Synapes
Synapes
GEC106-Hh3
[2]
Spanish Colonization
(1521-1896)
The Spanish colonization of the Philippines was a significant historical event in the
sixteenth century. However, colonization was never so central a phenomenon as to
outweigh in importance local historical developments that were already long in
place. Some strong Muslim states were well established in the archipelago toward
the end of the fifteenth century in Sulu and Magindanao in southern Mindanao and
Manila on northern Luzon. In the region, China, Korea, and Japan held economic and
political sway. Colonization and Christianization forcibly changed the course of
development of Philippine history. However, Spain was never able to suppress long-
established cultural patterns. This chapter examines the historical processes that
underpinned the Spanish colonization of the Philippines. It brings into consideration
local viewpoints and ways of life that existed in contradistinction to the European
framework. It is by looking at this complex interplay between these two different
and opposing systems that we can begin to see some of the factors that helped to
shape the modern Philippine nation-state.
THE PILIPPINES IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
At the coming of the Spaniards, there were an estimated 500,000 people living in
the Philippines.1 They comprised a large number of distinctly different cultural and
linguistic groups of which most were lineal descendants of Malay immigrants who
came to the Philippines from south and Southeast Asia. They lived on the coasts and
along inland bays and rivers. Much of the information that we now have about
sixteenth-century Philippine society comes from early chronicles recorded by
Spanish clerics. These texts have been closely examined by William Henry Scott
(1921–1993), the distinguished American historian who made his home, after World
War II, in the Philippines. He wrote many books about the different societies and
cultures of the Philippines at the time of the Spanish arrival. During the sixteenth
century, some of the colonial friars learned to speak the local languages in order to
better convert and control the Filipinos. They compiled dictionaries filled with details
of everyday life, especially in the Cebuano- and Tagalog-speaking regions. However,
their versions of history need to be reread carefully with critical discernment
because they were written from an ethnocentric perspective. Also, these entries
were spread out over chronological time and geographical space, so they contain
conflicting information that is fragmented because of the slowness of Spanish
colonization. However, we can still find in these well-illustrated texts a window onto
the ancient past.
Sixteenth-Century Europe and Asia
The Philippines at the time when the Spanish arrived was part of an ancient Asian
civilization with a long and glorious history. Asians traded in silk and cotton textiles
when medieval Europeans were still exchanging animal skins or coarsely spun
materials. Asians had already achieved far greater advances in seamanship,
science, medicine, civil administration, and foreign diplomacy than had medieval
Western Europeans.8 Asian societies and cultures were prospering, and their people
enjoyed a much higher standard of living than did Europeans. By the sixteenth
century, when the Spaniards first came to the Philippine islands, the local people
were trading not only with each other but with neighboring countries like China,
Japan, Korea, India, Arabia, Siam, Cambodia, Java, Brunei, Malacca, Borneo, Celebes,
and the Moluccas. Foreigners brought silks, precious porcelains, iron implements
and tools, and other products to the Philippines, in exchange for gold, pearls, resins,
medicinal herbs, beeswax, rattans, exotic flowers, various kinds of woods and other
rich forest and sea products, and textiles and other handicrafts.
THE QONQUISTADORS
portugal and Spain were the first European countries to search for an alternate
route of trade to India, China, Japan, and island Southeast Asia. The discovery of the
New World by Christopher Columbus in 1492, which paved the way for the discovery
of the Philippines by Ferdinand de Magellan in 1521, largely occurred as a result of
the high European demand for spices and other goods coming from Asia. Most
overland routes were under the control of Muslim powers that charged excessive
taxes on goods coming from Asia, which made the price of Asian goods too
expensive for Western Europeans. Thus, they felt a need to look for a new all-water
route to the East. In 1488, the Portuguese, led by Bartolomeu Dias, reached the
southernmost horn of Africa. This was a great achievement for the Europeans
because all of the other routes of trade from the east African coastline to the Indian
coastal communities had already been navigated by others. In 1497, the
Portuguese, under Vasco da Gama, reached the west coast of India, largely through
the navigational skills and guidance of two Gujerat traders whom da Gama brought
aboard when sailing along the east African coastline. When da Gama returned
home, he received a hero’s welcome by the Portuguese people, who quickly
assembled a fleet of well-armed ships to exploit this region of the world. In 1493,
Pope Alexander VI issued the Treaty of Tordesillas to keep the relationship between
the Portuguese and Spanish harmonious and to prevent them from fighting over
new territorial discoveries.
IMPACT OF COLONIAL CHRISTIANITY
The Spanish conquistadors, administrators, and missionaries came to the Philippine
islands with preconceptions of paganism, conquest, and mission based on
unrealistic Augustinian and Greco-Roman definitions of Barbarians. While the
Filipinos had long traded with peaceful merchants and aggressive marauders
offering protection in return for tribute, they were never really prepared for the
abrupt and arbitrary appearance of the conquistadors. Although Muslims had
penetrated the islands to such a degree that the Tagalogs in the far north had been
won for that faith, and as much as Islam like Christianity was an intolerant religion,
it did not predispose the Filipinos for the arrival of Christianity. The Muslims were not
able to exercise the same type of center-toperiphery control that Spain could at
least attempt. That is, the Roman Catholic Church was hierarchically organized and
emanated out from Rome, under the rule of the Pope. By contrast, the Muslim world
system of the day was much more loose and multicentered. The Europeans only
imagined that the Ottomans exercised any influence in Asia. The spread of Islam
depended on the formation of many local states, not a single “world empire” that
Spain was becoming. The Spaniards negotiated their terms of settlement
predominantly through the agency of male leaders, while female leaders, who held
positions of high esteem and authority in the bilateral contexts of the precolonial
Philippines, were displaced. The lord-to-vassal relationship in Southeast Asia differed
substantially from that of Spain. Differences in gender roles were simply differences
in work patterns that complemented each other to form an undifferentiated whole.
Some scholars stress that the early Filipino ideology of gender differences was
complementary.30 The opposite sexes complimented each other rather than
competed against each other. In Southeast Asia, a follower system (still) is the
realization that a relation of authority of high over low exists and, likewise, the
understanding that teachers and students, masters and disciples, need each other
in striving for ascendancy.31 This relation is based on cooperation, not competition.
On the other hand, the relation between equal groups such as in the United States
or contemporary capitalist-led global politics is best described as opposition.
Spanish colonial policy attempted to solidify local leadership and, in effect,
transform local leaders into permanent lowerlevel authority figures solidified in
power by the Crown, so long as the indigenous elite cooperated. Researchers say
that “the extension of Spanish colonial rule into local communities generated a new
division between natives who paid tribute and natives who collected it.”32 The
indigenous elite now sanctioned by outside military force could opportunistically
shift between colonial overlords and their subjects. They could take surplus from a
community and keep part of it for themselves in the form of goods or indentured
servitude. Although the local leaders were accorded land and freed from tribute and
corvée labor by the Spaniards, their prior wealth and power derived less from the
land than from tribute and services rendered by their followers. The Spanish
government undermined the indigenous economic system by exacting head taxes
on all commoners. They accomplished this through warfare and Catholic
indoctrination and conversion. Subjects fled from both tax collectors and former
rulers or, when prevented from doing so, rebelled.
[3]
The Philipine Revolution
(1896-1902)
The Spaniards had three primary objectives in colonizing the Philippines. One was to
gain a share of the profitable spice trade dominated by the Portuguese in south and
Southeast Asia. The second was to establish a stopover in the galleon trade
between Mexico and China, with the intention of setting up a home base for the
evangelization of China and Japan. The third was to Christianize the people of the
Philippines. After establishing the capital in Manila, Spanish officials had little
interest in developing the countryside and largely confined their activities to the
galleon trade coming out of the capital city, while the friars established themselves
on agricultural lands. Aside from the big landed estates, most of the communities in
the countryside were based on a subsistence economy. These communities
consisted of self-provisioning households that also met the material needs of the
small nonproducing colonial population. The Spaniards divided the land into
encomiendas, or settlement communities, by bringing together several villages
around a church center, initially under the control of a conquistador and, soon after,
the religious orders. In exchange for their participation in governance, the friars and
other administrators who helped to run the colony, were granted the right to levy
tribute and require labor. Much of life in the However, economic and political
changes in Europe beginning in the eighteenth century affected the Philippines. The
Industrial Revolution begun in England extended and transformed Europe into highly
productive and resourceconsuming nations competing for new sources of raw
materials and market for their surplus products. This cued Spain to restructure the
Philippine economy by promoting logging, mining, and mono-cropping for export,
which hastened the integration of the local economy into the European market
system. This restructuring process, combined with increasing land grabbing by the
friars and colonial elites, fueled the grounds for revolution, as did the inflow of
liberal ideas and enlightened attitudes, especially after the Spanish Revolution of
1869. The increased speed and easement of transportation after the completion of
the Suez Canal in 1868 opened new opportunities for an ambitious and newly
emerging landed class of Filipinos to further their education at home and abroad.
Internationalized intellectuals and progressive Filipino priests called for
governmental reform and the secularization of the church. The harsh reprisals made
by the Spanish government against these reformists, especially the martyrdom of
Fathers Gomez, Burgos, and Zamora in 1872 and of the nationalist writer, Jose Rizal
in 1896, inspired Philippine nationalism and the revolts of the nineteenth
centurycountryside carried on as usual in accordance to local customs and
traditions for the first 200 years of Spanish rule. The Philippines, except Manila, was
largely closed from the outside world.
BACKGROUND
One of the most striking features of the Spanish colonial system was the union of
church and state, the Spanish Crown having been vested by the Holy See with the
charge of operating the missions in the new colonies. The state provided the
military protection and political organization, and the church took care of the
spiritual consolidation of the people to keep them under control. Once Spain
established her base of operations in Manila in 1571, she developed it into a major
naval station in the Pacific. Her goal was to gain a foothold in the spice trade that
was dominated by the Portuguese, and later, the Dutch, by making Manila the
transshipment port in the galleon trade between Mexico and China. For the first 200
years, Spain had little interest in developing agriculture or other resources in the
archipelago. She monopolized trade by dictating that all galleons coming out of the
country had to pass first through Manila. This trade was Spain’s major source of
income and economic activity. So, the communities in the countryside were
delegated to the religious orders to organize and implement a new governing
apparatus.
THE REVOLUTION AGAINTS SPAIN(1896-1898)
Spain’s intentions from the beginning were to replace the friars with secular parish
priests whenever any mission assumed the character of a parish. But thefriars, not
wanting to loose their power and possessions, fought secularization, and it was
never carried out entirely. The friars became the storm center of the gradually
increasing Filipino demand for change; the revolution of 1896 was principally
directed against them. During the first half of the nineteenth century, there were
only 2,000 to 5,000 Spaniards in the country. Spanish was spoken only by a few of
the people, principally in Manila and a few other important centers, but the friars
made little effort to educate the populous. There were many different ethnic and
cultural groups that spoke different languages. Partly because of these conditions,
the Filipinos had little representation in the Spanish courts and had to have a friar to
represent them. But, by the nineteenth century, everything changed as Christianity
united Filipinos and the Catholic schools and seminaries had produced a significant
number of educated Filipino lay and religious leaders, especially males, who as
principalia and diocesan priests shared certain advantages with the friars in the
rural communities. Children of Filipino-Spanish marriages gradually accumulated
large tracts of land and began to develop sugar plantations and so forth. Mestizos of
the early conquistadors inherited large estates and sent their children to schools in
Spain and Europe, and developed a social and cultural orientation patterned after
that of Spain.
THE REVOLUTION AGAINTS THE UNITED STATES(1899-1902)
On April 25, 1898, war broke out between Spain and the United States after the
destruction of the Maine in Havana Harbor, and the Americans accused Spain of
sabotage. The American fleet under Commodore George Dewey, then at Hong Kong,
received an order from the secretary of navy, John Long, to attack the Spanish at
Manila. This offensive strategy had been planned several months before.16 Dewey
immediately cabled Aguinaldo with a pledge of America’s support for the Filipino
fight for independence, which inspired more Filipinos, especially in the provinces, to
join the revolution.17 Before Aguinaldo could reach Hong Kong from Singapore,
however, Dewey had already left for Manila. After destroying the Spanish fleet at
Cavite, he sent a ship to bring Aguinaldo and his companions to the Philippines.
They arrived on May 19 and began gathering their forces against Spain.
[4]
American Colonization
(1899-1946)
The new colonizers continued to expand upon the traditional authority structure by
working through wealthy landed elites to consolidate their colonial rule. In this way,
they perpetuated and solidified the inequitable class system that was put in place
by the Spanish and that continues to shape and characterize the Philippines in the
twenty-first century, as we shall see in subsequent chapters.
THE COLONIZATION PROCESS
One month after the outbreak of the war, U.S. President William McKinley appointed
Cornell University’s President Jacob Gould Schurman to lead a mission to gather
information about the Philippines and determine the nation’s readiness for
independence. They reported back to the president that the Filipinos were
interested in gaining independence for their country. Still, the U.S. government
proceeded to annex the Philippines at the signing of the Paris Peace Treaty in
December 1898, and, then, it immediately dispatched reinforcements to pacify the
islands.1 McKinley ordered the American military government to take over the
whole territory, using force if necessary. As a palliative to induce a quicker
surrender, he emphasized that the United States had come “not as invaders or
conquerors but as friends” to “civilize” and “Christianizethe Filipinos who had
suffered long enough under the repressive Spanish.2 What he didn’t mention,
however, was that the United States wanted to possess the Philippines to reach the
markets and natural resources of Asia. A few months later, on April 2, 1900,
President McKinley dispatched a second Taft Commission with the instructions “to
bear in mind that the government which they are establishing is designed not for
our satisfaction nor for the expression of our theoretical views, but for the
happiness, peace, and prosperity of the people of the Philippine islands, and the
measures adopted should be made to conform with their customs, their habits and
even their prejudices, to the fullest extent consistent with the accomplishment of
the indispensable requisite of just and effective government.”3 While there was no
explicit clause of independence in the instructions, the commissioners made such
an allusion. They tried to convince the Filipinos that the U.S. government aimed to
prepare them for eventual autonomy and self-rule. However, to use a Chinese
proverb, “When the map unrolled, there was dagger,” the commissioners
emphasized that, given the superior might of the U.S. military, it would be foolish
for them to oppose the new colonial order by setting up a republic of their own.
COLONIAL REPRESSION OF THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT.
Even after Aguinaldo was captured in March of 1901, the nationalist revolutionaries
did not waiver in their resistance, as the eye of the storm of war moved southward
from the capital to the Visayas and Mindanao, which were engulfed in flames for at
least another year. Even after General Miguel Malvar surrendered in April 1902,
which marked the official end of the war, fighting persisted and continued to erupt
sporadically, and small acts of resistance occurred, routinely. For example,
Apolinario Mabini,8 among others, went into exile in Guam rather than take the oath
of allegiance to the United States. Small peasants already frustrated and disabused
by unfair landlord practices gave safe harbor to their revolutionary countrymen and
countrywomen. The U.S. military brutally retaliated against those who resisted, and,
indeed, the Filipinos were forced to surrender because they rejected and resisted
the American colonial project.
In late September, in the town of Balangiga, Samar, American troops had for some
time been abusing the townspeople by packing them into open wooden pens at
night where they were forced to sleep standing in the rain. Several score of guerilla
General Vincent Lukban’s bolomen infiltrated the town and on the morning of
September 28, while the Americans were eating their breakfast, Lukban’s men
suddenly fell upon them. Heads dropped into breakfast dishes. Fifty-four Americans
were boloed to death, and few of the eighteen survivors escaped serious injury.
The Colonial Rule
In the years following the Philippine-American War, the U.S. government
consolidated its political control and governance over the colony. It expanded upon
the Spanish legal system by adding some new laws such as the Civil Marriage Code
and Philippine Bill of 1902, which included provisions for (1) the extension of the Bill
of Rights to the Filipino people, except the right to a jury trial; (2) appointment of
two Filipino resident commissioners in Washington, D.C.; (3) establishment of an
elective Philippine assembly, after the proclamation of complete peace and two
years after the published census; (4) the retention of the Philippine Commission as
the upper house of the legislature, with the Philippine assembly acting as the lower
house; and (5) the conservation of the natural resources of the Philippines for the
Filipinos.
JAPANESE OCCUPATION
On December 8, 1941, the Japanese launched an air raid and bombed the joint U.S.–
Philippine military installations in the islands, within hours of its attack on Pearl
Harbor. The poorly equipped Filipino and American forces were no match for the
superior forces of the Japanese, although they put up a brave resistance, until they
had to withdraw in accordance with a prearranged plan to the Bataan peninsula.
General Douglas MacArthur was ordered by President Roosevelt to retreat to
Australia, although he vowed to return to liberate the Philippines. President Quezon,
Vice President Osmena and a few others were evacuated by the Americans and the
Philippine government was established in exile in the United States. It is interesting
to note that General Brigadier Manuel Roxas (who became the last president of the
Philippine commonwealth and, then, first president of the republic) refused to leave
with Quezon; he thought that he could do more good if he stayed behind with his
people and troops.22 The remaining U.S.–Philippine forces knew that no more
reinforcements or supplies would come from the United States, and that all
available material was being sent to Europe. On April 9, 1942, General Edward P.
King had no other choice than to surrender “to stop the killing of more helpless
defenders,”23 who were already doomed and ravaged with diseases and hunger at
Bataan. It is noted that “more than 76,000 United States Armed Forces of the Far
East (USAFFE) forces, including 66,000 Filipinos laid down their arms. Aside from
these prisoners of war., there were an estimated 26,000 civilian refugees who were
trapped behind the USAFFE lines in Bataan.”24 The last contingent fought valiantly
against the onslaught of thousands of Japanese infantrymen and under constant
shelling from sea and air, from deep within the tunnels of Corregidor. On May 6,
1942, the surrender at Corregidor of General Wainwright marked the end of the
military’s resistance, although some forces escaped and guerilla units continued to
resist the Japanese from the outskirts. Even though the war was declared to be over
for the American forces in the Philippines, the Filipinos continued to organize
themselves into guerilla units and resistance movements against the Japanese
throughout the duration of World War II.
PEASANT RESISTANT MOVEMENT
The Japanese occupation lasted from January 2, 1942, to February 1945. During this
time, many landowners and provincial governing officials moved to the cities,
especially Manila, and collaborated with the Japanese to protect their own assets.
Meanwhile, tenant farmers and peasants who had already been opposing unfair
landlord practices, took back the land, joined guerilla units, and prevented the
Japanese from entering their territories. One of the largest of these resistance
movements was the Hukbong Bayan laban sa Hapon or Hukbalahap (People’s Army
Against the Japanese), which was the most highly effective underground unit in
central Luzon, during the Japanese occupation. Between 1943 and 1944, this unit
had an estimated 70,000 guerillas and hundreds of thousands of supporters
throughout the country.26 It cooperated closely with the U.S. Army in the liberation
campaign but, after the war, the HUK became an “object” of repression as it was
branded a “Communist” front. However, the so-called Communists joined forces
with the anti-Fascist alliance against Japan during World War II. When the war was
over, they took up the cause of the peasants, while the Filipino landed elites wanted
to reinstate the traditional power structure by restoring the old landlord-to-tenant
system.
LIBERATION OF THE ISLAND
Late 1944, the tides of war turned as General Douglas MacArthur’s islandhopping
strategy gained new strategic victories for the Japan. From August to October 1944,
the United States was winning the war in the Pacific as American planes began
bombing targets in the Philippines.35 On October 20, 1944, General MacArthur with
his amphibious forces of some 174,000 troops landed on Leyte in the central
Philippines. He was accompanied by President Osmena,36 General Carlos Romulo,
and General Basilio Valdez, who reinstated the commonwealth government.
General MacArthur’s forces met with fierce almost fanatical resistance, as
Lieutenant General Tomoyuki Yamashita ordered reinforcements to Leyte by sea and
air. The Americans equipped with new smaller more powerful rifles, flame-throwers,
amphibian tanks, and faster fighter planes attacked the Japanese on all sides. The
Japanese reacted with desperation as suicide bombers known as kamikazes crashed
into American planes and warships in Leyte Gulf. Meanwhile, three columns of
Japanese navy fleets were racing towards Leyte. Japan’s central fleet was coming in
from Singapore, the southern fleet was approaching upward from Borneo, and the
northern column was descending down from Formosa (Taiwan). These three columns
were intercepted by the American navy under Rear Admiral J. B. Oldendorf, Admiral
William Halsey, and Rear Admiral Thomas Sprague, which annihilated them. This
critical defeat of the Japanese navy paved the way for the liberation of the
Philippines. By December 1944, the Japanese evacuated President Laurel and his
cabinet to Baguio, as their forces began to retreat to a battle line running northward
from Anitpolo to Appari. In their retreat, they pillaged Filipino homes, tortured and
massacred innocent civilians, and burned towns and villages.37 Meanwhile, on
February 5, 1945, MacArthur’s forces set a course for the capital region to entrap
the Japanese troops based in southern Manila. Reacting in crazed desperation, the
Japanese plunged Ermita Malate and Intramuros into a bloodied den of horror. They
pillaged, raped, and murdered innocent civilians and religious clergy.
[5]
PHILIPPINES INDEPENDENCE
(POST-WORLD WAR II)
By the end of the war, President Quezon had already died in exile in August 1944
and was succeeded by Vice President Osmena, who assumed the office of president
of the commonwealth government. He was charged with the task of reestablishing
the constitutional government in Manila, while dealing with those who had
collaborated with the Japanese. This was a difficult position because the president
had to reconstitute the legislature, when a large proportion of those who served in
both Houses had collaborated with the Japanese. To complicate matters, General
MacArthur had already breached the American policy on collaborators, which
required their removal from public office, by granting clemency and liberating his
friends and business partners who had collaborated with the Japanese. This meant
that those who had collaborated with the Japanese were those who were charged
with the task of dealing with the problem of collaborators, which, effectively,
ensured the survival of the prewar landed elites. In this chapter, we will look at
some of the challenges and opportunities that confronted the newly independent
Republic of the Philippines under the first five postwar presidents: Manual Roxas,
Elpidio Quirino, Ramon Magsaysay, Carlos Garcia, and Diosdado Macapagal.
QUIRINO ADMINISTRATION(1948-1953)
Elpidio Quirino, having succeeded President Manuel Roxas upon the latter’s death in
April 1948, became a candidate for the presidency at the election in November
1949. He was opposed by Jose Laurel, former president of the Japanese-sponsored
republic and nominee of the Nationalist Party, which had attacked Roxas for
collaboration in 1946. His other opponent was Senator Jose Avelino, former
president of the Senate and leader of the Liberal Party, who was ousted from both
posts on charges of selling war surpluses, and led a rebel wing, while Quirino
headed the main Liberal Party. The election held on November 8 was scandalized by
violence and fraud. The outcome of the election had essentially already been
decided. The Liberal Party had more men and more money, and more than half the
votes were for Quirino.5 A short-lived rebellion broke out in Batangas, Laurel’s home
province, after the election. President Quirino’s Liberal Party won a majority in
Congress, controlling about 60 of the 100 seats in the Congress. Inauguration of the
new officials took place in December 1949.
MAGSAYSAY ADMINISTRATION(1953-1957)
The presidency of Ramon Magsaysay was the first postwar appearance of Filipino
populism. During his first term in office, he passed the Republic Act, which was
intended to increase the power of the executive branch and improve management
of the state budget. He initiated a five-year economic development plan to generate
1.7 million jobs. Magsaysay recruited business executives and technical experts to
implement economic projects. He persuaded the landlord-dominated Congress to
pass the Agricultural Tenancy Act (1954) and established the Agricultural Tenancy
Commission and the Land Tenure-Administration to deal with tenancy problems as
well as th Agricultural Credit and Cooperative Financing Administration. It was
during his term that the Retail Trade Nationalization Act was passed (1955), and the
first major attempt was made to revise the Military Bases Agreement to bring its
provisions more in line with Philippine interests. Magsaysay opened up channels of
communication with the common people. He spent a lot of time traveling through
the countryside to listen to the barrio people’s complaints and tried to resolve them
on the spot. He brought numerous citizens into contact with the government, many
for the first time, and demonstrated that political change was possible within the
government. Yet, his personalized approach and self-emphasis prevented the full
implementation of what he was trying to change. No matter how effective
government agencies may have been through their personal connections with
Magsaysay, their ongoing value as individual institutions with decision-making
power was hampered by their association with the president.15 Magsaysay’s use of
the army, for example, overrode the power of the local police, who worked for the
landlords and politicians who had congressional clout. Congressmen watered down
Magsaysay’s Land Reform Act (1955) by adding amendments that exempted the
large sugar estates, which made it nearly impossible for tenants to acquire land.
Magsaysay’s style was that of a traditional politician during the pre-commonwealth
era, using his popularity to make changes to strengthen the country, while also
trying to boost his status as a leader.
PRESIDENT CARLOS GARCIA (1957-1961)
The fourth president of the Republic of the Philippines, President Polestico Carlos
Garcia, was a brilliant statesman who was at ease with traditional patron-client
relationships. He was once described as “of amiable personality, with a high
intellect and sonorous eloquence, he was a lover of democracy, a good chess
player, friendly in his dealings with people, and never vindictive to his enemies. g
parties. President Garcia is best remembered for his Filipino First policy. A proponent
of nationalism and democracy, he wanted to take back the local economy for the
benefit of Filipinos. He promoted industrialization and offered special incentives to
Filipino investors. This policy was not well received by the American business
community or the Chinese and Chinese Filipino business community, because the
latter felt that its interpretation of what it meant to be a Filipino was discriminatory
against them.
PRSIDENT DIOSDADO MACAPAGAL (1961-1965)
On November 14, 1961, Diosdado Macapagal was elected president by a margin of
more than 600,000 votes. On December 30, 1961, Macapagal was inaugurated as
the fifth president of the Republic of the Philippines. In his inaugural address, he
promised to bring in a new era of prosperity.
POST -WAR POLITICS BEHAVIOR
he incumbent president Ferdinand Marcos and vice president Fernando Lopez ran
for office on the Nationalista ticket, but both were former Liberal Party members.
Their political maneuver of shifting party affiliations to run for office was not unusual
behavior in the Philippines of this time period. Manuel Roxas set the precedent
when he switched from the Nationalistas to run against Sergio Osmena on the
Liberal ticket. Ramon Magsaysay switched parties to run for president against
Elpidio Quirino.
[6]
MARCOS REGIME
(1965-1986)
In 1965, when Ferdinand Marcos was elected president, the Philippines had been
considered by its neighbors to be a showcase for democratic development. At that
time, it had a newly burgeoning and strong middle class and one of the highest
literacy rates in the region. It held regular elections and had a functioning Congress
and highly effective and legitimate Supreme Court. Over the next 20 years, Marcos
took apart this democracy and constructed an authoritarian government that lasted
until he was ousted from office by a massive People Power revolution in February
1986. Significantly, Marcos resorted to borrowing from outside and inside donors to
pay for infrastructure projects. In exchange for loans from the World Bank and
International Monetary Fund, he further opened up the economy and removed
existing trade restrictions on transnational corporations, which markedly increased
the national debt. His government continued the process, begun by former
President Macapagal, of hiring western-trained technocrats to plan development.
Also, Marcos greatly increased the size of the military and expanded its role in
governance. His economic, political, and militaristic restructuring program melded
well with U.S. foreign policy at the time, which favored export-driven and top-down
development and strengthening the military to fight against the so-called
Communist threat.
HIS PRESIDENCY
In the presidential elections in November 1965, Ferdinand Marcos changed his
affiliation from the Liberal Party to the Nationalista Party to better position himself
to run for office. President Macapagal and his running mate, Gerardo Roxas, of the
Liberal Party were defeated at the polls, and the Nationalistas regained control of
Congress. Senate President Marcos and Senator Fernando Lopez were elected
president and vice president, respectively.
MARCOS DECLARES MARTIAL LAW
Marcos leaked false information to the press that this incident was committed by
the Communists, while, in fact, it was an engineered by Marcos to create the
appearance of social unrest as an excuse to declare martial law. The following year,
in 1972, Marcos declared martial law and ruled the Philippines for a total of 20
years, until he was overthrown by a massive People’s Power revolution in February
1986.
MARCOS FALL
Of the five Philippine presidents whom Ninoy Aquino knew, only Marcos disliked him.
When Marcos was first elected president, Ninoy Aquino was elected to the Senate.
He stood up to Marcos and exposed corruption in government and, in 1968, was
voted one of the most outstanding senators in the country. After the elections of
1969, he began to prepare to run against Marcos in the next presidential election in
1973. But Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law, and 10 minutes after midnight on
September 22, 1972, Ninoy Aquino was arrested at the Manila Hilton Hotel. He was
the first of hundreds of those who criticized the government to be rounded up and
detained.
[7]
(THE PHILIPPINE AFTER MARCOS)
This chapter looks at how the various forces maneuvered and imposed themselves
on those who came to power during the post-Marcos era. They had to face the
Philippines’ most pressing problems. The biggest problems were poverty and the
collapse of the economy, since Marcos had left the country in shambles. There was
also the issue of political strife between the Left and Right and the Muslim
separatists in Mindanao. Corruption at the highest levels, gambling and syndication
in the police and armed forces, the terrorist organization of Abu Sayyaf, and the
restoration of a democratic system of governance had to be addressed if reform was
to be successful.
THE AQUINO PRESIDENCY(1986-1992)
Corazon Aquino was born the daughter of a wealthy family. Her father was Jose
Cojuangco of Tarlac, and her mother was Demetria Sumulong, daughter of
distinguished Juan Sumulong of Antipolo. She received a convent education in the
Philippines and went to the United States, where she obtained a bachelor of arts
degree in French and mathematics from the Catholic College of St. Vincent, run by
Sisters of Charity in New York. After graduation, she returned to her homeland,
where she met and married Benigno (Ninoy) Aquino Jr. on October 11, 1954. She led
the quiet life of a Catholic housewife and mother of five children, until her husband
was assassinated and she became the new leader of the People Power revolution.
Corazon Aquino was democratically elected as the new president of the republic on
February 25, 1986. She entered office on a pledge to fight corruption and poverty.
She immediately established a revolutionary government under the Freedom
Constitution, which was eventually replaced by the Constitution of 1987, drafted by
the Constitutional Commission and ratified on February 7, 1987. This served as the
basis for the restoration of democracy.
THE PRESIDENCY OF FIDEL V. RAMOS
On May 11, 1992, Ramos won the presidential election but only by 23.58 percent of
the vote, narrowly defeating populist Agrarian Reform Secretary Miriam Defensor
Santiago. His vice presidential candidate, Osmena, lost to Joseph Estrada, who like
former U.S. President Ronald Reagan, was a former senator and B-rated movie star.
Ramos also appointed Vice President Estrada as chief of his Anti-Crime Commission.
Significantly, six years later, Estrada won the presidential elections, but no sooner
was he in office than he was ousted from power by a People Power II revolution. He
was caught misusing the public trust (e.g., pocketing the national lottery earnings
that had been previously earmarked for charities, accepting bribes and taking
payoffs, etc.) and engaging in other illicit gambling and mafia activities, which had
infected many police and government networks.