland was suspended in 1972. Alongside the violence,
there was a political deadlock between the major political parties in Northern
Ireland, including those who condemned the violence, over the future status of
Northern Ireland and the form of government there should be within Northern
Ireland. In 1973, Northern Ireland held a referendum to determine if it should
remain in the United Kingdom, or be part of a united Ireland. The vote went heavily
in favour (98.9%) of maintaining the status quo. Approximately 57.5% of the total
electorate voted in support, but only 1% of Catholics voted following a boycott
organised by the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP).[88] The deaths of 10
men during the 1981 Irish hunger strike brought worldwide attention to the
Republican prisoners being held in prison (HM Prison Maze) in Northern Ireland.[89]

Peace process
Main article: Northern Ireland peace process

Derry Peace Bridge, over the River Foyle

The Troubles were brought to an uneasy end by a peace process that included the
declaration of ceasefires by most paramilitary organisations and the complete
decommissioning of their weapons, the reform of the police, and the corresponding
withdrawal of army troops from the streets and sensitive border areas such as South
Armagh and Fermanagh, as agreed by the signatories to the Belfast Agreement
(commonly known as the "Good Friday Agreement"). This reiterated the long-held
British position, which had never before been fully acknowledged by successive
Irish governments, that Northern Ireland will remain within the United Kingdom
until a majority of voters in Northern Ireland decides otherwise. The Constitution
of Ireland was amended in 1999 to remove a claim of the "Irish nation" to
sovereignty over the entire island (in Article 2).[90]

The new Articles 2 and 3, added to the Constitution to replace the earlier
articles, implicitly acknowledge that the status of Northern Ireland, and its
relationships within the rest of the United Kingdom and with the Republic of
Ireland, would only be changed with the agreement of a majority of voters in each
jurisdiction. This aspect was also central to the Belfast Agreement which was
signed in 1998 and ratified by referendums held simultaneously in both Northern
Ireland and the Republic. At the same time, the UK Government recognised for the
first time, as part of the prospective, the so-called "Irish dimension": the
principle that the people of the island of Ireland as a whole have the right,
without any outside interference, to solve the issues between North and South by
mutual consent.[91] The latter statement was key to winning support for the
agreement from nationalists. It established a devolved power-sharing government,
the Northern Ireland Assembly, located on the Stormont Estate, which must consist
of both unionist and nationalist parties. These institutions were suspended by the
UK Government in 2002 after Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) allegations
of spying by people working for Sinn Féin at the Assembly (Stormontgate). The
resulting case against the accused Sinn Féin member collapsed.[92]

On 28 July 2005, the Provisional IRA declared an end to its campaign and has since
decommissioned what is thought to be all of its arsenal. This final act of
decommissioning was performed under the watch of the Independent International
Commission on Decommissioning (IICD) and two external church witnesses. Many
unionists, however, remained sceptical. The IICD later confirmed that the main
loyalist paramilitary groups, the Ulster Defence Association, UVF, and the Red Hand
Commando, had decommissioned what is thought to be all of their arsenals, witnessed
by former archbishop Robin Eames and a former top civil servant.[93]

Politicians elected to the Assembly at the 2003 Assembly election were called
together on 15 May 2006 under the Northern Ireland Act 2006[94] to elect a First
Minister and deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland and choose the members of an
Executive (before 25 November 2006) as a preliminary step to the restoration of
devolved government.

Following the election on 7 March 2007, the devolved government returned on 8 May
2007 with Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) leader Ian Paisley and Sinn Féin deputy
leader Martin McGuinness taking office as First Minister and deputy First Minister,
respectively.[95] In its white paper on Brexit the United Kingdom government
reiterated its commitment to the Belfast Agreement. Concerning Northern Ireland's
status, it said that the UK Government's "clearly-stated preference is to retain
Northern Ireland's current constitutional position: as part of the UK, but with
strong links to Ireland".[96]

Executive crisis 2022–2024

On 3 February 2022, Paul Givan resigned as first minister, which automatically
resigned Michelle O'Neill as deputy first minister and collapsed the executive of
Northern Ireland.[97] On 30 January 2024, leader of the DUP Jeffrey Donaldson
announced that the DUP would restore an executive government on the condition that
new legislation was passed by the UK House of Commons.[98]

Politics
Main article: Politics of Northern Ireland
Background

A flowchart illustrating all the political parties that have existed throughout the
history of Northern Ireland and leading up to its formation (covering 1889 to 2020)
The main political divide in Northern Ireland is between unionists, who wish to see
Northern Ireland continue as part of the United Kingdom, and nationalists, who wish
to see Northern Ireland unified with the Republic of Ireland, independent from the
United Kingdom. These two opposing views are linked to deeper cultural divisions.
Unionists are predominantly Ulster Protestant, descendants of mainly Scottish,
English, and Huguenot settlers as well as Gaels who converted to one of the
Protestant denominations. Nationalists are overwhelmingly Catholic and descend from
the population predating the settlement, with a minority from the Scottish
Highlands as well as some converts from Protestantism. Discrimination against
nationalists under the Stormont government (1921–1972) gave rise to the civil
rights movement in the 1960s.[99]

While some unionists argue that discrimination was not just due to religious or
political bigotry, but also the result of more complex socio-economic, socio-
political and geographical factors,[100] its existence, and the manner in which
nationalist anger at it was handled, were a major contributing factor to the
Troubles. The political unrest went through its most violent phase between 1968 and
1994.[101]

Mixture of new and historic buildings in Belfast

In 2007, 36% of the population defined themselves as unionist, 24% as nationalist,
and 40% defined themselves as neither.[102] According to a 2015 opinion poll, 70%
express a long-term preference of the maintenance of Northern Ireland's membership
of the United Kingdom (either directly ruled or with devolved government), while
14% express a preference for membership of a united Ireland.[103] This discrepancy
can be explained by the overwhelming preference among Protestants to remain a part
of the UK (93%), while Catholic preferences are spread across several solutions to
the constitutional question including remaining a part of the UK (47%), a united
Ireland (32%), Northern Ireland becoming an independent state (4%), and those who
"don't know" (16%).[104]

Official voting figures, which reflect views on the "national question" along with
issues of the candidate, geography, personal loyalty, and historic voting patterns,
show 54% of Northern Ireland voters vote for unionist parties, 42% vote for
nationalist parties, and 4% vote "other". Opinion polls consistently show that the
election results are not necessarily an indication of the electorate's stance
regarding the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. Most of the population of
Northern Ireland is at least nominally Christian, mostly Roman Catholic and
Protestant denominations. Many voters (regardless of religious affiliation) are
attracted to unionism's conservative policies, while other voters are instead
attracted to the traditionally leftist Sinn Féin and SDLP and their respective
party platforms for democratic socialism and social democracy.[105]

For the most part, Protestants feel a strong connection with Great Britain and wish
for Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom. Many Catholics however,
generally aspire to a United Ireland or are less certain about how to solve the
constitutional question. Catholics have a slight majority in Northern Ireland,
according to the latest Northern Ireland census. The make-up of the Northern
Ireland Assembly reflects the appeals of the various parties within the population.
Of the 90 Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs), 37 are unionists and 35 are
nationalists (the remaining 18 are classified as "other").[106]

The 1998 Good Friday Agreement acts as a de facto constitution for Northern
Ireland. Local government in Northern Ireland since 2015 has been divided between
11 councils with limited responsibilities.[107] The First Minister and deputy First
Minister of Northern Ireland are the joint heads of government of Northern Ireland.
[108][109]

Governance
Main articles: Elections in Northern Ireland and Law of Northern Ireland

Parliament Buildings at Stormont, Belfast, seat of the assembly

Since 1998, Northern Ireland has had devolved government within the United Kingdom,
presided over by the Northern Ireland Assembly and a cross-community government
(the Northern Ireland Executive). The UK Government and UK Parliament are
responsible for reserved and excepted matters. Reserved matters comprise listed
policy areas (such as civil aviation, units of measurement, and human genetics)
that Parliament may devolve to the Assembly some time in the future. Excepted
matters (such as international relations, taxation and elections) are never
expected to be considered for devolution. On all other governmental matters, the
Executive together with the 90-member Assembly may legislate for and govern
Northern Ireland. Devolution in Northern Ireland is dependent upon participation by
members of the Northern Ireland executive in the North/South Ministerial Council,
which coordinates areas of cooperation (such as agriculture, education, and health)
between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Additionally, "in recognition
of the Irish Government's special interest in Northern Ireland", the Government of
Ireland and Government of the United Kingdom co-operate closely on non-devolved
matters through the British–Irish Intergovernmental Conference.

Elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly are by single transferable vote with
five Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) elected from each of 18
parliamentary constituencies. In addition, eighteen representatives (Members of
Parliament, MPs) are elected to the lower house of the UK parliament from the same
constituencies using the first-past-the-post system. However, not all of those
elected take their seats. Sinn Féin MPs, currently seven, refuse to take the oath
to serve the King that is required before MPs are allowed to take their seats. In
addition, the upper house of the UK parliament, the House of Lords, currently has
some 25 appointed members from Northern Ireland.

Belfast City Hall, Northern Ireland

The Northern Ireland Office represents the UK Government in Northern Ireland on
reserved matters and represents Northern Ireland's interests within the UK
Government. Additionally, the Republic's government also has the right to "put
forward views and proposals" on non-devolved matters about Northern Ireland. The
Northern Ireland Office is led by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, who
sits in the Cabinet of the United Kingdom.

Northern Ireland is a distinct legal jurisdiction, separate from the two other
jurisdictions in the United Kingdom (England and Wales, and Scotland). Northern
Ireland law developed from Irish law that existed before the partition of Ireland
in 1921. Northern Ireland is a common law jurisdiction and its common law is
similar to that in England and Wales. However, there are important differences in
law and procedure between Northern Ireland and England and Wales. The body of
statute law affecting Northern Ireland reflects the history of Northern Ireland,
including Acts of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, the Northern Ireland
Assembly, the former Parliament of Northern Ireland and the Parliament of Ireland,
along with some Acts of the Parliament of England and of the Parliament of Great
Britain that were extended to Ireland under Poynings' Law between 1494 and 1782.

Descriptions

Northern Ireland coast

There is no generally accepted term to describe what Northern Ireland is. It has
been described as a country, province, region, and other terms officially, by the
press, and in common speech. The choice of term can be controversial and can reveal
one's political preferences.[16] This has been noted as a problem by several
writers on Northern Ireland, with no generally recommended solution.[15][16][17]

ISO 3166-2:GB defines Northern Ireland as a province.[14] The UK's submission to

the 2007 United Nations Conference on the Standardization of Geographical Names
defines the UK as being made up of two countries (England and Scotland), one
principality (Wales) and one province (Northern Ireland).[110] However, this term
can be controversial, particularly for nationalists for whom the title province is
properly reserved for the traditional province of Ulster, of which Northern Ireland
comprises six out of nine counties.[111][16][112] Some authors have described the
meaning of this term as being equivocal: referring to Northern Ireland as being a
province both of the United Kingdom and the traditional country of Ireland.[113]

The UK Office for National Statistics and the website of the Office of the Prime
Minister of the United Kingdom describe the United Kingdom as being made up of four
countries, one of these being Northern Ireland.[13][114] Some newspaper style
guides also consider country as an acceptable term for Northern Ireland.[111]
However, some authors reject the term.[112][15][17][113]
"Region" has also been used by UK government agencies[115] and newspapers.[111]
Some authors choose this word but note that it is "unsatisfactory".[16][17]
Northern Ireland can also be simply described as "part of the UK", including by the
UK government offices.[114]

Alternative names
Main article: Alternative names for Northern Ireland

Victoria Square Shopping Centre in Belfast

Many people inside and outside Northern Ireland use other names for Northern
Ireland, depending on their point of view. Disagreement on names, and the reading
of political symbolism into the use or non-use of a word, also attaches itself to
some urban centres. The most notable example is whether Northern Ireland's second-
largest city should be called "Derry" or "Londonderry".

Choice of language and nomenclature in Northern Ireland often reveals the cultural,
ethnic, and religious identity of the speaker. Those who do not belong to any group
but lean towards one side often tend to use the language of that group. Supporters
of unionism in the British media (notably The Daily Telegraph and the Daily
Express) regularly call Northern Ireland "Ulster".[116] Many media outlets in the
Republic use "North of Ireland" (or simply "the North"),[117][118][119][120][121]
as well as the "Six Counties".[122] The New York Times has also used "the North".
[123]

Government and cultural organisations in Northern Ireland often use the word
"Ulster" in their title; for example, the University of Ulster, the Ulster Museum,
the Ulster Orchestra, and BBC Radio Ulster.

Although some news bulletins since the 1990s have opted to avoid all contentious
terms and use the official name, Northern Ireland, the term "the North" remains
commonly used by broadcast media in the Republic.[117][118][119]

Unionist
Ulster, strictly speaking, refers to the province of Ulster, of which six of nine
historical counties are in Northern Ireland. The term "Ulster" is widely used by
unionists and the British press as shorthand for Northern Ireland, and is also
favoured by Ulster nationalists.[d] In the past, calls have been made for Northern
Ireland's name to be changed to Ulster. This proposal was formally considered by
the Government of Northern Ireland in 1937 and by the UK Government in 1949 but no
change was made.[124]
The Province refers to the historic Irish province of Ulster but today is used by
some as shorthand for Northern Ireland. The BBC, in its editorial guidance for
Reporting the United Kingdom, states that "the Province" is an appropriate
secondary synonym for Northern Ireland, while "Ulster" is not. It also suggests
that "people of Northern Ireland" is preferred to "British" or "Irish", and the
term "mainland" should be avoided in reporting about Great Britain and Northern
Ireland.[125]
Nationalist
North of Ireland – used to avoid using the name given by the British-enacted
Government of Ireland Act 1920.
The Six Counties (na Sé Chontae) – the Republic of Ireland is similarly described
as the Twenty-Six Counties.[126] Some of the users of these terms contend that
using the official name of the region would imply acceptance of the legitimacy of
the Government of Ireland Act.
The Occupied Six Counties – used by some republicans.[127] The Republic, whose
legitimacy is similarly not recognised by republicans opposed to the Belfast
Agreement, is described as the "Free State", referring to the Irish Free State,
which gained independence (as a Dominion) in 1922.[128]
British-Occupied Ireland – Similar in tone to the Occupied Six Counties,[129] this
term is used by more dogmatic republicans, such as Republican Sinn Féin,[130] who
still hold that the Second Dáil was the last legitimate government of Ireland and
that all governments since have been foreign-imposed usurpations of Irish national
self-determination.[131]
Other
Norn Iron or "Norniron" – is an informal and affectionate[132] local nickname used
to refer to Northern Ireland, derived from the pronunciation of the words "Northern
Ireland" in an exaggerated Ulster accent (particularly one from the greater Belfast
area). The phrase is seen as a lighthearted way to refer to Northern Ireland, based
as it is on regional pronunciation. It often refers to the Northern Ireland
national football team.[133]
Geography and climate
See also: Geography of Ireland and Geography of the United Kingdom

The Giant's Causeway, County Antrim

Boats travelling through Lough Erne

Slieve Donard, Mourne Mountains

The volcanic activity which created the Antrim Plateau also formed the geometric
pillars of the Giant's Causeway on the north Antrim coast. Also in north Antrim are
the Carrick-a-Rede Rope Bridge, Mussenden Temple and the Glens of Antrim. Northern
Ireland was covered by an ice sheet for most of the last ice age and on numerous
previous occasions, the legacy of which can be seen in the extensive coverage of
drumlins in Counties Fermanagh, Armagh, Antrim and particularly Down.

The centrepiece of Northern Ireland's geography is Lough Neagh, at 151 square miles
(391 km2) the largest freshwater lake both on the island of Ireland and in the
British Isles. A second extensive lake system is centred on Lower and Upper Lough
Erne in Fermanagh. The largest island of Northern Ireland is Rathlin, off the north
Antrim coast. Strangford Lough is the largest inlet in the British Isles, covering
150 km2 (58 sq mi).

There are substantial uplands in the Sperrin Mountains (an extension of the
Caledonian mountain belt) with extensive gold deposits, the granite Mourne
Mountains and the basalt Antrim Plateau, as well as smaller ranges in South Armagh
and along the Fermanagh–Tyrone border. None of the hills are especially high, with
Slieve Donard in the dramatic Mournes reaching 850 metres (2,789 ft), Northern
Ireland's highest point. Belfast's most prominent peak is Cavehill.

According to the 2021 census, just over 50% of Northern Ireland's population lives
in the highlighted red and yellow area. This area is concentrated around Belfast
and nearby settlements (red), and features the greatest concentration of motorways,
dual carriageways, railways and train stations (overlaid).
The Lower and Upper River Bann, River Foyle and River Blackwater form extensive
fertile lowlands, with excellent arable land also found in North and East Down,
although much of the hill country is marginal and suitable largely for animal
husbandry. The valley of the River Lagan is dominated by Belfast, whose
metropolitan area includes over a third of the population of Northern Ireland, with
heavy urbanisation and industrialisation along the Lagan Valley and both shores of
Belfast Lough.

Climate

Köppen-Geiger climate classification map of Northern Ireland

The vast majority of Northern Ireland has a temperate maritime climate, (Cfb in the
Köppen climate classification) rather wetter in the west than the east, although
cloud cover is very common across the region. The weather is unpredictable at all
times of the year, and although the seasons are distinct, they are considerably
less pronounced than in interior Europe or the eastern seaboard of North America.
Average daytime maximums in Belfast are 6.5 °C (43.7 °F) in January and 17.5 °C
(63.5 °F) in July. The highest maximum temperature recorded was 31.4 °C (88.5 °F),
registered in July 2021 at Armagh Observatory's weather station.[134] The lowest
minimum temperature recorded was −18.7 °C (−1.7 °F) at Castlederg, County Tyrone on
23 December 2010.[135]

Flora and fauna

Until the end of the Middle Ages, the land was heavily forested. Native species
include deciduous trees such as oak, ash, hazel, birch, alder, willow, aspen, elm,
rowan and hawthorn, as well as evergreen trees such Scots pine, yew and holly.[136]
Today, only 8% of Northern Ireland is woodland, and most of this is non-native
conifer plantations.[137]

As of the 21st century, Northern Ireland is the least forested part of the United
Kingdom and Ireland, and one of the least forested countries in Europe.[138]

The only native reptile in Northern Ireland is the viviparous lizard, or common
lizard, which is widely distributed, particularly in heaths, bogs and sand dunes.
The common frog is a very widespread species. Some lakes support internationally
important bird populations, Lough Neagh and Lough Beg hold up to 80,000 wintering
waterfowl of some 20 species, including ducks, geese, swans and gulls. The otter is
the fourth largest land mammal in Northern Ireland. It can be found along the river
systems, although it is seldom seen and will avoid contact with humans.[139] 356
species of marine algae have been recorded in the northeast of Ireland; 77 species
are considered rare.[140]

Demographics
Main articles: Demographics of Northern Ireland and People of Northern Ireland
Counties
Main article: Counties of Northern Ireland

The six counties of Northern Ireland

Northern Ireland consists of six historic counties: County Antrim, County Armagh,
County Down, County Fermanagh, County Londonderry,[e] and County Tyrone.

These counties are no longer used for local government purposes; instead, there are
eleven districts of Northern Ireland which have different geographical extents.
These were created in 2015, replacing the twenty-six districts which previously
existed.[141]

Although counties are no longer used for local governmental purposes, they remain a
popular means of describing where places are. They are officially used while
applying for an Irish passport, which requires one to state one's county of birth.
The name of that county then appears in both Irish and English on the passport's
information page, as opposed to the town or city of birth on the United Kingdom
passport. The Gaelic Athletic Association still uses the counties as its primary
means of organisation and fields representative teams of each GAA county. The
original system of car registration numbers largely based on counties remains in
use. In 2000, the telephone numbering system was restructured into an 8-digit
scheme with (except for Belfast) the first digit approximately reflecting the
county.

The county boundaries still appear on Ordnance Survey of Northern Ireland Maps and
the Philip's Street Atlases, among others. With their decline in official use,
there is often confusion surrounding towns and cities which lie near county
boundaries, such as Belfast and Lisburn, which are split between counties Down and
Antrim (the majorities of both cities, however, are in Antrim).

In March 2018, The Sunday Times published its list of Best Places to Live in
Britain, including the following places in Northern Ireland: Ballyhackamore near
Belfast (overall best for Northern Ireland); Holywood, County Down; Newcastle,
County Down; Portrush, County Antrim; Strangford, County Down.[142]

Cities and major towns

Cities and towns by population[143][144]

Belfast

Derry
# Settlement Population (2021) Metro
population
Lisburn

Newry
1 Belfast 293,298 639,000
2 Derry 85,279
3 Greater Craigavon 72,301
4 Newtownabbey[f] 67,599
5 Bangor[f] 64,596
6 Lisburn[f] 51,447 84,090
7 Ballymena 31,205
8 Newtownards 29,677
9 Newry 28,530
10 Carrickfergus[f] 28,141
Population

2011 census: differences in proportions of those who are, or were brought up,
either Catholic or Protestant/Other Christians
The population of Northern Ireland has risen yearly since 1978. The population at
the time of the 2021 census was 1.9 million, having grown 5% over the previous
decade.[145] The population in 2011 was 1.8 million, a rise of 7.5% over the
previous decade.[146] The current population makes up 2.8% of the UK's population
(67 million) and 27% of the island of Ireland's population (7.03 million). The
population density is 135 inhabitants / km2.

As of the 2021 census, the population of Northern Ireland is almost entirely white
(96.6%).[147] In 2021, 86.5% of the population were born in Northern Ireland, with
4.8% born in Great Britain, 2.1% born in the Republic of Ireland, and 6.5% born
elsewhere (more than half of them in another European country).[148] In 2021 the
largest non-white ethnic groups were black (0.6%), Indian (0.5%), and Chinese
(0.5%).[147] In 2011, 88.8% of the population were born in Northern Ireland, 4.5%
in Great Britain, and 2.9% in the Republic of Ireland. 4.3% were born elsewhere;
triple the amount there were in 2001.[149]

As of the 2021 Census 1,165,168 (61.2%) residents lived in an urban environment and
738,007 (38.8%) lived in a non-urban environment.[150]

Identity and citizenship

National Identity of Northern Ireland residents (2021)[151][152][153]
Nationality Per cent
British

42.8%
Irish

33.3%
Northern Irish

31.5%
Further information: British nationality law and Irish nationality law
In Northern Ireland censuses, respondents can choose more than one national
identity. In 2021:[154]

42.8% identified as British, solely or along with other national identities

33.3% identified as Irish, solely or along with other national identities
31.5% identified as Northern Irish, solely or along with other national identities
The main national identities given in recent censuses were:

National identity of Northern Ireland residents[155][154]

Identity 2011 2021
British only 39.9% 31.9%
Irish only 25.3% 29.1%
Northern Irish only 20.9% 19.8%
British & Northern Irish 6.2% 8.0%
Irish & Northern Irish 1.1% 1.8%
British, Irish & Northern Irish 1.0% 1.5%
British & Irish 0.7% 0.6%
English, Scottish, or Welsh 1.6% 1.5%
All other 3.4% 6.0%
As of the 2021 census, regarding national identity, four of the six traditional
counties had an Irish plurality and two had a British plurality.[156][157][158]
[159]

National identity of Northern Ireland residents by county

National Identity Antrim Armagh Down Fermanagh Londonderry Tyrone
Irish only 25.7% 39.0% 18.5% 38.3% 42.2% 41.6%
All Irish identities 29.7% 42.2% 23.7% 41.9% 46.0% 44.9%
British only 35.5% 24.7% 37.7% 26.2% 24.8% 21.0%
All British identities 47.4% 32.3% 52.5% 32.9% 32.2% 27.0%
Northern Irish only 18.7% 16.8% 21.7% 21.3% 19.7% 20.5%
All Northern Irish identities 31.1% 25.4% 36.9% 29.1% 10.9% 28.0%
Religion
Main article: Religion in Northern Ireland
At the 2021 census, 42.3% of the population identified as Roman Catholic, 37.3% as
Protestant/other Christian, 1.3% as other religions, while 17.4% identified with no
religion or did not state one.[160] The biggest of the Protestant/other Christian
denominations were the Presbyterian Church (16.6%), the Church of Ireland (11.5%)
and the Methodist Church (2.3%).[160] At the 2011 census, 41.5% of the population
identified as Protestant/other Christian, 41% as Roman Catholic, 0.8% as other
religions, while 17% identified with no religion or did not state one.[161] In
terms of background (i.e. religion or religion brought up in), at the 2021 census
45.7% of the population came from a Catholic background, 43.5% from a Protestant
background, 1.5% from other religious backgrounds, and 5.6% from non-religious
backgrounds.[160] This was the first time since Northern Ireland's creation that
there were more people from a Catholic background than Protestant.[162] At the 2011
census, 48% came from a Protestant background, 45% from a Catholic background, 0.9%
from other religious backgrounds, and 5.6% from non-religious backgrounds.[161]

Religion in Northern Ireland – 2021[160]

Religion Per cent
Roman Catholic
42.3%
Protestant/other Christian

37.3%
No religion/Not stated

17.4%
Other religions

1.3%
In recent censuses, respondents gave their religious identity or religious
upbringing as follows:[163][155][160]

Religion or religious background of Northern Ireland residents

Religion / religion of upbringing 2001 2011 2021
Catholic 43.8% 45.1% 45.7%
Protestant and other Christian 53.1% 48.4% 43.5%
Other religions 0.4% 0.9% 1.5%
No religion nor religious upbringing 2.7% 5.6% 9.3%
As of the 2021 census, regarding religious background, four of the six traditional
counties had a Catholic majority, one had a Protestant plurality, and one had a
Protestant majority.[164]

Religion or religious background of Northern Ireland residents by county

Religion / religion of upbringing Antrim Armagh Down Fermanagh
Londonderry Tyrone
Catholic 40.1% 58.2% 32.3% 58.8% 61.3% 66.5%
Protestant and other Christian 47.0% 34.0% 53.5% 35.5% 32.5% 28.9%
Other religions 2.1% 1.2% 1.5% 1.1% 0.9% 0.6%
No religion nor religious upbringing 10.8% 6.7% 12.7% 4.6% 5.3% 4.0%
Several studies and surveys carried out between 1971 and 2006 have indicated that,
in general, most Protestants in Northern Ireland see themselves primarily as
British, whereas most Catholics see themselves primarily as Irish.[165][166][167]
[168][169][170][171][172] This does not, however, account for the complex
identities within Northern Ireland, given that many of the population regard
themselves as "Ulster" or "Northern Irish", either as a primary or secondary
identity.

A 2008 survey found that 57% of Protestants described themselves as British, while
32% identified as Northern Irish, 6% as Ulster, and 4% as Irish. Compared to a
similar survey in 1998, this shows a fall in the percentage of Protestants
identifying as British and Ulster and a rise in those identifying as Northern
Irish. The 2008 survey found that 61% of Catholics described themselves as Irish,
with 25% identifying as Northern Irish, 8% as British, and 1% as Ulster. These
figures were largely unchanged from the 1998 results.[173][174]

People born in Northern Ireland are, with some exceptions, deemed by UK law to be
citizens of the United Kingdom. They are also, with similar exceptions, entitled to
be citizens of Ireland. This entitlement was reaffirmed in the 1998 Good Friday
Agreement between the British and Irish governments, which provides that:

...it is the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify

themselves and be accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may so choose, and
accordingly [the two governments] confirm that their right to hold both British and
Irish citizenship is accepted by both Governments and would not be affected by any
future change in the status of Northern Ireland.

2011: Map of most commonly held passport

As a result of the Agreement, the Constitution of the Republic of Ireland was
amended. The current wording provides that people born in Northern Ireland are
entitled to be Irish citizens on the same basis as people from any other part of
the island.[175]

Neither government, however, extends its citizenship to all persons born in

Northern Ireland. Both governments exclude some people born in Northern Ireland, in
particular persons born without one parent who is a British or Irish citizen. The
Irish restriction was given effect by the twenty-seventh amendment to the Irish
Constitution in 2004. The position in UK nationality law is that most of those born
in Northern Ireland are UK nationals, whether or not they so choose. Renunciation
of British citizenship requires the payment of a fee, currently £372.[176]

In recent censuses, residents said they held the following passports:[155][177]

Passports held by Northern Ireland residents

Passport 2011 2021
United Kingdom 59.1% 52.6%
Ireland 20.8% 32.3%
European countries 2.2% 3.9%
Other countries in world 1.1% 1.6%
No passport 18.9% 15.9%
Languages
Main article: Languages of Northern Ireland
Irish is an official language of Northern Ireland as of 6 December 2022 when the
Irish Language Act (Identity and Language (Northern Ireland) Act 2022) became law.
The Irish Language Act officially repealed legislation from 1737 that banned the
use of Irish in courts.[1] English is a de facto official language.[citation
needed] English is also spoken as a first language by 95.4% of the Northern Ireland
population.[178]

Approximate boundaries of the current and historical English/Scots dialects in

Ulster. South to north, the colour bands represent Hiberno-English, South-Ulster
English, Mid-Ulster English, and the three traditional Ulster Scots areas. The
Irish-speaking Gaeltacht is not shown.
Under the Good Friday Agreement, Irish and Ulster Scots (an Ulster dialect of the
Scots language, sometimes known as Ullans), are recognised as "part of the cultural
wealth of Northern Ireland".[179] The Irish Language Act of 2022 also legislated
commissioners for both Irish and Ulster Scots.[1]

Two all-island bodies for the promotion of these were created under the Agreement:
Foras na Gaeilge, which promotes the Irish language, and the Ulster Scots Agency,
which promotes the Ulster-Scots dialect and culture. These operate separately under
the aegis of the North/South Language Body, which reports to the North/South
Ministerial Council.

The UK Government in 2001 ratified the European Charter for Regional or Minority
Languages. Irish (in Northern Ireland) was specified under Part III of the Charter,
with a range of specific undertakings about education, translation of statutes,
interaction with public authorities, the use of placenames, media access, support
for cultural activities, and other matters. A lower level of recognition was
accorded to Ulster-Scots, under Part II of the Charter.[180]

English
Main article: Ulster English
According to the 2021 census, in 94.74% of households, all people aged 16 and above
spoke English as their main language.[181] The dialect of English spoken in
Northern Ireland shows influence from the lowland Scots language.[182] There are
supposedly some minute differences in pronunciation between Protestants and
Catholics, for instance; the name of the letter h, which Protestants tend to
pronounce as "aitch", as in British English, and Catholics tend to pronounce as
"haitch", as in Hiberno-English.[183] However, geography is a much more important
determinant of dialect than religious background.

Irish

Percentage of people aged 3+ claiming to have some ability in Irish in the 2011
census
Main articles: Irish language in Northern Ireland and Ulster Irish
The Irish language (Irish: an Ghaeilge), or Gaelic, is the second most spoken
language in Northern Ireland and is a native language of Ireland.[184] It was
spoken predominantly throughout what is now Northern Ireland before the Ulster
Plantations in the 17th century and most place names in Northern Ireland are
anglicised versions of a Gaelic name. Today, the language is often associated with
Irish nationalism (and thus with Catholics). However, in the 19th century, the
language was seen as a common heritage, with Ulster Protestants playing a leading
role in the Gaelic revival.[185]

In the 2021 census, 12.4% (compared with 10.7% in 2011) of the population of
Northern Ireland claimed "some knowledge of Irish" and 3.9% (compared with 3.7% in
2011) reported being able to "speak, read, write and understand" Irish.[146][178]
In another survey, from 1999, 1% of respondents said they spoke it as their main
language at home.[186]

The dialect spoken in Northern Ireland, Ulster Irish, has two main types, East
Ulster Irish and Donegal Irish (or West Ulster Irish),[187] is the one closest to
Scottish Gaelic (which developed into a separate language from Irish Gaelic in the
17th century). Some words and phrases are shared with Scots Gaelic, and the
dialects of east Ulster – those of Rathlin Island and the Glens of Antrim – were
very similar to the dialect of Argyll, the part of Scotland nearest to Ireland. The
dialects of Armagh and Down were also very similar to the dialects of Galloway.

The use of the Irish language in Northern Ireland today is politically sensitive.
The erection by some district councils of bilingual street names in both English
and Irish,[188] invariably in predominantly nationalist districts, is resisted by
unionists who claim that it creates a "chill factor" and thus harms community
relationships. Efforts by members of the Northern Ireland Assembly to legislate for
some official uses of the language have failed to achieve the required cross-
community support. In May 2022, the UK Government proposed a bill in the House of
Lords to make Irish an official language (and support Ulster Scots) in Northern
Ireland and to create an Irish Language Commissioner.[189][190] The bill has since
been passed, and received royal assent in December 2022.[191] There has recently
been an increase in interest in the language among unionists in East Belfast.[192]

Ulster Scots

Percentage of people aged 3+ claiming to have some ability in Ulster Scots in the
2011 census
Main article: Ulster Scots dialect
Ulster Scots comprises varieties of the Scots language spoken in Northern Ireland.
For a native English speaker, "[Ulster Scots] is comparatively accessible, and even
at its most intense can be understood fairly easily with the help of a
glossary."[193]

Along with the Irish language, the Good Friday Agreement recognised the dialect as
part of Northern Ireland's unique culture and the St Andrews Agreement recognised
the need to "enhance and develop the Ulster Scots language, heritage and culture".
[194]

At the time of the 2021 census, approximately 1.1% (compared to 0.9% in 2011) of
the population claimed to be able to speak, read, write and understand Ulster-
Scots, while 10.4% (compared to 8.1% in 2011) professed to have "some ability".
[146][178][186]

Sign languages
Main articles: Northern Ireland Sign Language, Irish Sign Language, and British
Sign Language
The most common sign language in Northern Ireland is Northern Ireland Sign Language
(NISL). However, because in the past Catholic families tended to send their deaf
children to schools in Dublin[citation needed] where Irish Sign Language (ISL) is
commonly used, ISL is still common among many older deaf people from Catholic
families.

Irish Sign Language (ISL) has some influence from the French family of sign
language, which includes American Sign Language (ASL). NISL takes a large component
from the British family of sign language (which also includes Auslan) with many
borrowings from ASL. It is described as being related to Irish Sign Language at the
syntactic level while much of the lexicon is based on British Sign Language (BSL).
[195]

As of March 2004 the UK Government recognises only British Sign Language and Irish
Sign Language as the official sign languages used in Northern Ireland.[196][197]

Education
Main article: Education in Northern Ireland

Queen's University, Belfast

Ulster University, Derry

Unlike most areas of the United Kingdom, in the last year of primary school, many
children sit entrance examinations for grammar schools. Integrated schools, which
attempt to ensure a balance in enrolment between pupils of Protestant, Roman
Catholic, and other faiths (or none), are becoming increasingly popular, although
Northern Ireland still has a primarily de facto religiously segregated education
system. In the primary school sector, 40 schools (8.9% of the total number) are
integrated schools and 32 (7.2% of the total number) are Gaelscoileanna (Irish
language-medium schools).

As with the island of Ireland as a whole, Northern Ireland has one of the youngest
populations in Europe and, among the four UK nations, it has the highest proportion
of children aged under 16 years (21% in mid-2019).[198]

In the most recent full academic year (2021–2022), the region's school education
system comprised 1,124 schools (of all types) and around 346,000 pupils, including:

796 primary schools with 172,000 pupils;

192 post-primary schools with 152,000 pupils;
126 non-grammar post-primary schools with 86,000 pupils;
66 grammar schools with 65,000 pupils;
94 nursery schools with 5,800 pupils;
39 special schools with 6,600 pupils (specifically for children with special
educational needs); and
14 independent schools with 700 children.[199]
Enrolments in further and higher education were as follows (in 2019–2020) before
disruption to enrolments and classes caused by the COVID-19 pandemic:
six regional further education colleges with 132,000 students;
two universities – Queen's University Belfast and Ulster University – with 53,000
students;
two teacher training colleges – Stranmillis University College and St Mary's
University College, Belfast – with 2,200 students;
the College of Agriculture, Food and Rural Enterprise with 1,700 students on three
campuses; and
the Open University with 4,200 students.[200][201][202]
Statistics on education in Northern Ireland are published by the Department of
Education and the Department for the Economy.

The main universities in Northern Ireland are Queen's University Belfast and Ulster
University, and the distance learning Open University which has a regional office
in Belfast.

Health care
See also: Health and Social Care (Northern Ireland)
Since 1948 Northern Ireland has a health care system similar to England, Scotland
and Wales, though it provides not only health care, but also social care. Health
care performance has been decreasing since the mid-2010s and reached crisis levels
since 2022.[203]

Economy
Main article: Economy of Northern Ireland

Titanic Belfast, in the Titanic Quarter

Harland & Wolff shipyard cranes named Samson and Goliath

Northern Ireland traditionally had an industrial economy, most notably featuring
shipbuilding, rope manufacture, and textiles. In 2019, 53% of GVA was generated by
services, 22% by the public sector, 15% by production, 8% by construction and 2% by
agriculture.[204]

In the coal industry, John Kelly Limited was the largest coal firm in Northern
Ireland, spanning 150 years.[205] It started in Queen's Quay, Belfast, by Samuel
Kelly as a coal commissions and grocer. After his death, son John Kelly took over
and expanded the fleet of coasters. the son of John Kelly, Sir Samuel Kelly, seen
the most growth, incorporated the business as a limited company in 1911. John Kelly
Limited expanded along the docks, likewise with their offices, expansion to
Ballymena and Carrickfergus took place, and coal boats would travel to Larne
Harbour. The company is now known as Kelly's Fuels in the 1990s, and quickly became
one of the biggest oil distributors in the country.[206]

Belfast is the United Kingdom's second largest tech hub outside of London with more
than 25% of their jobs being technology related. Many established multinational
tech companies such as Fujitsu, SAP, IBM and Microsoft have a presence here. It is
regarded an appealing place to live for tech professionals and has a low cost of
living compared to other cities.[207][208]

In 2019 Northern Ireland welcomed 5.3m visitors, who spent over £1billion. A total
of 167 cruise ships docked at Northern Ireland ports in 2019.[209] Tourism in
recent years has been a major growth area with key attractions including the Giants
Causeway and the many castles in the region with the historic towns and cities of
Belfast, Derry, Armagh and Enniskillen being popular with tourists. Entertainment
venues include the SSE Arena, Waterfront Hall, the Grand Opera House and Custom
House Square. Tourists use various means of transport around Northern Ireland such
as vehicle hire, guided tours, taxi tours, electric bikes, electric cars and public
transport.[210]
Belfast currently has an 81-acre shipyard which was purposely developed to be able
to take some of the world's largest vessels. It has the largest dry dock for ships
in Europe measuring 556m x 93m and has 106m high cranes, it is ideally situated
between the Atlantic Ocean and the North Sea.[211] The shipyard can build ships and
complete maintenance contracts such as the contracts awarded by P&O and Cunard
cruise ships in 2022.[212]

Northern Ireland feeds around 10 million people when their population is only 1.8
million.[213] The predominant activity on Northern Ireland farms in 2022 was cattle
and sheep. 79 per cent of farms in Northern Ireland have some cattle, 38 per cent
have some sheep. Over three-quarters of farms in Northern Ireland are very small,
in 2022 there were 26,089 farms in Northern Ireland with approximately one million
hectares of land farmed.[214]

Northern Ireland is in a unique position where it can sell goods to the rest of the
United Kingdom and the European Union tariff-free, free from customs declarations,
rules of origin certificates and non-tariff barriers on the sale of goods to both
regions.[215][216]

Below is a comparison of the goods being sold and purchased between Northern
Ireland and the United Kingdom, compared with the goods being exported and imported
between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland:

Northern Ireland Sales/Exports[217]

United Kingdom Republic of Ireland
2020 £11.3 billion £4.2 billion
2021 £12.8 billion £5.2 billion

Northern Ireland Purchases/Imports[217]

United Kingdom Republic of Ireland
2020 £13.4 billion £2.5 billion
2021 £14.4 billion £3.1 billion

Infrastructure and transportation

Main article: Transport in Ireland

An NIR C3K railcar

NIR 80 class railcar 69, which was used on the Peace Train campaign during the
Troubles, is preserved at the Downpatrick & County Down Railway
Northern Ireland has underdeveloped transport infrastructure, with most
infrastructure concentrated around Greater Belfast, Greater Derry, and Craigavon.
Northern Ireland is served by three airports—Belfast International near Antrim,
George Best Belfast City integrated into the railway network at Sydenham in East
Belfast, and City of Derry in County Londonderry. There are upgrade plans to
transform the railway network in Northern Ireland including new lines from Derry to
Portadown and Belfast to Newry, though it will take the best part of 25 years to
deliver.[218] There are major seaports at Larne and Belfast which carry passengers
and freight between Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

Passenger railways are operated by NI Railways. With Iarnród Éireann (Irish Rail),
NI Railways co-operates in providing the joint Enterprise service between Dublin
Connolly and Belfast Grand Central. The whole of Ireland has a mainline railway
network with a gauge of 5 ft 3 in (1,600 mm), which is unique in Europe and has
resulted in distinct rolling stock designs. The only preserved line of this gauge
on the island is the Downpatrick and County Down Railway, which operates heritage
steam and diesel locomotives. Main railway lines linking to and from Belfast Grand
Central Station and Lanyon Place railway station are:
The Derry Line and the Portrush Branch.
The Larne Line
The Bangor Line
The Newry/Portadown Line
The Derry line is the busiest single-track railway line in the United Kingdom,
carrying 3 million passengers per annum, the Derry-Londonderry Line has also been
described by Michael Palin as "one of the most beautiful rail journeys in the
world".[219]

Main motorways are:

M1 connecting Belfast to the south and west, ending in Dungannon

M2 connecting Belfast to the north. An unconnected section of the M2 also by-passes
Ballymena
Additional short motorway spurs include:

M12 connecting the M1 to Portadown

M22 connecting the M2 to near Randalstown
M3 connecting the M1 (via the A12) and M2 in Belfast with the A2 dual carriageway
to Bangor
M5 connecting Belfast to Newtownabbey
The cross-border road connecting the ports of Larne in Northern Ireland and
Rosslare Harbour in the Republic of Ireland is being upgraded as part of an EU-
funded scheme. European route E01 runs from Larne through the island of Ireland,
Spain, and Portugal to Seville.

Culture
Main article: Culture of Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland shares both the culture of Ulster and the culture of the United
Kingdom.

SSE Arena with 11,000 capacity on Belfast waterfront

Northern Ireland has witnessed rising numbers of tourists. Attractions include
concert venues, cultural festivals, musical and artistic traditions, countryside
and geographical sites of interest, public houses, welcoming hospitality, and
sports (especially golf and fishing).[220] Since 1987 public houses have been
allowed to open on Sundays, despite some opposition.

Parades are a prominent feature of Northern Ireland society,[221] more so than in

the rest of Ireland or the United Kingdom. Most are held by Protestant fraternities
such as the Orange Order, and Ulster loyalist marching bands. Each summer, during
the "marching season", these groups have hundreds of parades, deck streets with
British flags, bunting and specially-made arches, and light large towering bonfires
in the "Eleventh Night" celebrations.[222] The biggest parades are held on 12 July
(The Twelfth). There is often tension when these activities take place near
Catholic neighbourhoods, which sometimes leads to violence.[223]

The Ulster Cycle is a large body of prose and verse centring on the traditional
heroes of the Ulaid in what is now eastern Ulster. This is one of the four major
cycles of Irish mythology. The cycle centres on the reign of Conchobar mac Nessa,
who is said to have been the king of Ulster around the 1st century. He ruled from
Emain Macha (now Navan Fort near Armagh), and had a fierce rivalry with queen Medb
and king Ailill of Connacht and their ally, Fergus mac Róich, former king of
Ulster. The foremost hero of the cycle is Conchobar's nephew Cúchulainn, who
features in the epic prose/poem An Táin Bó Cúailnge (The Cattle Raid of Cooley, a
casus belli between Ulster and Connaught).

Symbols
See also: Northern Ireland flags issue

The logo for the Northern Ireland assembly is based on the flower of the flax
plant.[224]

The Ulster Banner is used to represent Northern Ireland in association football and
at the Commonwealth Games.
Northern Ireland comprises a patchwork of communities whose national loyalties are
represented in some areas by flags flown from flagpoles or lamp posts. The Union
Jack and the former Northern Ireland flag are flown in many loyalist areas, and the
Tricolour, adopted by republicans as the flag of Ireland in 1916,[225] is flown in
some republican areas. Even kerbstones in some areas are painted red-white-blue or
green-white-orange, depending on whether local people express unionist/loyalist or
nationalist/republican sympathies.[226]

The official flag is that of the state having sovereignty over the territory, i.e.
the Union Flag.[227] The former Northern Ireland flag, also known as the "Ulster
Banner" or "Red Hand Flag", is a banner derived from the coat of arms of the
Government of Northern Ireland until 1972. Since 1972, it has had no official
status. The Union Flag and the Ulster Banner are used exclusively by unionists. The
UK flags policy states that in Northern Ireland, "The Ulster flag and the Cross of
St Patrick have no official status and, under the Flags Regulations, are not
permitted to be flown from Government Buildings."[228][229]

The Irish Rugby Football Union and the Church of Ireland have used the Saint
Patrick's Saltire or "Cross of St Patrick". This red saltire on a white field was
used to represent Ireland in the flag of the United Kingdom. It is still used by
some British Army regiments. Foreign flags are also found, such as the Palestinian
flags in some nationalist areas and Israeli flags in some unionist areas.[230]

The United Kingdom national anthem of "God Save the King" is often played at state
events in Northern Ireland. At the Commonwealth Games and some other sporting
events, the Northern Ireland team uses the Ulster Banner as its flag—
notwithstanding its lack of official status—and the Londonderry Air (usually set to
lyrics as Danny Boy), which also has no official status, as its national anthem.
[231][232] The Northern Ireland national football team also uses the Ulster Banner
as its flag but uses "God Save The King" as its anthem.[233] Major Gaelic Athletic
Association matches are opened by the national anthem of the Republic of Ireland,
"Amhrán na bhFiann (The Soldier's Song)", which is also used by most other all-
Ireland sporting organisations.[234] Since 1995, the Ireland rugby union team has
used a specially commissioned song, "Ireland's Call" as the team's anthem. The
Irish national anthem is also played at Dublin home matches, being the anthem of
the host country.[235]

Northern Irish murals have become well-known features of Northern Ireland,

depicting past and present events and documenting peace and cultural diversity.
Almost 2,000 murals have been documented in Northern Ireland since the 1970s.

Media and communications

Main articles: Media of Northern Ireland and Mass media in the Republic of Ireland

Broadcasting House, Belfast, home of BBC Northern Ireland

The BBC has a division called BBC Northern Ireland with headquarters in Belfast and
operates BBC One Northern Ireland and BBC Two Northern Ireland. As well as
broadcasting standard UK-wide programmes, BBC NI produces local content, including
a news break-out called BBC Newsline. The ITV franchise in Northern Ireland is UTV.
The state-owned Channel 4 and the privately owned Channel 5 also broadcast in
Northern Ireland. Access is also available to satellite and cable services.[236]
All Northern Ireland viewers must obtain a UK TV licence to watch live television
transmissions or use BBC iPlayer.

RTÉ, the national broadcaster of the Republic of Ireland, is available over the air
to most parts of Northern Ireland via reception overspill of the Republic's
Saorview service,[237] or via satellite and cable. Since the digital TV switchover,
RTÉ One, RTÉ2 and the Irish-language channel TG4, are now available over the air on
the UK's Freeview system from transmitters within Northern Ireland.[238] Although
they are transmitted in standard definition, a Freeview HD box or television is
required for reception.

As well as the standard UK-wide radio stations from the BBC, Northern Ireland is
home to many local radio stations, such as Cool FM, Q Radio, Downtown Radio and
U105. The BBC has two regional radio stations which broadcast in Northern Ireland,
BBC Radio Ulster and BBC Radio Foyle.

Besides the UK and Irish national newspapers, there are three main regional
newspapers published in Northern Ireland. These are the Belfast Telegraph, The
Irish News and The News Letter.[239] According to the Audit Bureau of Circulations
(UK) the average daily circulation for these three titles in 2018 was:

Title Market type Print time Political alignment Format Circulation Jan–
Jun 2018[240] Circulation Jul–Dec 2018[241]
Belfast Telegraph Regional Morning Non-Sectarianism/British Unionism
Compact 35,931 33,951
The Irish News Regional Morning Irish nationalism Compact 33,647
32,315
News Letter Regional Morning British unionism Tabloid 13,374 12,499
Northern Ireland uses the same telecommunications and postal services as the rest
of the United Kingdom at standard domestic rates and there are no mobile roaming
charges between Great Britain and Northern Ireland.[242][243] People in Northern
Ireland who live close to the border with the Republic of Ireland may inadvertently
switch over to the Irish mobile networks, causing international roaming fees to be
applied.[244] Calls from landlines in Northern Ireland to numbers in the Republic
of Ireland are charged at the same rate as those to numbers in Great Britain, while
landline numbers in Northern Ireland can similarly be called from the Republic of
Ireland at domestic rates, using the 048 prefix.[245]

Sports
Main article: Sport in Northern Ireland

Windsor Park, the home stadium of the Northern Ireland national football team

Prominent Northern Irish golfer Rory McIlroy

Many sports are organised on an all-Ireland basis, with a single governing body or
team for the whole island.[246] The most notable exception is association football
(soccer), which has a separate governing body, league and national team for
Northern Ireland.[246][247]

The Irish Football Association (IFA) serves as the organising body for men's
domestic and national association football in Northern Ireland, it is a member of
the International Football Association Board which sets the rules for association
football.[248] The NIWFA are responsible for women's domestic and national
association football in Northern Ireland.

The NIFL Premiership is a professional men's football league which operates at the
highest division of the Northern Ireland Football League, the current format has
been organised with 12 clubs. The winners will enter the first qualifying round of
the Champions League, if they do not progress they will enter the Europa League or
Europa Conference League depending on performance. The two runners-up progress to
the Europa Conference League with play-offs for another Europa Conference League
position.[249] The NLFL Women's Premiership is a professional women's football
league which operates at the highest division in Northern Ireland with 10 clubs.
The winner qualifies for a spot in the UEFA Women's Champions League. The men's
Northern Ireland national football team qualified for the 1958 FIFA World Cup, 1982
FIFA World Cup and 1986 FIFA World Cup, making it to the quarter-finals in 1958 and
1982 and made it the first knockout round in the European Championships in 2016.

The IRFU is the governing body for the sport of Rugby Union on the island of
Ireland (Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland).[250] Rugby in Northern
Ireland is run within the historic province of Ulster which includes Northern
Ireland plus 3 counties from the Republic of Ireland - Donegal, Cavan and Monaghan.

The Ireland national rugby league team has participated in the Emerging Nations
Tournament (1995), the Super League World Nines (1996), the World Cup (2000, 2008,
2013, 2017, 2021), European Nations Cup (since 2003) and Victory Cup (2004). The
Ireland A rugby league team competes annually in the Amateur Four Nations
competition (since 2002) and the St Patrick's Day Challenge (since 1995).

The Ireland cricket team represents both Northern Ireland and the Republic of
Ireland. It is a full member of the International Cricket Council, having been
granted Test status and full membership by the ICC in June 2017. The side competes
in Test cricket, the highest level of competitive cricket in the international
arena, and is one of the 12 full-member countries of the ICC. Ireland men's side
has played in the Cricket World Cup and T20 World Cup and has won the ICC
Intercontinental Cup four times. The women's side has played in the Women's World
Cup. One of the men's side's regular international venues is Stormont in Belfast.

The governing body for golf on the island of Ireland is Golf Ireland, it is the
successor to the Golfing Union of Ireland, governing body for men's and boy's
amateur golf, and the oldest golfing union in the world, which was founded in
Belfast in 1891, and the Irish Ladies Golf Union. Northern Ireland's golf courses
include the Royal Belfast Golf Club (the earliest, formed in 1881), Royal Portrush
Golf Club, which is the only course outside Great Britain to have hosted The Open
Championship, and Royal County Down Golf Club (Golf Digest magazine's top-rated
course outside the United States).[251][252] Northern Ireland had three major
champions in the space of just 14 months from the U.S. Open in 2010 to The Open
Championship in 2011. Notable golfers include Fred Daly (winner of The Open in
1947), Ryder Cup players Ronan Rafferty and David Feherty, leading European Tour
professionals David Jones, Michael Hoey (a five-time winner on the tour) and Gareth
Maybin, as well as three recent major winners Graeme McDowell (winner of the U.S.
Open in 2010, the first European to do so since 1970), Rory McIlroy (winner of four
majors) and Darren Clarke (winner of The Open in 2011).[253][254] Northern Ireland
has also contributed several players to the Great Britain and Ireland Walker Cup
team, including Alan Dunbar and Paul Cutler who played on the victorious 2011 team
in Scotland. Dunbar also won The Amateur Championship in 2012, at Royal Troon.

See also
icon Northern Ireland portal
flag United Kingdom portal
flag Ireland portal
List of Ulster-related topics
Outline of Northern Ireland
Outline of the United Kingdom
Notes
ONS Standard Area Measurement, area to Mean Sea Level (MSL) Belfast excluding
inland water
ONS Standard Area Measurement, area to Mean Sea Level (MSL) Belfast
+44 is always followed by 28 when calling landlines. The code is 028 within the UK
and 048 from the Republic of Ireland where it is treated as a domestic call.
Examples of usage of this term include Radio Ulster, Ulster Orchestra and RUC;
political parties such as the Ulster Unionist Party'; paramilitary organisations
including the Ulster Defence Association and Ulster Volunteer Force; and political
campaigns such as "Ulster Says No" and "Save Ulster from Sodomy".
Many Nationalists use the name County Derry.
Wikipedia policy is to use Londonderry for the county and Derry for the city. The
name usage does not indicate an endorsement for either community's opinions.
Part of Belfast metropolitan area
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85640-476-4
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Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson The State in Northern Ireland, 1921–72:
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8018-7117-7.
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ISBN 0-14-029165-2
Osborne Morton, Marine Algae of Northern Ireland (Ulster Museum, Belfast, 1994),
ISBN 0-900761-28-8
Henry Patterson, Ireland Since 1939: The Persistence of Conflict (Penguin, 2006),
ISBN 978-1-84488-104-8
P. Hackney (ed.) Stewart's and Corry's Flora of the North-east of Ireland 3rd edn.
(Institute of Irish Studies, Queen's University of Belfast, 1992), ISBN 0-85389-
446-9(HB)
External links
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"Keying" in New York harbour, July 13th, 1847.

History
Name Keying
Fate Broken up
General characteristics
Class and type Junk
Tons burthen 700–800 tonnes
Length 160 feet (48.77 m)
Beam 33 feet (10.06 m)
Depth of hold 16 feet (4.88 m)
Propulsion Three-masted junk rig
Complement 42
Armament 20 cannons
Notes Chinese teak used for the construction
Keying
Traditional Chinese 耆英
Transcriptions

Keying (Chinese: 耆英, p Qíyīng) was a three-masted, 800-ton Fuzhou Chinese trading
junk which sailed from China around the Cape of Good Hope to the United States and
Britain between 1846 and 1848. Her voyage was significant as it was one of the
earliest instances of a Chinese sailing vessel making a transoceanic journey to the
Western world. It served as a cultural exchange and offered Western audiences a
glimpse into Chinese maritime traditions and craftsmanship.

History and voyages

Keying had been purchased in August 1846 in secrecy by British businessmen in Hong
Kong, defying a Chinese law prohibiting the sale of Chinese ships to foreigners.
She was renamed after the Manchu official Keying. Keying was manned by 12 British
and 30 Chinese sailors (the latter all Cantonese). She was commanded by Captain
Charles Alfred Kellett, also British.

Hong Kong
Keying left Hong Kong in December 1846. Before her departure she was visited by Sir
John Davis, the Governor of Hong Kong; Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane, and officers of
the fleet, the Commander-in-Chief and most of the principal residents of the
Colony.[1]

Cape of Good Hope and St Helena

She rounded the Cape of Good Hope in March 1847, 114 days out, having been delayed
by strong westerly gales, and a severe hurricane.[1]

After 17 days at sea she anchored at St Helena in April 1847.

New York

Keying in 1848. This depiction exaggerates the curvature of the hull.

She remained at St Helena for some time before taking course to Sandy Hooks and
then arriving in New York City in July 1847. The Keying was the first ship from
China to visit New York. She moored off the Battery on the southern tip of
Manhattan and was received with great fanfare. No less than seven thousand visitors
went on board of her every day.[1] She remained in New York for several months. The
Chinese crew of Keying were understandably angry as they had signed on only for an
eight-month voyage to Singapore and Batavia (now Jakarta). Twenty-six of them left
Keying and returned to Canton on board the Candace, which sailed 6 October 1847.

P. T. Barnum had a copy of Keying built in Hoboken (Barnum claimed he had it towed
from China), and exhibited it with a crew which may have included some of the
Keying Chinese. However the Brooklyn Eagle described Barnum's crew as "one third
white and two thirds negroes or mulattoes", so probably no real Keying crew were
present.
Boston

"The Bay and Harbor of New York" by Samuel Waugh (1814–1885), depicting the Junk
Keying moored in New York Harbor in 1847 (watercolor on canvas, c. 1853–1855,
Museum of the City of New York).
Keying also moored in Boston on 18 November 1847, by the Charles River Bridge,
according to the Boston Evening Transcript of 1847. She was visited by many people,
with as many as four to five thousand on Thanksgiving Day.

British visit

The medal made for the arrival of the Junk Keying in Britain.
Keying next sailed on 17 February 1848 for Britain. A storm on 28 February wrecked
her two boats, ripped the foresail, and disabled the hardwood ironbound rudder,
which was hung in the Chinese manner without gudgeons or pintles. During the repair
of the rudder the second mate drowned.

Keying was fast, as was noted by the press:

The Keying next visited Boston, whence she sailed direct for London on 17 February
last, and arrived in St Aubin's Bay, on 15 March, having performed the voyage, from
land to land, in 21 days - a short period even for the American packet-ships.
(Illustrated London News, 1848)
Keying reached Britain in March 1848, and a medal was made in honor of her arrival.
The obverse of the medal gives the following account:

The first junk that ever rounded the Cape of Good Hope, or appeared in British
waters. Her dimensions are length 160ft. Depth of hold: 19ft. Burden: 800 tons
Chinese measurement. Rudder 7½ tons, mainsail 9 tons. Mainmast 85ft long from deck.
The ship is built of teak wood. She sailed from Hong Kong 6 December 1846, arrived
in England 27 March 1848, 477 days from Canton. "Captain Kellet", commander.

Illustrated London News article, 1 April 1848.

Illustrated London News, 1848, full article.

Keying was praised by the British as excellent in seaworthiness, and practically
superior to their own:

She proved herself an excellent sea-boat; and her powers of weathering a storm
equal, if not surpass, those of vessels of British build. (Illustrated London News,
1848)
She lay in the Thames at Blackwall.[1] A multitude visited the ship, including
Queen Victoria and other members of the royal family.

The Illustrated London News of 29 July 1848 described the visits to the Keying as
follows:

The ROYAL CHINESE JUNK "KEYING" manned by a Chinese Crew. Visitors received by a
Mandarin of rank and Chinese Artist of celebrity. Grand Saloon, gorgeously
furnished in the most approved style of the Celestial Empire. Collection of Chinese
Curiosities, &c. The "Keying" is now open for Exhibition, from Ten to six, in the
East India Docks, adjoining the Railway and Steam-boat Pier, Blackwall.—Admission,
One Shilling.
ADMISSION, ONE SHILLING.—During the limited period which the ROYAL CHINESE JUNK
will remain in London, the charge for admission will be reduced to One Shilling.
This most interesting Exhibition, which has been justly called "the greatest
novelty in Europe," has been visited by her Majesty the Queen, all the Royal
Family, and an immense number of persons, including nearly all the nobility and
foreigners of distinction in London. Junk Tickets, including fare and admission,
are issued by the Blackwall and Eastern Counties Railways. Omnibuses direct, and
conveyance also by Steam-boat from all the Piers between Westminster and Woolwich;
fare 4d. Catalogues obtainable only on board, price 6d.
The Times also reported Keying's visit:

There is not a more interesting Exhibition in the vicinity of London than the
Chinese Junk: one step across the entrance, and you are in the Chinese world; you
have quitted the Thames for the vicinity of Canton.
Specifications
Keying's specifications was recorded differently between British and American
sources.[2][3]

American British
Weight (burthen) 720 tonnes (1,587,328 lb) 700 to 800 tonnes (1,500,000 to
1,800,000 lb)
Length 160 feet (48.77 m) 160 feet (48.77 m)
Breadth 25.5 feet (7.77 m) 33 feet (10.06 m)
Depth of hold 12 feet (3.66 m) 16 feet (4.88 m)
Bow height 30 feet (9.14 m) About 30 feet (9.14 m)
Poop height 45 feet (13.72 m) More than 45 feet (13.72 m)
Rudder weight 7.5 to 8 tonnes (17,000 to 18,000 lb) More than 7 tonnes
(15,432 lb)
Mainmast height 75 feet (22.86 m) from deck 90 feet (27.43 m)
Mainsail weight 9 tonnes (19,842 lb) Nearly 9 tonnes (19,842 lb)
Sale and final fate
The Keying was sold to Messrs Crippin & Forster of Rock Ferry, Cheshire and towed
from London to the river Mersey by the steam tug Shannon, arriving 14 May 1853. It
was moored at the Rock Ferry slipway for public exhibition.[4] On 29 September
1853, Keying was preparing to leave for foreign ports in three weeks. But instead
it was dismantled "for research" at the shipyard of Redhead, Harling, and Brown.

The Plymouth and Devonport weekly journal for Thursday, 6 December 1855 reported

The Chinese junk once a most popular attractive exhibition, is now rotting
neglected and uncared for on the shore at Tranmere Ferry opposite Liverpool.
Commemoration

Large trading junks moored off the waterfront of Guangzhou towards the end of the
19th. Albumen print
A large-scale model of the Keying is on display at the Hong Kong Maritime Museum,
at Central Ferry Pier 8. This model was based on contemporary reports and images
allied to a comprehensive analysis of traditional Fuzhou junk lines. The model was
constructed on a 1 to 12 scale. The model was also intentionally aged to look like
a vessel that had seen service prior to is famous journey.

The model is thought by some to be incorrect: the shape of the hull lacks the great
curvature which is clearly and consistently shown in some of the many contemporary
illustrations of the original vessel. However, the Currier print made at the time
(part of the exhibit) does not show this. The exaggerations of other renditions
probably resulted from western artists' being confused by the unfamiliar style of
Keying's hull, particularly the high 'wings' either side of the bow, typical of the
Fuzhou style, and the similarly elevated bulwarks of the poop deck.

The actual sheerline of Fuzhou junks is not so extreme. Much of the confusion with
respect to the Keying may come from reported bow and stern heights above the
waterline that may have been for the tops of 'wings' and 'poop', not of the weather
deck at bow and stern. The exaggerated measurements in most contemporary reports
suggest it was the former, not the latter.
The museum model unquestionably fits the accounts of Keying's sea-keeping qualities
better than a model with the bizarrely exaggerated curvatures shown in other
contemporary illustrations. Such curvature was unknown in similar vessels: the
acutely distorted waterlines that would result when heeled would have rendered the
vessel unmanageable.

These large trading junks moored off the waterfront of Guangzhou towards the end of
the 19th century would have been broadly similar to the Keying and give us a better
idea of how she may really have appeared than the contemporary images of her by
western artists.

See also
Tek Sing, a larger Chinese junk sunk in Indonesia during the 19th century
Princess Taiping, a modern replica of a Ming-dynasty junk that sailed from Taiwan
to San Francisco and (almost) back in 2009
Notes
State Street Trust Company (Boston, Mass.) (1919). Other merchants and sea
captains of old Boston; being more information about the merchants and sea captains
of old Boston who played such an important part in building up the commerce of New
England, together with some quaint and curious stories of the sea. Boston: Printed
for the State street trust Co. pp. 64–66. OCLC 983054.
Currier, Nathaniel (1847). The Chinese Junk "Keying"–Captain Kellett–As she
appeared in New York harbour July 13th, 1847–212 days from Canton.–720 tons
burthen. New York: Clerks office of the District Court of the Southern District of
N. Y.
The Illustrated London News, 1 April 1848. pp. 220-221.
"The Royal Chinese War Junk Keying". The Era. No. 765. London. 22 May 1853.
References
Brouwer, Norman. "New York's Unusual Chinese Visitor & the Junk Keying," Seaport
Magazine 14, no. 2 (Summer 1980): 18–19.
Borden, Charles A.Sea quest: small craft adventures from Magellan to Chichester
Philadelphia: McRae Smith Co., 1967, ISBN 0-7091-0028-0
Further reading
Davies, Stephen. East Sails West. The Voyage of the Keying, 1846–1855, Hong Kong
University Press, 2014. ISBN 978-988-8208-20-3
Wright, R.N.J. "The Keying Medallions", Appendix 6 in his book The Modern Coinage
of China 1866–1949: The Evidence in Western Archives, Spink, 2012. ISBN 978-1-
907427-20-6
Wittman, M., Chinese Junk Keying Medals, Pocket Change (the blog of the American
Numismatic Society), 8 April 2015.
Haddad, John. "A Floating Ethnology: The Strange Voyage of the Chinese Junk Keying"
in The Romance of China: Excursions to China in U.S. Culture, 1776–1876, 2008.
External links
Media related to Keying at Wikimedia Commons
The Waugh painting at the Museum of the City of New York
Chinese sea travels (German)
Keying medallions in the Royal Museums, Greenwich
Keying medallions in the British Museum
Keying medallions in the American Numismatic Society
Categories: Qing dynastyHistory of Hong KongShips of ChinaChina–United Kingdom
relations1840s in China
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"Keying" in New York harbour, July 13th, 1847.

History and voyages

Cape of Good Hope and St Helena

After 17 days at sea she anchored at St Helena in April 1847.

Keying in 1848. This depiction exaggerates the curvature of the hull.

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Illustrated London News article, 1 April 1848.

Illustrated London News, 1848, full article.

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