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Environmental Criminology: Evolution, Theory, and Practice
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DOI: 10.4324/9781003377955
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Environmental Criminology
The field of environmental criminology is a staple theoretical framework

in contemporary criminological theory. This fully revised and expanded
edition of the world’s first comprehensive and sole-authored textbook on this
influential school of criminological thought covers a wide range of topics,
including:
• the origins of environmental criminology;

• the primary theoretical frameworks, such as social disorganization
theory, the routine activity approach, geometry of crime, rational
choice perspective, and multilevel models that integrate environmental
criminology;
• the practical application of environmental criminology;
• an examination of how theories are operationalized and tested; and
• policy implications for the practice of crime prevention.
As well as these popular topics, Martin Andresen also discusses a number

of topics that are at the leading edge of research within environmental
criminology. New to the third edition is an expanded coverage on multilevel
models of environmental criminology, harm indices, crime mapping, hot-
spot policing, and future directions in environmental criminology.
This text will be ideal for courses on crime prevention, where students are
often encouraged to consider policy problems and apply theory to practice.
This book offers up environmental criminology as a theoretical framework
for making sense of complex neighborhood problems, so it is also perfect for
courses on geography of crime, crime analysis, and, indeed, environmental
criminology. It would also be a good supplement for courses on criminological
theory.
Martin A. Andresen is Professor at the School of Criminology, Simon Fraser

University, Canada.
“In Environmental Criminology, Martin Andresen provides perhaps the most
readable summary of what is known in the field. But he also thoughtfully
considers where the field has been and where it is going, providing one of
the most sophisticated descriptions of Environmental Criminology to date.
This means that this book will be equally useful to students and scholars, and
should be read by anyone interested in this area of study.”
David Weisburd, Walter E Meyer Professor of Law and
Criminal Justice, Institute of Criminology, Faculty of Law,
Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel; Distinguished Professor,
Department of Criminology, Law and Society,
George Mason University, USA
“I’ve used this book as required reading in my courses emphasizing crime

and place. It covers the theories that underpin the field of Environmental
Criminology and their link to crime prevention practice before discussing a
variety of the core methods in use. The text is engagingly and clearly written.
The illustrations are well-done and helpful. This book is an invaluable
resource for students, scholars, and professionals at a variety of levels. It
is packed with important information. My own copy is dog-eared from
frequent use.”
Elizabeth Groff, Professor, Department of Criminal Justice,
Temple University
“I am delighted to see Andresen has updated Environmental Criminology

with a third edition. This is an essential text for those seeking a comprehensive
understanding of environmental criminology and its significance for research,
practice, and policy.”
Julie Hibdon, Associate Professor, Department of Criminology and
Criminal Justice, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale
“Environmental Criminology is a great resource for students, practitioners,

and academics alike. With new material on multilevel models of environmental
criminology, harm indices, crime mapping, and hot-spot policing, Martin
Andresen has produced an update to an already valuable reference in the field
with a writing style that is precise but written in a digestible format for all
students in environmental criminology.”
Justin Ready, Associate Professor, School of Criminology &
Criminal Justice, Griffith University
Environmental Criminology
Evolution, Theory, and Practice
Third Edition
Martin A. Andresen
Designed cover image: © Shutterstock Images / Alexandar lotzov
Third edition published 2024
by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2024 Martin A. Andresen
The right of Martin A. Andresen to be identified as author of this
work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced
or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,
now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording,
or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
First edition published by Routledge 2014
Third edition published by Routledge 2024
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 978-1-032-45636-2 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-45475-7 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-37795-5 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003377955
Typeset in Sabon
by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India
For my two children, Matthew and Markus, and my wife, Tarah.
Contents
List of figures ix
List of tables xii
Preface to the third edition xiii
Preface to the second edition xv
Preface to the first edition xvi
Acknowledgments xviii
PART I
Early work on the ecology of crime 1
1 The beginnings of the geography of crime 3

2 Social disorganization theory 14
PART II
Theories within environmental criminology 35
3 Routine activity approach 39

4 Geometry of crime 56
5 Rational choice perspective 77
6 Theoretical integration in environmental criminology 97
7 Crime prevention: Theory 110

viii Contents
PART III
The practice of environmental criminology 139
8 Crime prevention: Implementation, evaluation, and

empirical evidence 143
9 Crime measurement 155
10 Spatial issues with crime analysis 189
11 Hot spots of crime 220
12 The temporal dimension of crime 239
13 Environmental criminology and the crime drop 262
14 Geographic profiling 279
15 (Near-)repeat victimization 294
16 Journey to crime 315
17 Crime and place 330
Index 351
Figures
1.1 Property crime per 100,000, France, 1825–1830 5

1.2 Violent crime per 100,000, France, 1825–1830 6
1.3 Hot spots of property crime, France, 1825–1830 8
1.4 Hot spots of violent crime, France, 1825–1830 9
2.1 Concentric zone model 17
2.2 Nonlinear relationship between population change and
juvenile delinquency 20
2.3 The causal model of Sampson and Groves (1989) 28
II.1 The evolution of environmental criminology 36
3.1 Property and violent crime rates for Canada and the United
States, 1960–2021 41
3.2 Changes in routine activities, Queensland 52
4.1 A simple search by an offender 62
4.2 Distance decay and search intensity 63
4.3 A complex search by an offender 64
4.4 Strong versus weak directionality 69
4.5 Directionality and the protractor method 70
4.6 Directionality bias versus random paths 72
5.1 Making the rational choice 79
5.2 Initial involvement in crime 86
5.3 The criminal event 87
5.4 Desistance from crime 89

x Figures
6.1 The general criminal process 99

6.2 The general criminal process and activities 100
6.3 The general criminal process, activities, and motivation 102
6.4 A multi-level model of crime and victimization 107
7.1 C. Ray Jeffery’s crime prevention through environmental design 119
7.2 Oscar Newman’s crime prevention through urban design 125
8.1 Attempting to measure spatial displacement, before and after 151
9.1 Traditional versus modified homicide rates, Canada, 1961–1999 160
9.2 Resident and ambient populations, Vancouver, 2001 164
9.3 Daytime population attractiveness, Vancouver, 2001 165
9.4 Resident- and ambient-based violent crime rates, Vancouver,
2001 166
9.5 Resident and ambient populations, Vancouver, 2016 169
9.6 Theft from vehicle rate per 1000, Vancouver, 2016 170
9.7 Burglary crime rate and location quotient,
Vancouver, 2001 177
10.1 Spatial autocorrelation. 196
10.2 LISA classifications, Vancouver, 2001, automotive theft 201
10.3 LISA classifications, Vancouver, 2001, Burglary 202
10.4 LISA classifications, Vancouver, 2001, Violent Crime 203
10.5 Property crime rate per 1000, Vancouver census tracts, 2003 206
10.6 Property crime rate per 1000, Vancouver census tracts,
2003, take 2 207
2003, take 3 208
2003, take 4 209
2003, take 5 210
10.10 Property crime rate per 1000, Vancouver neighborhoods, 2003 211
Figures xi
10.11 Property crime rate per 1000, Vancouver neighborhoods,

2003, take 2 212
2003, take 3 213
2003, take 4 214
10.14 Crime rate and cartogram maps, Vancouver, 2001, violent crime 215
11.1 Kernel density 223
11.2 Hot spots 225
11.3 Kernel density, single versus dual kernel 227
11.4 The possibility of displacement when crime decreases
everywhere 234
12.1 Aoristic analysis 241
12.2 Temporal constraint theory 243
12.3 Intra-week temporal patterns of crime, Vancouver, 2001 249
12.4 Spatial variations in weekly crime patterns 252
12.5 Monthly trends in crime, Vancouver, 2001 255
12.6 Spatial variations in seasonal crime patterns 257
13.1 Property and violent crime rates for Canada and the United
States, 1960–2011 263
14.1 Geographic profile 283
15.1 Housing homogeneity and vulnerability for near-repeat
victimization 306
16.1 The age – distance to crime curve, by single year of age, all
crime types aggregated 319
16.2 Mobility polygons, classification difficulties 325
16.3 Mobility triangles, difficulties with neighborhoods 326
17.1 Lorenz curve and the Gini coefficient 341
Tables
7.1 The primary–Secondary–Tertiary model of crime prevention 111

7.2 Ronald Clarke’s situational crime prevention 131
9.1 Percent of self-reported victimizations reported to the police 157
12.1 Counts of crime types by day of the week, Vancouver, 2001 248
15.1 International repeat victimization, International Crime
Victims Survey, 1988–1996 297
15.2 An example of Knox test output 305
16.1 Distance to crime by crime type, kilometers, all ages 317
16.2 Mobility triangle classifications, Normandeau (1968) 324
17.1 Crime concentration at the street segment, Ottawa and
Vancouver, Canada 339

Preface to the third edition
Since the publication of the second edition of this book, even though only a
few years ago, the field of environmental criminology continues to grow. In
addition to continued advancements in the testing and reconceptualization of
theory, we have seen measurement and methodological advancements, more
data than most of us know what to do with, and the impact of COVID-19.
COVID-19 has impacted all of our lives in so many ways, including crime.
In fact, I would argue, that COVID-19 had a huge impact on criminological
research like nothing ever seen from an extraordinary event. This (horrific)
natural experiment has allowed us to consider our field in ways not possible
before without widespread data availability. Environmental criminology has
most certainly advanced as a result of all this research. Though not all this
research has a place in this textbook, I have incorporated a lot of this new
work in this third edition. In particular, I have updated each chapter with any
new and interesting developments and completely rewritten one chapter that
now considers theoretical integration in environmental criminology from a
much broader perspective.
This new edition has benefitted from five reviewers who took their time to
provide feedback on the second edition and my proposal for a third edition.
I would like to thank them for taking their time to do so. I have incorporated
as many of their comments as possible, including the incorporation of more
research outside of North America. I appreciate all of their comments and
believe they have substantially improved the quality of this book. In addition
to the reviewers of the proposal for a third edition, I have also consulted the
book reviews I have come across and taken that information into considera-
tion for changes made in this edition.
Because of COVID-19 and the shift to online teaching in recent years,
I cannot make any definitive comments regarding how awake my students
have been in class. I can only assume that my unparalleled skills as an instruc-
tor have continued to grow, further captivating my audience of students with
this material. Alas, it must be the case that the one student who fell asleep in

xiv Preface to the third edition
between the first and second editions of this book because they were on the
graveyard shift was an aberration.
Martin A. Andresen
School of Criminology
Burnaby, British Columbia
Canada
Preface to the second edition
Since the publication of the first edition of this book, the field of environmen-
tal criminology has grown substantially. There have been advancements in
the testing of theory, important research in the area of crime prevention, as
well as new and exciting developments not only in the application of environ-
mental criminology to academic settings but also the real world. Though not
all this research has a place in this textbook, I have incorporated a lot of this
new work in this second edition. In particular, I have updated each chapter
with any new and interesting developments and added two new chapters.
This new edition has benefitted from five reviewers who took their time to
provide feedback on the first edition and my proposal for a second edition. I
would like to thank them for taking their time to do so. I have incorporated
as many of their comments as possible, including the use of gender-neutral
language. I appreciate all of their comments and believe they have substan-
tially improved the quality of this book. In addition to the reviewers of the
proposal for a second edition, I have also consulted the book reviews I have
come across, spoken with one of the authors of a review, and taken that
information into consideration for changes made in this edition.
The only regret I have to state here is that I had one student fall asleep in
my environmental criminology class since the publication of the first edition!
This is still a pretty good record for teaching this course 13 years, but I feel
I had to acknowledge this event given my claim in the first edition. This stu-
dent claimed that they worked a graveyard shift and this class was first thing
in the morning, but it still hurt.
Martin A. Andresen
School of Criminology and Criminal Justice
Griffith Criminology Institute
Griffith University
Southport, Queensland
Australia

Preface to the first edition
The field of environmental criminology is a staple theoretical framework in

contemporary criminological theory. The set of theories, and subsequent
applications, that we know as environmental criminology today began in the
early 1970s. This textbook includes two chapters on the early work in spatial
criminology in order to set the stage for environmental criminology—envi-
ronmental criminology did not emerge from a vacuum. This is followed by a
section of chapters covering the seminal theories within environmental crimi-
nology: routine activity theory, geometry of crime, rational choice theory,
and pattern theory of crime. Each of these chapters is written in the same
format that considers the metaphysics of each theory (what is assumed to be
true), the theory itself, and some discussion of testing the hypotheses of the
theories. This allows the student to explicitly compare the various theoretical
frameworks within environmental criminology, noting their differences and
their similarities. The last section covers the ways in which environmental
criminology has been applied. This includes “popular” topics such as spatial
analysis and geographic profiling, but also a number of topics that are at
the leading edge of research within environmental criminology. Each chapter
also includes a set of review questions that, I believe, capture the “big ideas
and concepts” that the student of environmental criminology should be able
to explain.
I have purposely written this textbook in an informal manner, only intro-
ducing technical jargon as it becomes necessary. Though the discussion looks
and reads increasingly like a scientific article or research monograph as it
progresses, I have tried to keep the style of the book to be more of a conver-
sation than a scientific article or research monograph. My hope is that this
presentation makes the subject matter more readable to the new student of
environmental criminology, despite the fact that it may appear a little odd
to the established academic. Only time will tell if there is a (good) method to
this madness.
I chose to write the book in this manner because this is the way in which
I teach my own courses in environmental criminology—I use this method in

Preface to the first edition xvii
all of my seminars. Some readers may find this approach a little long-winded,
but I have found that the more informal discussion format, as opposed to a
terse presentation, keeps the attention of students better than other methods
of delivery. The appreciation of this material delivery format has been con-
sistently reported in the student evaluations for my courses in environmental
criminology, and elsewhere. However, probably more important than any
student evaluation of the course to judge as a guide, I have yet to have a stu-
dent fall asleep in this class over the past eight years! If that isn’t success in
teaching, I don’t know what is.
Martin A. Andresen
School of Criminology
Institute for Canadian Urban Research Studies
Burnaby, British Columbia
Canada
Acknowledgments
At the School of Criminology, Simon Fraser University, I have a fantastic

set of colleagues with whom I undertook my teaching, research, and ser-
vice. I have worked with a phenomenal set of colleagues at Simon Fraser
University who are environmental criminologists, or at least sympathizers,
despite their varied research areas: Eric Beauregard, Martin Bouchard, Ray
Corrado, Garth Davies, Graham Farrell (now at the University of Leeds),
Richard Frank, Bryan Kinney, Shannon Linning (my former MA student!),
and Evan McCuish. There have also been a number of recent hires who
are top notch scholars, but I have not had the pleasure of working with
you (yet!): Maaike Helmus, Zach Rowan, and Stephanie Wiley (now at the
University of Oregon). And, of course, those with research interests I do not
overlap with but have shared hours chatting with in the halls. I have done my
best to stifle your productivity in the interests of making myself look better.
No academic worth their weight in salt would be where they are without
their graduate students. I have supervised 20 MA students to completion,
as well as serving on another 20 MA committees and 25 PhD committees;
I have learned from all of you. And, most of all, my PhD students: Richard
Frank, Rebecca Carleton, Ehsan Jozaghi, Katie Wuschke, Jordana Gallison,
and Olivia Ha. I have learned more from you than you have from me.
Additionally, in the context of this book, I have had the benefit of working
with a great set of undergraduate students. It is because of them that my
course notes have been refined to the stage they are in now, and it was this set
of notes that were the foundation for the development of this book.
In 2019, I embarked on a new academic adventure in the School of
Criminology and Criminal Justice at Griffith University, Australia. I had an
existing environmental criminology network at Griffith University that I fur-
ther developed with my time there. I expanded my knowledge in environ-
mental criminology in this new context of Australia. I also made some great
new friends while fostering existing friendships as well: Jeff Ackerman, Jesse
Cale (originally from SFU!), Jonathan Corcoran (University of Queensland),
Tara McGee, Justin Ready, Mike Townsley, Stacy Tzoumakis (also from

Acknowledgments xix
SFU!), and Kerry Wimhurst, I look forward to seeing you at future confer-
ences and visits to Australia. More generally, I would like to thank the people
at Griffith University and the Griffith Criminology Institute for giving me
that opportunity for growth. It was a difficult time with COVID-19 and not
being able to travel and see my children. I am now back in Canada, at Simon
Fraser University, in my old office. It somehow feels strange to me not having
to run out of my office screaming after repeatedly seeing a spider the size of
my hand walk across the floor.
I would also like to take this opportunity to thank Prof. D. Kim Rossmo
for reading over the early sections of the geographic profiling chapter
(Chapter 14) and catching a number of errors on my part in terms of the
use of terminology. Prof. Rossmo has also graciously supplied the maps (a
geoprofile and a jeopardy surface) that aid in the discussion of this technique.
However, he cannot be held responsible for any errors or omissions in its
present form.
I would like to thank Thomas Sutton and Jessica Phillips of Routledge.
These individuals not only helped me in the process of writing the original
proposal and successfully convinced the publisher to publish this book, but
they also proved to be extremely helpful throughout the process; they have
also been nothing but supportive during the proposal for this new edition,
providing insight into the new edition changes, and making sure I finished
the manuscript despite my chaotic nature and continuously pushing back
deadlines.
Last, but certainly not least, I would like to thank my wife, Tarah
Hodgkinson. You have pushed me more than anyone to think differently
and critically, making me a better scholar. And through our relationship you
have also made me a better person. I cannot thank you enough for all that
you do. I love you with all of my heart.
And, of course, the usual disclaimer regarding any remaining errors in this
book applies.
Part I
Early work on the ecology of

crime
When studying criminology, one of the things the beginning student will
notice is the plethora of theories used to explain criminal behavior. Any
textbook on the introduction to criminology or criminological theory will
present the Classical School, the Positivist School, differential association,
anomie, subculture, labeling, conflict, social control, social learning, and life-
course explanations for why criminals partake in crime. In many ways, all
of these theories are correct, at least for some particular aspect of crime. I
would argue that the reason for why particular researchers invoke one theory
or another is largely based on where they went to school and, subsequently,
path dependence. The influence of particular professors is based on how well
material is presented, its elegance, and how it relates to a student’s own poli-
tics and/or life experience. Path dependency is a term used to describe how
it becomes increasingly difficult to change the (research or teaching) path
you are on the further along that path you have traveled. Think about how
increasingly difficult it is to change your major as you take more and more
required courses in your field of study!
My purpose in this book is not to convince you that environmental crimi-
nology is THE perspective (with numerous theories, approaches, and per-
spectives) to understand crime—stay away from professors who tell you
something equivalent. Rather, I hope to convince you that environmental
criminology is important to understand the spatial and temporal dimensions
of crime, as well as how to prevent criminal events—environmental criminol-
ogy is a very useful and practical set of theories, approaches, and perspec-
tives. Why? Because, as I argue throughout this textbook, regardless of why
crime occurs, it has to occur somewhere and at some time and will, most
often, occur in very particular places at very particular times. We will get into
greater detail in later chapters, but think of how few places you spend most
of your time: home, school, work, and a handful of recreational locations.
Consider how many different pathways you can use to move in between
these places, let alone how many you actually use. The nature of our built
environment (roads, pathways, buildings, etc.) constrains the ways in which
we are able to move through it. Now consider how many people (criminal
DOI: 10.4324/9781003377955-1
2 Early work on the ecology of crime
and non-criminal) also spend their time at the same places and use those
same pathways. The point of this discussion is to convince you that the study
of environmental criminology complements whichever other theory or set of
theories you already use—sometimes people will use the term spatial crimi-
nology, as I will when I am speaking more generally, but environmental crim-
inology also considers the importance of the temporal dimension of crime.
This first section of the textbook has two chapters: one short and one
long. The first, short, chapter has the primary purpose of showing the stu-
dent of environmental criminology that the study of this phenomenon is far
from new. In fact, the earliest known work in spatial criminology dates back
almost 200 years and is at a level of sophistication that is most impressive
given the statistical tools available to the various authors. The second, long,
chapter covers one of the longest standing theories in spatial criminology:
social disorganization theory. As we shall see, social disorganization theory is
not as straightforward as many people believe. Social disorganization theory
has many nuances and subtleties that make it difficult to understand and test
properly. We will go over these nuances and difficulties with the hope that
you will be able to see how powerful and insightful this theoretical frame-
work can be.
Chapter 1
The beginnings of the geography of

crime
Introduction
The purpose of this introductory chapter is fourfold: (1) to show that spa-
tial criminology is not new, (2) to show that a lot of what we know today
is based on research that is almost 200 years old, (3) to provide a transition
to the following chapter on social disorganization theory, and (4) to show
the trajectory of ever smaller units of analysis in spatial criminology, a topic
returned to in Chapter 17.
We will now turn to a brief review of the research in spatial criminology
in 19th-century France, England, and the United States. As stated above, the
general theme of this research is increasingly smaller spatial units of analysis
showing heterogeneity in the spatial patterns of crime. We will begin with
the work of Andre-Michel Guerry and Adolphe Quetelet and their analyses
of crime in France at the beginning of the 19th century. This is followed by a
discussion of the research in England during the mid-19th century by authors
such as John Glyde. Lastly, the work of Ernest Burgess at the turn of the 20th
century is covered.
France, Guerry, and Quetelet

As with any (criminological) research today, there has been much discus-
sion over who did what first in spatial criminology. Adolphe Quetelet and
Andre-Michel Guerry are often cited as being the pioneers of research in
spatial criminology. The work of Adolphe Quetelet, from Belgium, is cited
more frequently than that of Andre-Michel Guerry, from France. And those
who cite Andre-Michel Guerry tend to point out that his work was pub-
lished first: Quetelet (1842) and Guerry (1833). However, there is another
work by Guerry published in 1832, and Adolphe Quetelet (1842) himself
points out that he published another work before Guerry in 1831. But then
Andre-Michel Guerry was the first to publish a crime map in 1829. However,
as pointed out by Piers Beirne, Gerben Bruinsma, and David Weisburd
and colleagues, there are a handful of research on the geography of crime
DOI: 10.4324/9781003377955-2
that pre-dates their work—see Beirne (1987), Weisburd et al. (2009a), and
Bruinsma (2017) for more details on this history. Needless to say, there is a
lot of hair-splitting when one debates such issues. The point, however, is that
both people contributed significantly to the development of spatial crimi-
nology and Adolphe Quetelet is probably cited more frequently because his
work is more readily available in English. In an effort to give both of them
credit here, I have used the data from Guerry (1833) and based my discussion
on the results presented in Quetelet (1842), because I do not read French!
The units of analysis for these data are French departments, approximately
equivalent in size to a United States county.
The property and violent crime rates per 100,000 in France, 1825–1830,
are shown in Figures 1.1 and 1.2, respectively. Clearly evident from these
maps, and noted by Quetelet (1842), is that southern France has a stronger
propensity toward violent crimes and northern France has a stronger pro-
pensity toward property crimes—Corsica, the island to the southeast, ranks
highly in both cases. Overall, the greatest number of property and violent
crimes occur within the departments that are close to or contain a portion of
the major rivers in France: the Rhone, the Rhine (on France’s border), and
the Seine. The least number of property and violent crimes occur within the
departments that are in the center of France.
Despite these rather obvious patterns of crime in French departments,
Quetelet is cautious when making comparisons across the various depart-
ments. Quetelet refers to France’s population counts as “defective” such
that proper comparisons cannot be made, and that there is variation in the
degree and severity of punishment in the different courts across the depart-
ments. In fact, Quetelet notes that the degree and severity of punishment is
known to be greater in the north of France, that is, getting justified increased
attention of late with the over-policing of marginalized/racialized communi-
ties (Jackson et al., 2022; Taniguchi et al., 2017). These are both still issues
today in environmental criminology. As discussed in Chapter 9, population-
at-risk measures are still problematic and have significant implications on
crime rate calculations. Though not discussed in this textbook, the unequal
distribution of the degree and severity of punishment is an important issue
that can emerge from differing cultures of policing and the administration of
justice: behavior tolerated in one jurisdiction is not tolerated in another and
this becomes reflected in crime-related statistics that indicate differences that
make not actually be present.
Though Quetelet did not have the statistical methods we have today to
investigate the spatial patterns of crime in France, he did use statistical meth-
ods to investigate these spatial patterns—he was the first to apply statistical
methods to the social sciences, generally, and crime, specifically. However, it
is important to note that his statistical methods were quite simple by today’s
standards. One of his findings was the consistency and stability of the above-
mentioned spatial patterns in French departments. So, not only were spatial
T he beginnings of the geography of crime 5
Figure 1.1 Property crime per 100,000, France, 1825–1830. Source: Friendly (n.d.).
patterns present, but they persisted over time. Today we refer to this phe-
nomenon as ecological stability.
When referring to the causes of crime, Quetelet noted that these causes
were so numerous that it was impossible to ascertain their relative impor-
tance. This statement is echoed above: all of these theories that are used to
explain crime are correct within some degree, but none of them are able to
explain all aspects of crime. This again shows the importance of the perspec-
tive of environmental criminology: spatial and temporal patterns are present
Figure 1.2 Violent crime per 100,000, France, 1825–1830. Source: Friendly (n.d.).
irrespective of which theoretical construct a student or researcher wishes to

invoke when studying crime.
Two of the most common arguments one will come across when study-
ing criminology is that we need to reduce poverty and increase education.
This will be discussed further in Chapter 2, but in short if we reduce poverty
we will reduce the motivation for crime and if we increase education we
increase legitimate opportunities for people and, subsequently, reduce crime.
However, Quetelet is quick to point out that crime is at its least in the areas
of France that are the poorest and the least educated—there is less to steal in
impoverished areas and education, at the time, would have been an indicator
of wealth (items to steal). Quetelet does find, however, that relative depriva-
tion and the rapid movement from being rich to poor leads to greater levels
of crime. This subtlety is critical in understanding the relationship between
socio-economic status and crime that is missing from current analyses of
criminal behavior all too often.
In this brief overview of the spatial aspect of Quetelet’s work, A Treatise
on Man and the Development of His Faculties, it should be clear that he and
his contemporaries truly set the bar high for subsequent (spatial) analyses of
crime. Reading this work is rather humbling seeing what was learned almost
200 years ago and that in many ways we have not progressed much further
aside from a better understanding of some of the nuances of crime. Quetelet
not only studied the spatial component of crime, but also the impacts of age,
gender, climate, poverty, education, and alcohol consumption. All of this
work was done without the use of modern computing power! Criminologists
today would learn a lot from reading the work of Guerry and Quetelet.
Speaking of modern computing power, using the data from Figures 1.1
and 1.2 (Friendly, n.d.), we can interrogate what Guerry and Quetelet found
using more modern statistical analyses. One method is to statistically identify
hot spots of crime. We will cover this method in a later chapter, but all we
need to know at this time is “High-High Cluster” is a hot spot and “Low-
Low Cluster” is a cold spot.
We can see in Figure 1.3 that there is a hot spot of property crime in north-
ern France, centered on Paris, and a cold spot of property crime in southern
France. Regarding hot and cold spots of violent crime, Figure 1.4, we can
see hot spots of crime in southern France and cold spots of crime in northern
and central France—no hot or cold spot in or immediately around Paris. This
shows that the maps generated using Guerry’s data (and the claims that both
Guerry and Quetelet made) are not just a result of how they shaded their
maps! You can literally buy a book that tells you how to lie with maps and
different methods of shading in the areas is one of the ways in which you can
mislead people, including yourself!
Turning to some more sophisticated statistical analyses (I can show you
tables and more maps if you want to see it), the general statements made by
Guerry and Quetelet, stated above, hold up to more modern multivariate
statistical techniques—this just means considering more than one variable
at a time. For example, poverty, education levels (an indicator of wealth),
and larger cities tended to have more property crime. With regard to vio-
lent crime, it tended to be higher where there are higher rates of suicide and
infanticide (other forms of violence) and a greater distance to Paris. This is
rather impressive given the lack of statistical tools/techniques available to
Guerry and Quetelet and shows the importance of spending time looking at
your data and contemplating the meaning behind what is present on a map
in these cases.
Figure 1.3 Hot spots of property crime, France, 1825–1830. Source: Friendly (n.d.), analyses
by the author.
Further work was undertaken by European and British (social) scientists

after Guerry and Quetelet—see Bruinsma (2017), Weisburd et al. (2009a),
and Brantingham and Brantingham (1981a) for discussions of these histo-
ries—but now our story will jump forward a couple of decades and across
Figure 1.4 Hot spots of violent crime, France, 1825–1830. Source: Friendly (n.d.), analyses
by the author.
the English Channel. As stated above, the trajectory of research in spatial

criminology over the past 200 years has been toward increasingly smaller
units of analysis. The next stage in this research is the work of John Glyde,
studying a county in England. This is a “natural” next step to investigate
spatial patterns because larger units of analysis such as states, provinces,

counties, and departments most definitely have variations in spatial pat-
terns within them—spatial heterogeneity. In this specific case for Glyde,
the county of Suffolk had a population of just under 340,000, whereas the
average population in the French departments at the time was just under
380,000; Suffolk is approximately half the geographic size of the average
French Department.
Glyde and the English county of Suffolk

Suffolk was a large agricultural county with 80 kilometers of coastline in the
Eastern District of England. It was a county composed of 17 poor law unions
in 1851. Crime in Suffolk had been increasing more rapidly than that of its
neighboring counties over the previous 50 years.
Glyde (1856) used the ratio of prisoners to population as a measure of
criminality. Of course, not all crime becomes known to the criminal justice
system, and not all of those charged with an offense are sentenced to prison.
But even considering the statements made by Quetelet regarding the greater
degree and severity of punishment in particular places (this is neither con-
firmed nor denied in Glyde’s work), the variations of this ratio across the 17
poor law unions are instructive.
The ratios of criminals to population in Suffolk’s poor law unions range
from 1 in 1344 to 1 in 464—the former ratio indicates lesser levels of crimi-
nal behavior. This is quite the variation with prisoners being almost three
times as numerous, relatively speaking, in some unions than others. When
considering towns, Glyde refers to nine towns in Suffolk, the range being
from 1 in 1820 to 1 in 309; this variation with prisoners being almost five
times as numerous, relatively speaking, in some towns than others. In a com-
parison of towns (average population of 5000 persons) and villages (average
population of 820 persons), Glyde noted that towns had approximately half
of the criminal population, relatively speaking.
In what is probably the most interesting result of Glyde’s work, he sepa-
rates towns from rural country areas and compares eleven of the more seri-
ous crime types, such as murder, rape, arson, and so on. Glyde found that 83
percent of these more serious crimes were committed by offenders who lived
in the rural country—he could not confirm where the actual crimes were
committed. Therefore, towns that comprised 29 percent of the population
only accounted for 17 percent of serious crimes.
This short article by John Glyde very clearly shows the presence of spatial
heterogeneity within a county—spatial heterogeneity is defined as smaller
units of analysis within larger units of analysis exhibiting significant vari-
ation in the phenomenon under study. Though Glyde did not provide any
comparisons with the surrounding counties that have not experienced the
same increases in crime as Suffolk, it is quite likely that some of the poor law
unions in Suffolk have higher crime rates than the surrounding counties and
others have substantially lower crime rates. As we shall see, this is a common
finding in more recent spatial criminology: there is significant spatial hetero-
geneity within relatively larger spatial units of analysis.
An obvious question to ask now is whether there is spatial heterogeneity
within areas the size of Suffolk’s poor law unions and towns. The answer to
that question is, of course, yes.
Burgess and crime within a small city

Ernest Burgess, to the best of my knowledge, performed the first city-wide
“neighborhood” analysis of crime in a North American city. Though the city
was small, as indicated in the title of his journal article, he was able to find
significant variation in the (relatively) few areas he studied—the small city
of 12,000 residents under analysis was separated into six wards. Despite the
small size of this city, and the corresponding low number of wards, Burgess
(1916) stated that it was important to study such areas that were often over-
looked by researchers because they tended to lack social resources such that
crime and deviance problems can often be worse than those in larger cit-
ies. Burgess studied juvenile delinquents over a 2-year time span, 53 juvenile
delinquents brought to the juvenile court.
Ernest Burgess found that the home location of the juvenile delinquents was
more important than sex or ethnic group (African-American and Caucasian).
One ward in particular, Ward 4, had 1 in 12 of its resident juveniles aged
5–16 appear in the juvenile court. Burgess estimated that over time one-half
of all the juveniles in this ward would have appeared in the juvenile court
by the time they were 17 years of age. Burgess went further to cite a “low
grade home environment” as the cause of the delinquency in this ward: bad
housing conditions, poverty, and poor health. Two interrelated geographi-
cal factors stood out: the urban environment and proximity to the business
district. Finally, Burgess called for (more) organized recreational activities for
juveniles, particularly boys.
This short article by Ernest Burgess, much like the one by John Glyde,
very clearly shows the presence of spatial heterogeneity within a small city.
Though there are only six spatial units of analysis, this once again shows that
one cannot simply assume that a spatially aggregate statistic is representative
of all the places within the area it represents. Indeed, this is a fundamental
finding in the crime and place literature (Weisburd et al., 2012).
Conclusion
In this short introductory chapter, I hope to have shown that research in
spatial criminology is not new. Rather, it dates back to the beginnings of
“positivist criminology” almost 200 years ago, with positivist criminology
being the application of the scientific method, measurement, and quantifica-

tion to criminal behavior. As stated above, the work these researchers did is
quite humbling, especially when considering that it was done without the aid
of modern computers.
Changing the spatial units of analysis from departments within France to
poor law unions within a county to wards within a small city consistently
showed the importance of spatial variation within geographically larger spa-
tial units of analysis, sometimes referred to as spatial heterogeneity. Though
the importance of understanding the implications of your choice of spatial
scale is a recurring theme in this textbook, we will revisit the importance
of spatial heterogeneity at the end of this textbook in Chapter 17, focus-
ing on some of the most recent cutting-edge research within environmental
criminology.
But this short introductory chapter also serves as a transition, in a few
ways, into the following chapter on social disorganization theory. First,
because of the significant role social disorganization theory has played in
criminological research, generally speaking, it is often framed as the starting
point of research in spatial criminology, whether that framing is intentional
or not. We have seen that this is not the case. Second, Ernest Burgess is
an important figure in social disorganization theory, particularly its meta-
physics. And third, social disorganization theory continues on this trajectory
of increasingly smaller units of analysis in spatial criminology, in the large
city of Chicago, but necessarily needs a much fuller discussion because of its
importance in the history of spatial criminology and in contemporary crimi-
nological research.
Review questions
1. What is spatial heterogeneity and why does it matter?
2. Why is it important that Quetelet found stable (and unique) spatial pat-
terns for property crime and violent crime in France?
3. What did Burgess find that was the most important predictor for a juve-
nile being in juvenile court? Why does this matter for environmental
criminology?
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Environmental Criminology: Evolution, Theory, and Practice

Book · September 2023

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

The field of environmental criminology is a staple theoretical framework

• the origins of environmental criminology;

As well as these popular topics, Martin Andresen also discusses a number

Martin A. Andresen is Professor at the School of Criminology, Simon Fraser

“I’ve used this book as required reading in my courses emphasizing crime

“I am delighted to see Andresen has updated Environmental Criminology

“Environmental Criminology is a great resource for students, practitioners,

Evolution, Theory, and Practice

1 The beginnings of the geography of crime 3

3 Routine activity approach 39

8 Crime prevention: Implementation, evaluation, and

1.1 Property crime per 100,000, France, 1825–1830 5

6.1 The general criminal process 99

10.11 Property crime rate per 1000, Vancouver neighborhoods,

7.1 The primary–Secondary–Tertiary model of crime prevention 111

The field of environmental criminology is a staple theoretical framework in

At the School of Criminology, Simon Fraser University, I have a fantastic

Early work on the ecology of

The beginnings of the geography of

France, Guerry, and Quetelet

irrespective of which theoretical construct a student or researcher wishes to

Further work was undertaken by European and British (social) scientists

the English Channel. As stated above, the trajectory of research in spatial

spatial patterns because larger units of analysis such as states, provinces,

Glyde and the English county of Suffolk

Burgess and crime within a small city

being the application of the scientific method, measurement, and quantifica-

Bruinsma, G. J. N. (2017). From countries to street segments: A brief history of200

Social disorganization theory

Routine activity approach

Rational choice perspective

Theoretical integration in environmental criminology

Spatial issues with crime analysis

Hot spots of crime

The temporal dimension of crime

Environmental criminology and the crime drop

Crime and place

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