A grammar of

Gyeli
Nadine Grimm

language
Comprehensive Grammar Library 2 science
press
Comprehensive Grammar Library

Editor: Martin Haspelmath

In this series:

1. Jacques, Guillaume. A grammar of Japhug.

2. Grimm, Nadine. A grammar of Gyeli.

This series grew out of the grammars published in Studies in Diversity Linguistics, which are
proudly mentioned:

4. Berghäll, Liisa. A grammar of Mauwake.

5. Wilbur, Joshua. A grammar of Pite Saami.

7. Schackow, Diana. A grammar of Yakkha.

8. Liljegren, Henrik. A grammar of Palula.

9. Shimelman, Aviva. A grammar of Yauyos Quechua.

11. Kluge, Angela. A grammar of Papuan Malay.

12. Kieviet, Paulus. A grammar of Rapa Nui.

22. Döhler, Christian. A grammar of Komnzo.

23. Yakpo, Kofi. A grammar of Pichi.

A grammar of
Gyeli
Nadine Grimm

language
science
press
Nadine Grimm. 2021. A grammar of Gyeli (Comprehensive Grammar Library 2).
Berlin: Language Science Press.
This title can be downloaded at:
http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/298
© 2021, Nadine Grimm
Published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Licence (CC BY 4.0):
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
This book is the revised version of the author’s PhD dissertation which was
accepted by the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences at Humboldt
University of Berlin in 2015.
ISBN: 978-3-96110-311-9 (Digital)
978-3-98554-007-5 (Hardcover)

DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.4737370
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Collaborative reading: paperhive.org/documents/remote?type=langsci&id=298

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Púù yá bámbámbɔ́ bísì bà vú mɔ̀ bî —
yá bálɛ́ɛ̀ mápè’è máwɔ̀
For our ancestors who have left us —
may we keep their wisdom
Contents
Acknowledgments xi

Abbreviations xiii

1 Introduction 1
1.1 The Gyeli language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.1.1 The language’s name . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.1.2 Classification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.1.3 Language contact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
1.1.3.1 Contact with Bantu farmer groups . . . . . . . 10
1.1.3.2 Multilingualism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
1.1.3.3 The role of French . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
1.1.3.4 Language contact situation in Ngolo . . . . . 14
1.1.4 Dialects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
1.1.5 Language endangerment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
1.1.6 Special features of Gyeli . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
1.1.7 Previous literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
1.2 The Gyeli speakers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
1.2.1 Environment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
1.2.2 Subsistence and culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
1.3 Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
1.3.1 The project . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
1.3.2 The construction of a speech community . . . . . . . . . 27
1.3.3 Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
1.4 Structure of the grammar and basic grammatical features . . . . 29
1.4.1 Organization of the grammar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
1.4.2 A quick guide to decoding glossed examples . . . . . . . 30

2 Phonology 37
2.1 Consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
2.1.1 Phonemic inventory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
2.1.2 Realization rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
2.1.2.1 Labial-velars . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
Contents

2.1.2.2 Allophones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
2.1.2.3 Nasal place assimilation . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
2.1.2.4 Pre-voicing of labial and alveolar stops and
the issue of implosives . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
2.1.2.5 Voicing of intervocalic stops . . . . . . . . . . 57
2.1.3 Consonant clusters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
2.1.3.1 Prenasalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
2.1.3.2 Labialization and palatalization . . . . . . . . 61
2.1.3.3 Consonant-fricative clusters . . . . . . . . . . 63
2.1.4 Phonotactics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
2.2 Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
2.2.1 Plain vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
2.2.1.1 Vowel space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
2.2.1.2 Vowel phonotactics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
2.2.2 Diphthongs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
2.2.3 Vowel length . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
2.2.4 Nasal vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
2.3 Syllable structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
2.3.1 Syllable internal structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
2.3.2 Syllable distribution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90
2.3.2.1 Syllables in nominal prefixes . . . . . . . . . . 91
2.3.2.2 Syllables in stamp markers . . . . . . . . . . . 91
2.3.2.3 Syllables in noun stems . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
2.3.2.4 Syllables in verb stems . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
2.4 Tonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
2.4.1 Tonal inventory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
2.4.1.1 Level tones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
2.4.1.2 Contour tones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
2.4.1.3 Toneless syllables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
2.4.2 Tone rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
2.4.2.1 High tone spreading to the right . . . . . . . . 105
2.4.2.2 High tone spreading to the left . . . . . . . . . 109
2.4.2.3 L detachment in monosyllabic L verb stems . 111
2.4.2.4 H lowering in monosyllabic H verb stems . . . 113
2.5 Discussion: Gyeli phonology within Bantu A80 . . . . . . . . . 115
2.5.1 Consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116
2.5.2 Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116
2.5.3 Syllables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
2.5.4 Tone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118

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3 Parts of speech 119

3.1 Nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
3.1.1 Noun properties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
3.1.2 Noun types . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
3.1.2.1 Common nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126
3.1.2.2 Proper names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
3.1.2.3 Ethnographic note on naming strategies . . . 129
3.1.2.4 Nominalized past participles . . . . . . . . . . 130
3.1.3 Nouns and countability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134
3.2 Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
3.2.1 Verb structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136
3.2.1.1 Stem-final vowel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
3.2.1.2 Suppletive root vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
3.2.1.3 Root-final consonant variants . . . . . . . . . 141
3.2.2 Verb types . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
3.2.2.1 Main verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
3.2.2.2 Special cases of main verbs . . . . . . . . . . . 148
3.2.2.3 Auxiliaries and semi-auxiliaries . . . . . . . . 150
3.3 Adjectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
3.4 Adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
3.4.1 Group 1 adverbs: Deictic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158
3.4.2 Group 2 adverbs: Temporal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
3.4.3 Group 3 adverbs: Manner . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
3.4.4 Discussion: Multiple adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
3.5 Ideophones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
3.5.1 Phonological shape of ideophones . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
3.5.2 Morphosyntactic properties of ideophones . . . . . . . . 171
3.6 Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
3.6.1 Subject pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
3.6.2 Non-subject pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
3.6.3 Interrogative pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
3.6.4 Possessor pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
3.6.5 Reflexive pronoun mɛ́dɛ́ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
3.7 Other pro-forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
3.7.1 Interrogative pro-forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
3.7.1.1 Simple interrogative pro-forms . . . . . . . . 187
3.7.1.2 Complex interrogative pro-forms . . . . . . . 188
3.7.2 Pro-adverbs mpù and ndɛ̀ náà . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
3.7.3 Pro-clausal ngáà . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191

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3.7.4 Pro-sentence forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192

3.8 Elements of the nominal phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
3.8.1 Modifiers with agreement prefix . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
3.8.1.1 -vúdũ̂ ‘one, same’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
3.8.1.2 -fúsì ‘different’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
3.8.1.3 -ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
3.8.1.4 -ɔ́(nɛ́)gá ‘(an)other’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
3.8.1.5 Anaphoric marker ndɛ̀ . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
3.8.1.6 Agreeing plural numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
3.8.2 Modifiers with plural agreement only . . . . . . . . . . . 202
3.8.2.1 Genitive marker ngá . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202
3.8.2.2 nyá ‘big’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204
3.8.3 Modifiers with agreeing free morpheme . . . . . . . . . 205
3.8.3.1 Demonstratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
3.8.3.2 Attributive markers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206
3.8.4 Prenominal invariable modifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
3.8.4.1 Negative polarity item tɔ̀ ‘any’ . . . . . . . . . 208
3.8.4.2 Similative marker ná . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
3.8.5 Postnominal invariable modifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
3.8.5.1 Invariable numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
3.8.5.2 Quantifier bvùbvù ‘many, much’ . . . . . . . . 210
3.8.5.3 Quantifier mànjìmɔ̀ ‘whole, entire’ . . . . . . . 211
3.9 Elements of the verbal complex . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212
3.9.1 The subject-tense-aspect-mood-polarity marker . . . . . 212
3.9.2 Verbal particles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219
3.9.2.1 Absolute completive mɔ̀ . . . . . . . . . . . 219
3.9.2.2 Verbal plural particle (n)ga . . . . . . . . . . . 221
3.10 Adpositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
3.10.1 Prepositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224
3.10.1.1 Locative marker ɛ́ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224
3.10.1.2 Comitative marker nà . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225
3.10.1.3 tí ‘without’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
3.10.1.4 Associative plural marker bà . . . . . . . . . . 227
3.10.2 Postpositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228
3.10.2.1 Combinable postpositions dé ‘in/on’ and tù
‘inside’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228
3.10.2.2 Simple locative postpositions . . . . . . . . . . 231
3.10.2.3 Temporal postposition wɛ̂ . . . . . . . . . . . 231

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3.11 Conjunctions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232

3.11.1 Coordinators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232
3.11.2 Subordinators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232
3.12 Minor word classes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232
3.12.1 Copulas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232
3.12.2 Identificational marker wɛ́ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
3.12.3 Question markers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
3.12.4 Sentential modifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
3.12.5 Extrasentential elements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
3.12.5.1 Interjections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234
3.12.5.2 Exclamations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234

4 Morphology 237
4.1 Morpheme types . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
4.1.1 Prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
4.1.1.1 Derivational prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
4.1.1.2 Noun class prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242
4.1.1.3 Agreement prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
4.1.1.4 The object-linking H tone . . . . . . . . . . . 243
4.1.2 Suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245
4.1.2.1 Nominalization suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245
4.1.2.2 Extension and expansion suffixes . . . . . . . 247
4.1.2.3 Negation suffix -lɛ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247
4.1.2.4 Contrastive marker -gà . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248
4.1.2.5 Vocative marker -o . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249
4.1.2.6 Tense-mood H tone suffix . . . . . . . . . . . 249
4.2 Derivation and compounding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249
4.2.1 Nominalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249
4.2.1.1 Deverbal agentive nouns in gender 1/2 . . . . 251
4.2.1.2 Deverbal nouns in gender 3/4 . . . . . . . . . 253
4.2.1.3 Deverbal nouns in gender 5/6 . . . . . . . . . 254
4.2.1.4 Deverbal event nouns in gender 6 . . . . . . . 254
4.2.1.5 Deverbal nouns in gender 7/8 . . . . . . . . . 255
4.2.1.6 Deverbal nouns in gender 8 . . . . . . . . . . 256
4.2.1.7 Nominalized past participles . . . . . . . . . . 256
4.2.2 Derivation with similative ná- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258
4.2.3 Adverbal derivation with nà- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260
4.2.4 Verbal derivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260
4.2.4.1 Reciprocal -ala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263

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4.2.4.2 Passive -a . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265

4.2.4.3 Causative -ɛsɛ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269
4.2.4.4 Applicative -ɛlɛ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271
4.2.4.5 Autocausative middle voice -ɛga/-aga . . . . . 273
4.2.4.6 Positional middle voice -ɔwɔ . . . . . . . . . . 275
4.2.4.7 Expansions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 276
4.2.5 Zero-derivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279
4.2.6 Compounding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280
4.2.6.1 Deverbal noun-noun compounds . . . . . . . 280
4.2.6.2 Underived noun-noun compounds . . . . . . . 283

5 The noun phrase 287

5.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287
5.2 The gender and agreement system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 290
5.2.1 Agreement targets of the noun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 292
5.2.2 Agreement classes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293
5.2.3 Noun prefix classes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
5.2.3.1 Phonologically conditioned variants . . . . . . 298
5.2.3.2 Noun prefix class alternations in agreement
classes 1 and 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299
5.2.3.3 Noun prefix class pairings . . . . . . . . . . . 302
5.2.4 The Gyeli gender system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303
5.2.4.1 Gender 1/2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 306
5.2.4.2 Gender 3/4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307
5.2.4.3 Gender 5/6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309
5.2.4.4 Gender 7/8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311
5.2.4.5 Gender 9/6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313
5.2.4.6 Gender 6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314
5.2.5 Inquorate genders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315
5.3 Distributive numerals with reduplication . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319
5.4 Distributive construction with náà . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321
5.5 Attributive constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321
5.5.1 Noun + noun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 322
5.5.1.1 Optional omission of the attributive marker . 323
5.5.1.2 Nominal possessives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 330
5.5.1.3 Properties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 332
5.5.1.4 Nominal quantifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333
5.5.1.4.1 Numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333
5.5.1.4.2 bvúbvù nyà ‘many, lots of’ . . . . . . 334

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5.5.1.4.3 mwánɔ̀ ‘a few, little’ . . . . . . . . . 335

5.5.1.4.4 njìmɔ̀ wá ‘a certain, some’ . . . . . . 338
5.5.1.4.5 bímbú yá ‘a quantity of’ . . . . . . . 339
5.5.1.4.6 tsílɛ̀ yá ‘half of’ . . . . . . . . . . . . 340
5.5.1.5 Nominal locatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341
5.5.2 Noun + adjective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 342
5.5.3 Noun + verb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343
5.5.4 Noun + adverb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343
5.5.5 Noun + interrogative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 344
5.5.5.1 Selection interrogative vɛ́ ‘which’ . . . . . . . 344
5.5.5.2 níyɛ̀ ‘how many’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345
5.5.5.3 púù ‘cause’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 346
5.5.6 Noun + numeral: ordinal numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . 347
5.6 Noun phrase coordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 350
5.6.1 Agreement resolution in coordinated noun phrases . . . 351
5.6.2 Coordinated complex numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 354
5.7 On the semantic category of numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 355
5.7.1 Ethnographic notes on number use among the Bagyeli . 355
5.7.2 Arithmetic structure of the Gyeli numeral system . . . . 356

6 The verbal complex 363

6.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 363
6.2 Simple verbal predicates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 368
6.2.1 Basic simple predicates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 370
6.2.1.1 Present . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 373
6.2.1.2 Inchoative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 375
6.2.1.3 Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 377
6.2.1.4 Recent past (pst1) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 378
6.2.1.5 Remote past (pst2) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379
6.2.1.6 Imperative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 381
6.2.1.7 Subjunctive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 384
6.2.2 The realis-marking H tone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 386
6.2.3 Expanded simple predicates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 389
6.2.3.1 Negation with -lɛ in the present . . . . . . . 390
6.2.3.2 Habitual aspect by verb reduplication . . . . 394
6.2.3.3 Absolute completive aspect mɔ̀ . . . . . . . 396
6.3 Complex verbal predicates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 399
6.3.1 Single stamp predicates with true auxiliaries . . . . . . 402
6.3.1.1 Progressive aspect nzíí, nzí, and nzɛ́ɛ́ . . . . 405

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6.3.1.2 Retrospective aspect lɔ́ . . . . . . . . . . . . 409

6.3.1.3 Prospective aspect múà . . . . . . . . . . . . 411
6.3.1.4 Perfect aspect bwàà ‘have’ . . . . . . . . . . 413
6.3.1.5 Negation with sàlɛ́/pálɛ́ in the past . . . . . . 415
6.3.1.6 Negation with kálɛ̀ in the future . . . . . . . 417
6.3.1.7 Negation with tí . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 418
6.3.1.8 Negation with dúù . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 423
6.3.2 Single stamp predicates with semi-auxiliaries . . . . . . 425
6.3.3 Types of complexity in single stamp predicates . . . . . 430
6.3.4 Double stamp predicates with bɛ̀ ‘be’ . . . . . . . . . . . 433

7 Simple clauses 437

7.1 Non-verbal and verbal copula constructions . . . . . . . . . . . 437
7.1.1 stamp copula . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 440
7.1.2 Identificational marker wɛ́ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 443
7.1.3 Optional ∅-copula . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 445
7.1.4 Verbal copula bɛ̀ ‘be’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 447
7.1.5 Verbal copula múà ‘be almost’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 451
7.1.6 Verbal copula bùdɛ́ ‘have’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 452
7.2 Verbal clauses and grammatical relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . 455
7.2.1 Grammatical relations: definitions and diagnostics . . . 455
7.2.1.1 Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 456
7.2.1.2 Objects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 458
7.2.1.3 Obliques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 464
7.2.2 Basic word order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 470
7.2.2.1 S V word order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 473
7.2.2.2 S V O word order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 474
7.2.2.3 S V O O word order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 475
7.2.3 Sentential modification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 477
7.3 Information structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 487
7.3.1 In-situ positions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 489
7.3.1.1 In-situ topic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 489
7.3.1.2 In-situ focus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 491
7.3.2 Left dislocation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 492
7.3.2.1 Left dislocation of nominal noun phrases . . . 492
7.3.2.2 Left dislocation of pronominal noun phrases . 494
7.3.3 Object pronoun fronting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 494

viii
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7.4 Special clause types . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 496

7.4.1 Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 496
7.4.1.1 Polar questions with nà(nâ) . . . . . . . . . . 496
7.4.1.2 Leading questions with ngáà . . . . . . . . . . 497
7.4.1.3 Constituent questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 498
7.4.2 Possessor raising . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 504
7.4.3 Comparison constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 505

8 Complex clauses 509

8.1 Coordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 509
8.1.1 Conjunction with nà ‘and’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 510
8.1.2 Covert coordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 515
8.1.3 Disjunction with kânà/nânà ‘or’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 516
8.1.4 Adversative coordination with ndí ‘but’ . . . . . . . . . 517
8.2 Subordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 519
8.2.1 Relative clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 519
8.2.1.1 Nominal heads and the main clause . . . . . . 520
8.2.1.2 Cleft constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 522
8.2.1.3 Linkage of relative clauses . . . . . . . . . . . 524
8.2.1.4 Nominal heads and the relative clause . . . . . 525
8.2.1.5 Types of relative clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . 528
8.2.1.6 Complex relative clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . 529
8.2.2 Complement clauses and purpose clauses . . . . . . . . 530
8.2.2.1 Complement clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 530
8.2.2.2 Purpose clauses with nâ . . . . . . . . . . . . 533
8.2.2.3 Reported discourse and other depictions . . . 534
8.2.2.4 Complementizer + infinitive constructions . . 539
8.2.3 Adverbial clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 539
8.2.3.1 Full adverbial clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 540
8.2.3.2 Conditional clauses with ká ‘if’ . . . . . . . . 544
8.2.3.3 Adverbials + complementizer constructions . 547
8.2.3.4 Infinitival adverbial clauses without
subordinator . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 548
8.2.3.5 Subordination with progressive marker nzɛ́ɛ́ . 554

Appendix A: Verb extensions 557

Appendix B: Texts 575

B.1 The healer and the antelope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 575

ix
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B.2 Nzambi story . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 580

B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 613

Appendix C: Lexicon 651

References 683

Index 699
Name index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 699

x
Acknowledgments
This grammar would not have been possible without the many Gyeli speakers I
have worked with over the years and who patiently taught me about their lan-
guage. I am especially grateful to the people of Ngolo, and in particular to Mama
David, Ada Joseph, Mambi, Nandtoungou, Nze, Tsimbo, Nkolo Dorothée, Segyua,
“Délégué” Bikoun (†), Tata, Pfunda, Mimbeh, and Aminu.
Thanks also to my Kwasio assistants and friends Bimbvoung Emmanuel Cal-
vin, Djiedjhie François, and Nouangama Severin who not only helped with in-
terpreting, translations, and annotations, but who also made my life in the field
so much easier and more enjoyable. Thanks for keeping me safe and taking care
of me when I was sick with malaria or chikungunya or after road accidents. I
am also particularly grateful to my fellow team members Daniel Duke and Em-
manuel Ngue Um and our cameraman Christopher Lorenz.
This grammar started out as my PhD project at the Institute for Asian and
African Studies at Humboldt Universität zu Berlin. I would like to thank my ad-
visors Tom Güldemann and Maarten Mous for their helpful feedback throughout
the course of writing my dissertation and beyond when revising it for publica-
tion. I have discussed many aspects of this grammar with various people over
the last years. I particularly thank Viktoria Apel, Pierpaolo Di Carlo, Bernard
Comrie, Ines Fiedler, Hana Filip, Jeff Good, Larry Hyman, Lutz Marten, Joyce
McDonough, and Murray Schellenberg, as well as my “academic homes”, my de-
partments in Berlin and Rochester.
Over the years, I have received several grants that enabled me to work with the
Bagyeli. The DoBeS (Documentation of Endangered Languages) grant 84976 and
a generous extension phase 87014 by the VolkswagenFoundation financed my
PhD position and fieldwork. I am grateful for the opportunity the grants gave
me and for all the assistance, especially by Vera Szöllosi-Brenig. A special note
of thanks goes to Paul Trilsbeek who has been providing continuous assistance
in archiving the Gyeli data. After my PhD, Jürgen Bohnemeyer invited me to
collaborate in his NSF #1535846 project “Causality across languages” (2015–2022),
which funded further fieldwork in 2017, for which I am grateful.
I couldn’t have had a better experience while publishing the grammar with
Language Science Press. I thank Martin Haspelmath and nine anonymous re-
Contents

viewers for their constructive and kind comments, which certainly improved the
quality of the description, as well as the proofreaders for their valuable time. It
was a pleasure to work with Sebastian Nordhoff and Felix Kopecky, who always
provided prompt and efficient support with technical and typesetting matters.
Sebastian also did an outstanding job reworking all the maps in Chapter 1.
Last, but not least, I am very grateful to my family and friends who supported
me in the field and took active interest in all the news I brought from Cameroon.
Special thanks to my wonderful husband Scott for his patience with the long
absences that fieldwork makes necessary, for sharing my excitement and worries,
and for proofreading various versions of this grammar.

xii
Abbreviations
For notation conventions, I use the Leipzig Glossing Rules. These may differ from
abbreviations typically used in the lexicon. Abbreviations in the lexicon are gen-
erally in small characters ending in a dot while most abbreviations in glosses
(except for noun class labels) are represented in small capital letters. An excep-
tion form phonological abbreviations, which occur in capital letters.

* ungrammatical form ap associative plural

° reconstructed form (§3.10.1.4)
() element in brackets is autoc. autocausative (§4.2.4.5)
optional aux auxiliary (§3.2.2.3)
[] phonetic transcription appl/appl. applicative (§4.2.4.4,
(Chapter 2) Appendix C)
[Language] source language in att attributive marker
code-switching (§3.8.3.2)
(Appendix B) ba ba-noun class (§5.2.3)
- morpheme boundary be be-noun class (§5.2.3)
< derived from ben benefactive (§4.2.4.3)
D proper name with a C consonant (§2.1, §2.3.1)
counterpart name in the caus/caus. causative
other gender (§3.1.2.2) (§4.2.4.3/Appendix C)
∅ prefixless noun class cf citation form (§2.4.2.4)
1-9 agreement class 1-9 cl. agreement class (§5.2.2)
(§5.2.2) com comitative marker
1pl first person plural (§3.10.1.2)
2pl second person plural comp complement clause
1sg first person singular (§8.2.2)
2sg second person singular compl absolute completive
adj adjective (§3.3) (§6.2.3.3)
adv adverbial clause (§8.2.3) cond conditional clause
adv. adverb (§3.4) (§8.2.3.2)
agr agreement (§5.2.2) conj conjunction (§3.11, §8.1)
ana anaphoric marker contr contrastive marker
(§3.8.1.5) (§4.1.2.4)
Abbreviations

cop stamp copula (§7.1.1) LH raising contour tone

dem demonstrative (§3.8.3.1) (§2.4.1)
dist distal (§3.8.3.1) loc locative (§3.10.1.1)
direct object (§7.2.1.2) m male name (§3.1.2.2)
excl exclamation (§3.12.5.2) ma ma-noun class (§5.2.3)
exp verb expansion (§4.2.4.7) mi mi-noun class (§5.2.3)
ext verb extension (§4.1.2.2) mod nominal modifier (§3.8.1)
F female name (§3.1.2.2) N nasal; N-noun class
foc focus (§7.3) (§5.2.3)
fric. fricatives (§2.1.2) n. noun (§3.1)
fut future (§6.2.1.3) NC nasal + consonant
gen genitive marker (§2.1.3.1)
(§3.8.2.1) nca non-complete
H high tone (§2.4.1) accomplishment (§6.3.2)
hab habitual (§6.2.3.2) n.cl. noun class (§5.2.3)
HL falling contour tone neg negation (§6.2.3.1,
(§2.4.1) §6.3.1.5, §6.3.1.6, §6.3.1.7,
hort cohortative (§6.2.1.6) §6.3.1.8)
hts high tone spreading nom nominalization (§4.1)
(§2.4.2) NP noun phrase (§5)
id identificational marker npp. nominalized past
(§7.1.2) participle (§4.2.1.7)
ideo ideophone (§3.5) num/num. numeral
imp imperative (§6.2.1.6) (§3.8)/(Appendix C)
inch inchoative (§6.2.1.2) O onset (§2.1.4)
inf infinitival clause obj object (pronoun) (§3.6.2,
(§8.2.3.4) §7.2.1.2)
instr instrumental (§4.2.4.3) obj.link object linking H tone
irr irrealis (§6.2.2) (§7.2.1.2)
interr interrogative (§3.6.3, obl oblique (§7.2.1.3)
§7.4.1.3) obstr. obstruents (§2.1.2)
inv. invariable (Appendix C) ord ordinal numeral (§5.5.6)
io indirect object (§7.2.1.2) pal. palatalized (§2.1.2)
L low tone (§2.4.1) pass. passive (§4.2.4.2)
lab. labialized (§2.1.2) pcf predicate focus (§7.3)
lat. approx. lateral approximants pl plural marker (§3.6,
(§2.1.2) §6.2.1.6)
le le-noun class (§5.2.3) pl. plural (Appendix C)
-length pragmatic lengthening plos. plosives (§2.1.2)
(Appendix B) pn proper name (§3.1.2.2)

xiv
pos part of speech (§3) retro retrospective (§6.3.1.2)
posit. positional (§4.2.4.6) sg singular
poss possessor pronoun (§3.6.4) sbj subject (pronoun) (§3.6.1,
pred predicate (Chapter 6, §7.1.3) §7.2.1.1)
pren. prenasalized (§2.1.2) sbjv subjunctive (§6.2.1.7)
prep preposition (§3.10.1) sequ sequential marker
prf perfect (§6.3.1.4) sg singular (§3.6)
prior priorative (§6.3.2) sg. singular (Appendix C)
pro pronoun (§3.6) sim similative (§3.8.4.2)
prog progressive (§6.3.1.1) stamp subject-tense-aspect-mood-
prosp prospective (§6.3.1.3) polarity clitic (§3.9.1)
prox proximal (§3.8.3.1) stat. stative (Appendix C)
prs present (§6.2.1.1) sub subordinate (§8.2, §6.3.1.1)
pst1 recent past (§6.2.1.4) tbu tone bearing unit (§2.4)
pst2 remote past (§6.2.1.5) tm tense-mood (§6.2)
q question marker (§7.4.1.1) top topic (§7.3)
qi quotative index (§8.2.2.3) trans transnumeral (§5.2)
q(tag) question tag (§7.4.1.2) V vowel (§2.2)
quant quantifier (§3.8) v. verb (§3.2)
r realis mood (§6.2.2) v.i. verb, intransitive (§2.1.1)
rd reported discourse (§8.2.2.3) voc vocative (§4.1.2.5)
recip. reciprocal (§4.2.4.1) v.t. verb, transitive (§2.1.1)
rel relative clause (§8.2.1) X oblique (§7.2.1.3)

xv
1 Introduction
Gyeli is a Bantu A80 language spoken in southern Cameroon and northern Equa-
torial Guinea. The Gyeli speakers, who are called Bagyeli, are hunter-gatherers
constituting the western-most “Pygmy” group in Central Africa. Their forest for-
aging lifestyle distinguishes them from agriculturalist Bantu groups in the area,
opposing “Bagyeli” and “Bantu” ethnically, although linguistically, they are all
Bantu speakers.
This chapter provides extra-linguistic and methodological context to the gram-
matical description. The introduction contains four parts. I will provide a general
discussion of Gyeli’s language situation including information on the name, lin-
guistic classification, speaker numbers, language contact, and dialects. I will pay
special attention to the village Ngolo, on whose speakers I base this description.
In the second part, I introduce the Gyeli speakers, the environment they live in,
and give a rough outline of their culture and subsistence. I will then address vari-
ous aspects of the methodology I used in compiling the grammatical description
of Gyeli. This includes information on the data, but also information on what I
consider the “speech community” that provided data for the linguistic descrip-
tion. I conclude the chapter with a user guide to this grammar by providing a
content overview of each chapter and a summary of basic grammatical features
that frequently occur in glossed example sentences to make them easily accessi-
ble to the reader.
The introduction also highlights two distinctive features of this grammar. First,
the grammatical description is based on a multimodal language documentation
corpus compiled within the “Bagyeli/Bakola” DoBeS (Documentation of Endan-
gered Languages) project. This corpus includes an extensive amount of natural
texts of diverse genres as well as approximately 170 hours of elicitations, devel-
oped over the course of 4 years, 19 months of which were spent in the field.
Following the “Boasian trilogy” (Evans & Dench 2006), the Gyeli grammar in-
cludes a grammatical description, a collection of annotated texts, and a small
dictionary. In contrast to Boas, however, my text corpus does not only contain
narratives, but also other text genres that reflect language use in everyday face-
to-face communication. While the grammar is largely based on actual language
use, elicitations supplement the range of constructions I was able to uncover. As
1 Introduction

such, this grammar is the product of an effort to synthesize language descrip-

tion and language documentation traditions. With advances in technology and
archiving, not only are text and elicitation data available in a transcribed print
version, but the primary video and audio data are available in the The Language
Archive (Grimm et al. 2020), ensuring accountability and reproducibility of my
claims.
In order to “let the language speak for itself”, this grammar is organized ac-
cording to the form-to-function principle, rather than by semantic categories.
Chapter 6 on the verbal complex, for instance, is structured according to predi-
cate types rather than by functional domains, such as tense, aspect, mood, and
negation. In order to facilitate finding functional categories, e.g. for typologists,
I provide a summary of functional categories and their location in the grammar
in the introduction of the chapter. Similarly, I summarize the semantic category
of numerals at the end of Chapter 5.

1.1 The Gyeli language

The Gyeli language situation is characterized by a relatively small number of
speakers scattered in a vast area that is shared with a multitude of other lan-
guages and ethnic groups. Estimations of the population of Gyeli speakers range
from 2,200, following Renaud (1976: 27), to around 5,000 as proposed by Ngima
Mawoung (2001: 215). In the Ethnologue, Lewis (2009) gives figures of 4,250 Gyeli
speakers in Cameroon and 29 in Equatorial Guinea. Based on a sociolinguistic
survey conducted with my colleague Emmanuel Ngue Um in 2010, we estimate
4,000 to 5,000 speakers.1
The region in which Gyeli is spoken measures about 12,500km2 (which corre-
sponds to about 4,800mi2 ). Unlike many other languages in the world, especially
in the Indo-European context with its national languages, Gyeli is neither the
only (or predominant) language in the region nor restricted to one contiguous
geographic area. Instead, Gyeli is one out of nine languages in the area as shown
below in Map 1.4. Naturally, there is intensive language contact between the lan-
guages of the region. Gyeli speakers are shifting to the languages of their farmer

1
The difficulty in establishing a more precise estimate arises for various reasons. Gyeli speakers
often live in remote villages and settlements which are not easily accessible. They often do not
possess identity cards, so that they are not officially registered with the authorities. Another
difficulty in estimating population numbers is due to mobility patterns. Gyeli speakers, though
becoming more sedentary in terms of permanent villages, are highly mobile and regularly
switch villages. Therefore, it is hard to say how many people exactly live in a village.

2
 1.1 The Gyeli language

neighbors, a trend which both fragments Gyeli into different dialects and con-
tributes to the language’s endangerment. I will discuss each of these aspects in
turn in more detail below.

1.1.1 The language’s name

Gyeli is known under a variety of names, sometimes depending on who is talk-
ing about the language. In the Ethnologue, for instance, Lewis (2009) calls the
language Gyele with the code ISO 639-3: gyi. It also lists the following alternate
names that are also used to designate the same language (however, not spec-
ifying who uses which name): Babinga, Bagiele, Bagyele, Bajele, Bajeli, Bako,
Bakola, Bakuele, Bekoe, Bogyel, Bogyeli, Bondjiel, Giele, Gieli, Gyeli, Likoya.
There are two patterns observable within the various names. First, some names
have a prefix of the general form Ba- and some are prefixless. The Ba- prefix, or
the corresponding prefixes Bo- and Be- used in other languages, are typical Bantu
prefixes of the plural noun class 2 of the human gender designating groups of
people. Thus, the language names with a prefix derive from a group of people
rather than their language.
Although this might be unusual for the anglophone Bantu tradition, I refer to
the speaker group as Bagyeli, using the Ba- prefix instead of the bare stem. The
reason for this is that the Gyeli speakers and their neighboring Bantu groups use
this term (rather than Gyeli), both in local languages and in French. In contrast,
most ethnic groups of the area, for instance the Kwasio, Mabi, Bulu, and Yasa, do
not receive the Ba- prefix. Since the prefix is then not used consistently for all
ethnic groups, it seems that it is really part of the name for Gyeli speakers. When
talking about the language, however, I use the bare stem Gyeli.2
Another pattern, apart from a name with or without a prefix, is the similarities
of forms to either “Gyeli” or “Kola”. There are variants such as -jele, -giele, -jeli,
-gyel or Gieli which can be subsumed under variants of “Gyeli”. Other variants
such as -kola, -ko or -koya can be subsumed under variants of “Kola”. These two
different names correlate with geographic areas. Speakers in the northern part
of the Gyeli language zone call their language Kola, speakers in the central and
southern part call it Gyeli, but it is nevertheless considered the same language.
Accordingly, the speakers are called Bagyeli in the center and south, and Bakola
in the north. Since the speech community on which I base this grammar is located
in the southern-central part of the Gyeli/Kola language zone (see Map 1.4), I use
the name Gyeli rather than Kola.
2
In contrast to the Ethnologue, I use the spelling of Gyeli with an 〈i〉 in the end instead of Gyele
with an 〈e〉 at the end since my language consultants prefer this variant.

3
1 Introduction

Bagyeli and Bakola are terms used both as endonym (the way a group calls
itself) and exonym (the name used for a group by outsiders).3 There is, however,
an alternate exonym used by all local Bantu neighbors, namely the French word
pygmées “Pygmies”. It seems to be a convenient cover term for short-sized hunter-
gatherers in Central Africa, especially since people not familiar with the ethnic
and linguistic situation in Central Africa usually associate more with the term
“Pygmy” than with “Bagyeli” or “Bakola”. I will, however, not use this term for
several reasons. First, the term “Pygmy” generally has a pejorative connotation
(although this is certainly not always implied by the Bantu farmer neighbors who
use it). Second, it implies a certain homogeneity among such Central African for-
est foragers which is, in all reality, not existent. So-called “Pygmy” groups differ
considerably in terms of language, type of contact with their farming neighbors,
settlement patterns, and hunting techniques, just to mention a few differences.

1.1.2 Classification
With about 2000 languages out of the about 7000 languages world-wide, the
African continent is linguistically very rich and diverse. For Cameroon alone, the
Ethnologue lists 278 living languages. Figure 1.1 shows the geographic location of
the Gyeli language within Africa.

Classification within Niger-Congo

Languages of Cameroon mostly belong to the Niger-Congo languages, as does
Gyeli. With roughly 1,500 languages, Niger-Congo constitutes the biggest lan-
guage family in Africa, as classified by, for instance, Williamson & Blench (2000).
Figure 1.2 visualizes the classification of Gyeli within the Niger-Congo family.
The figure is a simplified adaptation from Williamson & Blench (2000) and Lewis
(2009). Within Niger-Congo, Gyeli belongs to the narrow Bantu languages and,
within Bantu, to the Makaa-Njem group (A80).

Classification within Bantu

With about 500 members, the Bantu languages form the biggest subfamily of
the Niger-Congo languages and, at the same time, cover a vast territory stretch-
ing from the borders of Nigeria and Cameroon all the way to east and south
3
Groups such as the Mabi and Ngumba, both dialects of Kwasio, as well as the Bulu, seem to
use these terms. Exonyms used by other groups such as the Yasa or Bakoko, as represented in
Map 1.4, require further investigation since I was not in direct contact with them during my
fieldwork. Renaud (1976: 29-30) discusses exonyms as used by the Basaa, Bulu, Fang, Mabi, and
Ngumba. They are all related to the terms “Gyeli” and “Kola”.

4
 1.1 The Gyeli language

Figure 1.1: Location of Gyeli and Cameroon in Africa

based on https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Locator_map_of_Cameroon_in_Africa.svg CC-BY-SA Shosholoza

Niger-Congo

… Atlantic-Congo

… Benue-Congo

… Southern Bantoid

… Narrow Bantu

… Makaa-Njem Group (A80)

… Gyeli (A801)

Figure 1.2: The classification of Gyeli within the Niger-Congo family,

based on Williamson & Blench (2000) and Lewis (2009)

5
1 Introduction

Africa. Probably the most famous member of the Bantu languages is Swahili, a
language spoken in Tanzania, Kenya and in parts of other surrounding countries
such as Mozambique, Uganda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
and Somalia. Even though Swahili is spoken thousands of kilometers away, many
linguistic similarities to the Bantu languages in Cameroon can still be observed.
Guthrie (1971) classifies the Bantu languages areal-typologically. As a referen-
tial classification, his model is, with slight modifications, still the most widely ac-
cepted one, although the classification is based on geography, and not on linguis-
tic-genetic criteria, as Maho (2001: 46) points out. Guthrie divides the Bantu-
speaking area into fifteen zones and names each zone with a capital letter (A,
B, C, D, E, F, G, H, K, L, M, N, P, R, S), as explained in Nurse & Philippson (2003:
3) and shown in Figure 1.3. The J zone represented in the map is a later addition
by the Tervuren team, which groups parts of Guthrie’s zones D and E together.4
As Philippson & Grollemund (2019: 337) explain, there is also a widespread con-
vention to refer to later revisions in the classification of some Bantu languages
by double letters, e.g. Rundi JD62, where the second letter refers to the zone that
the language was previously grouped with. Each zone is further subdivided into
smaller parts which are labeled by decimals. For instance, the Bantu zone A is
divided into the subzones A10, A20, A30, A40, A50, A60, A70, A80, and A90.
Bantuists often distinguish between northwestern Bantu languages, also called
“Forest” languages, and non-northwestern languages, referred to as “Savannah”
languages. Northwestern Bantu includes Guthrie’s zones A and B at its core and,
to a lesser extent, also (parts of) zones C, D, and H, depending on the author
(Nurse 2008: 10). Gyeli, as a Bantu A language, is a northwestern Bantu lan-
guage. Nurse & Philippson (2003: 5) state that northwestern Bantu languages
“form exceptions to many possible generalizations for Bantu” and show lots of
“non-Bantu” features. This is also true for Gyeli which is, for instance, a much
more isolating language than its Savannah relatives.

Classification within the Makaa-Njem group (A80)

The languages of each subzone are specified by adding further digits to the sub-
zone code. For instance, Gyeli as part of the subzone A80, also called the Makaa-
Njem group, is referenced by A801. The internal classification of A80 according
to the Guthrie code5 is shown in Table 1.1. The table is sorted by the Guthrie
4
Letters I, O, or Q were never used for zone designations.
5
I follow Maho’s (2009) updates of the codes, which include the additions of some coding fea-
tures to Guthrie’s system. Dialects are marked by a letter following the digits. A lower-case
letter is used in Guthrie’s original classification, an upper-case letter for newly added dialects.

6
 1.1 The Gyeli language

A D
CJ E
B
F
H L G
M
R K N P

Figure 1.3: Guthrie’s Bantu zones (with Tervuren’s J zone)

based on https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Locator_map_of_Cameroon_in_Africa.svg CC-BY-SA Shosholoza

code as updated by Maho (2009). The second column lists the ISO code, if exist-
ing, as used in the Ethnologue, followed by the glottocode used by the Glottolog.
The fourth column gives the name and possibly alternate names used for the
language.6
Gyeli receives the Guthrie code A801 by Maho (2001) and the ISO code 639-3:
gyi. The three-digit Guthrie code indicates that the language was not represented
in the original classification, but added later by Maho, since a third digit is added
to the code if the language’s affiliation is not clear or it is closely related to several
other languages of the group (Maho 2001: 46).
One reason for Gyeli’s unclear status may be more ethnic or historical than
reflecting a synchronic linguistic reality. The Bagyeli have a special status in that
they are not ethnically Bantu. They are forest foragers who have lived in symbio-
sis with sedentary Bantu farmer communities over a long period of time. Ruhlen
(1994: 154) expresses a widely held view: “It is assumed that Pygmies once spoke
their own language(s), but that, through living in symbiosis with other Africans,
6
A valuable discussion of the geographic distribution of Bantu A80 languages, including maps,
is given in Cheucle (2014).

7
1 Introduction

Table 1.1: Languages of the Makaa-Njem group (A80)

Guthrie code ISO code Glottocode Name(s)

A801 gyi gyel1242 Gyele, Bagyeli, Bakola
A802 ukh ukhw1241 Ukwadjo, Ukhwejo
A803 shiw1234 Shiwa, Shiwe, Oshieba, Ossyeba
A81 nmg kwas1243 Mvumbo, Kwasio, Ngumba, Magbea
A82 sox soca1235 So
A83 mcp maka1304 Makaa, South Makaa
A83A bebe1249 Bebend
A83B mbwa1238 Mbwaanz
A83C seku1238 Shikunda, Sekunda
A831 mkk byep1241 Byep, North Makaa
A832 biw kolc1235 Bekol, Kol, Bikele
A84 njy njye1238 Njem, Nyem, Zimu
A841 Bajue, Badwee
A842 ozm koon1245 Koonzime, Nzime
A85a kuna1267 Nkonabeeb, Konabem
A85b bkw bekw1242 Bekwel, Bakwele
A86a menz1238 Mezime, Medjime
A86b mgg mpon1254 Mpompon, Mpongmpong, Bombo
A86c mcx mpie1238 Mpiemo, Mbimu
A87 bmw bomw1238 Bomwali, Sanghasangha

in prehistorical times, they adopted languages belonging to these two families

[Niger-Kordofanian and Nilo-Saharan].”7 As with many other examples in the
history of language classification, ethnic affiliation and/or historic assumptions
may have influenced linguistic classification. In the Gyeli case, this may have lead
to confusion as to how to integrate a hunter-gatherer language (with a suppos-
edly distinctive linguistic history) into a farmer language group since the other
languages of the Makaa-Njem group are all spoken by farming communities. In
synchronic linguistic description, however, neither the ethnic background of the
speakers nor an unknown linguistic history should play a role in classifying a
language.

7
While the term “Niger-Kordofanian” was used by authors such as Ruhlen (1994) and Welmers
(1973), the current literature predominantly refers to this language family as “Niger-Congo.”

8
 1.1 The Gyeli language

Another reason for Gyeli’s unclear status within the A80 group in Maho’s
(2009) classification may be due to the problematic differentiation between “lan-
guage” and “dialect”. The Gyeli language is indeed closely related to Kwasio (A81).
As previous literature by Renaud (1976) suggests, Gyeli is so similar to Kwasio
that Bahuchet (2006) considers it a dialect of the latter. This view may, however,
be biased since Renaud bases his description on a Gyeli variety that is closest
to Kwasio. There are other Gyeli varieties which are less similar to Kwasio, but
instead more influenced by other neighboring farmer languages as I will explain
in §1.1.3 and §1.1.4 on language contact and dialects of Gyeli.
Just like the Ethnologue and Maho (2009), I consider Gyeli to be a language of
its own, containing several dialects. Whether Gyeli is a language or a dialect (of
Kwasio) is not entirely uncontroversial, for indeed, the Bagyeli in close vicinity
to Kribi and along the road between Kribi and Lolodorf are in close contact with
Kwasio speakers and their variety is very similar to Kwasio. There are, however,
two main reasons why I treat Gyeli as a language of its own. First, there are still
significant differences in linguistic features. For instance, the Gyeli tense system
is highly reduced segmentally in comparison to the farmer languages of the area.
While all related and neighboring Bantu farmer languages use inflectional mor-
phemes to express tense, tense-mood in Gyeli is only marked by tonal contrasts.
Second, mutual intelligibility between Kwasio and Gyeli is limited. All Bagyeli
speak, or at least understand, Kwasio for socio-economic reasons since they have
learned the language of higher prestige in a multilingual setting. My Kwasio lan-
guage assistants state, however, that when the Bagyeli speak their own “real” or
“deep” language, i.e. when they do not make efforts to be understood by their
farming neighbors, Kwasio speakers do not understand them.

1.1.3 Language contact

The Gyeli language is part of a highly complex language contact situation. There
are several groups and several directions of borrowing which altogether make
for an intricate language contact scenario. The Gyeli speakers are in contact with
eight Bantu farmer languages which, in turn, are influenced by the colonial lan-
guage French.
Figure 1.4 provides a map of the Gyeli speaking area and its contact languages.8
Gyeli, marked by the dotted area, is roughly spoken from the river Nyong in the
north into Equatorial Guinea just across the river Ntem in the south. To the west,
the area is delimited by the Atlantic Ocean while it stretches almost to Ebolowa
8
Figure 1.4 is based on the United Nations map No. 4227 (2004). Thanks to Sebastian Nordhoff
for reworking an earlier version of this map.

9
1 Introduction

in the east. Bantu farmer contact languages are represented by capital letters in
different colors. The colors correspond to different language subgroups within
the Bantu A group, as listed in Table 1.2 below. For instance, the languages in
green, Batanga and Yasa, are part of the A30 group. Contact languages of Gyeli
varieties studied within the DoBeS project (§1.3.1) receive additional graphical
marking by a shaded area. Basaa is marked by a yellow shade, Bulu by red, and
the two areas in different hues of blue, Mabi and Ngumba, are dialects of Kwasio.
The variety I describe in this grammar is based on data from Ngolo village
in the Bulu region. It is located about one to two kilometers to the southeast
of the Bulu village Nko’olong. Officially, Ngolo, the Gyeli variant for the Bulu
name Nko’olong, belongs to the Bulu village. Comparative data from both Gyeli
villages in other language contact areas and neighboring Bantu languages have
been collected within the DoBeS language documentation project. Gyeli villages
are marked with boxes around the village names such as Ngolo, Lebdjom, Bibira,
and Namikoumbi. Nziou in the Mabi area and Nko’olong in the Bulu area are
locations of comparative data collection in neighboring Bantu languages.
It is characteristic for this part of Cameroon that languages are geographically
quite interspersed. Usually, there is no clear-cut area that only contains one lan-
guage. Taking a road in the northern part of the Gyeli speaking area, for instance,
one might pass a Basaa village. The next village is Ewondo and then the next one
is Basaa again. This is, of course, quite difficult to visualize in a map showing a
surface larger than 12,500 km2 . Therefore, the map in Figure 1.4 is best under-
stood as an approximation rather than the representation of a linguistic reality.

1.1.3.1 Contact with Bantu farmer groups

Bantu farmer languages in contact with Gyeli include (read clockwise starting in
the northwest in the map of Figure 1.4): Batanga, Bakoko, Basaa, Ewondo, Bulu,
Fang, Yasa, and Kwasio with its two dialects Mabi and Ngumba. All of these
languages also belong to the Bantu A zone, though to different subgroups, as
illustrated in Table 1.2.9
The nature of contact and thus the linguistic closeness between the Bagyeli
and speakers of these eight different farmer groups differs depending on the
socio-economic relations in play. The Bagyeli have closer relations to some farm-
ing groups than to others. Contact with the Yasa, for instance, who are tradition-
ally fishermen, is less intense than with the Kwasio who are, at least partially,
agriculturalists: the Bagyeli seem to be more interested in agricultural products

9
Each language name is accompanied by the ISO code as used in the Ethnologue.

10
 1.1 The Gyeli language

Yaoundé
Edéa
B ASAA
Ny Eséka
on
g
O
OK
BAK
Lebdjom EWONDO

Lolodorf
BATANGA
Bipindi
Nziou B A
NGUM
Kribi
Namikoumbi BULU Ebolowa
Nko'olong Ngolo
Bibira
MABI

Campo FANG C�������

YASSA
Ntem G����
E��������� G�����

0 50 100 150 200

Figure 1.4: Map of the Gyeli language area and its neighboring lan-
guages

Table 1.2: Classification of Gyeli’s contact languages

Group Languages Color in Fig. 1.4

A30 Batanga (bnm), Yasa (yko) green
A40 Basaa (bas), Bakoko (bkh) grey
A70 Bulu (bum), Fang (fan), Ewondo (ewo) red
A80 Kwasio (nmg) with two dialects Mabi and Ngumba blue

than in seafood. There may also be historic reasons why relations to some farm-
ing Bantu groups are closer than to others depending on whom the Bagyeli had
first contact with and which Bantu farmer groups arrived later in the area. Fur-
ther, on an individual rather than a group level, the type of contact may be dif-

11
1 Introduction

ferent between individual Gyeli and farmer families. Some Gyeli families have
closer ties to certain farmer families than others.
The picture is thus quite heterogeneous and would require a thorough socio-
economic survey supplemented by historical information in order to provide a
more informed account of the nature of different types of contact. Since such a
survey for the whole Gyeli speaking area would exceed the frame of this work, in-
formation presented here is based on statements by my informants, both Bagyeli
and farmers, on sociolinguistic information gathered in the Gyeli village Ngolo,
and on my observations of contact behavior between some Gyeli and farmer
groups.
It is important to keep in mind that the status of Gyeli and the surrounding
farmer languages are not the same concerning the prestige of the languages.
Gyeli is associated with backwardness, a lack of education and even civilization.
The Bantu farmer languages, in contrast, are the languages of the Bagyeli’s pa-
trons, associated with power and prestige. Thus, in inter-ethnic communication
between Bagyeli and Bantu farmers, it is the farmers’ languages that are being
used. In fact, the farmers do not speak Gyeli. If some farmers understand snip-
pets of a conversation among the Bagyeli this is only due to a certain amount of
linguistic similarity between Gyeli and Kwasio.

1.1.3.2 Multilingualism
Speakers of all different languages in the area are in contact with some other
languages; it is not only the Bagyeli being in contact with Bantu farmers. As a
consequence of this close contact as well as intermarriage and trading relations,
just to mention the most important factors, members of all ethnic groups are
multilingual. This also holds for the Bagyeli who are multilingual with at least
the three languages they speak, but usually even more. How many and which
languages a Gyeli speaker masters depends on the location of his or her village
within the Gyeli speaking area. Given the geographic size of the Gyeli speaking
area, it is obvious that a single Gyeli speaker is not in contact with all of the
eight contact languages. Rather, Gyeli speakers are in close contact with usually
one main contact language. Further, all Bagyeli seem to speak or at least under-
stand Kwasio, Gyeli’s closest linguistic relative. Whether a Gyeli speaker speaks
other languages than Kwasio and potentially another language of close contact
depends highly on individual ties to other Gyeli groups and individual mobility.
For instance, if a Gyeli speaker from a village in the Bulu contact area has rel-
atives in another Gyeli village closer to the Fang contact area where he or she

12
 1.1 The Gyeli language

spends a certain amount of time, he or she will likely pick up some of the Fang
language.
Of course, it is difficult to measure the degree of fluency in several languages
of even a restricted number of Gyeli speakers given the number of languages the
Bagyeli speak and the various factors for acquiring contact languages. Since it
was not possible to test fluency of all the various languages my consultants claim
to “speak”, information provided here relies to a large degree on the speakers’
self-assessment, at least for those languages I have not witnessed interactions
with. In the case of Kwasio and Bulu, I was able to observe communications
with the respective farmers and I am sure that the Bagyeli indeed speak these
languages they claim to speak. For other languages, however, I do not have any
data based on observation. In any case, the Bagyeli I have worked with have
a good intuition of the languages of the area, even of those they do not speak:
playing Gyeli texts from other contact regions to them, they were able with a high
degree of accuracy to detect loanwords from other contact languages within the
text and, even though they did not understand the meaning, they were able to
indicate the source language.
While Gyeli is in contact with several Bantu farmer languages, there is also
contact between different Gyeli varieties which I will describe in §1.1.4. Bagyeli
of the Bulu contact area also have strong ties with other Bagyeli in the Mabi
contact region who speak a different dialect. Contact among Bagyeli of different
contact languages may be the primary reason that speakers have such a good
intuition about languages of the area, even if they do not speak them.

1.1.3.3 The role of French

The last element in Gyeli’s language contact situation is the colonial language
French. Gyeli is not (yet) directly influenced by French. Many Bagyeli do not go
to school and thus do not speak French. This situation, however, may change
rapidly since more schools are being built and the government, as well as some
NGOs, make an effort to facilitate schooling for Bagyeli children. Nonetheless,
Gyeli speakers already use a few French words that regularly show up in texts.
These words include mostly particles and filling words such as donc ‘so’, alors
‘well’ or allez ‘let’s go’ and seem to have the emblematic function of showing
a certain education. They are borrowed from Bantu farmers who use the same
expressions in code-switching in their languages for exactly the same purpose.

13
1 Introduction

1.1.3.4 Language contact situation in Ngolo

Ngolo is situated in the Bulu (A70) contact area, so Bulu is the primary farmer lan-
guage of influence. The Bagyeli in Ngolo are all multilingual. Besides Gyeli and
the main contact language Bulu, they also speak Kwasio (A80) (mostly its dialect
Mabi, but some speakers rather speak the other dialect Ngumba). Further, most
consultants in Ngolo speak Fang (A70). A few speakers in Ngolo have traveled
far and state that they speak even Makaa, Eton and Bamenda.
Concerning the command of French, the Bagyeli in Ngolo have a compara-
tively good school education. In contrast to many other Gyeli villages, their chil-
dren have attended school more or less regularly for a couple of years. Further,
some of them have worked in the nearby rubber plantations where they had to
interact in French. Thus, they all speak French on a basic level. Their command
is, however, not enough to have a whole conversation or even do elicitations in
French. There is a general tendency that Gyeli speakers in Ngolo rather under-
state their level of French by claiming that they do not speak French at all, while
it turns out that they actually do speak some and they definitely understand more
than they claim.
In terms of contact with other Gyeli varieties, the main contact dialects include
Gyeli as it is spoken in contact with Mabi and Ngumba. Further, inhabitants of
Ngolo are in contact with Gyeli villages in the Fang region. Since our project did
not gather data in this region, however, it is not clear whether the Gyeli variety
of the Fang region constitutes a different dialect than the one in the Bulu region.
On an individual level, family ties may reach further than these regions.
As a consequence of all these factors, there is a high degree of linguistic vari-
ation even within just one village, depending on a speaker’s individual linguis-
tic background. In intra-ethnic communication, every Gyeli speaker just speaks
their idiolect and everybody understands without attempting to correct each
other concerning, for example, phonetic realizations or lexical choices. One rea-
son for this non-prescriptive language behavior is likely due to the fact that there
is no standard variety which could serve as the norm. Other factors may include
a low level of education and a relatively egalitarian social system. An extreme
example in Ngolo concerns a Gyeli woman who grew up with Kwasio farmers
and thus speaks Kwasio even after having returned to the Gyeli village. This does
not seem to bother the other Bagyeli who speak Gyeli with her while she keeps
speaking Kwasio.

14
 1.1 The Gyeli language

1.1.4 Dialects
Gyeli speakers are currently shifting to the languages they are most closely in
contact with, due to massive changes in their environment, as outlined in §1.1.5.
In the course of this language shift, different Gyeli dialects are emerging, as pre-
vious work and results of the current DoBeS project (§1.3.1) show.
Already in the 1970s, Renaud (1976: 29) noticed two varieties, based on phonol-
ogical, morphological, and lexical differences. He refers to one variety as “Bajele”
which he views as more innovative, while the “Bakola” variety is said to be more
conservative, being more closely related to Proto-Bantu than to the Makaa-Njem
group.10 He further states that both varieties are mutually intelligible and not
bound to any specific geographic distribution.
While it is true that Gyeli varieties are mutually intelligible, there seems to
be some geographic distribution which is linked to Gyeli’s contact languages.
Renaud’s “Bakola” variety seems to roughly correspond with Gyeli as spoken in
the Basaa contact area, while his “Bajele” variety refers to the dialect spoken in
the Ngumba contact area.11 It seems, however, misleading to assume two varieties
based on the two different names for the Gyeli language. Rather, there are more
varieties than just two, but none of them have a specific name, neither given
by the Bagyeli nor by outsiders. The terms “Bakola” and “Bajele” are originally
exonyms from Basaa and Kwasio, respectively, which have become endonyms in
the different Gyeli varieties and other Gyeli varieties.
The data from the DoBeS project on Bakola/Bagyeli suggests that there are at
least three dialects: one that is influenced by Basaa, one by Kwasio, and the third
by Bulu. There may be more dialects corresponding to other contact languages,
such as Fang or Bakoko. Given the vast geographical area and number of contact
languages, it was, however, beyond the frame of the project to investigate poten-
tial dialects in the entire Gyeli speaking area. Additionally, linguistic variation
within the language is not classified by speakers by different dialect names. Thus,
speakers would acknowledge that other Gyeli speakers speak “differently”, being

10
This generalization is based on only 221 lexical items. It is also not quite clear what the inno-
vative versus conservative features are specifically.
11
A reason why Renaud does not notice any particular geographic distribution of the two vari-
eties may be due to his fieldwork location around Bipindi (see Figure 1.4). Bipindi lies at the
intersection of two roads: along the east-west road, there are mainly Ngumba villages, while
the road to the north houses many Basaa villages. Nevertheless, villages of different ethnic
groups are generally interspersed and there is lots of contact between all groups. In addition
to that, the Bagyeli are highly mobile and frequently stay in other Gyeli villages. Therefore, it
is not surprising that both names seem to be used interchangeably within the same area.

15
1 Introduction

more influenced by a certain contact language, but there is no systematic classifi-

cation nor labelling of varieties. As such, it is difficult to artificially label different
varieties. Further, the geographic extent of a certain dialect is not known exactly
at this point and must be taken as preliminary.
Therefore, we do not suggest any specific names for different Gyeli varieties,
but rather refer to roughly where a dialect is spoken (not specifying the exact
geographical extent). Within the three different contact regions that we investi-
gated, namely Kwasio, Basaa, and Bulu, we collected data from several locations.
This way, we made sure that the language variety is not only spoken in a partic-
ular village, but in a broader region.
Dialectal differences as observed within the DoBeS project are based on pho-
nological and lexical differences. For instance, while the Gyeli variety that is
primarily in contact with Bulu uses alveolar fricatives [s] and [z], these are sys-
tematically realized as postalveolar fricatives [ʃ] and [ʒ] in the Kwasio contact
region. Another example concerns voiced bilabial and dental implosives which
occur in the dialect that is in closest contact with Basaa, but which are lacking
in the varieties of the Kwasio and Bulu contact region. Lexically speaking, each
variety has a number of loanwords from its closest contact language that lack in
different varieties.
Since the goal of this work is a grammatical description of one of the Gyeli
varieties, an exact dialect comparison with a more extensive list of distinguishing
features has to wait for future research, as well as determining more precisely
how many Gyeli varieties there are. Another question that cannot be answered
at this point concerns the historical development of Gyeli dialects. Thus, it is
currently not clear when different varieties started to emerge and whether this
ties in with sedentarization patterns or whether dialectal differentiation started
already before the Bagyeli became sedentary as of the 1960s.12

1.1.5 Language endangerment

Gyeli is considered an endangered language. Symptoms of Gyeli’s status as an
endangered language include a high level of bilingualism and on-going adapta-
tion of the native languages of neighboring Bantu farmers. Other factors that are
usually taken as signs of language endangerment such as low speaker numbers
and a low level of transmission to the young generation seem to be less indica-
tive. Currently, there are about 4,000 to 5,000 Gyeli speakers. While this is not a
high number in comparison to larger languages in the world, the number is not

12
This date is given by Renaud (1976: 25).

16
 1.1 The Gyeli language

alarming per se, given that all members of the ethnic group speak the language.
In addition, the language is still passed on to Gyeli children and it seems that the
current young generation is still fully fluent in Gyeli.
All Bagyeli are, however, at least bilingual with an increasing amount of situ-
ations where they use the non-native language. As a result, the non-native lan-
guage has an impact on the way Gyeli is spoken, as outlined in §1.1.4. Investi-
gating the causes for the increased use of other languages than Gyeli reveals the
level of endangerment, even though this is not (yet) reflected in speaker numbers
and language transmission to the next generation.
The two major causes for Gyeli to be viewed as endangered concern massive
changes in the Bagyeli’s environment, as discussed in §1.2.1, and the low social
status of the Bagyeli. While the Bagyeli are traditionally hunter-gatherers de-
pending on the forest for food resources, they are increasingly forced to change
their subsistence strategy towards more sedentary farming activities. Together
with this economic change, they are also linguistically adapting to their farming
neighbors.
Another factor that reinforces language endangerment is the low prestige of
Gyeli which ties in with the low social status of the Bagyeli as an ethnic group
within the Cameroonian society. The Bagyeli are discriminated against by other
Bantu farmer groups for their perceived backwardness, “primitive” lifestyle, low
level of education, and lack of political organization and thus power. While not
all Bantu farmers have a negative attitude towards the Bagyeli, the general sense
is that the Bagyeli need to change their lifestyle, become sedentary and modern,
educated and part of the general Cameroonian society.
Such expectations as well as discrimination have an impact on the Bagyeli’s
linguistic behavior. As Ngima Mawoung (2001: 218) notes, Bagyeli reportedly
prefer to speak Kwasio when addressing outsiders. Since language also has an
emblematic function, many Bagyeli prefer not to speak Gyeli to outsiders since
they perceive their language as a sign of their putative backwardness. Instead,
speaking a Bantu farmer language shows a higher level of education and dis-
tances the speaker less from the other Cameroonians. This was confirmed in my
fieldwork experience, speakers had an initial tendency to switch to Bulu or Kwa-
sio when speaking with the interpreters until they got used to speaking their
language with outsiders.
Given the massive environmental changes in the area as well as the enormous
social pressure to adapt to the Bantu farmers’ lifestyle, it seems just a natural
consequence to also adopt linguistic practices. Therefore, the future of the Gyeli
language is far from being safe, despite current fluency amongst Gyeli children.

17
1 Introduction

1.1.6 Special features of Gyeli

In terms of its linguistic structure, Gyeli yields features that are of interest to
both Bantuists and to general typologists. In the following, I will list a few ex-
amples. Phonologically, for instance, Gyeli has more complex consonants and
consonant clusters than other Bantu languages. These include, for example, ho-
morganic affricates /pf/ and /bv/ and the prenasalized labio-velar /mgb/. Sounds
that are usually analyzed as implosives in neighboring languages are realized as
pre-glottalized and prevoiced stops in Gyeli.
Gyeli has a very complex tone system since tone plays a central role in this
language, both for lexical distinctions and grammatical functions. Tense-mood
distinctions are achieved without segmental morphemes, but only by tonal ma-
nipulation of the subject-clause-operator (SCOP) and the tonal pattern of the
verb. In addition to tense-mood marking, tone also has a syntactic function of
linking the closest argument to the verb. Tonal processes differ between the nom-
inal domain, where high tone spreading goes from left to right, and the verbal
domain where high tones spread from right to left.
In terms of nominal morphology, Gyeli has a remarkable system of genitive
constructions when linking two nouns via an attributive marker. While the mar
ker generally agrees in gender with the head noun, it receives a special form
when the head noun is a proper name. Besides, Gyeli has intricate rules under
which the attributive marker can be omitted in contrast to contexts when it has
to occur.
Another typologically rare property of Gyeli concerns its postpositions. As
Dryer (2013b) shows, languages with a basic V O word order usually have prepo-
sitions. While Gyeli has a basic V O word order, it nevertheless has both pre- and
postpositions.
While Bantu languages are generally known for their productive verb exten-
sions, part of the Gyeli verbal derivation system is being simplified, merging
applicative and causative suffixes. In contrast, the language has an elaborate sys-
tem of lesser studied extensions, distinguishing for example autocausatives and
positionals.
Gyeli also has a rich system in terms of negation strategies. The expression
of negation depends on the tense-mood category and clause type. While in the
present negation is marked by a suffix on the verb and a special tonal pattern
of the stamp clitic, negation in past and future is encoded by distinct negation
words. The present as well as subordinate clauses further use a negation adverb
which requires an infinitival verb in dependent clauses.

18
 1.1 The Gyeli language

1.1.7 Previous literature

Languages of the Makaa-Njem group are generally under-studied. While there
are a few accounts by SIL missionaries and local students, these works are often
difficult to access. Probably the best known and widely available description of
an A80 language is the sketch grammar on Makaa by Heath (2003). Cheucle
(2014) provides a thorough comparative study of the A80 languages, comparing
phoneme and tonal inventories as well as noun class systems. She also gives a
valuable review of the linguistic literature of the Makaa-Njem languages so that
I will not go into further detail here in this respect. Instead, I will review the
existent literature on Gyeli, both linguistic and non-linguistic.
Previous linguistic literature on the Gyeli language is quite limited. It includes
a description of “Bajɛle” by Renaud (1976). This work is quite valuable and de-
tailed in many respects. It is, however, restricted to the phonology and nominal
morphology of the Gyeli variety that is spoken around Bipindi in the Kwasio
contact region (with some influence by Basaa). Therefore, the description of the
Gyeli variety spoken in Ngolo extents Renaud’s work in terms of a more in-depth
grammatical description, covering, for instance, also verb morphology and clause
types. It further adds to our knowledge about Gyeli varieties, given that the vari-
ety spoken in Ngolo constitutes a different dialect in comparison to the variety
that Renaud studied. An additional resource is Letouzey (1995) which provides an
ethnobotanic perspective on the language by comparing Gyeli tree names with
other languages of the region.
Early publications on the Bagyeli come mostly from missionary and traveller
reports. This is, for example, the case with Seiwert (1926) who gives an anecdo-
tal account of his encounters with the Bagyeli in Anthropos. Other reports had
been published even before the turn of the 20th century in German colonial re-
ports and ethnographic journals. A list of these very early publications on Gyeli,
which are generally difficult to get access to, is provided in Renaud (1976: 357-360).
Newer ethnographic publications on the Bagyeli include papers by, for example,
Joiris (1994) and Ngima Mawoung (2001) which both focus on the relationship be-
tween the Bakola and their neighbors. While this list is certainly not exhaustive,
it covers the seemingly most important ethnographic studies, supplementing Re-
naud’s list.
Recent years have also seen a flourishing literature involving research on the
Bagyeli in other scientific areas. One domain of publications involves ethnophar-
macological and medical literature. Fomogne-Fodjo et al. (2014), for instance, in-
vestigate the Bagyeli’s plant use for treating respiratory problems. Mauclère et al.
(2011) study viral infections in the Bagyeli population as compared to the Bantu
farmer population.

19
1 Introduction

Another area of great attention in the recent literature concerns the Bagyeli’s
changing environment and their (lack of) protection as an ethnic minority group.
For instance, Pelican (2009) discusses the impact (or lack thereof) of the Declara-
tion on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples by the United Nations General Assembly
in 2007 on ethnic minority groups such as the Bagyeli in American Ethnologist
Journal. Germond-Duret (2012) explores discourse dynamics in the construction
of indigenous peoples by different actors of conflicting interests in the Interna-
tional Journal on Minority and Group Rights. The impacts of the developing oil
industry in the Gyeli speaking area are investigated in Cultural Survival Quar-
terly by Nelson & Tchouomba (2004) and in the Journal of Developing Societies
by Swing et al. (2012).
In addition to traditionally published resources, more information on the Bag-
yeli is also found in other media, for example online. The DoBeS language docu-
mentation project that constitutes the framework of this description (see §1.3.1)
provides information along with pictures and links to audio and video recordings
in the DoBeS archive. Another online source is provided by the anthropologist
Devin (2015) who has a website on different Central African “Pygmy” groups
online, including information on the Bagyeli/Bakola. Further, there are various
documentaries. Lorenz (2014) produced a documentary series in three episodes
as part of our documentation project. Another documentary was done by Tho-
mopoulos (2012).

1.2 The Gyeli speakers

In this section, I provide more information on the Gyeli speakers, including their
environment and lifestyle in terms of culture and subsistence.

1.2.1 Environment
Gyeli (or Kola) speakers live roughly in the area between the Nyong river in the
north and the Ntem river at the border to Equatorial Guinea, as shown in the map
of Figure 1.4. Lewis (2009) reports in the Ethnologue that a few Gyeli speakers
also live in Equatorial Guinea, but the majority of speakers are found on the
Cameroonian side. On a west-east axis, the Gyeli speaking area stretches from
the coastline of the Atlantic Ocean to about 150km inland, not quite reaching the
town Ebolowa.
The Bagyeli are forest foragers of the tropical rainforest in southwestern Cam-
eroon. Woodlands usually consist of primary rainforest, but also more and more

20
 1.2 The Gyeli speakers

of secondary forest, i.e. forest areas which have regrown after logging. Primary
rainforest is also increasingly replaced by private gardens and manioc farms and
industrial plantations for rubber, cocoa, and palm oil.
Generally, forest areas are still large, however, and often difficult to access
since roads are few and often so bad that they cannot be used by cars. Also,
the rainforest is interspersed by a multitude of waterways, rivers, streams, and
creeks. These could potentially be used as infrastructure through the forest, but
the Bagyeli usually walk by foot rather than building canoes to use these water-
ways for moving in the forest. The same is true for the Bagyeli who live close to
the coastline: canoes are not part of their transportation system.
The climate in this part of the world is tropical with an alternation of dry and
rainy seasons. There is a dry season from November through February with tem-
peratures reaching 32 degrees Celsius. March through June is a so-called “small”
rainy season with drizzly rain while July is relatively drier again, but generally
cooler than the big dry season. June and July are usually the busiest times of the
year for the Bagyeli since this is the season for intensely collecting honey, fruit
and nuts. The time from August through October receives most of the precipita-
tion in a year with almost daily strong rains and heavy storms.
While the Bagyeli live traditionally as mobile hunter-gatherers in the rainfor-
est, the changing landscape of the last decades is one cause for changes in their
lifestyle. A lot of Gyeli villages are now also found alongside roads in close vicin-
ity to Bantu farmer villages. Those who do not live close to the roads usually
stay in more remote areas. These remote areas are typically regions that are less
valued by the Bantu neighbors for their farming activities, such as hill sides, wet-
lands or the immediate area around protected forest such as the Campo Ma’an
Reserve.
As a general tendency, there are fewer and fewer places the Bagyeli can live
in the forest because of rapid deforestation. Industrial development of the re-
gion has the biggest impact on forest destruction. Forest area is significantly
decimated by the construction of the deep-sea port south of Kribi, the largest
port for central Africa which was inaugurated in 2015. The Kribi port complex
spreads over 26,000ha and a coastline of 20km, according to Ntaryike (2015). Re-
lated infrastructure development projects further cause forest loss, such as the oil
pipeline that runs from the border of Chad to the new port. The port also requires
an extension of the existing road and railroad net for inland transportation. Fig-
ure 1.513 shows some of the landscape changes, including protected forests, the
new deep-sea port, and the oil pipeline.
13
Thanks to Sebastian Nordhoff for reworking an earlier version of this map.

21
1 Introduction

Yaoundé
Edéa
Ny Eséka
on
g

Lebdjom
ne
oil pipeli
Lolodorf

Bipindi
Nziou
Deep-sea port
Kribi
Namikoumbi Ebolowa
Nko'olong Ngolo
Bibira
erve
es
r

a
n

Campo a' C�������

o M
Camp Ntem G����
E��������� G�����

0 50 100 150 200

Figure 1.5: Map of landscape changes in the Gyeli area

Other manners of land exploitation also deprive the Bagyeli of rainforest areas
they formerly had access to. There have been increased logging activities for trop-
ical woods. Industrial plantations such as SOCAPALM (palm oil) and HEVECAM
(rubber) take over and expand on former primary rainforest.14 Even projects that
are intended to protect the environment, such as the Campo Ma’an Reserve, dis-
place the Bagyeli from former areas they inhabited since they are not allowed to
live within the Reserve.

14
Both plantations are roughly located to the southwest of Ngolo, but it was impossible to find
any maps of their extent. Information on their total surface is also difficult to find. In a project
approved in 1980, the Worldbank (2015) specifies that the HEVECAM rubber plantation has a
surface of 40,000ha. These figures are, however, most likely outdated, while exact figures for
SOCAPALM do not seem to be publicly accessible. For a general overview, the World Resources
Institute (2015) provides more systematic information on the kinds of land use in the Forest
Atlas of Cameroon. It is, however, not always clear who has the land rights.

22
 1.2 The Gyeli speakers

1.2.2 Subsistence and culture

Subsistence
The Bagyeli are traditionally forest foragers who live off hunting animals in the
rainforest and gathering plants, fruit, nuts, and honey. Hunting techniques in-
volve killing animals with spears and machetes as well as net hunts with a larger
group of individuals. Every Gyeli village has a number of dogs that help with
hunting. The Bagyeli also build different types of traps, depending on the animal
they are looking for. Animals that the Bagyeli eat include all sorts of monkeys,
wild cats, different types of antelopes ranging from small duikers to larger water
bucks, mongooses, bush rats, porcupines, as well as snakes and snails.
Fish is also on the dietary plan, but is less valued than meat. Fishing is regarded
as a pastime, especially for children, but not as a serious activity. Bagyeli catch
fish in creeks in the forest by building dams or, in deeper rivers and the sea, by
using fish lines, standing on rocks. All of them are usually good swimmers, but
they do not venture out into the sea.
Honey is highly valued for it is often dangerous to reach. Bee hives are usually
high up in trees so that the Bagyeli have to climb a tree and smoke the bees
out – without any security line holding them. Vegetarian food resources involve
different types of tubers, fruit that grow in the forest, such as the so-called wild
mango that is used to make a sauce, and nuts.
Since primary forest is becoming increasingly scarce, so are the animals and
plants the Bagyeli depend on. Therefore, the Bagyeli get more and more engaged
in other activities as well in order to make a living. This concerns foremost
low-scale farming such as growing fruit trees (e.g. bananas and plantains, bread
fruit, Dacryodes edulis, known as African pear or plum trees), which require little
maintenance. They also grow other plants which need more care in small fields,
such as manioc and yams. Keeping chickens is another innovation in many Gyeli
camps.
Besides farming activities, some Bagyeli may earn a little bit of money through
day labor in the industrial plantations or with the Bantu farmer neighbors and
through selling wild meat and baskets they make. A few villages have also discov-
ered tourism as a source of income where they take gifts (money, food, drinks)
in return for pictures the tourists take.

23
1 Introduction

Sedentarization and mobility patterns

While the Bagyeli were traditionally nomads, who changed their camp sites fre-
quently, they have become more and more sedentarized over the past decades15
as a result of environmental changes as well as government efforts. As a con-
sequence, Gyeli villages are generally as permanent now as those of the Bantu
farmers in the sense that the material village does not change location.
The Bagyeli do keep, however, certain mobility patterns on both a group and
an individual level. Groups of Bagyeli still leave their permanent village for hunt-
ing trips that can take up several days and even weeks. On such hunting trips,
the Bagyeli construct traditional huts or use seasonal camps in the forest to sleep.
Additionally, mobility is kept on an individual basis where single people move
between different villages to visit relatives, partners, and friends. Such visits can
also be extended to several days and weeks.

Settlement patterns
Traditionally, the Bagyeli lived in temporary camps in the forest. The huts they
used for shelter were made out of sticks and leafage. These huts are easy to as-
semble, requiring about 3 hours of work load. Nowadays, many Gyeli villages are
comparable to those of the Bantu farmer neighbors, with the exception that they
are usually smaller in size. An average Gyeli village, of which there are more than
100 in the whole Gyeli speaking area, has 20-30 inhabitants. There are, however,
also smaller settlements with just a core family of 4-5 people, or exceptionally
large villages with up to 150 inhabitants. Houses in permanent Gyeli villages are
either made from wooden planks or clay, so-called poto-poto houses, which are
highly valued by the Bagyeli since they are in the same style as the Bantu farm-
ers’ houses. Gyeli villages are either along the roads that cross-cut the rainforest,
being built in close vicinity to Bantu farmer villages, or remotely located in the
forest.
Due to environmental changes, there have been recent cases of resettlement.
For example, Gyeli villages that were formerly located in the Campo Ma’an Re-
serve were moved outside the Reserve. Now, they line the border to the Park.
There are also villages that needed to make way for the deep-sea port south
of Kribi, as for example the village Bibira in Figure 1.5. While Bantu farmer vil-
lages, which were moved as well, got monetary compensation, the affected Gyeli
villages have not yet received their promised compensation. Instead, wooden
15
Renaud (1976: 25) assumes progressive sedentarization since the 1960s, while Joiris (1994: 86)
proposes that the Bagyeli have become increasingly sedentary already since the early 1900s.

24
 1.2 The Gyeli speakers

houses were built for them outside the forest with the prospect that they may be
resettled again.

Relations with Bantu farmers

Relations between Bagyeli and their farming Bantu neighbors are complex. Gen-
erally, the Bantu farmers have a higher prestige and marriages between Bag-
yeli and farming neighbor communities are unilateral – Bantu farmer men occa-
sionally marry Gyeli women, but Bantu farmer women do not marry Gyeli men.
Apart from these tendencies, the relationship between Bagyeli and Bantu farm-
ers takes a range of forms. On the extreme ends of this spectrum, the relationship
may be described as one between masters and slaves, patrons and clients, or, on
the other hand, as family relations. During the project, we have witnessed Bantu
farmers who stated that they owned a certain Gyeli group and that we would
have to pay them money in order to see the Bagyeli. In contrast, we have also
seen Bantu farmer women who referred to elderly Gyeli women as their mother
whom they treated with respect.
We interviewed Bagyeli in various villages of different language contact re-
gions about the perceived relation to their Bantu neighbors. Many of the inter-
viewees stated that they felt discriminated against in several ways. Discrimina-
tion, according to them, ranges from unequal treatment in business transactions
to verbal and physical violence. For instance when selling bush meat, the Bagyeli
would be paid much lower prices than Bantu vendors. In general, they state that
they are poorly paid for day labor. Verbal discrimination involves either mock-
ery, e.g. comparing bad habits such as getting very drunk to typical “Pygmy”
behavior, or insults. In a few cases, Bagyeli also reported of physical violence
and being beaten by Bantu farmers (the exact circumstances were not described).
In contrast, some speakers also talked about their “Bulu father” who would lend
them his gun in order to help young men out. This way, the young men could kill
and sell more animals to save money for the required bride-price of the women
they intended to marry.
In order to obtain a more holistic picture of the heterogeneous relations be-
tween Bagyeli and farmers, we also interviewed several villagers from various
Bantu farmer groups. Also in these interviews, different attitudes were reflected.
Some interviewees saw the Bagyeli as backward, dirty, dishonest, and “primitive”.
Many requested that the government needed to help them so that they would
reach an equal development state as the farmers by building schools and hospi-
tals. Others called the Bagyeli their “brothers” who were basically of equal rank.
In some cases, Bantu farmers expressed great admiration for the Bagyeli’s skills

25
1 Introduction

as dancers and healers. For example, Bagyeli are frequently invited to the farm-
ers for weddings and funerals in order to make music and dance. Bantu farmers
also consult Gyeli healers for health issues. As such, they are admired for their
magical powers, but also feared. No matter whether the attitude was more on
the friendly or discriminatory side, the overall view was that the Bagyeli needed
to stop living in the forest, and instead become modern people, more like the
farmers themselves.

1.3 Methodology
In this section, I describe the methodology involved in producing this grammat-
ical description. I first outline the project that served as the framework for the
grammar. I then define the “speech community” whose language variety I de-
scribe before I detail the data on which this grammar is based.

1.3.1 The project

The basis for this grammar stems from 19 months of field research as a Ph.D.
candidate that I conducted within the framework of the DoBeS (Documentation
of Endangered Languages) project on the Bakola/Bagyeli language from March
2010 until February 2012 and during an extended project phase from March 2013
until August 2014. The overall goal of the project was to document aspects of the
Gyeli language, concentrating on the collection and archiving of primary data.
Primary data include both audio and video recordings, covering various text gen-
res, e.g. conversations, interviews, traditional story telling, songs, and descriptive
texts accompanying everyday activities such as hunting and hut building. A more
detailed description of the data is provided in §1.3.3.
The project was carried out by the project director Prof. Maarten Mous and
three linguists: Dr. Emmanuel Ngue Um, Daniel Duke and myself. In addition to
the linguists, the project also included a professional cameraman, Christopher
Lorenz. In terms of task distribution, the three linguists worked in different re-
gions of the Gyeli speaking area, as represented by the shaded areas in Figure 1.4.
Ngue Um worked on describing the Kola variety spoken in the Basaa contact
area, Duke mainly worked in the Kwasio contact region around Lolodorf, but
also in the Gyeli village Bibira, while the variety of my description is located in
the Bulu contact region. The cameraman Lorenz joined the linguists’ team each
year for several weeks and made high-quality video recordings in all dialectal
areas.

26
 1.3 Methodology

I collected additional data on Gyeli as a collaborator in Jürgen Bohnemeyer’s

NSF #1535846 project “Causality across languages” (2015-2022). This enabled me
to gather stimulus-based data on the expression of causal relations during an-
other five weeks of fieldwork in 2017.

1.3.2 The construction of a speech community

A grammar is usually the description of some variety of a language spoken by a
group of speakers that, in an idealized way, constitutes the speech community.
In reality, however, there is no such thing as a “pure” or homogeneous speech
community. A speech community that serves as the basis for a grammatical de-
scription is rather an abstraction made by the linguist. Various factors interfere
with a clear-cut concept of “speech community”, the most important ones being
language contact and multilingualism in the Gyeli case.
As outlined in §1.1.3, the Gyeli language situation is complex with a high de-
gree of language contact and multilingualism. As such, idiolects may differ quite
a lot from speaker to speaker, even within the same village, depending on their
individual language exposure to various contact languages and personal family
ties to other Gyeli villages in other language contact regions.
I consider the village Ngolo as the speech community that provides the em-
pirical basis for this grammar. Ngolo is located in the Bulu contact region and
constitutes a different dialect from Gyeli villages in the Basaa or Kwasio speak-
ing area. I do not, however, view the Gyeli variety as spoken in Ngolo necessar-
ily representative for all Gyeli villages in the Bulu contact region since such a
generalization would require a larger data coverage of all Gyeli villages in this
region.16
A further complication with this “speech community” is to delimit who exactly
is a member of Ngolo and thus to pinpoint how many speakers the community
has. As explained in §1.2.2, the Bagyeli are still highly mobile between permanent
villages. Therefore, there is always fluctuation in terms of presence and absence
of individuals. While the number of houses remains stable, at any given time,
I would never get the exact same set and number of speakers. The village has
six houses that belong to different core families. The number of inhabitants is
around thirty, including children. Core families or individuals may, however, be
away for some time, visiting relatives in other villages are staying in the forest
on extended hunting trips. At the same time, other relatives may be visiting and
16
Data gathered in another Gyeli village within the Bulu contact region, called Bomnapenda,
suggests, however, that the variety in Ngolo and Bomnapenda constitute one dialect as opposed
to other varieties in the Kwasio and Basaa regions.

27
1 Introduction

staying in the Ngolo houses. In order to come to grips with these dynamics, as
a working definition for Gyeli speakers of Ngolo, I consider those a member of
the “speech community” who state that that they were either born in the village
or come from another village within the Bulu contact region.

1.3.3 Data
Findings presented in this grammar are based both on elicitations and an ex-
tensive number of natural texts which are accessible in The Language Archive
(http://dobes.mpi.nl/projects/bakola/). As part of a language documentation proj-
ect, the documentary team collected a variety of text genres such as narratives,
procedural, hortative, and descriptive texts, dialogues, conversations, and inter-
views, among others. These also include a wide range of everyday activities such
as hunting with different techniques such as spears or nets, building traps and
huts, collecting honey, building musical instruments, preparing hunted animals,
dancing, healing sessions, and telling traditional and autobiographical stories.17
The text corpus that specifically serves as the empirical basis for the descrip-
tion of the Ngolo variety in terms of distribution and frequency of forms is com-
prised of 3,304 words (540 intonation phrases) of high-quality annotation, dis-
tributed over three text genres, namely a folktale, a conversation between multi-
ple speakers, and an autobiographical narrative. I annotated the texts in coordi-
nated discussion with the Gyeli speakers. (As Gyeli speakers are not literate, they
were not able to carry out annotation tasks themselves.) Discussions with speak-
ers were also indispensable since the tonal system of Gyeli is so complex that
additional double-checking and elicitations were necessary to uncover its rules.
The annotated texts can be found in Appendix B. In addition to these thorough
annotations, more natural texts have been roughly annotated and/or translated.
These supplementary annotations and translations include 15 different texts and
snippets of texts of about 2 hours and 10 minutes in total. In addition to annota-
tions, I use lexical databases, one for nouns and one for verbs. The noun database
includes 875 entries and the verb database 377.
I also gathered experimental data based on the language of perception field
manual designed at the Max-Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics. These exper-
iments included color naming tasks18 developed by Majid & Levinson (2007), the
olfactory test by Majid et al. (2007), the taste test by Senft et al. (2007) and tests
17
A selection of audio and video material and their annotations can be found in the DoBeS
archive. At present, 133 audio and 90 video recordings from different dialect areas are uploaded
into the archive, 69 of which are annotated.
18
The results of this experiment are published in Grimm (2014).

28
 1.4 Structure of the grammar and basic grammatical features

on spatial orientation by Levinson & Schmitt (1993) and topological relations by

Bowerman & Pederson (1992).
The third kind of data I collected contains elicitations and questionnaires. They
are comprised of approximately 1,000 audio recording sessions with an average
of 10 minutes each, and in total about 167 hours. The questionnaires I used in-
clude, for instance, questionnaires on tense-aspect-mood, question types, rela-
tive clauses, and information structure. Each questionnaire that served as a basis
for my analysis is cited in the chapter where the data occurs. While the collec-
tion of natural text and experimental tasks took place in the village of Ngolo,
I supplemented these data with elicitations and questionnaires with language
consultants in Kribi.
Elicitations were carried out with one or two consultants at a time, varying
between five different speakers during my fieldwork. Natural text and experi-
mental data stem from a larger pool of speakers. The number of speakers that
provided natural text from Ngolo include at least 15 adult speakers. Given that the
approximate size of the village is 30 inhabitants, including children, this seems
to cover the entire adult population. In group conversations, children were also
present and so their speech was also recorded. Some speakers were recorded
more often than others, depending on their availability. While the ratio of male
and female speakers is equal, men received slightly more recording time since
women seemed to be generally busier with cooking while men had more time.
Since basically all speakers of Ngolo were recorded, also all age groups are repre-
sented in the recordings. Adult speakers’ ages range from teenagers19 to elders
of about 60 years.

1.4 Structure of the grammar and basic grammatical

features
This section is intended to help the reader navigate the content of the grammar
and understand basic grammatical features that frequently occur in example sen-
tences. I first outline the single chapters of the description and then provide a
guide on how to read glossed examples.

19
In the Gyeli society, adulthood starts earlier than in western societies. Thus, teenagers of
around 15 years are considered as young adults. Age is generally subject to estimation since
the Bagyeli usually do not know their exact age.

29
1 Introduction

1.4.1 Organization of the grammar

This grammar is generally organized from form-to-function and divided into
eight chapters. After this introductory part, I describe the phonology of Gyeli
in Chapter 2. This chapter contains a discussion of the phoneme inventory, the
syllable structure as well as a description of the tonology.
Chapter 3 provides a discussion of Gyeli’s parts of speech. This not only in-
cludes major word classes such as nouns and verbs and other lexical word classes
(adjectives, adverbs, and ideophones), but also grammatical word classes, such as
pro-forms, modifiers, adpositions, conjunctions, or extra-sentential elements.
In Chapter 4, I outline word formation processes by describing the various
morpheme types found in Gyeli as well as derivation and compounding.
In Chapter 5, I explore grammatical phenomena in the noun phrase. This in-
cludes the gender and agreement system as well as different types of noun phrases,
for instance noun + noun attributive constructions.
Chapter 6 describes the verbal complex according to predicate construction
types. My basic distinction is between simple predicates, which largely encode
tense-mood categories, and complex predicates, which encode aspect, mood, and
modality.
The last two chapters are reserved for clause types. In Chapter 7, I investigate
simple clauses, including both verbal and non-verbal predicates. I lay out the
grammatical relations found in Gyeli and discuss basic word order as well as
special word order constructions, for instance within the domain of information
structure and questions. Chapter 8 deals with complex clauses including different
types of both coordination and subordination, e.g. relative and adverbial clauses.
The eight chapters are supplemented by three appendices. In Appendix A, I
list the specific verb extensions for each verb in my verb database. Appendix B
contains a collection of annotated natural text. Appendix C provides a Gyeli –
English dictionary with about 1500 lexical entries.

1.4.2 A quick guide to decoding glossed examples

In this section, I provide a brief overview of the main grammatical features in
Gyeli in order to help the reader decode high-frequency elements in the glosses
of example sentences.
Glossed examples are usually comprised of four lines, distinguishing the sur-
face form on the word level in the first line and morpheme breaks in the second
line, which provide important information on the underlying tonal patterns. Ev-
ery vowel is marked for its surface tone in the first transcription line. In the

30
 1.4 Structure of the grammar and basic grammatical features

second line, some vowels have no tone marking, indicating that they are phono-
logically toneless.
In terms of transcription conventions, I follow a typical Bantu notation com-
bined with local orthographic conventions. Only in Chapter 2 do I use IPA con-
ventions. I list the differences between IPA notation and Gyeli transcription con-
ventions in Table 1.3.
Table 1.3: Notation differences between IPA and Gyeli orthography

IPA Gyeli orthography

palatal nasal /ɲ/ ny
velar nasal /ŋ/ n
palatal glide /j/ y
voiced affricate /dʒ/ j
voiceless affricate /tʃ/ ts
glottal stop /ʔ/ ’

Velar nasals are virtually everywhere homorganic and precede a velar plo-
sive. There is just one exception where the velar nasal precedes /w/ in the noun
ŋwándɔ́ ‘manioc stick’. In this instance, I use the IPA version to mark the differ-
ence.
Gyeli has a basic SVO word order, as shown in (1)-(5).
(1) [Màmbì]S [à dé]V [mántúà]O
Màmbì a dè-H H-ma-ntúà
∅1.pn 1.pst1 eat-r obj.link-ma6-mango
‘Mambi ate mangoes.’
The verb stem is generally preceded by a “stamp” (subject-tense-aspect-mood-
polarity) clitic, which encodes information about the subject person and gender
agreement, tense, aspect, mood, and polarity, as seen in (1)-(5) with à, mɛ́, and bá,
respectively. While eastern and southern Bantu languages are known for their
rich agglutinative morphology, often with distinct -CV- prefixes for each of these
categories, Gyeli as a northwestern Bantu language displays restrictions in seg-
mental morphemes preceding the verb stem. Conversely, Gyeli has a rich tonal
morphology where the tonal combinations on the stamp clitic and the verb stem
yield different tense-aspect-mood categories, as discussed in Chapter 6. H tones
attaching to the right of the verb stem, as expressed by -h in the second line, en-
code the two past tenses (pst1 and pst2) in some environments or a realis mood

31
1 Introduction

in other environments. The realis mood is pervasive in example sentences and

glossed as -r, as seen in (1) through (5).
The subject can be dropped with the subject reference only encoded through
agreement of the stamp clitic, as in (2).

(2) [à dé]V [mántúà]O

a dè-H H-ma-ntúà
1.pst1 eat-r obj.link-ma6-mango
‘S/he ate mangoes.’

The subject is rarely expressed by a pronoun. Subject pronouns (see §3.6.1) are
glossed as sbj to clearly distinguish them from the stamp clitic, especially as most
subject pronouns are segmentally identical to the stamp clitic of their agreement
class. The use of subject pronouns as in (3) usually serves information structure
purposes, often indicating switch-reference through the pronoun’s combination
with the contrastive marker -gà (§4.1.2.4).

(3) [nyɛ̀ gà]S [à dé]V [mántúà]O

nyɛ̀ -gà a dè-H H-ma-ntúà
1.sbj-contr 1.pst1 eat-r obj.link-ma6-mango
‘As for her/him, s/he ate mangoes.’

In addition to the H tones that attach to the right of the verb stem, expressing
tense and mood categories, Gyeli has a pervasive syntactic H tone. It surfaces
on phonologically toneless noun class prefixes of the object that immediately
follows the verb, as in (3). This syntactic H tone is glossed as obj.link and further
discussed in §7.2.1.2.
Most nominal modifiers, including relative clauses, follow the noun, as illus-
trated in (4)-(5).

(4) mɛ́ vúlɔ́ pɛ́mbɔ́ yî nà ntfúmò wã̂

mɛ-H vúlɔ-H pɛ́mbɔ́ yî nà ntfúmò w-ã̂
1sg-prs cut-r ∅7.bread 7.dem.prox com ∅3.knife 3-poss.1sg
‘I cut this bread with my knife.’

(5) bá dyúwɔ́ lɛ́kɛ́lɛ̀ [lé wɛ́ làwɔ̀ ]rel

ba-H dyúwɔ-H H-lɛ-kɛ́lɛ̀ lé wɛ-H làwɔ
2-prs understand-r obj.link-le5-language 5:att 2sg-prs speak
‘They understand the language that you speak.’

32
 1.4 Structure of the grammar and basic grammatical features

The glossing of nouns deserves a detailed explanation. Each noun form be-
longs to an agreement class; Gyeli has nine agreement classes and six genders,
as described in Chapter 5. Agreement classes are established on the basis of agree-
ment patterns reflected on dependent agreement targets which include, in Gyeli,
the stamp clitic, subject, object, and possessor pronouns, some nominal modi-
fiers, e.g. some numerals and other quantifiers, demonstratives, and attributive
markers. The agreement class that a noun controls on its dependent targets is
glossed with a digit from 1 through 9 preceding the noun stem, for instance nt-
fúmò ‘knife’ in (4) is glossed as ‘∅3.knife’ as this noun triggers agreement in
agreement class 3.
The agreement class digit itself is preceded by an indication of the noun prefix
class, in the case of ntfúmò a zero morpheme which is glossed as ‘∅’. Tradition-
ally, many Bantu studies collapsed the concept of agreement and noun classes,
assuming that each agreement class is more or less overtly marked by a nominal
prefix. There is a rising awareness, however, that the noun prefixes do not neces-
sarily match specific agreement classes (see, for instance, Güldemann & Fiedler
2019). In order to keep agreement classes and noun prefix classes distinct, I mark
noun forms for both their noun prefix and their agreement class. In contrast to
agreement class notation with a digit, noun prefix classes are represented by let-
ters that indicate the shape of the prefix. This is straightforward for CV noun
class prefixes, as shown in Table 1.4, as each CV prefix maps onto one agreement
class.
The noun prefix classes “N” and “∅”, however, map onto several agreement
classes, as shown in the lower part of Table 1.4. The capital “N” is a typical Bantu
notation for nasal prefixes and covers all homorganic nasals /m/, /n/, and /ŋ/,
which are allophones whose shape is determined by the following consonant.
Nasal noun prefixes occur in agreement classes 1 and 3. The noun prefix class
that is characterized by a zero-prefix occurs in agreement classes 1, 3, 7, and 9
with exceptional occurrences in agreement class 8 as well.
It is important to note that both person and agreement classes are represented
by digits, following Bantuist tradition. Agreement of speech-act-participants (1st
and 2nd person) is marked for gender and number: 1sg, 1pl, 2sg, 2pl. In contrast,
non-speech-act-participants, i.e. third person, are only marked for their agree-
ment class with digits from 1 through 9, while number agreement is inherent to
each agreement class, as described in §5.2.
There are a few high-frequency elements in glosses that are worth mentioning
for the reader’s convenience. One of them is the attributive marker (§3.8.3.2),
comparable to English ‘of’, which serves as a linker between a noun and another

33
1 Introduction

Table 1.4: Glossing of Gyeli nouns

Noun prefix Agreement Example Gloss Meaning

class class noun
“ba” 2 ba-jíbí ba2-thief ‘thieves’
“mi” 4 mi-mpá mi4-island ‘islands’
“le” 5 le-nángá le5-star ‘star’
“ma” 6 ma-nángá ma6-star ‘stars’
“be” 8 be-nyàgà be8-cow ‘cows’
“N” 1 m-ùdì N1-person ‘person’
3 n-vɛ̀ wɔ̀ N3-breath ‘breath’
“∅” 1 nyú ∅1.bee ‘bee’
3 mfû ∅3.poison ‘poison’
7 bàgò ∅7.hoe ‘hoe’
8 bwã̂ ∅8.medicine ‘medicine’
9 kwámɔ́ ∅9.bag ‘bag’

noun, pronoun, or demonstrative. It is glossed with att and is preceded by the

agreement class marking, as in (6).

(6) mìmgbísì mí béfùmbí

mi-mbgísì mí be-fùmbì
mi4-freshness 4:att be8-orange
‘the freshness of the oranges’

The attributive marker also serves as optional marker for relative clauses, as
shown in (7).

(7) vɛ̂ mɛ̂ sâ mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀ wà wɛ̀ bùdɛ́ nû

vɛ̂ mɛ̀ sâ m-wánɔ̀ w-ɔ́ɔ̀ wà wɛ bùdɛ-H nû
give.imp 1sg.obj only N1-child 1-poss.2sg 1:att 2sg have-r 1.dem.prox
‘Give me only your child that you have here.’

(7) also illustrates the glossing for demonstratives which represents its two
paradigms based on distance: one for proximal (dem.prox) vs. distal (dem.dist).
The prepositions ɛ́, marking location, and the comitative nà also appear fre-
quently in glosses. The locative ɛ́ often precedes other locative adverbs, as in (8).
See §3.10.1.1 for more information.

34
 1.4 Structure of the grammar and basic grammatical features

(8) ɛ́ pɛ́ɛ́ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ lwɔ̃̂ nyá ndáwɔ̀

ɛ́ pɛ́-ɛ́ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ lwɔ̂̃ nyá ndáwɔ̀
loc there-dist 1sg.fut build real ∅9.house
‘I will build a real house over there.’

The comitative marker ná expresses association in the nominal domain and

can be translated both as ‘and’ and ‘with’, as shown in (9).

(9) bá nà bwánɔ̀ báwɔ̀

bá nà b-wánɔ̀ b-áwɔ̀
2.sbj com ba2-child 2-poss.3pl
‘they and/with their children’

The comitative is found in a range of adjuncts, for instance in an instrumen-

tal contexts as in (4) above. More information about the comitative marker is
provided in §3.10.1.2.
Finally, there are many instances of code-switching in the examples that stem
from natural texts. These are marked by indicating the source language in square
brackets in the gloss line, as in (10).

(10) yí ntɛ́gɛ̀ lɛ̀ vɛ̀ dáà mɛ́ sùmbɛ́lɛ́ bê

yi-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ vɛ̀ dáà mɛ-H sùmbɛlɛ-H bê
7-prs disturb but[Bulu] 1sg-prs greet[Kwasio]-r 2pl.obj
‘That disturbs, but I greet you.’

Typical source languages for code-switching include Kwasio, Bulu, and French.

35
2 Phonology
In this chapter, I outline the sound patterns of Gyeli including segmental and
tonal phonology. The phonological description is complemented by some basic
phonetic information. My account of Gyeli phonology is largely theory-neutral.
In the tonology section, I use autosegmental phonology for convenience of ex-
plaining tonal rules.
For phonological and phonetic transcription in this chapter, I use IPA sym-
bols. Phonetic transcriptions are marked by square brackets [] while phonemic
representations are marked by slashes / /. Throughout the other chapters of this
grammar as well as in glossed examples I use an orthography that combines typ-
ical Bantu notation with local orthographic conventions. Gyeli does not have
an official orthography but there are non-standardized conventions among the
languages of the area which are, to a certain degree, influenced by French. For
instance, the female proper name Nandtoungou is spelled in the French tradition,
using 〈ou〉 to represent the vowel /u/. At the same time, the co-occurrence of a
voiced and voiceless plosive 〈dt〉 stems from Kwasio orthography and is not typ-
ically Bantu. Even though most of the Gyeli speakers are illiterate at the time of
writing this grammar, their literacy will certainly increase over the next decades.
At the same time, more literate Bantu neighbors such as the Mabi, prefer a lo-
cal Bantu orthography which will facilitate the use of this grammar for Gyeli
speakers at a later point, given that the Bagyeli are mostly taught by teachers of
surrounding Bantu groups.
The main differences between phonological transcription and local Bantu or-
thography concerns IPA symbols that are not easily produced on electronic de-
vices such as computer keyboards and smartphones. A summary of the differ-
ences between IPA and Gyeli orthographic conventions were listed in §1.4.2.
As described in §2.4 of this chapter, Gyeli is a tonal language. I indicate tone
according to the Africanist tradition with accent marks, an acute accent [ ́] rep-
resenting a high (H) tone and a grave accent [ ̀] representing a low (L) tone.
If a syllable is not represented with any tonal marking, this indicates that it is
toneless. In glossed examples, the first line represents the surface form, show-
ing phonetic tone. Thus, even toneless syllables will be marked for their surface
2 Phonology

tone here. The second line represents the underlying phonological form where
toneless syllables are represented without tonal marking.
I mark English translations of minimal pairs for their part of speech if there
is an ambiguity between nouns and verbs. Verbs may further be specified for
their valency: intransitive verbs are abbreviated with “v.i.” and transitive verbs
with “v.t.” Gyeli verbs with two and three syllables are easily distinguishable
from nouns as only their first syllable is specified tonally, while second and third
syllables are toneless and therefore unmarked, as discussed in §2.4. Generally,
tones are marked on vowels, while nasal vowels are transcribed with a tilde 〈~〉
between the vowel and the tone mark (§2.2).
In this chapter, I first describe the autosegmental phonology of Gyeli, includ-
ing the consonant and vowel inventory, complemented by realization rules and
phonotactics. In the third part, I describe the syllable structures of Gyeli nouns
and verbs before I turn to tonology. This last section contains the tone inventory
as well as tonal distribution and rules. I conclude the chapter with a discussion
of the place of Gyeli phonology within Bantu A80 languages.

2.1 Consonants
Gyeli segmental phonology features many typical characteristics that one would
expect for a Bantu languages, but there is also a certain degree of variation, as will
become clear in this chapter. Gyeli has, in comparison with Proto-Bantu, retained
a fairly simple vowel system with the same number of distinctions, namely seven,
but with some featural changes (see §2.2).
Concerning the consonant system, the Gyeli system seems more complex than
the Proto-Bantu one. According to Hyman (2003: 42), who cites Meeussen (1967),
Proto-Bantu only had eleven consonantal phonemes including a series of voice-
less stops *p, *t, *k and voiced stops *b, *d, *ɡ.1 *c and *j can, as Hyman (2003)
points out, be interpreted as either affricates or palatal stops. Finally, PB had a
series of nasals *m, *n, *ɲ. In addition to these Proto-Bantu sounds, Gyeli has
developed a series of fricatives and semi-vowels, as I will describe in detail in the
following.
In this section, I will first outline the phonemic inventory of Gyeli by pro-
viding minimal pairs. In §2.1.2, I present realization rules, including allophonic
variation. Consonant clusters are discussed in §2.1.3. §2.1.4 gives information on
the phonotactics of sounds, comparing their distribution in noun and verb stems.
1
There is discussion whether the latter should be viewed as voiced stops or rather as continuants
*β, *l, *ɣ, which is how they are realized in many Bantu languages today (Hyman 2003: 42).

38
 2.1 Consonants

2.1.1 Phonemic inventory

Gyeli has twenty-two phonemic consonants, illustrated in Table 2.1. These com-
prise (series of) stops, fricatives, affricates, nasals, lateral approximants, glides,
and prenasalized stops.
Table 2.1: Phonemic inventory

Bilabial Labiodental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal

Plosives p, b t, d k, ɡ ʔ
Pren. stops mb nd ŋɡ
Fricatives f, v s, z
Affricates tʃ, dʒ
Nasals m n ɲ
Lateral approx. l
Glides w j

In the following, I will demonstrate the phonemic status of each proposed pho-
neme by providing (near-)minimal pairs. Information on the phonetic realization
of certain consonants is given in §2.1.2.2.

/p/
Gyeli has a series of plosives including bilabial, alveolar, velar, and glottal stops.
Except for the glottal stop, all plosives have a functional opposition of voicing.
In stem-initial position, /p/ contrasts with a range of other phonemes, some of
which are listed in (1), including for instance its voiced counterpart /b/.

(1) pɔ́ ‘news, message’ vs. bɔ̀ ‘rot (v.)’

pɛ́mbɔ́ ‘clay, bread’ vs. vɛ́mbɔ ‘blow nose’
pɛ́lɛ̀ ‘moment’ vs. tɛ́lɛ ‘place sth. upright’
púù ‘reason (n.)’ vs. dúù ‘must not’
pɛ̂ ‘choose’ vs. kɛ̀ ‘walk (v.)’

/p/ in stem-medial position is rather rare and I only found one near minimal pair:

(2) pɛ́pɛ́ ‘clay, bread’ vs. pɛ́lɛ̀ ‘side’

39
2 Phonology

/b/
Bilabial plosives show a voicing contrast, functionally opposing /p/ and /b/ as
shown in (3).

(3) búɔ̀ ‘mortar’ vs. pùɔ́ ‘pay’

bɛ̀ ‘sow, cultivate’ vs. pɛ̂ ‘choose’
bàwɛ ‘carry’ vs. wàwɛ ‘spread out’
bíwɔ̀ ‘bad luck’ vs. víwɔ ‘suck’
bílɛ ‘being beaten’ vs. sílɛ ‘finish (v.)’

In contrast to its voiceless counterpart, /b/ is more frequent in stem-medial posi-

tion. (Near-)minimal pairs are provided in (4).

(4) kfúbɔ́ ‘chicken’ vs. kfùmɔ́ ‘stump (v.)’

tsíbɔ ‘grind, trample’ vs. tʃìlɔ ‘write’
dvùbɔ ‘soak, dip’ vs. dvùdɔ ‘drive (v.)’

/t/
Alveolar plosives also have a voicing contrast distinguishing /t/ and /d/, as shown
in (5).

(5) túmbɔ́ ‘country’ vs. dúmbɔ́ ‘package’

tándɔ́ ‘womb’ vs. jándɔ́ ‘trace (n.)’
-tánɛ̀ ‘five’ vs. sánɛ ‘decide’
tɔ̀ ndɔ̀ ‘nail’ vs. lɔ̀ ndɔ́ ‘ring’
tàmɛ ‘spit’ vs. wámɛ ‘hurry’

(Near-)minimal pairs in stem-medial position are rare since most occurrences of

stem-medial /t/ seem to be found in loanwords or words that are areally wide-
spread.

(6) pɔ̀ tɔ̀ ‘clay’ vs. pɔ̀ pɔ́ ‘papaya’

sɔ́tì ‘trousers’ vs. sɔ́nì ‘shame’
tàtɔ ‘squeak (v.)’ vs. tàwɔ̀ ‘goat’

I have not found any opposition of /t/ and /d/ intervocalically within a stem.

40
 2.1 Consonants

/d/
The phoneme /d/ occurs both stem initially and stem medially, as shown in (7)
and (8), respectively.

(7) dɔ̀ ‘negotiate’ vs. tɔ̀ ‘any’

dìlɛ ‘bury’ vs. sílɛ ‘finish (v.)’
dè ‘eat’ vs. lé ‘tree’
dã̀ ‘draw water’ vs. mã̂ ‘sea’
díjɛ̀ ‘expensive’ vs. jíjɛ ‘dodge’

(8) bédò ‘ferment’ vs. bénó ‘buttock’

kúdɛ́ ‘skin’ vs. kùlɛ ‘borrow’
vòda ‘rest (v.)’ vs. vòwa ‘wake up’

/k/
(9) shows (near-)minimal pairs of /k/ in stem-initial position.

(9) kɔ̀ lɛ ‘stumble’ vs. ɡɔ́lɛ̀ ‘gold’

kìja ‘give’ vs. sìja ‘wash’
kù ‘rat’ vs. dù ‘oven’
kɛ̀ lɛ ‘hang’ vs. jɛ́lɛ ‘whistle (v.)’
kámbɔ ‘chew’ vs. lámbɔ̀ ‘trap’

Unlike other pairs of plosives (/p/ and /b/ and /t/ and /d/), the velar plosives also
contrast in terms of voicing stem medially, as shown in (10).

(10) búkɛ ‘smoke ( v.t.’) vs. búɡɛ ‘put down lengthwise’

fúkɛ̀ ‘driver ant’ vs. fúɡɛ ‘end (v.)’
bvúkɛ ‘break (v.i.)’ vs. bvùlɛ́ ‘night’

/ɡ/
As Van de Velde (2008: 10) points out for Eton (A71), “The opposition between /k/
and /ɡ/ carries a very low functional load”. The same is true in Gyeli, at least for
stem-initial syllable onsets. /ɡ/ in Gyeli, just as in Eton, is usually prenasalized in
nouns. In contrast to Eton, however, there are examples in Gyeli where /ɡ/ occurs
in initial stem position without prenasalization, although these occurrences are
extremely rare, representing only 0.4% of both noun and verb stem onsets (see
§2.1.4 on phonotactics for more information).

41
2 Phonology

(11) ɡã̂ ‘gown’ vs. kã̂ ‘wrap’

ɡìjɔ ‘cry (v.)’ vs. bìjɔ ‘hit (v.)’
/ɡ/ is more frequent intervocalically within a stem. Therefore, there are more
(near-)minimal pairs listed in (12).
(12) kàɡá ‘defect giving birth’ vs. káka ‘shiver’
le-kàɡà ‘bewitched woman’ vs. le-kàʔá ‘clan’
le-kàɡà ‘bewitched woman’ vs. le-kàlà ‘doughnut’
nkáɡá ‘side of animal’ vs. nkázá ‘whip (n.)’

/ʔ/
The glottal stop /ʔ/ only occurs in stem-medial positions, but never stem initially.
Since /ʔ/ contrasts with other stops and its occurrence is not predictable from
its morphophonological environment, I treat it as a phoneme. (13) gives (near-
)minimal pairs.
(13) sɛ́ʔɛ̀ ‘liver’ vs. sɛ́kɛ̀ ‘termite’
nkáʔà ‘colobus monkey’ vs. nkáɡá ‘side of animal’
nkɛ́ʔɛ́ ‘jaw’ vs. nkɛ́dɛ́ ‘courage’

/mb/
Gyeli has three voiced prenasalized stops which I consider as phonemic units:
/mb/, /nd/, and /ŋɡ/. In contrast to other NC sequences which I treat as consonant
clusters, these prenasalized stops occur both word initially and medially. A more
thorough discussion of the segmental status of prenasalized stops as units versus
sequences of consonants is given in §2.1.3.1. (14) provides (near-)minimal pairs
for /mb/ in stem-initial position.
(14) mbɛ̂ ‘door’ vs. mɛ̂ ‘1sg (obj)’
mbɛ̀ ‘drum’ vs. bɛ̀ ‘be’
mbámbɛ́ ‘ancestor’ vs. ŋɡámbɛ́ ‘vision, oracle’
mbẽ̀ ‘flood (n.)’ vs. pẽ́ ‘injury’
mbɔ̀ ɔ̀ ‘fatness’ vs. dɔ̀ ɔ̀ ‘puddle’
/mb/ is also found in onsets of second syllables, i.e. word medially, as the minimal
pairs in (15) show.
(15) ɲámbá ‘armpit’ vs. ɲàmá ‘broken thing’
pɛ́mbɔ́ ‘bread’ vs. pɛ́wɔ́ ‘scar’
ŋkùmbɔ́ ‘porcupine’ vs. ŋkùzɔ́ ‘widow/er’

42
 2.1 Consonants

/nd/
The same is true for /nd/. (16) gives some examples of (near-)minimal pairs for
this phoneme in stem-initial position.

(16) ndísì ‘rice’ vs. dísì ‘bowl’

ndáwɔ̀ ‘house’ vs. tàwɔ̀ ‘goat, sheep’
ndà ‘cross (v.)’ vs. nà ‘and, with’
ndɛ̀ ‘bait’ vs. wɛ̀ ‘die’

Likewise, /nd/ is also contrastive in stem-medial position, as shown in (17).

(17) bwàndɔ ‘peel (v.)’ vs. bwádɔ̀ ‘dress (n.)’

pándɛ ‘arrive’ vs. panɛ ‘hang up’
sɔ́ndɔ̀ ‘week’ vs. sɔ́ʔɔ̀ ‘continue’
wùndɛ̀ ‘ground nut’ vs. wùmɛ ‘pluck’
búndɔ̀ ‘bride price’ vs. búlɔ ‘fish (v.)’

/ŋɡ/
The third voiced prenasalized stop that I count as a phonemic unit is the velar
/ŋɡ/. (18) provides minimal pairs for /ŋɡ/ in stem-initial position.

(18) ŋɡɔ̀ ‘grinding stone plate’ vs. dɔ̀ ‘negotiate, discuss’

ŋɡɛ̀ ɛ̀ ‘eyebrow’ vs. bɛ̀ ɛ̀ ‘shoulder’
ŋɡàmbàlà ‘difficulty’ vs. kàmbala ‘defend’
ŋɡálɛ̀ ‘thunder, lightning’ vs. bálɛ ‘surpass’
ŋɡùŋɡù ‘log’ vs. sùŋɡù ‘war’

(19) shows minimal pairs for stem-medial occurrences. The contrast between
/ŋɡ/ and /ɡ/ is only found in stem-medial position since /ɡ/ rarely occurs in stem-
initial position.

(19) kàŋɡá ‘proverb’ vs. kàɡá ‘defect when giving birth’

mpìŋɡá ‘sweet cassava’ vs. mpìmbá ‘pancreas’
lùŋɡa ‘grow’ vs. lùndá ‘bush area between villages (French: bosquet)’
ŋkɔ́ŋɡɔ́ ‘frog’ vs. ŋkɔ́lɔ̀ ‘clock, watch’

43
2 Phonology

/f/
Gyeli has a series of fricatives including labiodentals and alveolars, which both
show a contrast in voicing. (20) shows functional distinctions with other pho-
nemes of the same or similar place and manner of articulation.
(20) fû ‘fish’ vs. vû ‘leave (v.)’
fúkɛ̀ ‘driver ant’ vs. búkɛ́ ‘crazy person’
fúlɛ ‘escape (v.)’ vs. dùlɛ ‘be bitter’
fùlɔ ‘descend’ vs. búlɔ ‘fish (v.)’
-fúsì ‘different’ vs. púsí ‘bottle’
There are no minimal pairs with /f/ in stem-medial position. There are only two
examples I found, showing that /f/ can occur medially, as in (21), one of which is
a loanword.
(21) mbàfùmbɔ̀ ‘shrew’
kɔ̀ fí ‘coffee’

/v/
(22) gives (near-)minimal pairs for /v/.
(22) vúlɔ ‘slice (v.)’ vs. fùlɔ ‘descend’
vìnɔ́ ‘finger’ vs. bìnɔ́ ‘louse’
vísɔ́ ‘sun’ vs. sìsɔ ‘be happy’
vìjɔ́ ‘fire’ vs. píjɔ̀ ‘small’
vàà ‘praise (v.)’ vs. wàà ‘chimpanzee’
Just like for its voiceless counterpart, there are no minimal pairs with /v/ in stem-
medial position. The few occurrences of /v/ in medial position in (23) either in-
volve reduplication of the first syllable, which begins with /v/, or they tend to be
loanwords.2
(23) vùvùlɛ̀ ‘baked bread’
vóvvólɛ̀ ‘freshness, peace’
vã́ĩv̀ ã́ĩ̀ ‘generosity’
ŋɡóvìnà ‘government’
mɛ̀ vâ ‘pride’
2
I speculate that mɛ̀ vâ ‘pride’ may also be a loanwords as its structure is reminiscent of A70
languages such as Bulu. In Bulu, me- serves as noun class prefix for class IV, according to
Bates (1904), while /v/ frequently occurs stem initially. Gyeli could have borrowed the entire
noun, treating the original prefix as part of the stem, as mɛ̀ vâ ‘pride’ belongs to agreement
class 7 in Gyeli.

44
 2.1 Consonants

/s/
The phoneme /s/ occurs frequently in stem-initial positions. Examples of con-
trasts are presented in (24).

(24) síjɔ̀ ‘dry season’ vs. píjɔ̀ ‘small’

sɔ́ndɔ̀ ‘week’ vs. tɔ̀ ndɔ̀ ‘nail’
sâ ‘do’ vs. bâ ‘marry’
súmɛlɛ ‘greet’ vs. lúmɛlɛ ‘send’
sɔ́ ‘friend’ vs. dɔ̀ ‘negotiate’

/s/ also occurs intervocalically within a stem, as in (25). While both voiced and
voiceless alveolar fricatives appear stem medially, I have not found any minimal
pair contrasting the two within a stem.

(25) vìsɔ́ ‘bone’ vs. vìjɔ́ ‘fire’

kàsà ‘bridge’ vs. kàlà ‘straw mat’
kɔ́sɛ ‘cough’ vs. kɔ́bɛ̀ ‘cup’

/z/
The voiced alveolar fricative /z/ is quite rare stem initially and the examples in
(26) are the only near-minimal pairs that I found. It is possible that a stem-initial
/z/ only occurs in loanwords or words that may be widespread in the area, such
as zìβí ‘tsetse fly.’ It therefore seems that voicing carries a low functional load
in stem-initial alveolar fricatives, just like the opposition of /k/ and /ɡ/ in this
position.

(26) zìmbà ‘soldier’ vs. jìmbá ‘age’

zíŋɡɔ́ ‘short dress’ vs. nsíŋɡɔ́ ‘fast speed’

In contrast, /z/ and /s/ contrast stem medially, as shown in (27).

(27) nkázá ‘whip (n.)’ vs. nkwásá ‘fishing pole’

nkùzɔ́ ‘widow/er’ vs. nkúlɔ́ “dead’ season (May-Aug)’
kfúzá ‘fist’ vs. kfúmá ‘chief’

/tʃ/
Both affricates, /tʃ/ and /dʒ/, are highly restricted in their distribution, unlike
most other phonemes. They only occur as onsets of first syllables, comparable

45
2 Phonology

to labiodental fricatives, and they can only be followed by the vowel /i/. As the
examples in (28) show, this restriction is not due to a realization rule, since plain
consonants also occur in the same environment. The occurrence of the affricate
is therefore not predictable. Arguments for affricates as phonemic units rather
than consonant clusters are given in §2.1.3.3.
(28) tʃìì ‘live’ vs. tíì ‘get going’
tʃíì ‘life’ vs. dʒìí ‘forest’

/dʒ/
Just like its voiceless counterpart, the affricate /dʒ/ is restricted in its distribution
and rather rare, as shown in §2.1.4 on phonotactics. There are still a few (near-
)minimal pairs, as illustrated in (29).
(29) dʒíyɛ ‘burn (v.i.)’ vs. díyɛ̀ ‘expensive’
dʒíwɔ́ ‘river’ vs. bíwɔ̀ ‘bad luck’

/m/
Gyeli has a series of three nasal consonants: /m/, /n/, and /ɲ/. (30) provides ex-
amples of functional oppositions of /m/ in stem-initial position while (31) lists
oppositions within the stem.
(30) mâ ‘accuse’ vs. nâ ‘that (comp)’
mɔ̀ ‘stomach’ vs. bɔ̀ ‘rot (v.)’
mã̂ ‘sea’ vs. lã̂ ‘read, count’
míjù ‘brother, cousin’ vs. pìjù (pìjù) ‘drizzle rain’
(31) pámo ‘appear’ vs. pàno ‘shine’
kwámɔ́ ‘bag’ vs. kwádɔ́ ‘village’
djúmɔ̀ ‘spouse’ vs. djúwɔ ‘hear’

/n/
Also /n/ occurs frequently in both stem-initial and stem-medial position, as shown
in (32) and (33), respectively.
(32) nɔ̀ ɔ̀ ‘take’ vs. dɔ̀ ɔ̀ ‘puddle’
níndja ‘urinate’ vs. síndja ‘exchange (v.)’
níí ‘vagina’ vs. tíì ‘get going’
níjɛ̀ ‘how many’ vs. jíjɛ ‘dodge’
nâ ‘that (comp)’ vs. mâ ‘accuse’

46
 2.1 Consonants

(33) dʒínɔ̀ ‘name’ vs. dʒímɔ̀ ‘be deep’

vìnɔ́ ‘finger’ vs. vìsɔ́ ‘bone’
kwànɛ ‘sell’ vs. kwàlɛ ‘love (v.)’

/ɲ/
The palatal nasal /ɲ/ occurs mainly in stem-initial position. (Near-)minimal pairs
are listed in (34). While I use the IPA symbol for this phoneme in this section,
I will follow the Bantu tradition in terms of orthography in the following and
represent the palatal nasal as 〈ny〉.

(34) ɲúlɛ̀ ‘body’ vs. júlɛ̀ ‘deceased person’

ɲâ ‘finger/toe nail’ vs. lâ ‘harvest (v.)’
ɲàɡà ‘cow’ vs. sàɡa ‘be surprised’
ɲá ‘really’ vs. ná ‘still’
ɲú ‘bee’ vs. ndʒú ‘gap between incisor teeth’

In stem-medial position, /ɲ/ occurs so rarely that I didn’t find any minimal pairs.

/l/
Gyeli has one lateral approximant, namely /l/. It occurs both stem initially (35)
and stem medially (36).

(35) lé ‘tree’ vs. té ‘posture, position’

lã̂ ‘read, count’ vs. dã̀ ‘draw water’
lúmɛlɛ ‘send’ vs. súmɛlɛ ‘greet’
lâ ‘harvest (v.)’ vs. nâ ‘that (comp)’
lùndá ‘bush area between villages (French: bosquet)’ vs. kùndá ‘shoe’

(36) nkɛ̀ lɛ̀ (já dísì) ‘eyebrow’ vs. nkɛ́dɛ́ ‘courage’

kwàlɛ ‘love (v.)’ vs. kwànɛ ‘sell’
jílɛ̀ ‘viper’ vs. jíjɛ ‘dodge’

/w/
The bilabial glide /w/ is relatively frequent in stem-initial position and contrasts
with other phonemes of the same or similar place of articulation, as shown in
(37).

47
2 Phonology

(37) wàà ‘chimpanzee’ vs. vàà ‘praise (v.)’

wàwɛ ‘spread (v.)’ vs. bàwɛ ‘carry’
wùndɛ̀ ‘groundnut’ vs. tùndɛ ‘fail’
wɔ́lɛ̀ ‘hawk’ vs. lɔ́lɛ̀ ‘weaver’
wúsɛ̀ ‘drought’ vs. pùsɛ ‘push (v.)’

Further, /w/ is found intervocalically within a stem where it contrasts with other
phonemes such as /b/ or /m/, as shown in (38).

(38) dʒíwɔ ‘steal’ vs. dʒìbɔ ‘close’

djúwɔ ‘hear’ vs. djúmɔ̀ ‘spouse’
tàwɔ̀ ‘goat’ vs. tàtɔ ‘squeak (v.)’

/j/
The second of the two glides in Gyeli is the palatal glide /j/. Again, while I use the
IPA symbol in this section, I will represent the palatal glide according to Bantu
tradition as y in the following chapters. (39) provides (near-)minimal pairs for /j/
in stem-initial and (40) for stem-medial position.

(39) jí ‘wood’ vs. ɲî ‘enter’

jílɛ̀ ‘viper’ vs. sílɛ ‘finish (v.)’
jándɔ́ ‘trace (v.)’ vs. tándɔ́ ‘womb’
jíjɛ ‘dodge’ vs. kìjɛ ‘try’
júlɛ̀ ‘deceased person’ vs. fúlɛ ‘escape (v.)’

(40) vìjɔ́ ‘fire’ vs. vìnɔ́ ‘finger’

kòjà ‘rope’ vs. kòla ‘add’
síjɛ̀ ‘saw (n.)’ vs. símɛ ‘respect (v.)’

2.1.2 Realization rules

Beside the 22 consonantal phonemes, Gyeli has a multitude of other sounds, in-
cluding allophones and consonant clusters. I present these all in Table 2.2, in-
stead of splitting them up into different tables in different sections. The reason
for this is that the distinction between phonemic unit and consonant cluster is
not trivial. I consider, for instance, voiced prenasalized stops as phonemic units,
while I analyze their voiceless counterparts as consonant clusters, as discussed
in §2.1.3.1. Table 2.2 allows the reader to see all sounds and consonant clusters at
one glance, regardless of their phonemic status. This will also make is easier to

48
 2.1 Consonants

compare other languages of the area, which may have similar sound sequences,
but which may be analyzed differently, depending on the author.
The phonemes are in bold to contrast them with other sounds which are either
allophones (§2.1.2.2) or consonant clusters (§2.1.3). The sounds in parentheses,
namely the labial-velar /kp/ and its voiced counterpart /mɡb/, which only occurs
prenasalized, are neither allophones nor clusters. They are so rare, however, that
they seem to be borrowed rather than genuine Gyeli phonemes.
Table 2.2: Phonetic inventory, major consonants

Bilabial Labiodental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Labial-velar

Phonemes and allophones
Plosives p, b t, d k, ɡ ʔ (kp)
Fricatives β f, v s, z ɣ
Affricates ts, dz tʃ, dʒ
Nasals m n ɲ ŋ
Lat. approx. l
Glides w j
Pren. plos. mb nd ŋɡ (mɡb*)
Consonant clusters
Lab. obstr. pw, bw sw kw, ɡw
Pal. obstr. pj dj kj, ɡj
Plos.-fric. pf, bv tf, dv kf*
Prenasalized clusters
Plosives mp nt ŋk
Fricatives mf, mv ns, nz
Affricates mbv ndv nkf, nɡv
Labialized mpw, mbw nkw, nɡw
Palatalized ndj nkj, nɡj
Abbreviations: fric.: fricatives, lab.: labialized, lat. approx.: lateral approximants, obstr.: ob-
struents, pal.: palatalized, plos.: plosives, pren.: prenasalized, *: voiced form only if preceded
by nasal, ( ): only in loanwords

2.1.2.1 Labial-velars
Labial-velars are rare and restricted in Gyeli, but they do occur. Interestingly, the
voiceless labial-velar /kp/ is found only in one lexeme, namely in kpɛ̀ mɛ̀ ‘man-
ioc leaves’, which is either a loanword or at least areally widespread. Its voiced
counterpart [ɡb] only occurs prenasalized, never on its own. It is, however, more
frequent than /kp/; six occurrences are listed in (41).

49
2 Phonology

(41) mɡbɛ̀ ŋmɡbɛ̀ mɛ̀ ‘lion’

mɡbásá ‘hunting with spears and dogs’
mɡbã̀ ‘crow’
mɡbísì ‘rawness, freshness’
mɡbámàlà ‘be sour’
ma-mɡbámàlà ‘acidity’

Cheucle (2014: 148) points out that labial-velars in other Bantu A80 languages
such as Bekwel often occur in variation with labialized velar stops [kw] and
[ɡw]. This does not seem to be the case in Gyeli. The labialized velar stops [kw]
and [ɡw] seem more widespread in A80 than labial-velars, at least historically.
Cheucle (2014: 503) reconstructs the lexeme for ‘crow’ as *ɡwàŋ in Proto-A80,
which surfaces synchronically as nɡbàn in Bekol, Kwasio, and Njem. Further, ac-
cording to the judgment of Mabi speakers, the Gyeli word mɡbɛ̀ ŋmɡbɛ̀ mɛ̀ ‘lion’ is
typical Gyeli, while the Mabi prefer màbùnzò for ‘lion’. This either means that the
Gyeli word with the labial-velar is an older form pre-dating Proto-A80 (maybe
even a phonological substrate from the language they spoke before shifting to
Bantu) or that the Bagyeli acquired the lexeme through contact with non-Bantu
speakers, as suggested by Bostoen & Donzo (2013) for Lingombe (C41, Demo-
cratic Republic of the Congo).

2.1.2.2 Allophones
Allophones in Gyeli mostly concern variation of voiced stops. The voiced plo-
sives /b/, /d/, and /ɡ/ often undergo lenition in intervocalic position. /b/ and /ɡ/
are then realized as fricatives, while /d/ surfaces as a tap. I discuss each of them
in turn.

Realization of /b/
Being subject to a general lenition rule of intervocalic voiced stops, /b/ is weak-
ened to [β]. This rule is, however, not absolute, but rather subject to speaker
variation and speech rate. The same speaker may pronounce the same lexeme
with an intervocalic /b/ one time with [b], and another time with [β]. Therefore,
there is no strict complementary distribution of [b] and [β], but rather a ten-
dency. Further, this rule only applies in stem-medial positions. If the phoneme
/b/ occurs stem initially in between vowels, it does not change to [β].

50
 2.1 Consonants

Figures 2.1 and 2.2 show the contrast of the two allophones. The realization of
the intervocalic /b/ as a plosive is clearly seen in Figure 2.1 while in Figure 2.2
no closure appears.3

Realizations of /d/
The phoneme /d/ is sometimes pronounced as a tap [ɾ] in stem-medial, intervo-
calic position. In contrast to the lenition of /b/ and /ɡ/, this variation may be
considered as an instance of interference from Kwasio. There seems to be a reg-
ular sound correspondence where the Kwasio [ɾ] is mostly pronounced as [d]
in Gyeli. While all Bagyeli seem to be fluent in Kwasio, where /ɾ/ is part of the
phonemic inventory (Woungly 1971: 33), speakers who are in closer contact with
Mabi (a Kwasio dialect) tend to pronounce the lexeme for ‘woman’ as mùɾã̂ while
those who are less influenced by Mabi pronounce it mùdã̂. Again, it is definitely a
matter of speaker variation instead of complementary distribution and correlates
with language contact factors.
I also found one example where a Mabi [ɾ] is pronounced as [l] in Gyeli: mà-
táɾá ‘beginning’ in Mabi which is mà-tálá in Gyeli. Due to lack of data, the exact
correspondence is not yet clear. Cheucle (2014: 432) reconstructs Proto-A80 as
not having possessed [ɾ] as a phoneme,4 so it seems that [ɾ] might be an innova-
tion in Mabi. In sum, Gyeli /d/ is only realized as [d], while words with a tap [ɾ]
are instances of Mabi in Gyeli speech.
Further, just like word-initial /b/, initial /d/ is pre-glottalized and pronounced
with a relatively long prevoicing time (see §2.1.2.4 on pre-glottalized stops).

Realizations of /ɡ/
The phoneme /ɡ/ is, just like /b/, subject to lenition to the fricative [ɣ] in stem-
medial, intervocalic position. Again, the same holds as for /b/: there is no strict
complementary distribution, but there is variation whether the stop undergoes
lenition or not.
/ɡ/ in stem-initial position is rare, as shown in §2.1.4 on phonotactics. Velar
stops in this position are either voiceless or stem-initial /ɡ/ is palatalized and
surfaces as [ɡj] (or 〈gy〉 in the orthographic representation). This, however, does
not seem to be conditioned by any realization rule since the plain stop and the
palatalized one can both be followed by any vowel. In the rare cases where /ɡ/
occurs stem initially, /ɡ/ is subject to prevoicing, which is discussed in §2.1.2.4.
3
In stem or word-initial position, /b/ is pre-glottalized (see §2.1.2.4).
4
It is not clear, however, whether [ɾ] occurred as an allophone since allophony is not discussed
by Cheucle (2014).

51
2 Phonology

Figure 2.1: Intervocalic [b] in /kfúbɔ̀ / ‘chicken’, represented by a wave-

form (upper part) and a spectrogram (lower part)

Figure 2.2: Intervocalic [β] in /kfúbɔ̀ / ‘chicken’

52
 2.1 Consonants

Realizations of /tʃ/ and /dʒ/

The affricates /tʃ/ and /dʒ/ are sometimes realized as /ts/ and /dz/, respectively,
depending on speaker variation rather than a realization rule. While there is
variation across speakers, both variants occur in free variation.

The allophone [ŋ]

The velar nasal [ŋ] is an allophone of nasal consonants in general. Its occurrence
is conditioned by the nasal place assimilation rule, as explained in §2.1.2.3. In con-
trast to the other nasal consonants /m/ and /n/, [ŋ] has no phonemic status in
Gyeli because its occurrence is always predictable from a following velar obstru-
ent. /m/ and /n/, however, also occur as plain nasals with a functional distinction,
as was shown in §2.1.1.
There is one exception, namely with the noun ŋwándɔ́ ‘cassava stick’, which
contrasts with ŋɡwàndɔ́ ‘melon seed’. While the latter noun takes a velar nasal as
expected from the following velar stop, there is no velar stop in ŋwándɔ́ ‘cassava
stick’. Actually, a labial nasal [m] would be expected before [w]. Since this is the
only occurrence of a contrastive [ŋ] and since [ŋ] only occurs in sequences of
nasal + velar consonants, but never on its own, I do not consider [ŋ] a phoneme.

2.1.2.3 Nasal place assimilation

A nasal that precedes another consonant, forming a nasal-consonant cluster, as-
similates to the place of articulation of the following consonant, as shown for all
nasal consonants in (42).5 Nasal place assimilation also plays a role in prefixation
such as in the formation of deverbal agentive nouns (§4.2.1.1).
/N + bɔ̂/ → [mbɔ̂] ‘arm’
(42) /N + túmbà/ → [ntúmbà] ‘older brother’
/N + ɡjɛ̂̃ / → [ŋɡjɛ̂̃ ] ‘stranger’
Interestingly, nasalization of labial-velars results in a bilabial nasal: /N + kp/
→ [mɡb].

2.1.2.4 Pre-voicing of labial and alveolar stops and the issue of implosives
In this section, I expand on the issue of the phonetic realization of voiced stops
and show in some detail that these are not implosive. Implosives have been re-
ported for other varieties of Gyeli and in neighboring languages, but in the Ngolo
5
In these instances, the nasal does not serve as a prefix.

53
2 Phonology

variety of Gyeli, voiced stops that could be perceived as implosives should rather
be analyzed as pre-glottalized stops with a relatively long prevoicing time. Dur-
ing prevoicing, speakers expand their cheeks, increasing both the vocal tract size
and amplitude before release of the voiced plosives /b, d/. An in-depth discussion
is given in Grimm (2019).
In stem-initial position, the labial and alveolar stops /b/ and /d/ are realized
with pre-glottalization and a relatively long prevoicing time. This combination
sounds very different from [b] and [d] in western languages such as French and
can perceptually easily be mistaken for the implosives [ɓ] and [ɗ], especially
since the occurrence of implosives is expected in the area. On closer inspection,
claims for implosives in neighboring languages may have to be reconsidered in
the light of this analysis for Gyeli. Ngue Um (2012), for instance, lists all stem-
initial occurrences of /b/ in the Gyeli variety spoken in the contact region with
Basaa as either implosives or bilabial fricatives while, according to him, there are
no stem-initial realizations as [b]. This is typologically rather unexpected, espe-
cially if there is no opposition of stem-initial egressive [b] versus the implosive
[ɓ].
In comparison, Thornell & Nagano-Madsen (2004: 173) state in their phonetic
description of the closely related language Mpiemo (A86c) that the implosives [ɓ]
and [ɗ] occur frequently in stem-initial and intervocalic position. The authors
treat implosives as allophones of their egressive counterparts which generally
occur in all positions except before the high close vowels [i] and [u], and before
nasals. They also point out, however, that there may be free variation of implo-
sives and egressive stops before [a] and that the distribution is not completely
clear. They show an instance of a bilabial implosive in their Figure 6, replicated
here in Figure 2.3.6
Clements & Osu (2002: 312) describe the most salient features of implosives as
being

6
Cheucle (2014: 461) assumes in her comparative study and reconstruction of Proto-A80 that
voiced plosives have been realized phonetically as implosives, but given the scarce data, this
may need to be reconsidered since she even points out herself that “Seul le mpiemo comporte
une distribution complémentaire entre les implosives et les occlusives voisées. Pour le bekwel
et le shiwa, il a été précisé plus haut que les occlusives sont généralement réalisées implosives.
Dans les autres langues, nous ne disposons pas d’informations à ce sujet. On peut toutefois
supposer que les occlusives voisées du P-A80 aient plutôt été des implosives”. [Only Mpiemo
has a complementary distribution of implosives and voiced plosives. For Bekwel and Shiwa, it
has been stated above that stops are generally realized as implosives. For the other languages,
we do not have any information concerning this matter. One can still assume that voiced stops
in P-A80 could still have been implosives.]

54
 2.1 Consonants

Figure 2.3: Implosive [ɓ] in Mpiemo (Thornell & Nagano-Madsen (2004:

172))

the absence of turbulence noise (in the form of burst or aspiration) at their
release and the steady or rising amplitude of vocal fold vibration during the
production of the constriction.
In Figure 2.3, the rising amplitude before the release is clearly seen in a typical
cone shape, with voicing starting a good 150ms before the release. In contrast,
Gyeli does not necessarily have the same type of amplitude increase, as shown
in Figure 2.4. One could argue that instead the amplitude is steady, but then the
release has more turbulence which is an indication for an egressive [b].
Further, the voicing onset starts with a glottal closure, marked by the circle
in Figure 2.4. In fact, the manner of production of the word/stem-initial egres-
sive voiced stops in Gyeli involves the same places of articulation as implosives
with a closure at the glottis, an increase of pressure in the oral cavity and finally
a labial or alveolar release. The only difference is the movement of the glottis
producing different kinds of airstreams. While in implosives the glottis usually
moves downwards which causes an ingressive airstream, the airstream in Gyeli
is always egressive with the glottis moving upwards. Evidence for this comes
from the observation that speakers tend to expand their cheeks during prevoic-
ing/before release. This was also noted by Renaud (1976) for the Gyeli variety
spoken in Bipindi. In order to expand the cheeks, the airflow has to be egressive.
The increase of airstream pressure in the oral cavity varies among speakers,
as shown in Figure 2.5. Here, the prevoicing before the release is not steady, but
rising, although not in a regular way. And again, there is a good deal of turbulence
noise during the release.

55
2 Phonology

Figure 2.4: Preglottalized and prevoiced [b] in Gyeli, speaker 1

Figure 2.5: Preglottalized and prevoiced [b] in Gyeli, speaker 2

56
 2.1 Consonants

In summary, the perceived particularity in the production of stem-initial [b]

and [d] is related to pre-glottalization followed by a long prevoicing time. Speaker
1, for instance, has prevoicing of 182ms in bɛ̀ ɛ̀ ‘shoulder’ in Figure 2.4, and speaker
2 has prevoicing of 190ms in Figure 2.5. During voicing, airstream pressure in-
creases in the oral cavity which, in turn, leads to a more intense burst at the
release. The longer the voicing time, the potentially stronger is the burst at re-
lease.
Closure duration of the voiced plosive does not depend on the quality of the
following vowel, as explained in detail in Grimm (2019). Instead, the duration
depends on the speech rate, the lexical or grammatical function of a morpheme
or stem, and the position in the intonation phrase. Thus, closure duration is gen-
erally longer in careful speech, in initial position of lexical stems, and at the
beginning of an intonation phrase. Vice versa, closure duration is shorter in fast
speech, in grammatical morphemes, and at the end of intonation phrases.
Also /ɡ/ is prevoiced in word-initial position, but lacks pre-glottalization in
comparison to /b/ and /d/. There are, however, not that many instances of a word-
initial /ɡ/ which would allow for a more systematic investigation. In the lexeme
ɡɔ́lɛ̀ ‘gold’, for instance, the prevoicing time amounts to 120ms.
There are several ways to interpret these findings in relation to other Bantu
A80 languages. Either, pre-glottalization followed by prevoicing of [b] and [d]
could be areally more widespread, but it has not been recognized as such. Alterna-
tively, it is a special feature in Gyeli. It is even possible that these pre-glottalized
stops are an imitation of sounds that are possibly implosives in neighboring lan-
guages. For the Gyeli variety spoken around Bipindi, which is in contact with
Kwasio and Basaa, Duke (2014) observes that speakers mimic in a playful way
sounds of neighboring languages. This happens, according to Duke, both in con-
tact situations with non-Bagyeli, but also within the speech community in or-
der to emphasize personal relations with other Gyeli community members with
whom the individual may have spent some time, for instance with the Basaa.

2.1.2.5 Voicing of intervocalic stops

In intervocalic position, voiceless stops such as [p, t, k] are slightly voiced in
fast speech. For instance, the noun /ŋɡàtà/ ‘tied bundle’ may surface as [ŋɡàdà]
just as /fúkɛ̀ / ‘driver ant’ may be pronounced as [fúɡɛ̀ ] (which then becomes a
homonym with /fúɡɛ̀ / ‘end’).

57
2 Phonology

2.1.3 Consonant clusters

Gyeli has a wide range of consonant sequences such as prenasalized consonants,
labialized and palatalized stops, and consonant-fricative clusters, as listed in Ta-
ble 2.2. In many Bantu languages, these sounds are treated as single phonemic
units. In Gyeli, I consider some of them as units, but some as clusters, i.e. se-
quences of phonemes. Following Güldemann (2001: 8), I view clusters as “a se-
quence of two consonantal constituents having phoneme status as independent
segments which join together in one, more elaborate segment”. In the following,
I will present the various consonant clusters and explain how I delimit them from
unit segments.

2.1.3.1 Prenasalization
Gyeli has a variety of prenasals, mostly prenasalized obstruents, but also a few
prenasalized glides and laterals. Table 2.3 lists all nasal + consonant (NC) se-
quences. Every oral consonant in Gyeli that occurs stem initially can be prenasal-
ized.
Table 2.3: Phonemic prenasalized consonants

Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar Labial-velar

Stops mp, mb nt, nd ŋk, ŋɡ mɡb
Fricatives ns, nz
Affricates ntʃ, ndʒ
Lateral approximant nl
Glides mw nj

These prenasals can either be treated as a single segment or as a sequence

of segments, i.e. consonant clusters. I argue that some NC occurrences form a
segment unit, namely the ones in bold, while the others constitute clusters in
Gyeli. The classification of NC segments into units versus sequences is primarily
based on distributional properties, as I will explain below, while other diagnostics
that are often used in Bantu studies to determine NC status can be ruled out as
decisive criteria. (The prenasalized labial-velar is a marginal phenomenon and
was discussed in §2.1.2.1.)
Chacha Mwita (2007) summarizes arguments that have been put forth in Bantu
studies for and against treating prenasals as single segments. The main points of
evidence concern homorganicity, duration, and syllabification. The author points

58
 2.1 Consonants

out that “similar gestural sequences in some languages should be treated as uni-
tary segments, particularly if they occur in syllable-initial position”. As Table 2.3
shows, all NC segments are homorganic and, as I will show below, all occur in
syllable-initial position. Therefore, homorganicity is not a criterion in Gyeli to
distinguish NC units from NC sequences.
Another putative diagnostic for NC segments as phonemic units concerns du-
ration. It has been claimed that, if NC segments are units, “at the phonetic level,
the prenasalized consonants have the same length as other consonantal seg-
ments” (Chacha Mwita 2007: 61). According to Downing (2005: 183), however,
one cannot simply correlate the phonetic duration of prenasalized consonants
with their segmental status since this is language specific. In Gyeli, NC sequences
seem to be longer than singleton segments, as (43) and (44) show.7

mɛ̀ ‘1sg’ → [m] = 133ms

(43) bɛ́ɛ̀ ‘shoulder’ → [b] = 184ms
mbɛ̂ ‘door’ → [mb] = 255ms

Longer duration of prenasalized in comparison to plain obstruents is more evi-

dent in prenasalized voiceless stops, as shown in (44) since they lack the relatively
long prevoicing time of voiced stops, as discussed in §2.1.2.2.

ná ‘still (adv)’ → [n] = 181ms

(44) kà ‘catch’ → [k] = 21ms
ŋká ‘line’ → [ŋk] = 200ms

Another argument that is often used in the discussion on the status of pre-
nasals is syllabification. If the NC sequence belongs to the same syllable, it is
usually viewed as a unit:

The fact that the units making up the prenasals usually find themselves in
one syllable has been taken as proof that the consecutive consonants in a
prenasal form a unit segment or one sound. (Chacha Mwita 2007: 62)

This is true for all NC sequences in Gyeli since nasals are never syllabic, as
shown in §2.3. Gyeli has, synchronically, almost no nasal prefixes as would be
common for Bantu languages. Instead, the nasal that most likely used to be a
7
Both (43) and (44) constitute single tokens and only serve to give an impression. For general-
izations, a larger sample is needed. Since I do not consider duration as a decisive criterion in
determining NC segment status, however, I do not investigate duration systematically at this
point.

59
2 Phonology

syllabic prefix has become frozen to the noun stem. This is obvious in the plural
classes which retain the nasal that occurs in the singular: mbáálɔ́ ‘jaw’ retains the
/m/ in the plural class 4 mimbáálɔ́ ‘jaws’. This suggests a closer liaison between
nasal and obstruent.
This syllabification pattern does not, however, solely apply to NC sequences
such as /mb/, but also to those that are less typically viewed as single phonemic
units, for example a nasal plus a lateral approximant [nl] as in nlémò ‘heart’, min-
lémò ‘hearts’. While it is quite common for Bantu languages to have prenasalized
obstruents as phonemic units, it is rather uncommon to have phonemic units of
prenasalized lateral approximants.
As an interim summary, the diagnostics of homorganicity, duration, and syl-
labification are either inconclusive (as far as duration is concerned) or seem to
indicate a unit status of all NC sequences. The unit status is then based on homor-
ganicity of all NC sequences and their occurrence within the same syllable. The
distribution of NC sequences, however, shows that there are differences between
nasal + voiced stop sequences in contrast to other NC sequences, as illustrated
in Table 2.4.
The table shows the distribution of NC sequences in nouns and verbs. For
both nouns and verbs, different consonant positions in stems are represented.
O1 stands for the onset of the first syllable in a stem, O2 for the second, and
O3 for the third, irrespective of whether the onset is one single consonant or a
cluster.
The numbers under O1, O2 and so on give total numbers of all NC sequences in
this position. For instance, for O1 in nouns, 188 out of 855 nouns stems that have
a consonantal onset in O1 start with an NC sequence. In contrast, 377 verb stems
start with a consonant, but only 7 of them are prenasalized stops. The number of
consonantal slots in O2 and O3 is lower than for O1 since these slots are empty
in mono- and/or disyllabic stems.
The distribution shows that all possible NC sequences occur in O1 of nouns
while they are exceptions in O1 of verbs. This distribution can be explained by
the noun class morphology, as already stated above: diachronically, the nasal
was most likely a syllabic nasal prefix as is common for many Bantu languages.
Synchronically, the former nasal prefix has become frozen to the stem.
Assuming this historical scenario, it is not surprising that NC sequences are
almost absent in O1 position in verbs, with a few exceptions only. There are a
few instances where a verb starts with a prenasalized stop, as in ndà ‘cross’ or
ntɛ́ɡɛ̀ lɛ̀ ‘disturb’. They are, however, restricted, not allowing prenasalized labials,
and they are rather rare with only six occurrences in a database of 377 verbs, as
shown in Table 2.4.

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 2.1 Consonants

Table 2.4: Distribution of NC sequences

Nouns Verbs
NC O1 O2 O3 O1 O2 O3
188/855 169/650 4/88 7/377 54/274 -/76
mp 30 1 - - - -
mb 30 69 - - 25 -
nt 26 1 - 3 - -
nd 7 55 2 1 23 -
ŋk 47 3 - - - -
ŋɡ 24 39 2 1 6 -
mɡb 5 1 - 1 - -
ns 20 - - - - -
nz 10 - - - - -
ntʃ 2 - - - - -
ndʒ 8 1 - 1 - -
nl 9 - - - - -
mw 5 - - - - -

There are, however, also NC sequences that occur in O2 of nouns and verbs
(and exceptionally in O3 of nouns). They are restricted to voiced prenasalized
stops.8 These occurrences cannot be explained by diachronic noun class mor-
phology, but suggest a different phonological status. Given the distributional
differences, I propose a unit analysis for the voiced prenasalized stops /mb/, /nd/,
and /ŋɡ/ in Gyeli while I treat all other NC sequences as clusters. This has the ad-
vantage of not artificially inflating the phoneme inventory while acknowledging
the language’s properties in terms of homorganicity and syllabification.

2.1.3.2 Labialization and palatalization

Obstruents can occur in a labialized and/or palatalized form, i.e. the obstruent is
followed by a labial or palatal glide. Both phenomena are specified in the lexi-
con rather than being phonological processes in Gyeli since their occurrence is
not predictable from the (morpho-)phonological environment. Hyman (2003: 55)
notes for Bantu languages in general that “[t]he post-consonant glides [y] and

8
Instances of voiceless nasal stops in O2 of nouns can be explained as effects of reduplication.

61
2 Phonology

[w] are typically derived from underlying vowels”. Therefore, one would expect
that certain vowels following a labialized or palatalized obstruent are disallowed.
It turns out, however, that in Gyeli this is not the case. (45) lists noun stems
that start with /bw/, providing examples of different vowel heights. These exam-
ples contrast with (46) where /b/ is not labialized and followed by the same vow-
els. Therefore, labialization cannot be a phonological process that is determined
by the consonant’s phonological environment. Just like most NC sequences, I
consider labialized and palatalized obstruents as consonant clusters rather than
single phonemic units. This analysis is based on the fact that both consonants
in the sequence can occur as independent phonemes on their own as well as
their distributional restriction to the first syllable. In this way, they are similar to
the other consonant clusters, namely the nasal + obstruent clusters discussed in
§2.1.3.1 and the consonant-fricative clusters described in §2.1.3.3. Therefore, and
because (other) consonant clusters are not to be expected from a historical and
language family perspective, I do not see any reasons to treat labialized and pala-
talized consonants differently from other consonant clusters in the language, for
instance proposing secondary articulation.9

(45) /bw/ noun stem-initial

bwímò ‘net hunting’
bwújà ‘hundred’
bwèdɔ̀ wɔ̀ ‘taste’
bwɔ̂ ‘brain’
bwàndjá ‘disdain, adultery’
(46) /b/ noun stem-initial
bíá ‘beer’
búɡɛ́ ‘tsetse fly (Glossina)’
bé ‘well’
bɔ́ndí ‘black colobus monkey’
bàlándè ‘larva’

The same is true for other obstruents and palatalization (for the sake of space,
I will not give examples for all of them). Another putative analysis would be that
the glide is part of a diphthong. Gyeli has four diphthongs: /uɔ/, /ua/, /ɔa/, /iɛ/
9
Another possible analysis would be to assume a third category of complex consonants, in
contrast to simple consonants and consonant clusters, as Güldemann (2001) proposes for !Xõo.
While this is an elegant solution for !Xõo, it does not seem to have any advantage in describing
Gyeli synchronically. Introducing a third category rather moves the decision between unit and
cluster analysis to another level.

62
 2.1 Consonants

(see also §2.2.2). For instance, it would be possible to posit that the diphthong /ua/
surface as [wa]. This analysis, however, does not work for two reasons. First, in
that case we should only find labialization/palatalization with certain vowels–
/w/ preceding /ɔ/ and /a/ and /j/ preceding /ɛ/. This is clearly not the case since
these coarticulated consonants occur before any vowel, as shown above. Second,
speakers pronounce diphthongs and labialized stops distinctly. This can be nicely
illustrated with the minimal pair bwɔ̂ ‘brain’ vs. búɔ̀ ‘mortar’.
The fact that labialization and palatalization are not predictable realization
rules in Gyeli is also seen in (near-)minimal pairs contrasting plain obstruents
and obstruents + glide, as shown in (47) for labial glides and in (48) for palatal
glides.

(47) bwà ‘give birth’ vs. bâ ‘marry’

kwà ‘grind’ vs. kà ‘catch’
swáálɛ̀ ‘bone marrow’ vs. sáálɛ̀ ‘work (n.)’
(48) djɔ̀ ‘laugh’ vs. dɔ̀ ‘negotiate’
kjàlɛ ‘start an engine’ vs. kálɛ́ ‘sister’
lè-ɡjɔ́lɛ́ ‘bush-baby (Galago alleni)’ vs. ɡɔ́lɛ̀ ‘gold’

Labialized and palatalized obstruents basically only occur stem initially, as

shown in Table 2.5. Exceptions in second syllable onsets of noun stems are due
to reduplication of the first syllable and loanwords. Also, these sounds occur
more frequently in nouns than in verbs. The most frequent ones are /bw/, /kw/,
/dj/, /ɡj/.
Finally, labialized and palatalized obstruents can enter an even more complex
consonant cluster by being preceded by a nasal. These complex sounds are, how-
ever, restricted to nouns. Table 2.6 shows the distribution. Mostly, these complex
sounds occur in O1 position, with the exception of /ndj/, which is more frequent
in O2 than in O1.
(49) shows the opposition between prenasal stops and prenasal stops + glide.

(49) mpá ‘island’ vs. mpwá ‘bouillon’

ndáwɔ̀ ‘house’ vs. ndjàwɔ̀ ‘chisel’
nkã̂ ‘guinea fowl’ vs. nkjã̂ ‘scabies’

2.1.3.3 Consonant-fricative clusters

Gyeli has consonant-fricative sequences, which I consider to be clusters for two
reasons: (i) their occurrence is highly restricted in terms of their distribution,

63
2 Phonology

Table 2.5: Labialized/palatalized consonants

Nouns Verbs
O1 O2 O3 O1 O2 O3
59/855 2/650 -/94 53/377 -/274 -/76
Labialized obstruents
pw 2 1 - 1 - -
bw 12 - - 10 - -
kw 10 - - 9 - -
ɡw 2 - - - - -
sw 3 - - 2 - -
Palatalized stops
pj 1 - - - - -
dj 11 1 - 12 - -
kj 1 - - 2 - -
ɡj 17 - - 17 - -

Table 2.6: Prenasalized and labialized/palatalized consonants in noun

stems

Prenasalized stops O1 O2 O3
Prenasalized-labialized stops
mpw 1 - -
mbw 5 1 -
nkw 6 - -
nɡw 7 - -
Prenasalized-palatalized stops
ndj 2 13 -
nkj 3 - -
nɡj 8 1 -

64
 2.1 Consonants

unlike most other phonemic units, and (ii) a unit analysis would be typologically
uncommon for these sequences. Treating all of them as phonemic units would
again artificially expand the phoneme inventory. Further, a cluster analysis is in
line with the treatment of prenasal and labialized/palatalized consonant clusters.
Most consonant-fricative clusters consist of a stop + fricative, but there are
also lateral + fricative sequences, as Table 2.7 shows. All of these are restricted to
the onset of the first syllable, both in noun and verb stems. The only exception
of an occurrence of /bv/ in O2 in the table involves a reduplication of the first
syllable.
Table 2.7: Distribution of consonant-fricative clusters

Consonant-fricative sequence Nouns Verbs

O1 O2 O3 O1 O2 O3
40/855 1/650 -/94 27/377 -/275 -/76
Consonant-fricative 40 1 - 27 - -
pf 6 - - 5 - -
bv 6 1 - 6 - -
tf 6 - - 5 - -
dv 4 - - 5 - -
kf 16 - - 4 - -
lv 2 - - 2 - -
Prenasalized stop-fricatives 24 - - - - -
mbv 8 - - - - -
ndv 2 - - - - -
nkf 5 - - - - -
nɡv 9 - - - - -

All consonant-fricative clusters are relatively rare, [kf] being the most frequent
sequence type, at least in noun stems.10 In contrast, /lv/ sequences are the least
frequent.
Some of the stop-fricative clusters appear also prenasalized, as shown in Ta-
ble 2.7. Prenasalization is, however, restricted to a subset of consonant-fricative
10
An observation with respect to the closest related language Mabi: Mabi does not have the
phoneme [kf], but rather uses [pf] as in Mabi pfúmá ‘chief’ where the Bagyeli say kfúmá. It
is not clear, however, if this is a regular sound correspondence since Gyeli uses both (non-
allophonic) sequences [pf] and [kf].

65
2 Phonology

clusters in noun stems, including prenasalization of /bv/, /dv/, /kf/, and /ɡv/.
/ɡv/ as voiced counterpart to /kf/ only occurs if a nasal precedes it. Prenasalized
consonant-fricative clusters do not occur in verbs.
Consonant-fricative clusters are further restricted in their distribution in that
they only occur before the high vowel /u/. This makes it possible to assume a
realization rule of affrication, as for instance Van de Velde (2008: 26) describes for
Eton. There is, however, no complementary distribution or conditioning of the
fricative cluster occurrence with respect to plain consonants. Their occurrence is
not predictable from any rules, as the (near-)minimal pairs in (50) show. All initial
consonants are followed by the same high back vowel [u]. Speakers are aware of
the difference between plain consonants and consonant-fricatives clusters and
correct me if I pronounce it wrong either way.

(50) bvúlɛ̀ ‘Bulu person’ vs. búlɛ ‘burst’

tfúdɛ́ ‘bump’ vs. túdɛ̀ ‘tumor’
kfúdɛ ‘cover’ vs. kúdɛ́ ‘skin’
lvúmɔ́ ‘maggot’ vs. lùmɔ́ ‘yellow fever mosquito’

As there are also examples of /bw/ preceding the high vowel /u/, such as the
noun bwújà‘hundred’, an analysis in which [bv] derives from /bw/ with frication
before /u/ can be ruled out.
While ruling out a realization rule of affrication, one could still assume that
stop-fricative clusters should be viewed as either homorganic or heterorganic
affricates. An argument in favor of this hypothesis is that the affricates /tʃ/ and
/dʒ/ are equally restricted in their distribution: they only occur in first syllables
of noun and verb stems and they precede only the vowel /i/.
There are several reasons, however, why I treat the affricates /tʃ/ and /dʒ/ as
phonemic units which are distinct from consonant-fricative clusters. First, clus-
ters are per definitionem comprised of two consonantal constituents which have
independent phonemic status. While this is true for the consonant-fricative clus-
ters, it does not hold for the affricates: /ʃ/ and /ʒ/ are not independent phonemes
in Gyeli. Second, the affricates are better explained within the system as filling a
slot in the palatal series, as also suggested by Cheucle (2014: 335) for other A80
languages. She further points out that affricates are viewed as phonemic units
in other A80 languages. It also seems to be more systematic to group the clus-
ters as distinct from the affricates since they differ in the type of fricative. While
consonant-fricative clusters always involve a labiodental fricative, the affricates
/tʃ/ and /dʒ/ involve a palatal fricative.

66
 2.1 Consonants

2.1.4 Phonotactics
In this section, I lay out the phonotactics, i.e. distribution and frequency, of con-
sonants comparing noun and verb stems. The basis for my analysis is a database
of 875 noun and 377 verb stems.11
Consonants only occur in syllable onset positions, and almost never as codas
(with the exception of a few nasals). Noun stems can have up to four syllables,
verb stems up to three. (For more detailed information on syllable structure, see
§2.3.) Tables 2.8 and 2.9 describe the occurrence of consonants in nouns and
verbs, respectively. Thus, O1 (onset 1), for instance, stands for the stem-initial
consonant slot, O2 (onset 2) for the consonant slot in the second syllable and so
on. I prefer to refer to onsets rather than to C (consonant) because these slots
can be filled by multiple consonants such as the consonant clusters discussed in
§2.1.3.
The number following O1, O2, and so on refers to the number of onsets. For
example, out of 875 noun stems, 855 have an onset in their first syllable, while
there are only 650 onsets in the slot O2, and only 94 in O3. The percentages
refer to the occurrences within one onset type. For instance, the 205 occurrences
of stops constitute 24% of the 855 instances of O1. There are two reasons why
the number does not match the total number of noun/verb stems. First, there
are a few loanwords which do not have a consonantal onset, for instance the
French loanword essence, èsã̂s ‘fuel’. Second, the numbers are smaller for slots
O2, O3 (and O4) because noun and verb stems have different syllable lengths.
Monosyllabic stems obviously do not have an O2 slot, so the potential number
of O2 occurrences is smaller than for O1.
Tables 2.8 and 2.9 show the frequency and distribution of all 22 phonemic
consonants in Gyeli noun and verb stems. Allophones are included with their
respective phoneme. For instance, occurrences of intervocalic [β] are subsumed
under the phoneme /b/. The lateral approximant /l/ and the glides /w/ and /j/ are
subsumed under “approximants”. The bold numbers in the rows of “Stops”, “Af-
fricates”, “Fricatives”, “Nasals”, “Approximants”, and “Prenasalized stops” show
the sums of their respective single phonemes. For example, 56 is the number of
all occurrences of /m/, /n/, /ɲ/ taken together in O1 noun stem position. This is
6.5% of all noun stem onsets, which means that nasals are relatively rare in noun

11
Note that there is a much higher number of verb forms, namely derived verbs that take verb
extensions. I consider, however, only synchronically non-derived verb stems. If, on the other
hand, a verb stem has an applicative extension -ɛlɛ, but synchronically there is no basic verb
stem (anymore), I consider this applicative form in my analysis. For more information on verbs
and verb extensions, see §3.2.

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2 Phonology

Table 2.8: Phonotactics of phonemic consonants in noun stems

O1 (855) O2 (650) O3 (88) O4 (6)

Stops 205 (24%) 138 (21.2%) 14 (15.9%) 1 (16.6%)
p 36 4 - -
b 54 28 2 -
t 31 10 1 -
d 19 43 7 -
k 63 15 3 -
ɡ 2 25 6 1
ʔ - 13 - -
Affricates 25 (2.9%) - - -
tʃ 16 - - -
dʒ 9 - - -
Fricatives 97 (11.3%) 48 (7.4%) 9 (10.2%) 1 (16.6%)
f 11 2 1 -
v 25 5 - -
s 58 36 7 -
z 3 5 1 1
Nasals 56 (6.5%) 92 (14.2%) 17 (19.3%) 1 (16.6%)
m 24 60 5 -
n 7 28 12 1
ɲ 25 4 - -
Approximants 67 (7.8%) 176 (27.1%) 40 (45.5%) 3 (50%)
l 29 125 30 2
w 22 30 9 -
j 16 21 1 1
Prenasalized stops 61 (7.1%) 163 (25.1%) 4 (4.5%) -
mb 30 69 - -
nd 7 55 2 -
ŋɡ 24 39 2 -
Total 59.6% 95% 89.7% 100%

68
 2.1 Consonants

stem-initial position. The percentages at the bottom under “Total” sum up all
phonemic unit instances in a particular slot. For O1 in noun stems, for instance,
only 59.6% have a phonemic unit onset. The other 40% are occupied by consonant
clusters.
In both noun and verb stems, stops and fricatives generally occur stem initially,
but their rates of occurrence decrease in O2 and O3. The contrary is the case for
nasals and approximants: they are more numerous in O2 and O3 while they are
rather rare stem initially.12
In terms of voicing, some plosives are more frequent in stem-initial position,
such as /t/ and /k/ which are more frequent in O1 than their counterparts /d/
and /ɡ/, whereas in O2 the inverse is the case. This holds for both noun and verb
stems. The situation is different for bilabial stops where the voiced /b/ is more
frequent in any position; in verb stems, /p/ only occurs in O1.
This voicing distribution is not true for fricatives in general. /v/ is more fre-
quent than /f/ in O1 and O2 in both noun and verb stems. For the alveolar frica-
tives, though, the voiceless /s/ is always more frequent than voiced /z/. Interest-
ingly, /z/ does not occur in verbs at all. Further, /s/ is the only fricative in verb
stems that occurs in other positions than O1.
As to nasals, /m/ is more frequent than /n/ in both nouns and verbs. These
two phonemes mostly occur in O2. In contrast, /ɲ/ is only found in O1 in verb
stems which is also generally true for nouns. The four occurrences of /ɲ/ in O2
of nouns can be explained by reduplication and loanwords.
Similar to nasals, approximants are also more frequent in O2 than in O1. /l/ is
the most frequently used phoneme in this position. As to the semi-vowels, /w/ is
generally more frequent than /j/ in O1 and for noun stems also in O2, while the
distribution of /w/ and /j/ is equal for O2 in verbs.
Comparable to the voiced alveolar stop /d/ and the nasals /m/ and /n/, prenasal-
ized stops are more frequent in O2 than in O1 position. This is true for both noun
and verb stems. Another exceptional distribution concerns affricates, which only
occur in O1 position but never stem medially.
The tables also show that verb stems generally have a higher percentage of
plain consonants which, in turn means, that consonant clusters are more com-
mon in noun stems. About 40% of noun stem-initial onsets consist of clusters,
while for verbs only about a quarter of the stems begin with a sequence of con-
sonants. The same trend holds in onsets of second and third syllables. For O2,
about 95% have phonemic units in nouns while it is 99.6% in verbs.
12
O4 in noun stems should not be counted in these generalizations since there are only six oc-
currences anyway so that their numbers are not representative. The same may be true for O3
in verb stems.

69
2 Phonology

Table 2.9: Phonotactics of phonemic consonants in verb stems

O1 (377) O2 (274) O3 (76)

Stops 129 (32.6%) 66 (24.1%) 9 (11.8%)
p 20 - -
b 34 17 1
t 22 4 1
d 7 19 3
k 39 7 -
ɡ 1 16 4
ʔ - 3 -
Affricates 22 (5.8%) - -
tʃ 9 - -
dʒ 13 - -
Fricatives 65 (17.2%) 20 (7.3%) 10 (13.2%)
f 4 - -
v 24 - -
s 37 20 10
z - - -
Nasals 26 (6.9%) 51 (18.6%) 5 (6.6%)
m 8 37 -
n 4 14 5
ɲ 14 - -
Approximants 45 (11.9%) 82 (29.9%) 51 (67.1%)
l 31 48 44
w 10 17 7
j 4 17 -
Prenasalized stops 2 (0.5%) 54 (19.7%) -
mb - 25 -
nd 1 23 -
ŋɡ 1 6 -
Total 74.9% 99.6% 98.7%

70
 2.1 Consonants

As already discussed in §2.1.3, most consonant clusters occur stem initially,

with the exception of a few prenasalized stops which also occur in O2. Table 2.10
summarizes the distribution of consonant clusters in O1 and O213 , contrasting
noun and verb stems. Since detailed information was already given in the respec-
tive discussions of single consonant cluster types, I only list types of sequences
here.14
Table 2.10: Phonotactics of consonant clusters in noun and verb stems

Nouns (855 total) Verbs (377 total)

Cluster type O1 O2 O1 O2
Prenasalized obstruents 208 (24.3%) 5 (0.8%) 4 (1.1%) -
Labialized obstruents 29 (3.4%) 1 (0.2%) 22 (5.8%) -
Palatalized obstruents 30 (3.5%) 1 (0.2%) 31 (8.2%) -
Plosive-fricative clusters 40 (4.7%) - 27 (7.2%) -
Total 35.9% 1.2% 22.3% -

It is remarkable that prenasalized obstruents mostly occur stem initially in

nouns while they rarely occur in O1 in verb stems. This distribution is the result
of frozen noun class prefixes, as explained in §2.1.3.1. Prenasalized stops do oc-
cur in O2 in verbs, but they are still more frequent in the same position in nouns.
Prenasalized stops are basically the only consonant clusters that occur stem me-
dially. The exceptional couple of labialized and palatalized obstruents in noun
O2 can be explained as a result of reduplication of the stem’s first syllable or by
loanwords.
While prenasalized clusters are more frequent in noun stems, labialized/palat-
alized obstruents as well as affricates are more frequent in verb stems. Adding up
all consonant clusters, almost 40% of noun stems start with a consonant sequence
while only 28% of verb stems do so. This trend also holds for O2 with about 26%
in nouns and 18% in verbs. These figures reflect what has already been stated for
the distribution of plain phonemes, which are more often found in verb than in
noun stems.
13
Consonant clusters do not generally occur in O3 or O4.
14
The various types of sequences include the following consonant clusters: prenasalized obstru-
ents: [mp, nt, ŋk, mɡb, ns, nz, nl, mw]; Labialized obstruents: [pw, bw, kw, ɡw, sw]; Palatalized
onstruents: [pj, dj, kj, ɡj]; Stop-fricative clusters: [pf, bv, tf, dv, kf]. Further, labial-velars are
subsumed under prenasalized obstruents since their only occurrence is in a cluster [mɡb].

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2 Phonology

2.2 Vowels
Gyeli has seven contrastive vowels. In addition, the language has a range of diph-
thongs, as well as contrastive vowel length and nasalized vowels. I will discuss
each of these in turn, starting with a presentation of the “plain”, i.e. short, oral
vowels.

2.2.1 Plain vowels

Figure 2.6 shows the seven plain vowels /i/, /u/, /e/, /o/, /ɛ/, /ɔ/, /a/.

i u

e o

ɛ ɔ

a
Figure 2.6: Plain vowels in Gyeli

(51) provides (near-)minimal pairs of all seven vowels, demonstrating their

functional contrast.

(51) /i/ vs. /u/ /kìndá/ ‘sugar ant’ vs. /kùndá/ ‘shoe’
/u/ vs. /o/ /kùlɛ/ ‘borrow’ vs. /kòlɛ/ ‘help’
/e/ vs. /ɛ/ /lé/ ‘tree’ vs. /lɛ́/ ‘glass’
/o/ vs. /ɛ/ /kòlɛ/ ‘help’ vs. /kɛ̀lɛ/ ‘hang’
/ɛ/ vs. /i/ /lɛ̀bɛlɛ/ ‘follow’ vs. /líbɛlɛ/ ‘show’
/ɔ/ vs. /ɛ/ /kámbɔ/ ‘chew’ vs. /kámbɛ̀/ ‘weaver ant’
/a/ vs. /ɛ/ /kìja/ ‘give’ vs. /kìjɛ/ ‘try’
/o/ vs. /ɔ/ /bédo/ ‘ferment’ vs. /bédɔ/ ‘go up’
/i/ vs. /a/ /wùsi/ ‘sprout’ vs. /wùsa/ ‘forget’

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 2.2 Vowels

2.2.1.1 Vowel space

The Gyeli vowel system is the same as what Cheucle (2014: 389) reconstructs for
Proto-A80. Synchronically, Bantu A80 languages differ in the number of phone-
mic vowels and vowel quality as described by Cheucle (2014: 324). According to
her summary of the literature, most of these languages have six phonemic vowels
/i, e, ɛ, a, o, u/, while Shiwa and Kwasio only have a five-vowel system /i, e, a, o,
u/ where /e/ and /o/ are variants of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/, respectively. This special status of
/e/ and /o/ is also seen in Gyeli. Even though these two vowels have a contrastive
function as shown in (51) and therefore must be considered phonemes, /e/ and
/o/ differ from the other vowels in two respects. First, they are significantly less
frequent than other vowels, as will be shown in, for instance, Tables 2.12 and 2.14
in the discussion of vowel phonotactics. Second, plotting the Gyeli vowel space
in Figure 2.7 shows that both /e/ and /o/ are cramped between /i/ and /ɛ/ and /u/
and /ɔ/, respectively.15
While a seven-vowel system is the norm in Bantu languages, the Gyeli vowel
space differs from what is generally expected for Bantu languages. Maddieson
(2003: 18) notes that

Bantu vowel inventories, both five- and seven-vowel systems, are split be-
tween those which are similar to global norms in their spacing [i.e. evenly
distributed] and those in which the vowels are atypically crowded in the
higher part of the vowel space.

Vowels are neither evenly distributed in the vowel space in Gyeli, nor are the
vowels atypically cramped in the higher part. Maddieson’s example of a seven-
vowel system, with atypical crowding in the higher part, still differs from Gyeli
in that the high and mid vowels are relatively evenly spaced with respect to one
another, while there is a relatively large space between the mid vowels and /a/.
What seems to be atypical in Gyeli is that /e/ and /o/ are tightly wedged between
/i/ and /ɛ/ and /u/ and /ɔ/, respectively. With the exceptions of /e/ and /o/, the
other five vowels are fairly evenly distributed.
The Gyeli system is very similar to the one of Mpiemo that Thornell & Nagano-
Madsen (2004: 167) describe. In Mpiemo, /i/ and /e/, and /u/ and /o/ are also very
close together. Further, both languages are similar with respect to the spacing of
the lower mid vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ to /a/, the mid vowels ranging at on average
15
The vowel chart was plotted from 233 vowel tokens taken from two male speakers. I used a
Praat script to measure F1 and F2. For extreme outliers I corrected the formant frequencies
manually. These cases all concerned word-final vowels. Many thanks to Joyce McDonough
and Murray Schellenberg for their help with this.

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2 Phonology

Figure 2.7: Vowel plot

around 500 Hz in F1 and /a/ at a mean of about 730 Hz. There are, however,
differences concerning especially F2 for the high vowels, which ranges below
1000 Hz in Gyeli, but slightly under 700 Hz in Mpiemo.

2.2.1.2 Vowel phonotactics

In terms of frequency and distribution of vowels, a general observation is that the
high vowels /i, u/ occur more in first syllables of both verb and noun stems while
the lower mid vowels /ɛ, ɔ/ and the low vowel /a/ are more frequent in second
syllables. This becomes obvious when comparing plain vowels in noun and verb
stems of different syllable length, summarized in Table 2.11. This concerns only
plain vowels and does not represent general syllable distribution, which will be
discussed in §2.3.

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 2.2 Vowels

Table 2.11: Frequency of plain vowels in noun and verb stems

Noun stems Verb stems

𝜎 108 39
𝜎𝜎 508 205
𝜎𝜎𝜎 93 76

Disyllabic stems are most frequent for both noun and verb stems, as Table 2.11
shows. In contrast, it is more frequent for nouns to have plain vowels with mono-
syllabic than with trisyllabic stems, while the inverse is the case for verbs.
Table 2.12 shows the frequency of the various plain vowels in monosyllabic
noun stems, contrasting them with verb stems. While the high back vowel /u/
occurs slightly more often than its front counterpart /i/ in noun stems, the dis-
tribution of these two high vowels is more equal in verbs. The mid vowels /e, o/
are rare in both nouns and verbs. /o/ is even completely absent in monosyllabic
verb stems.16 Also, in both noun and verb stems, the most frequent plain vowel
is /a/ with over 30%.
Table 2.12: Distribution of plain vowels in monosyllabic stems

Vowel Noun stems Verb stems

i 14 13% 4 10.3%
u 18 16.6% 4 10.3%
e 3 2.7% 2 5.1%
o 3 2.7% -
ɛ 18 16.6% 11 28.2%
ɔ 18 16.6% 6 15.4%
a 34 31.5% 12 30.8%

Comparing plain vowel distribution in disyllabic noun and verb stems shows
that the occurrence of vowels is more restricted in verb than in noun stems, as
shown in Tables 2.13 and 2.14. For both, there is a tendency for high vowels to oc-

16
Despite this low frequency of mid vowels, they can still not be subsumed under either higher
or lower vowels since there are minimal pairs that prove their contrastive function.

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2 Phonology

Table 2.13: Phonotactics of vowels in disyllabic noun stems

𝜎2
𝜎1 i u e o ɛ ɔ a Total 𝜎1 %
i 23 11 - 3 7 29 15 88 17.3
u 11 15 5 6 43 37 29 146 28.7
e 1 - 1 4 3 2 1 12 2.4
o 2 1 1 3 2 - 1 10 2.0
ɛ 6 - - 1 30 12 7 56 11.0
ɔ 7 - - - 19 26 6 58 11.4
a 9 3 6 12 27 32 49 138 27.2
Total 𝜎2 59 30 13 29 131 138 108 508 100
% 11.6 5.9 2.6 5.7 25.8 27.2 21.3 100

Table 2.14: Phonotactics of vowels in disyllabic verb stems

𝜎2
𝜎1 i u e o ɛ ɔ a Total 𝜎 1 %
i 1 - - 2 15 23 7 48 23.4
u 1 - - 1 18 20 9 49 23.9
e - - - 2 1 5 1 9 4.4
o - - - - 1 - 3 4 2.0
ɛ - - - - 9 12 - 21 10.2
ɔ - - - - 11 1 2 14 6.8
a - - - 5 18 28 9 60 29.3
Total 𝜎2 2 - - 10 73 89 31 205 100
% 1.0 - - 4.9 35.6 43.4 15.1 100

cur more frequently in the first than in the second syllable. In verb stems, though,
high vowels systematically do not occur at all in the second syllable.17
The mid vowels /e, o/ are, just like in monosyllabic stems, rare in both first and
second syllables. In noun stems, only 2.4% of first syllables contain /e/, and only
2% contain /o/. In verb stems, /e/ occurs with a frequency of 4.4% while /o/ has
the same frequency as in nouns. As to the second syllable, /e/ does not occur at
all in verb stems and is rare in noun stems (2.6%).
17
The two instances of /i/ in the second verb stem syllable shown in Table 2.14 are most likely
due to loanwords.

76
 2.2 Vowels

In contrast, the lower mid vowels /ɛ, ɔ/ occur in the first and second syllable,
but are significantly more frequent in second syllables. This holds for both noun
and verb stems, while, again, this tendency is even stronger in verb stems. Here,
10.2% of first syllables contain /ɛ/ and 6.8% /ɔ/, but /ɛ/ occurs in 35.6% of verb
stem second syllables and /ɔ/ even in 43.4%. In noun stems, lower mid vowels
occur around 11% of the time in first syllables and are more frequent in second
syllables with 25.8% for /ɛ/ and 27.2% for /ɔ/.
The vowel /a/ is, just like high vowels, more frequent in first syllables for both
noun and verb stems. This difference is more significant in verbs than in nouns
with 29.3% occurrence in first and 15.1% in second syllables, whereas 27.2% of first
noun stem syllables include /a/, but only 21.3% of second syllables.
Stems with three syllables are the most restricted as to the vowel that occurs in
the third syllable. The vowel quality of these final vowels is further restricted by
its preceding vowel of the second syllable while the first syllable vowel does not
seem to influence the last’s syllable vowel at all. Table 2.15 shows the frequency
of the different plain vowels in the third syllable of trisyllabic stems, contrasting
nouns and verbs. The table further provides information on the vowel that pre-
cedes the final vowel in the second syllable. For instance, /ɛ/ is used as a final
vowel in a trisyllabic verb stems in 61.8% of all third syllable vowel occurrences.
In 85% of these cases, the final /ɛ/ is preceded by the same vowel in the stem’s
second syllable.
Table 2.15: Frequency of 𝜎 3 plain vowels in trisyllabic stems

V Noun stems Verb stems

Frequency Preceding syllable vowel Frequency Preceding syllable vowel
i 15 16.1% /i/ (> 50%) - -
u 6 6.5% high and mid vowels - -
e 3 3.2% /e/ and /a/ - -
o 3 3.2% /o/ and /u/ - -
ɛ 32 34.4% /ɛ/ (40.6%), /a/ (21.9%) 47 61.8% /ɛ/ (85%), /a/ (12.8%)
ɔ 12 12.9% /ɔ/ (66.7%) 6 7.9% /ɔ/ (all)
a 22 23.7% /a/ (50%), /i/ (27.3%) 23 30.3% /a/(78.3%), /ɛ/ (21.7%)

In the third syllable of a trisyllabic noun stem, any vowel can show up. Most
frequently, this is /ɛ/, followed by /a/. The lower mid vowels /e, o/ also show up in
this position, but they are rare, as in other positions as well. It is further remark-
able that the front high vowel /i/ occurs significantly more often than its back

77
2 Phonology

counterpart /u/. Despite a tendency of specific vowels to occur in the preceding

second syllable of a noun stem, there do not seem to be strict rules that prohibit
the occurrence of some vowels before a certain third syllable vowel. The final
vowel /a/, for example, is mostly preceded by a vowel of the same quality (50%)
or the high front vowel /i/ (27.3%). The remaining 12.7%, however, are vowels of
different qualities.
This is different with third syllable vowels in verb stems. First, unlike noun
stems, only three vowels are permitted in this position: /ɛ, ɔ, a/. Like with nouns,
the most frequent one of these is /ɛ/, albeit with a much higher percentage. Sec-
ond, the vowel in the preceding second syllable is more restricted than in noun
stems. Every occurrence of /ɔ/ in a final trisyllabic verb syllable, for instance, is
preceded by a syllable whose vowel is also /ɔ/. Also for the other two possible
vowels, there is a tendency that the last vowel is preceded by an identical vowel.
Thus, 85% of the trisyllabic verb stems ending in /ɛ/ also have /ɛ/ as a second
syllable, while endings in /a/ have /a/ in 78.3% of the second syllable as well. The
few cases where second and third syllable vowels are not identical are covered
by /a/ for endings in /ɛ/ and, vice versa, by /ɛ/ for endings in /a/.

2.2.2 Diphthongs
Gyeli has four diphthongs: /ua/, /uɔ/, /iɛ/, /ɔa/. They all occur in monosyllabic
stems of nouns and verbs (and in reduplicated second syllables of noun stems).
Examples are given in (52); the dot represents the syllable boundary.18

(52) djúà. ‘swim’

ŋɡùɔ́. ‘sugar (cane)’
tsíɛ̀ . ‘blood’
tɔ̀ à. ‘boil (v.i.)’

Diphthongs in Gyeli do not constitute mere vowel sequences, i.e. vowels of two
syllables without hiatus, but are part of one syllable which speakers clearly recog-
nize when humming syllables. Thus, monosyllabic diphthongs can be contrasted
with disyllabic vowel sequences which are always subject to hiatus resolution by
means of glides, as shown in (53).

18
In terms of tonal representation, tonal marking on each vowel in a diphthong does not indicate
two tones, but only one tone on the syllable, which is the tone bearing unit, as argued in §2.4.
In djúà ‘swim’, for instance, the syllable does not have one H and one L tone, but one falling
HL tone. In tɔ̀ à ‘boil’, the syllable has one long L tone comparable to syllables with long vowels,
as discussed in §2.2.3.

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 2.2 Vowels

(53) djù.wá ‘thorn’

nkfù.wɔ́ ‘torso’
kí.yɛ́ ‘iron’
tɔ́.wá ‘all’

Diphthongs are rather rare, as Table 2.16 shows. Out of a total of 223 monosyl-
labic noun stems, 8.0% contain a diphthong. The percentage for verbs is slightly
higher with 12.5% diphthongs in a total of 88 monosyllabic verb stems. The most
frequently found diphthong in noun stems is /uɔ/ while for verb stems it is /iɛ/.
The diphthong /ɔa/ is the least frequent in both noun and verb stems.
Table 2.16: Diphthongs in monosyllabic noun and verb stems

Diphthong Noun stems (total 223) Verb stems (total 88)

ua 4 1.8% 3 3.4%
uɔ 9 4.0% 2 2.3%
iɛ 4 1.8% 5 5.7%
ɔa 1 0.4% 1 1.1%
Total 18 8.0% 11 12.5%

Historically, these diphthongs were most likely two distinct vowels belonging
to different syllables. The likely scenario would be that an intervocalic conso-
nant, the onset of the second syllable, first underwent lenition, then elision, and
in a third step, as hiatus resolution, the two adjacent vowels were contracted to
a diphthong in one syllable. This assumption is supported by Cheucle (2014: 330-
331), who reaches the same conclusion by showing that some cognates in differ-
ent Bantu A80 languages contain either a disyllabic stem where the intervocalic
consonant is either /b/ or /w/, or where the consonant has been lost, resulting
in a vowel sequence or diphthong. Her example (47), for instance, includes the
lexeme ‘shield’ which is nkùbò in Njem, nkùwò in Makaa, and nkùò in Konzime.
This scenario would also explain why diphthongs are only found in monosyllabic
stems.
Nevertheless, Gyeli cannot be simply categorized as a language that synchron-
ically displays only one stage in this development, for example only using diph-
thongs in contrast to disyllabic stems with intervocalic consonants. Rather, Gyeli
has all three types: disyllabic stems with an intervocalic /b/ as in Njem, e.g. kfúbɔ̀
‘chicken’, disyllabic stems with an intervocalic glide /w/ as in Makaa, e.g. djúwɔ̀
‘sky’, and diphthongs, e.g. búɔ̀ ‘mortar’. As shown in Figure 2.2 of §2.1.2.2, Gyeli

79
2 Phonology

has a tendency to weaken intervocalic voiced plosives such as /b/ which then sur-
face as /β/. This may then easily undergo further lenition to /w/ up to a complete
omission, resulting in diphthongs. Rather than a phonological rule, it seems to
be lexically specified to which of these three stages a noun or verb stem belongs.
The same is true for high vowels and diphthongs; it is lexically specified that
certain stems are monosyllabic with a diphthong such as tʃíɛ̀ ‘blood’, while oth-
ers are disyllabic with an intervocalic glide, such as nsìjɛ̀ ‘string’. In other words,
some diphthongs are phonemic, whereas for other vowel sequences the syllable
boundary is phonemic.

2.2.3 Vowel length

Gyeli uses vowel length as a distinctive feature. This is quite expected, according
to Cheucle (2014: 327):

La longueur vocalique semble avoir une fonction distinctive dans la plupart

des langues A80. La longueur est considérée comme phonémique, par les
auteurs, en bekol, en makaa, en njem, en konzime et en bekwel. [Vocalic
length seems to have a distinctive function in the majority of A80 languages.
Length is considered as phonemic by the authors in Bekol, Makaa, Njem,
Konzime, and Bekwel.]19

For Gyeli, there are numerous (near-)minimal pairs showing the contrastive func-
tion of vowel length. Some examples are given in (54). All plain (oral, short) vow-
els have a long counterpart except for /o/.

(54) tʃíì ‘life’ vs. tʃì ‘prohibition’

nkùù ‘evil spirit’ vs. nkù ‘animal den’
mbɛ́ɛ́ ‘metal oven’ vs. mbɛ̂ ‘door’
dɔ̀ɔ̀ ‘puddle’ vs. dɔ̀ ‘negotiate’
mpàà ‘fog, vapor’ vs. mpà ‘bush-baby (Galago thomasi)’

/e/ does occur sometimes as a long vowel, as shown in (55), but the frequency
is so low that I did not find any minimal pairs with potential plain vowel opposi-
tions.

(55) pèè ‘conscience’

téè ‘start walking’
19
Cheucle (2014: 327) assumes that vowel length is currently developing phonemic status in
Kwasio and Mpiemo.

80
 2.2 Vowels

Long vowels are clearly longer than short vowels and perceivable as such.
Also, speakers are aware of vowel length and reliably indicate whether a vowel
is short or lengthened (tiré). (56) contrasts two minimal pairs, measuring their
vowel length. In the first case, the long vowel [aa] in nzáàlɛ̀ ‘beggar’ is about
100ms longer than the short [a] in nyàlɛ́ ‘son/brother-in-law’. In the second ex-
ample, the long vowel [uu] in nkùù ‘evil spirit’ is 180ms longer than [u] in nkù
‘animal den’, which is more than twice as long. Of course, these two examples
only provide an impressionistic picture and a more systematic investigation of a
larger quantity of vowels would be desirable in future work.

(56) ɲáàlɛ̀ ‘beggar’ → [aa] = 235ms

ɲàlɛ́ ‘son/brother-in-law’ → [a] = 135ms
nkùù ‘evil spirit’ → [uu] = 430ms
nkù ‘animal den’ → [u] = 150ms

Contrastive long vowels are most often found in monosyllabic stems. Table 2.17
shows the frequency and distribution of long vowels in monosyllabic stems, con-
trasting nouns and verbs. In general, long vowels are more frequent than diph-
thongs. 26.5% of monosyllabic noun stems contain a long vowel, but only 8.0%
have diphthongs. The same is true for verb stems, of which 19.3% have a long
vowel, but only 12.5% have a diphthong (see Table 2.16 in §2.2.2).
Table 2.17: Long vowels in monosyllabic noun and verb stems

Long vowel Noun stems (total 223) Verb stems (total 88)
ii 7 3.1% 1 1.1%
uu 13 5.8% -
ee 2 0.9% 1 1.1%
oo - -
ɛɛ 8 3.6% 3 3.4%
ɔɔ 7 3.1% 1 1.1%
aa 22 9.9% 11 12.5%
Total 59 26.5% 17 19.3%

As with other phonological features, long vowels differ in frequency and dis-
tribution in noun and verb stems, but also show some similarities. For both noun
and verb stems, /aa/ is the most frequent long vowel. In contrast, while /uu/ is

81
2 Phonology

relatively often found in noun stems, it is completely absent in verb stems. Gen-
erally, the long high and higher mid vowels /ii/, /uu/, and /ee/ are rather rare in
verb stems, while /oo/ is absent altogether.
Even though long vowels are most frequently found in monosyllabic stems,
they are not restricted to this environment, but can also occur in stems that have
two syllables, as (57) shows, and in syllables other than the first. As such, long
vowels differ from diphthongs. Long vowels in second syllables only occur in
noun stems and are so rare that I did not find any minimal pairs. Nevertheless,
(58) shows a few examples.20

(57) ɲùùlɛ̀ ‘mosquito’ vs. ɲùlɛ̀ ‘flame’

káàsa ‘imitate’ vs. kàsà ‘bridge’
ɲáàlɛ̀ ‘beggar’ vs. ɲàlɛ́ ‘son/brother-in-law’
(58) sìsùù ‘apparition’
ŋɡòmbáà ‘lemon’
nákúlúú ‘forest tortoise (Kinixys homeana)’

Table 2.18 shows the distribution of long vowels other than in monosyllabic
stems.
Table 2.18: Long vowels in di- and trisyllabic noun and verb stems

Long vowel Noun stems Verb stems

Disyllabic, VV in 𝜎1 20 3.6% 4 1.9%
Disyllabic, VV in 𝜎2 10 1.8% -
Disyllabic, VV in 𝜎1 and 𝜎2 2 0.4% -
Trisyllabic, VV in 𝜎 3 1 1.0% -

In comparison to noun stems, long vowels are rather restricted in verb stems.
Apart from monosyllabic stems, long vowels are only allowed in the first sylla-
ble of disyllabic stems. All cases exclusively have /aa/ as the long vowel in this
position. Noun stems, in contrast, are more flexible as to where long vowels are
permitted as well as to which vowel quality can occur in disyllabic stems. In di-
syllabic noun stems where the first syllable has a long vowel, the majority (60%)
of these long vowels are /aa/, but the remaining 40% have other vowel qualities
including /uu/, /ɛɛ/, and /ɔɔ/. Long vowels in the second syllable of a disyllabic
20
I analyze nákúlúú ‘forest tortoise (Kinixys homeana)’ as a disyllabic stem which is preceded by
a similative prefix, as discussed in §4.1.1.1.

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 2.2 Vowels

noun stem are evenly distributed across /aa/ and /uu/. Long vowels in the last syl-
lable of trisyllabic stems are negligible since I only came across one occurrence
in the lexeme le-dèlɛ́mɔ́ɔ̀ ‘mud wasp’.
As to the origin and development of long vowels, it is possible that (some)
long vowels developed, just like diphthongs, from disyllabic stems where an in-
tervocalic /b/ or glide was lost, contracting two adjacent vowels into one syllable.
Either these two vowels were of the same vowel quality or they assimilated to
become so. Cheucle (2014: 328) shows in her example (41) that long vowels in
one language correspond to disyllabic stems with an intervocalic or syllable fi-
nal /b/ or glide in other languages. These correspondences are, however, by no
means regular. Also, this scenario does not account for all instances of long vow-
els because if long vowels originated solely from intervocalic loss, one would not
expect long vowels in disyllabic stems, especially not in second syllables.

2.2.4 Nasal vowels

Gyeli has six distinctive nasal vowels. Just like with long vowels, all vowels can
be nasalized except for /o/. (59) provides examples of (near-)minimal pairs.

(59) ndzĩ́ ‘jealousy’ vs. ndzǐ ‘path’

kũ̂ ‘leopard’ vs. kù ‘rat’
pẽ́ ‘injury’ vs. péè ‘avocado’
tɛ̃̂ ‘limp’ vs. tɛ̂ ‘create, invent’
lã̂ ‘read, count’ vs. lâ ‘harvest’

Comparable to diphthongs and long vowels, nasalized vowels are also most
often found in monosyllabic stems, as Table 2.19 shows. Nasal vowels are slightly
more frequent in noun stems than in verb stems. For both, /ã/ is the most frequent
nasal vowel, followed by /ũ/ in noun stems. /ɔ̃/ is completely absent in verb stems,
while other mid and high vowels are generally rare.
There are a few cases where nasal vowels show up in disyllabic noun and
trisyllabic verb stems, as shown in Table 2.20.
In contrast to noun stems, nasal vowels never occur in stem final syllables in
verbs. They are either found in the first syllable or in the second if there is a third
syllable. Again, /ã/ is the most frequent nasal vowel in these positions.
Since nasal vowels in non-monosyllabic stems are rare, it is difficult to find
minimal pairs. (60) provides some examples of noun and verb stems where nasal
vowels occur in the first and/or second syllable of bi- or trisyllabic stems.

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2 Phonology

Table 2.19: Nasalized vowels (short, oral) in monosyllabic noun and

verb stems

Nasal vowel Noun stems (total 223) Verb stems (total 88)
ĩ 5 2.2% 1 1.1%
ũ 10 4.5% 2 2.3%
ẽ 3 1.3% 1 1.1%
õ - -
ɛ̃ 4 1.8% 2 2.3%
ɔ̃ 6 2.7% -
ã 21 9.4% 9 10.2%
Total 49 22.0% 15 17.0%

Table 2.20: Long vowels in di- and trisyllabic noun and verb stems

Position Noun stems Verb stems

Disyllabic, VV in 𝜎1 2 0.4% 5 5.2%
Disyllabic, VV in 𝜎2 9 1.6% -
Disyllabic, VV in 𝜎1 and 𝜎2 2 0.4% -
Trisyllabic, VV in 𝜎 1 and 𝜎 2 - 1 1.0%
Trisyllabic, VV in 𝜎 2 only - 1 1.0%

(60) ma-bwã́sà ‘thoughts’

m-ùdã̂ ‘woman’
le-tsĩ̀jɛ̃ ́ ‘knot’
ŋɡã̀ŋɡã́ ‘healer’
ɡjã̂lɛ ‘roast’
sã́ã̀sa ‘mix’
víjã̀sa ‘be bright’

Long vowels and diphthongs can also be nasalized, as shown in (61) for long
vowels and in (62) for diphthongs.21

21
It is remarkable that most nasalized long vowels and diphthongs carry an HL tone, even though
there are also exceptions.

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 2.3 Syllable structure

(61) sĩĩ́ ̀ ‘approach sth.’

tṹũ̀ ‘axe’
be-bɛ̃ ́ɛ̀̃ ‘beauty’
tɛ̃̀ ɛ̀̃ ‘abandon’
djã́ã̀ ‘chase, drive away’

Nasalized long vowels and diphthongs are quite rare. There are two instances
of nasalized long vowels in noun stems and eight in verb stems, including /ĩĩ/,
/ɛ̃ɛ̃/, and /ãã/. For diphthongs, the inverse distribution applies, with seven cases
of nasalized diphthongs (/ũã/ and /ũɔ̃/) in noun stems and two in verb stems.
Thus, there is no overall tendency as to which one is more frequent. Examples
of nasalized diphthongs are given in (62).

(62) ŋkṹɔ̃̀ ‘treason, treachery’

ɲṹã̀ ‘snake’
lṹɔ̃̀ ‘build’
lṹã̀ ‘whistle’

Nasal vowels in Gyeli derive diachronically from closed syllables with a velar
nasal as their coda. This becomes obvious when comparing Gyeli to other A80
languages. Cheucle (2014: 329) proposes a floating underlying nasal segment to
explain nasal vowels in Bantu A80. She points out that all A80 languages in her
study have closed syllables ending in a velar nasal coda. Vowels preceding these
velar nasals are usually nasalized, which suggests that nasalized vowels in these
languages are contextual with nasality spreading from a following nasal con-
sonant. As Cheucle (2014: 329) states, only Makaa uses stem final nasal vowels,
which corresponds to velar nasal codas in the other languages. Nasal vowels with
phonemic status in Makaa are, however, restricted to /ɛ̃/ and /õ/. Further, Makaa
has instances of closed syllables using a velar nasal as a coda.
In that sense, Gyeli seems to be the only known A80 language which does not
have closed syllables (see also §2.3), not even with velar nasal codas. In contrast,
the inventory of contrastive nasal vowels is larger than in Makaa, also including
phonemic /ĩ/, /ũ/, /ẽ/, /ɔ̃/, and /ã/ (but not /õ/, unlike Makaa).

2.3 Syllable structure

Despite syllables being an integral part of phonological description, they are in-
tuitively less “tangible” than other phonological units such as vowels or conso-
nants. Therefore, I will first provide a definition of syllables and then present

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2 Phonology

arguments as to why syllables should be viewed as phonological constituents. I

also discuss some preliminaries on the role of sonority and the internal structure
of syllables before I describe the Gyeli data.

The syllable as a phonological constituent

According to Blevins (1995: 207), “syllables can be viewed as structural units
providing melodic organization to such [phonological] strings” with segments
being “organized into rising and falling sonority sequences, with each sonority
peak defining a unique syllable”. She posits several arguments why the syllable
should be considered as a phonological constituent. Some of these arguments
clearly apply to Gyeli, and I outline them in turn.
First, tone takes the syllable as its tone bearing unit (TBU) in Gyeli, distin-
guishing heavy and light syllables in tonal mapping (see §2.4 for more detail).
Second, syllables serve as targets for morphological processes such as redupli-
cation. Color terms, for instance, are quite susceptible to reduplication of their
second syllable, as with ná.vjû ‘black’, which may also occur as ná.vjû.vjû. Other
instances of syllable reduplication are often lexical rather than morphological, for
example in the nouns sà.sà.mbɛ́ ‘miscarriage’ or nkú.nkú.mbɛ́ ‘bow’. It is likely
that these nouns are historically derived from nominalized verbs and an object,
but synchronically this parsing has become opaque. In any case, it is rather un-
usual for the first and second syllable of a stem to be identical in Gyeli, which
suggests that the forms above are the product of reduplication. Finally, Blevins
(1995: 209) mentions native intuitions as a diagnostic for the syllable as a phonol-
ogical unit. Indeed, the Bagyeli are very reliable and consistent in recognizing
syllables and syllable breaks which they easily hum.

Sonority
As stated above, syllables are defined by sonority sequences organized around
sonority peaks. While many issues concerning sonority are controversial in pho-
nological theory,22 most phonologists agree that there is some sort of sonority
scale governing the sequences of phonological units that form syllables. This is
often referred to as the “sonority sequencing principle”, a term which has been
used for more than a century by, for instance, Jespersen (1904) and Selkirk (1984).
Blevins (1995: 210-211) prefers to call it the Sonority Sequencing Generalization,
22
These issues comprise fundamental questions such as “How should sonority be defined?” or
“Is there a single universal sonority scale or is there cross-linguistic variation?” See Clements
(1990) for an in-depth discussion.

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 2.3 Syllable structure

pointing out that cross-linguistically many exceptions can be found. She states
the following version of the Sonority Sequencing Generalization:

Between any member of a syllable and the syllable peak, a sonority rise or
plateau must occur. (Blevins 1995: 210)

Gyeli mostly follows this generalization, conforming to a typical sonority hi-

erarchy such as vowels > glides > liquids > nasals > fricatives > stops, which is an
adapted version from Clements (1990) and Blevins (1995). There is one exception,
however. Gyeli violates the Sonority Sequencing Principle in that nasals may oc-
cur before stops and fricatives in syllable onsets, as will be shown in detail in
§2.3.1 on the internal structure of Gyeli syllables. Clements (1990: 321) explains,
however, that these instances have a special status. He argues that sequences
of consonants with the same place of articulation are simpler than sequences
with different places of articulation, which takes precedence over the sonority
principle.

Syllable internal structure

The theoretical literature proposes several models concerning the internal struc-
ture of syllables. I use a binary branching model with onset and rhyme as illus-
trated in Figure 2.8 for the German word Traum ‘dream’, adopted from Blevins
(1995: 213).23

onset rhyme

nucleus coda

X X X X X

t r a ʊ m
Figure 2.8: Binary branching model with rhyme

23
See Blevins (1995: 212-14) for a discussion of models of the internal structure of syllables and
arguments for the binary branching model in the rhyme.

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2 Phonology

Many phonological phenomena can be described in terms of this model, for

instance language specific differences in terms of syllable weight, distinguishing
heavy and light syllables. Hyman (1985) defines heavy syllables as those that have
a branching nucleus or a branching rhyme.
In the remainder of this section, I give an outline of Gyeli’s internal syllable
structure, presenting the various syllable types. I then show their distribution
as well as frequencies of syllable types in the domains of prefixes, subject-tense-
aspect-mood-polarity (stamp) markers, noun stems, and verb stems.

2.3.1 Syllable internal structure

Gyeli has light and heavy syllables. Heavy syllables are characterized by a branch-
ing nucleus, never by a branching rhyme since the language only has open syl-
lables, i.e. there are no codas (with the exceptions of a few loanwords). In this,
Gyeli has retained a typical feature of Proto-Bantu, according to Hyman (2003:
43), who also states that many other northwestern Bantu languages of zones A
and B have developed closed syllables (p. 58). Branching nuclei consist of both
long vowels (Vː) and diphthongs (VV). Gyeli also has complex onsets with up
to three consonantal phonemes. At the same time, V-initial syllables are gener-
ally prohibited, with the only exceptions occurring in loanwords such as áɲònè
‘onion’ and subject-tense-aspect-mood-polarity markers (§3.9.1).
Gyeli allows the following syllable types:

V, CV, CVː, CVV, CCV, CCVː, CCVV, CCCV, CCCVː, CCCVV

Since there are restrictions on the combination of onset consonants, I further

subdivide the class of consonants using the following symbols that are also em-
ployed by Van de Velde (2008: 41):24

C any consonant
G glide (subclass of C)
N nasal (subclass of C)
P plosive (subclass of C)
F fricative (subclass of C)
V vowel

24
In contrast to Van de Velde (2008: 41), I do not distinguish sonorants and voiced stops since
this distinction does not play a role in Gyeli.

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 2.3 Syllable structure

Syllables in Gyeli range from the simplest structure, consisting only of a vocalic
nucleus – which is generally rare in Gyeli – to more complex syllable structures.
Syllable complexity concerns both the consonantal onset and the vocalic nucleus.
In terms of onsets, complexity varies, allowing either a simple consonant or a con-
sonant cluster. Clusters may include up to three consonantal phonemes. Conso-
nant clusters are restricted to those discussed in §2.1.3: prenasalized obstruents,
consonants (mostly obstruents, but also a few lateral approximants) followed by
glides, and affricates. Furthermore, both affricates and clusters of obstruents plus
glides can be prenasalized, forming a cluster of three phonemes. Thus, possible
phoneme combinations in syllable onsets are:

C simple consonant
NC prenasalized consonant
CG consonant + glide
PF plosive + fricative (affricate)
NCG nasal + consonant + glide
NPF nasal + plosive + fricative

Complexity in the syllable nucleus concerns vowels. These can occur as simple
(short) vowels, long vowels, or diphthongs (sequences of vowels). In my notation,
I mark long vowels with a colon while diphthongs are represented as VV:

V simple (short) vowel

Vː long vowel
VV diphthong

The different types of nuclei combine with any of the onset structures, even
though their frequency varies. For example, diphthongs following a consonant +
glide onset are so extremely rare that I only found one instance. Also, syllables
may consist of only a nucleus of a short or long vowel, but there are no syllables
that consist of only a diphthong. In contrast to many languages of the area, for
instance Eton or Abo, Gyeli does not have syllabic nasals, as further explained
in §2.3.2.1. For each of the possible syllable types, I provide examples below:

(63) V á ‘s/he, it (1 prs)’

Vː àá ‘s/he, it (1 inch)’
CV vì.lɛ̀ ‘ginger species (Aframomum)’
tɛ́.ɡɛ ‘make tired’

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2 Phonology

CVː kɔ̀ɔ̀ ‘plant species (Gnetum africanum)’

dùù ‘nose’
CVV túà ‘move places’
pùɔ́ ‘pay’
PFV pfù.dé ‘mold’
tʃí.dí ‘animal’
PFVː tʃìì ‘be well, live’
le-bvúú ‘anger’
PFVV bvúɔ̀ ‘break (v.t.)’
tʃíɛ̀ ‘blood’
NCV le-nkɛ́.dɛ́ ‘hip’
mbì.mbó ‘corpse’
NCVː mbáá.lɔ́ ‘jaw’
ŋɡɛ̀ɛ̀ ‘eyebrow’
NCVV nkùá ‘tree trunk’
ntùɔ́ ‘six’
CGV gwà.wɔ́ ‘civet’
gjí.mù ‘tongue’
CGVː djùù ‘kill’
bwàà ‘become’
CGVV djúà ‘swim’
NCGV ŋɡjà ‘intestines’
mbwɛ̌ ‘dog’
NCGVː ŋɡjɛ́ɛ̀ ‘block sth.’
ná.nkjàá.lɛ́ ‘termite mound’
NCGVV ndjúà ‘swimming’
NPFV nkfù.wɔ́ ‘torso’
mbvû ‘year’
NPFVː ndzàà.lɛ́ ‘tree pangolin (Manis tricuspis)’
nkfúù ‘ghost’
NPFVV ndvùɔ́ ‘suffering, difficulty’
mpfùɔ́ ‘last meal in healing ceremony’

2.3.2 Syllable distribution

In this section, I present how the different syllable types are distributed in various
environments. These different environments include noun class prefixes, subject-
tense-aspect-mood-polarity markers (§3.9.1), and noun and verb stems. I start out
with the more restricted environments.

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 2.3 Syllable structure

2.3.2.1 Syllables in nominal prefixes

Noun class prefixes come in two forms, either as a nasal consonant or as a syllabic
prefix of CV shape (see also §4.1.1.2 and §5.2.3). Nasal prefixes such as in (64) are,
however, not syllabic.

(64) n-sùnɛ́ ‘flesh’ → mi-sùnɛ́ ‘types of flesh’

n-túmbà ‘older brother’ → ba-túmbà ‘older brothers’
n-ɡjɛ̀ lì ‘Gyeli person’ → ba-gjɛ̀ lì ‘Gyeli people’

There are two arguments that support this claim. First, the initial nasals do not
serve as tone bearing units (see §2.4) and second, speakers do not recognize them
as syllables when they are humming.25

2.3.2.2 Syllables in stamp markers

Subject-tense-aspect-mood-polarity markers are portmanteau morphemes that
encode subject agreement as well as tense, aspect, mood, and polarity, as dis-
cussed in §3.9.1. Nearly all of the stamp forms have a CV shape, just like plural
noun class prefixes. There is one exception for agreement class 1, which lacks an
onset and thus is V-initial a. In the present tense, this stamp marker consists of
a short vowel, while for future and remote past the vowel is lengthened.

2.3.2.3 Syllables in noun stems

Noun and verb stems are more complex in their syllable structure because they
vary in syllable length (i.e. the number of syllables per stem), while syllabic nom-
inal prefixes and stamp markers are restricted to one syllable. In this and the
next section, I will first outline syllable length of stems before turning to the
distribution of syllable types within stems.
Noun stems are most frequently disyllabic. Out of 869 nominal lexemes, 555
stems have two syllables. As shown in Table 2.21, monosyllabic noun stems are,
in contrast, only about half as frequent, while stems with three syllables are the
rarest.26

25
Renaud (1976: 109) treats nasal prefixes as syllabic, carrying an L tone in the Gyeli variety
spoken around Bipindi in the contact region with Kwasio. I see, however, no evidence for such
an analysis, at least not in the Gyeli variety spoken in Ngolo.
26
There are a few noun stems that consist of four syllables, but their number is negligible. They
also show some morphological particularities including either syllable reduplications or deriva-
tion from compounds.

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2 Phonology

Table 2.21: Frequency of syllable length in noun stems

Syllable length Number of occurrences/Frequency

𝜎 224 25.8%
𝜎𝜎 555 63.9%
𝜎𝜎 𝜎 90 10.3%
Total 869 100%

Most syllable types are found in noun stems, regardless of the number of syl-
lables. More restrictions on syllable types apply, however, the more syllables
a stem has. Also, restrictions on syllable occurrence apply with respect to the
syllable’s position within the stem. This does not hold for monosyllabic stems.
Table 2.22 shows the frequency of different syllable types in monosyllabic noun
stems. For convenience, I do not subdivide different consonant types in conso-
nant clusters, but subsume them under C.27 In contrast, vowels are represented
as either short or long vowels or diphthongs. Nasal vowels are treated just like
oral vowels since, in terms of syllable structure, they do not behave differently
from their oral counterparts. They are thus categorized as either short or long
vowels and rarely as nasalized diphthongs.
As Table 2.22 shows, the most common syllable type is CV,28 followed by CCV.
Generally, frequency decreases with increasing complexity of the onset, just as
simple, i.e. short, vowels are preferred over heavy syllables. There are, however, a
fair number of monosyllabic noun stems with a long vowel, although diphthongs
are generally rarer.
In disyllabic noun stems, as represented in Table 2.23, the preference for light
syllables including short vowels becomes even more obvious. Diphthongs in both
first and second syllables occur either not at all, for instance as CCVV, or at fre-
quencies under 1%. The latter is the case for CVV and CCCVV. Parallel to mono-
syllabic stems, CV syllable types are the most frequent ones in disyllabic stems.
CV.CV is the most common combination, followed by CCV.CV. The inverse or-
der, i.e. CV.CCV, is another commonly found pattern, as well as CCV.CCV. More

27
For more information on the occurrence and frequency of various consonant clusters, see
§2.1.3.
28
In a few cases, a C onset may stem from a non-syllabic noun class prefix as, for instance, in
d-á ‘crab’, which is m-á ‘crabs’ in the plural. In most cases, however, a stem genuinely comes
with its own consonantal onset.

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 2.3 Syllable structure

Table 2.22: Distribution of syllable types in monosyllabic noun stems

Syllable type Frequency

CV 78 34.8%
CVː 27 12.1%
CVV 6 2.7%
CCV 63 28.1%
CCVː 12 5.4%
CCVV 12 5.4%
CCCV 18 8.0%
CCCVː 3 1.3%
CCCVV 5 2.2%
Total 224 100%

Table 2.23: Distribution of syllable types in disyllabic noun stems

𝜎2
𝜎1 CV CVː CVV CCV CCVː CCVV CCCV Total 𝜎 1 %
CV 197 5 71 6 279 (50.3)
CVː 9 2 11 (2.0)
CVV 2 2 (0.4)
CCV 132 1 1 64 3 6 207 (37.3)
CCVː 6 6 (1.1)
CCVV - -
CCCV 31 12 3 46 (8.3)
CCCVː 3 3 (0.5)
CCCVV 1 1 (0.2)
Total 𝜎 2 377 10 1 147 3 - 15 555 (100)
% (68.3) (1.8) (0.2) (26.5) (0.5) - (2.7) (100)

complex onset types including three consonantal phonemes are quite rare, in
second syllables even more so than in first syllables.
Turning to trisyllabic noun stems, the most frequently found syllable type
combinations are CV.CV.CV (33%), CCV.CV.CV (21.6%), CV.CCV.CV (16%), and
CCV.CCV.CV (13.6%), as shown in Table 2.24. Both long vowels and diphthongs

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2 Phonology

are almost absent in trisyllabic noun stems and only occur as rare exceptions,
represented at the bottom of the table. Generally speaking, but especially for the
last syllable in a trisyllabic stem, a CV type is preferred. If a stem includes sylla-
bles with a complex onset, this onset will most likely have only two consonants
and occur towards the left side of the stem, or in the middle.
Table 2.24: Distribution of syllable types in trisyllabic noun stems

Syllable type Frequency

CV CV CV 29 33.0%
CV CCV CV 14 16.0%
CV CV CCV 4 4.5%
CCV CV CV 19 21.6%
CCV CCV CV 12 13.6%
CCV CCV CCV 1 1.1%
CCV CV CCV 1 1.1%
CCCV CV CV 3 3.4%
CCCV CCCV CV 2 2.3%
CCVV CV CV 1 1.1%
CV CV CVː 1 1.1%
V CCV CV 1 1.1%
Total 88 100%

2.3.2.4 Syllables in verb stems

Verb stems show the same distribution in syllable length as compared to noun
stems. Here also the most common stem length is disyllabic, which accounts for
more than half of the verbs in the database. In contrast to noun stems, however,
the frequency difference between mono- and trisyllabic is not as sharp, as shown
in Table 2.25. Both kinds occur at above 20%.
Verb stems are much more restricted in the syllable types that they allow, in
comparison to noun stems. While in monosyllabic noun stems complex onsets
with three consonantal phonemes are found, these are completely absent in verb
stems. Verb stems, however, also display heavy syllables with a nucleus consist-
ing either of a long vowel or a diphthong, as shown in Table 2.26. Again, CV

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 2.3 Syllable structure

Table 2.25: Frequency of syllable lengths in verb stems

Syllable length Frequency

𝜎 88 23.3%
𝜎𝜎 213 56.5%
𝜎𝜎 𝜎 76 20.2%
Total 377 100%

Table 2.26: Distribution of syllable types in monosyllabic verb stems

Syllable type Frequency

CV 34 38.6%
CVː 14 15.9%
CVV 9 10.2%
CCV 20 22.7%
CCVː 5 5.7%
CCVV 8 9.1%
Total 88 100%

syllables are the most frequent ones, followed by different CCV types, just as is
the case with noun stems.
disyllabic verb stems have even more restrictions with respect to which sylla-
ble types they permit. In contrast to noun stems, they only allow three types in
the second syllable—CV, CCV, CCCV—but not heavy syllables. Also, disyllabic
verb stems do not allow diphthongs in any position, which is another difference
from noun stems.
Table 2.27 shows that CV type syllables are most frequent with 62.9% in first
and even 78.4% in second syllables. The most common syllable type combination
is CV.CV, followed by CCV.CV. CCV syllables are also found in second position,
while complex onsets with three phonemes in this position are very rare. All of
the latter are of the type NPG, either /ndj/ or /nɡj/, as for instance in bwàndjà
‘despise’ or ɡjáŋɡjà ‘work’.
Finally, trisyllabic verb stems allow fewer syllable types than their nominal
counterparts. With the exception of CVː.CV.CV, trisyllabic verb stems do not

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2 Phonology

Table 2.27: Distribution of syllable types in disyllabic verb stems

𝜎2
𝜎1 CV CCV CCCV Total 𝜎 1 %
CV 111 29 3 143 (67.1)
CVː 5 5 (2.3)
CCV 49 12 2 63 (29.5)
CCVː 1 1 (0.5)
CCCV 1 1 (0.5)
Total 𝜎2 167 41 5 213 (100)
% (78.4) (19.2) (2.3) (100)

Table 2.28: Distribution of syllable types in trisyllabic verb stems

Syllable type Frequency

CV CV CV 4 56.7%
CV CCV CV 9 11.8%
CV CV CCV 1 1.3%
CVː CV CV 1 1.3%
CCV CV CV 20 26.3%
CCV CCV CV 1 1.3%
CCCV CV CV 1 1.3%
Total 76 100%

generally allow heavy syllables. More than half of trisyllabic verb stems have
a CV.CV.CV combination while the other likely combination is CCV.CV.CV.
As the distribution and frequency of syllable lengths and types presented above
are based on basic verb forms, the observations made in this section do not ac-
count for any exceptions in syllable structure that occur in some derived verb
forms.29 These are discussed in detail in §3.2.1. The most notable exception to
this pattern concerns a medial onset-less syllable in a few rare cases where the

29
Both basic and derived verb forms are listed in Appendix A.

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 2.4 Tonology

verb root lacks an underlying final consonant. For instance, the derived recip-
rocal form of djâ ‘lie down’ is djá.a.la ‘lie down together’, with the exceptional
syllable pattern CCV.V.CV (§3.2.1.3).
To summarize, Gyeli has open syllables with both complex onsets and complex
nuclei. Simple syllable structures are, however, preferred in all environments and
stem positions. Also, in terms of complexity, minimally complex onsets, i.e. two
consonantal phonemes in an onset, are generally preferred over nucleus com-
plexity while heavy syllables more often contain a long vowel rather than a diph-
thong.

2.4 Tonology
Gyeli is a tonal language. It uses pitch differences to make both lexical and gram-
matical distinctions. Yip (2002: 4) gives the following definition of a tone lan-
guage:

A language with tone is one in which an indication of pitch enters into the
lexical realization of at least some morphemes.30

Maddieson (2013) also includes distinctions of grammatical functions in his

definition of tone languages, pointing out that tone languages use “pitch patterns
to distinguish individual words or the grammatical forms of words”.
Tone attaches to segmental units which are called “tone bearing units” (TBUs).
Whether the TBU is the segment (e.g. vowel or nasal consonant), mora, or syllable
is language specific and may vary across even closely related languages. In Gyeli,
the TBU is the syllable. As discussed in §2.3.1, Gyeli has heavy and light syllables,
differing in the number of weight units which are called “moras”. Heavy syllables
have two moras, light syllables only one. The reason why in Gyeli the syllable
must be the TBU is that heavy and light syllables bear the same number of tones
(Yip 2002: 73).
Both heavy and light syllables can host level and contour tones, as further
discussed in the following section and illustrated in (65).

(65) a. tʃì ‘prohibition’

tʃìì ‘live, be well’

30
This definition also classifies accentual or “pitch-accent languages” as tone languages. Yip
(2002: 258) describes these languages as “impoverished” tone languages with a lexical contrast
between a phonological tone and no tone.

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2 Phonology

b. dʒǐ ‘bench’
dʒìí ‘forest’
c. fû ‘fish’
fùú ‘rainy season’

The occurrence of contour tones on both heavy and light syllables reveals that
the syllable is the TBU in Gyeli. In contrast, the vowel and mora can be dis-
missed as possible TBUs based on the occurrence of contour tones: If the TBU
was the vowel or the mora, one would expect that contour tones are not allowed
in monomoraic syllables. The light syllable examples in (65) show, however, that
monomoraic syllables in Gyeli do allow contour tones. Moreover, one would ex-
pect that bimoraic syllables allow for two contour tones, allowing a contour tone
on each mora. Two contour tones in one syllable, however, are not permitted.
In the following, I will first describe the tonal inventory of the language as
well as the tonal distribution in noun and verb stems. Then, I will present the
tonal rules.

2.4.1 Tonal inventory

Gyeli possesses level tones, contour tones, and underlyingly toneless TBUs which
surface phonetically as L or are assigned an H tone by their environment. I will
address each of these in this order.

2.4.1.1 Level tones

Gyeli has two level tones: H and L, as contrasted in (66).

(66) a. síŋɡí ‘squirrel’

b. sìŋɡì ‘spirit’
c. síŋɡì ‘cat’

The L tones in these examples are lexically specified as such, rather than being
underlyingly toneless. Toneless syllables are restricted to noun class prefixes in
the nominal domain and to (diachronic) extension morphemes in the verbal do-
main. Both are described in §2.4.1.3, which also provides an in-depth discussion
of distinguishing L and toneless TBUs. I distinguish phonological L from toneless
TBUs in my notation by marking L with a grave accent, while toneless TBUs are
not marked for tone in glosses of underlying forms.
In terms of their distribution, level tones are significantly more frequent than
contour tones in nouns. Table 2.29 shows the distribution of tone patterns with

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 2.4 Tonology

level tones only in noun stems of different syllable lengths. In monosyllabic

stems, for instance, 119 out of a total of 224 stems have level tones, which is a
bit more than half (53.1%) of all monosyllabic noun stems. (The remaining 46.9%
carry contour tones, discussed in §2.4.1.2.) The rows below indicate the frequency
of the different level tones, L and H, within the set of level tone carrying mono-
syllabic noun stems. Thus, 57 (47.9%) monosyllabic noun stems have L, while 62
(52.1%) have H.31
Table 2.29: Distribution of level tones in noun stems

Tonal pattern Frequency Example

𝜎 (119/224) 53.1%
L 57 (47.9%) ndɛ̀ ‘bait’
H 62 (52.1%) nká ‘line, row’
𝜎𝜎 (518/555) 93.3%
LL 115 (22.2%) ntɔ̀ ŋɡɛ̀ ‘hornet, wasp’
HH 148 (28.6%) ndʒímí ‘blind person’
LH 106 (20.5%) vìnɔ́ ‘finger’
HL 150 (29.0%) dʒínɔ̀ ‘name’
𝜎𝜎𝜎 (86/90) 95.6%
LLL 26 29.1% bɛ̀ ŋɡvùdɛ̀ ‘golden angwantibo’
HHH 14 17.4% títímɔ́ ‘middle’
LHH 6 7.0% ndzìmɔ́zɔ́ ‘guard’
HLL 13 15.1% mpí’ìdì ‘heat (from fire)’
LHL 10 11.6% sìsímù ‘shadow (of person)’
HLH 3 3.5% nkúmbɔ̀ lɔ́ ‘diarrhea’
LLH 5 5.8% mìntùlí ‘mouse’
HHL 9 10.5% djúnɡúlɛ̀ ‘chameleon’

Generally, level tones occur in more than 90% of di- and trisyllabic noun stems,
while only about half of the monosyllabic stems have level tones. Gyeli exploits
all possible combinations of level tones in noun stems that the binary distribution
31
Bimoraic syllables with the same level tone are treated the same as monomoraic syllables. For
example, a monosyllabic noun stem such as nlàà ‘antenna, horn’ with a long vowel would be
categorized as an L tone monosyllabic stem in the table.

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2 Phonology

of H and L allows, with two possibilities in monosyllabic stems (L and H), four
patterns in disyllabic stems (L L, H H, L H, H L), and eight in trisyllabic stems
(see Table 2.29). L and H tones are relatively evenly distributed across mono-
and disyllabic noun stems. Both range around 50% in monosyllabic stems, with
a slight preference for H tones. In disyllabic stems, nouns also have a slight pref-
erence for H tones where both H L and H H are more common than L L or L H.
This preference is different in trisyllabic noun stems, where the most frequently
found pattern is L L L, accounting for almost a third of all level tone stems. Gener-
ally, almost half of all trisyllabic noun stems show the same tone on all syllables,
either L L L or H H H.
In contrast to noun stems, verb stems only allow level tones, but no contour
tones, as Table 2.30 shows. Also, different tonal patterns within a verb stem are
significantly more limited than nouns. This is due to the fact that only monosyl-
labic stems and the first syllable of stems with more than one syllable are spec-
ified for tone. Any second and/or third syllable in a verb stem is underlyingly
toneless (see §2.4.1.3).
Table 2.30: Tonal distribution in verb stems

Tonal pattern Frequency Example

𝜎 (88)
L 39 44.3% kɛ̀ ‘go’
H [HL] 49 55.7% nyɛ̂ ‘see’
𝜎𝜎 (213)
L∅ 92 45.2% sɛ̀ ŋɡɛ ‘lower’
H∅ 121 56.8% ɡjíbɔ ‘call’
𝜎𝜎 𝜎 (76)
L∅∅ 26 34.2% kàsɛlɛ ‘light’
H∅∅ 50 65.8% dʒímɛsɛ ‘extinguish’

While H tones in di- and trisyllabic verb stems are realized as such, H tones in
monosyllabic stems surface phonetically as HL, as further discussed in §2.4.2.4.
Phonologically, I treat them as H tones. Just like with nouns, verb stems have a
slight preference for H tones, which constitute just over 55% of all monosyllabic
verb stems. This is also true for di- and trisyllabic stems in terms of an H in
the first syllable. Especially in trisyllabic stems, the difference is significant, with
about 65% stems starting with an H in contrast to about 35% starting with an L
tone.

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 2.4 Tonology

2.4.1.2 Contour tones

Gyeli has two contour tones: falling HL and rising LH. Contrastive examples are
given in (67) and (68) for falling and rising contour tones, respectively.
(67) a. sâ ‘thing’ vs. sá ‘hut’
b. le-lâ ‘antenna, horn’ vs. le-lá ‘fish trap’
c. le-báà ‘stumbling’ vs. le-bàà ‘view’
d. mbɛ̂ ‘door’ vs. mbɛ̀ ‘drum’
(68) a. dʒǐ ‘bench’ vs. dʒí ‘place’
b. bwǎ ‘swell’ vs. bwà ‘give birth’
c. be-dʒìí ‘forests’ vs. be-dʒíì ‘anger’
The occurrence of contour tones is restricted to noun stems: contour tones do
not occur in verb stems. In noun stems, both HL and LH contour tones are found,
as Table 2.31 shows.
Falling HL contour tones are significantly more frequent than rising LH ones.
LH occurs in mono- and disyllabic noun stems, but not in trisyllabic noun stems.
Table 2.31 shows that almost 80% of all monosyllabic noun stems with contour
tones carry an HL, while only about 20% are covered by LH. Further, LH is more
restricted in terms of its position. While HL is found in initial and final syllables
of di- and trisyllabic noun stems, LH is limited to the first syllable (unless the
second syllable is a reduplication of the first, as is the case when two contours
occur in a disyllabic stem).
While contour tones are pervasive in monosyllabic noun stems, they constitute
exceptions in di- and trisyllabic stems: only 40 examples of contours are found
in di- and trisyllabic noun stems, equalling 4.6% of all nouns in the database.
In many instances, this exceptional tone pattern can be explained on a mor-
phophonological basis. For instance, disyllabic stems which have a contour in
both syllables are always instances of reduplication. A final HL tone in di- and
trisyllabic nouns (in conjunction with an initial nasal) is found in many deverbal
nouns where the final HL is part of the derivation rule for those lexemes that
have an H tone on the first TBU, as described in §4.2.1.7. This is the case, for
example, with the noun nkándâ ‘crack’, which is derived from the transitive verb
kánda ‘crack’. Other examples can be explained by compounding. For instance,
tʃíɛ̀ sámɛ̀ ‘circumcision’ includes the verb tʃíɛ̀ ‘cut’, although sámɛ̀ does not seem
to be a Gyeli lexeme. It may either be a loanword from Mabi or a contracted form
of nsámbò ‘penis’.)32
32
Another explanation for unusual contour tone patterns is most likely borrowing. Examples
such as le-jímbálî ‘entrance’ do not look like Gyeli words, but their source is not known.

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2 Phonology

Table 2.31: Distribution of contour tones in noun stems

Tonal pattern Frequency Example

𝜎 (105/224) 46.9%
HL 82 78.1% sâ ‘thing’
LH 23 21.9% mbwɛ̌ ‘dog’
𝜎𝜎 (36/555) 6.5%
Contour Level 12 33.3%
HL H 4 33.3% kândá ‘proverb’
HL L 6 50% nkâŋɡà ‘weaver bird’
LH H 1 8.3% ná-nkjàálɛ́ ‘termite mound’
LH L 1 8.3% pùúlì ‘hat’
Contour Contour 5 13.9%
HL HL 4 80% píìpíì ‘butterfly’
LH LH 1 20% bùábùá ‘non-dry meat/fish’
Level Contour 19 52.8%
L HL 13 68.4% mɛ̀ vâ ‘pride’
H HL 6 31.6% nkándâ ‘crack’
𝜎𝜎 𝜎 (4/90) 4.4%
Contour Level Level 1 25%
HL H L 1 25% tʃíɛ̀ sámɛ̀ ‘circumcision’
Level Level Contour 3 75%
H H HL 1 25% le-jímbálî ‘entrance’
L H HL 1 25% le-dèlɛ́mɔ́ɔ̀ ‘mud wasp’
H L HL 1 25% mwádɛ̀ kã̂ ‘other side’

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 2.4 Tonology

2.4.1.3 Toneless syllables

In addition to level and contour tones, Gyeli has morphemes that are unspecified
for tone, i.e. which are underlyingly toneless.33 Toneless TBUs are restricted to
noun class prefixes in the nominal domain and to (diachronic) extension mor-
phemes – second and third syllables in verb stems – in the verbal domain. These
TBUs surface phonetically as L in isolation or take an H tone through High Tone
Spreading from their tonal environment, as discussed in §2.4.2. Furthermore,
some grammatical words are underlyingly toneless as well. This is the case for
the verbal plural particle ŋɡa (§3.9.2.2). Also, subject-tense-aspect-mood-polarity
(stamp) markers, i.e. portmanteau morphemes that encode subject marking and
tense-mood information, are toneless and take different tonal patterns depend-
ing on the category they encode. Their various tonal patterns are described in
§6.2.1.
There are many Bantu languages that have a two-way distinction of privative
H tones and toneless TBUs. Hyman (2001: 239) lists, for instance, Shona, Haya,
and Digo as examples of tonal systems where a possible L tone assignment is
only phonetic. In contrast, Gyeli has a three-way phonological opposition in level
tones, namely H, L, and ∅. This claim raises at least two questions: how can we
tell that there is really a distinction between L and toneless TBUs rather than
treating both as one category, either L or ∅? And, if we accept that there is a
distinction, how can we tell them apart within the language?
Hyman (2001) proposes a range of arguments and characteristics in order to
determine whether tones in a language should be analyzed as “marked” (phonol-
ogical tones) or “unmarked”, surfacing only phonetically. Based on his criteria,
L is a marked tone in Gyeli because in languages with privative H as opposed
to ∅, one would not expect to find contour tones. The reason for this, accord-
ing to Hyman (2001: 240), is that “the combination of [H] and [∅] could only be
pronounced [H]”. Since Gyeli has contour tones, as shown in §2.4.1.2, L must be
phonologically marked.
Having established that there must be marked L tones in Gyeli, I now turn
to explaining why I propose additional toneless TBUs. The two arguments I put
forth involve tonal distribution on the one hand and the nature of tone realization
rules on the other. At the same time, these arguments explain the distribution of
L and toneless TBUs in Gyeli.
33
Renaud (1976) is rather unspecific on this issue for the Gyeli variety spoken around Bipindi in
the contact area with Kwasio. He gives a definition of “neutral syllables”, but in his subsequent
discussion, he only seems to talk about surface tones, which makes it difficult to distinguish
whether a toneme is phonologically marked as L, for instance, or whether this is only the
phonetic realization.

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2 Phonology

Looking at tonal distribution, it is quite striking that while noun stems can
take all kinds of tonal combinations, including H on penultimate and final sylla-
bles, this is not the case for verb stems. As shown in §2.4.1.1, Table 2.30, second
and third syllables always surface as L in isolation. Since tonal distribution in
noun stems is unpredictable, I suggest that all tones in noun stems are lexically
specified, and L tones are therefore marked as such rather than being underly-
ingly toneless. In contrast, only first syllables in verb stems are specified for tone,
including L tones, while any second or third syllables are predicted to be (pho-
netically) L in isolation.
Further evidence for this claim comes from the realization of tonal rules. Tone-
less morphemes are subject to high tone spreading (HTS) under certain condi-
tions, for instance in past tenses or with the H tone marking realis (see Chapter 6
for tonal patterns in verb inflection and §6.2.2 for mood inflection by tone). In
leftward hts in the verbal domain, it is the final syllable in disyllabic and the mid
and final syllable in trisyllabic stems that will host the spreading H tone, while
first syllable L tones are not affected by the spread (see §2.4.2.2). This suggests
that L in the first syllable is marked as such, while the following morphemes are
toneless and thus “free” to host spreading H tones.
Monosyllabic verb stems behave a bit differently. They are specified for tone
and never toneless, even though their L tone gets detached and replaced by an H
tone in, for instance, past tense formation. I explain this in more detail in §2.4.2.2.
Turning to the nominal domain, toneless TBUs occur in CV noun class pre-
fixes, while noun stems are specified for H and L tones. This is not surprising,
since Kisseberth & Odden (2003: 60) point out that “Class prefixes [in Bantu
languages] are typically toneless”. Evidence for this in Gyeli comes, again, from
tonal realization in certain environments. Just like verbal extension morphemes,
noun class prefixes are subject to HTS, for instance when preceded by an H tone
attributive (att) marker in an N1 + N2 construction (§2.4.2.1) or with an object-
linking H tone (§4.1.1.4). If class prefixes were underlyingly marked L rather than
just surfacing phonetically L in isolation, one would expect an H stem in N2 to
be downstepped, as Hyman & Lionnet (2012: 175) discuss for Abo.34 This is, how-
ever, not the case. Rather than suggesting a rule of featural change of a marked
L prefix or L deletion followed by hts in such contexts, suggesting toneless class
prefixes provides a simpler and more elegant analysis for Gyeli.

34
Abo shows the same tonal surface in these environments in that the H stem is not lowered.
Hyman & Lionnet (2012: 175) propose a different analysis, suggesting that the L of a prefix is
deleted in these contexts and then followed by HTS.

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 2.4 Tonology

2.4.2 Tone rules

Gyeli possesses a small set of tonal rules, the most important of which is high
tone spreading (HTS). In the nominal domain, hts operates from left to right, but
in the verbal domain it operates from right to left. I will discuss both in turn.

2.4.2.1 High tone spreading to the right

High Tone Spreading (HTS) targets the toneless morphemes of CV noun class
prefixes and the verbal plural marker ŋɡa. hts onto CV noun class prefixes is
restricted to specific grammatical environments including (i) H tone attributive
markers and (ii) a floating H tone that marks objecthood. H tones from preceding
lexical items do not spread.
In the first case, an H tone spreads from an attributive marker of a noun +
noun attributive construction to the noun class prefix of the second noun, as in
(69a). In contrast, the attributive marker in (69b) has an L tone. Thus, the follow-
ing underlyingly toneless noun class prefix of the second nominal constituent
surfaces with L as well since it is underlyingly toneless and there is no H that
could attach to it.

(69) a. bà-sɔ́ bá bá-tí

ba-sɔ́ bá ba-tí
ba2-friend 2:att ba2-in.law
‘the friends of the in-laws’
b. sɔ́ wà bà-tí
sɔ́ wà ba-tí
∅1.friend 1:att ba2-in.law
‘the friend of the in-laws’

(70) gives an autosegmental representation of (69a). It shows how the H from

the attributive marker spreads to the right onto the toneless noun class prefix
which then surfaces as H as well.

(70) ba ba-ti → ba ba-ti

H H H H
As discussed in §2.4.1.3, the noun class prefix is underlyingly toneless and only
surfaces phonetically as L in isolation. If it was marked L, one would have to
assume a more complicated rule of featural change or L deletion. Or, one would

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2 Phonology

expect an underlying L to affect an H stem by lowering the L in downstep. This

is, however, not the case, as shown in Figure 2.9. Just as in (69a), mà-fwálá má
bé-túmbɔ́ ‘borders (lit. ends of the countries)’ surfaces with an H on the prefix be-
which has spread from the preceding attributive marker má. The pitch track in
Figure 2.9, represented by the lower line, shows that there is neither downstep
nor downdrift, but the pitch stays at the same level throughout the utterance.

Figure 2.9: Pitch in hts within the nominal domain

H tone lowering may occur towards stem-final positions if an H is preceded

by an L, as shown by the lower pitch line in Figure 2.10. The final H in the noun
+ noun construction bà-bwálɛ̀ bá bá-ntɛ̀ mbɔ́ ‘the parents of the younger siblings’
is lower than the H tones on all other H syllables. This, however, seems to be a
phonetic realization phenomenon rather than a phonological rule. The final H
is affected both by the preceding L and its utterance-final position, lacking the
energy to be produced with the same pitch as the preceding H tones.
The second grammatical environment where hts onto CV noun class prefixes
occurs is with the floating object-linking H tone, which will be discussed in detail
in §4.1.1.4 and §7.2.1.2. The fact that the object-linking H tone is indeed only
realized on toneless TBUs is shown in (71). The nominal object ntúà ‘mango’ in
(71a) lacks an overt noun class prefix and thus the object-linking H tone does not
attach. Also, phonetically, there is no change in the tonal pattern of the noun
stem that could indicate the presence of the H tone.

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 2.4 Tonology

Figure 2.10: Phonetic pitch lowering of final H after L

(71) a. mɛ́ wúmbɛ́ dè ntúà

mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H dè ntúà
1sg-prs want-r eat ∅7.mango
‘I want to eat a/the mango.’
b. mɛ́ wúmbɛ́ dè má-ntúà
mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H dè H-ma-ntúà
1sg-prs want-r eat obj.link-ma6-mango
‘I want to eat (the) mangoes.’

In contrast, the nominal object mantúà ‘mangoes’ in (71b) has a CV noun class
prefix which takes the object-linking H tone.
Not every H tone preceding a toneless CV noun class prefix licences HTS. H
tones that are part of a preceding lexical stem, like the H verb in (72), do not
spread onto the toneless TBU, which surfaces as L. There is no object-linking
H tone in this example because the noun phrase following the verb is not an
argument, but an adjunct.

(72) a. mɛ̀ kwé màfû mábáà

mɛ kwê-H ma-fû má-báà
1sg.pst1 fall-pst ma6-day 6-two
‘I fell two days ago.’

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2 Phonology

b. * mɛ̀ kwé máfû mábáà

mɛ kwê-H ma-fû má-báà
1sg.pst1 fall-pst ma6-day 6-two
‘I fell two days ago.’

The same is true for a second object whose toneless CV noun class prefix fol-
lows an H nominal stem, as in (73). The object-linking H tone only occurs after
the (lexical) verb and only attaches to the object that directly follows it. A sec-
ond object surfaces with an L CV noun class prefix, even if the preceding nominal
stem ends in an H tone.

(73) a. á dílɛ́sɛ́ bésíŋgí màbèlé

a-H dílɛsɛ-H H-be-síŋgí ma-bèlé
1-prs feed-r obj.link-be8-squirrel ma6-kola.nut
‘S/he feeds the squirrels kola nuts.’
b. * á dílɛ́sɛ́ bésíŋgí mábèlé
a-H dílɛsɛ-H H-be-síŋgí ma-bèlé
1-prs feed-r obj.link-be8-squirrel ma6-kola.nut
‘S/he feeds the squirrels kola nuts.’

The object-linking H tone can also attach to a verbal plural marker ŋga, as
it constitutes another morpheme that is underlyingly toneless and thus capable
of hosting the H tone. hts onto the verbal plural marker is generally restricted
to specific grammatical environments since this marker only occurs in a few
positions. Testing grounds for hts are limited to a preceding HL pattern with
imperative verbs and the preceding H tone of the negative auxiliary tí. These are
described with examples in §3.9.2.2. To summarize the overall findings, ŋga fol-
lows an imperative verb form that characteristically carries a final HL pattern. If
ŋga is intonation phrase-final, it surfaces with L, as in (74a). If ŋga is not phrase-
final, the verbal marker hosts a potential object-linking H tone which it “steals”
from a nominal object, as in (74b). This example also shows that the H tone can-
not spread further onto other toneless TBUs. The underlyingly toneless CV noun
class prefix of mantúà ‘mangoes’ has to surface L.

(74) a. gyàgâ ŋgà

gyàgâ ŋga
buy.imp pl
‘Buy (pl.)!’

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 2.4 Tonology

b. gyàgâ ŋgá màntúà

gyàgâ H-ŋga ma-ntúà
buy.imp obj.link-pl ma6-mango
‘Buy (pl.) mangoes!’

The verbal marker also follows the negative auxiliary tí, which is then followed
by a lexical non-finite verb. In this case, ŋga always takes the H tone from the
preceding auxiliary, as illustrated in (75).

(75) tí ŋgá gyàgà mántúà

tí ŋga gyàga H-ma-ntúà
neg.r pl buy obj.link-ma6-mango
‘Don’t (pl.) buy mangoes!’

Given these positional restrictions, investigating the tonal behavior of ŋga fol-
lowing, for instance, a lexical H tone, is therefore impossible.

2.4.2.2 High tone spreading to the left

hts in verbs differs from other instances of hts in that the spreading goes to the
left rather than to the right. The tone that attaches to the right of a verb can be
viewed as a melodic tone in the sense of Odden & Bickmore (2014) and Marlo &
Odden (2018) and is either an H or an HL, depending on the inflectional category
it marks. A grammatical floating H tone encodes past tenses (§6.2.1) and/or realis
mood (§6.2.2). A verb-final HL tone, which spreads H to the left in case there is a
second toneless TBU, marks imperative and subjunctive categories (§6.2.1.6 and
§6.2.1.7). The origin of hts in verbs thus differs from the sources of hts in nouns
and verbal plural markers.
Regardless of the function of the attaching tones, phonologically tones can
only spread across underlyingly toneless TBUs in verbs. These include second
and third syllables, while first syllables are always specified for H or L. This is
illustrated in the autosegmental representation in (76), where a floating H tone
(marking either past tense or realis mood) attaches to the second, toneless sylla-
ble of the verb ɡjàga ‘buy’, while the first syllable keeps its lexical L tone.

(76) ɡjaɡa → ɡjaɡa → ɡjaɡa

L LH L L

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2 Phonology

If an H attaches to a trisyllabic verb stem, as with the verb vìdega ‘turn’ in (77),
the H attaches to the rightmost toneless TBU and then spreads to the left to the
second syllable of the verb. Again, the first syllable keeps its lexical tone.

(77) videɡa → videɡa → videɡa

L L H L H

If the first verb syllable is H, the surface tonal pattern ends up with a sequence
of H tones, as illustrated in (78) for the verb víyala ‘touch’.

(78) viyala → viyala → viyala

H H H H H

Just as in hts to the right, the combination of an underlying H tone in the first
syllable of a verb stem and hts of inflectional H tones (from right to left in verbs)
can result in sequences of multiple H tones at the surface. In (79), for instance, a
realis-marking H attaches to the finite verb and spreads across its toneless TBUs,
while an object-linking H attaches to the following noun class prefix, resulting
in a sequence of five H tones.

(79) à swásɛ́lɛ́ bápándyɛ̀

a swásɛlɛ-H H-ba-pándyɛ̀
1.pst1 dry-r obj.link-ba2-plate
‘S/he dried the plates.’

As Figure 2.11 shows, all five H tones have the same pitch level throughout the
utterance so that potential downstep phenomena can be ruled out.
In addition to floating H tones that attach to the right side of verbs, HL mel-
odies can also attach to verb stems, marking categories such as imperative and
subjunctive. In disyllabic verb stems, the HL melody is realized on the final tone-
less TBU, as shown in (80) for the verb ɡjàga ‘buy’.

(80) ɡjaɡa → ɡjaɡa → ɡjaɡa

L L HL L HL

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 2.4 Tonology

Figure 2.11: Pitch level of H sequence

In case there is a second toneless TBU, as in (81) for vìdeɡa ‘turn’, only the H
of the HL melody spreads to the left, while the final TBU remains HL.

(81) videɡa → videɡa → videɡa

L L HL L HHL

I take this tonal behavior as an argument to posit tonal attachment to the right
with leftwards spreading rather than assuming a tonal attachment to the first
toneless TBU with spread to the right. In this way, the processes for attaching
tonal melodies, H and HL, are the same: the melody attaches to the right and
H spreads leftwards. If one assumed rightwards spreading, an additional rule
would be needed that specifies when an H tone lowers to HL on the final toneless
syllable or when it remains H. This view is further in line with analyses of other
languages of the area. Marlo & Odden (2014), for instance, assume the attachment
of one of six inflectional melodies to the right in Bakweri (Bantu A22) verbs,
stating that melody initial H spreads leftwards.

2.4.2.3 L detachment in monosyllabic L verb stems

In tonal inflection of verbs for various tense, aspect, mood, and polarity cate-
gories, the processes of tonal attachment and spreading as described for di- and
trisyllabic verb stems above do not apply to monosyllabic verb stems since these

111
2 Phonology

are already specified for tone and there are no toneless TBUs to which a tonal
melody could attach and/or spread. Nevertheless, the same inflectional melodies
surface on monosyllabic stems as on stems that have toneless TBUs. For mono-
syllabic L verb stems, I assume tonal detachment of the lexical tone which is then
replaced by the inflectional tone melody, either H or HL.
Monosyllabic L verb stems take an H in past tenses (82b) and in the realis mood
(82c).

(82) a. mɛ́ dè
mɛ-H dè
1sg-prs eat
‘I eat.’
b. mɛ̀ dé
mɛ dè-H
1sg.pst1 eat-pst
‘I ate.’
c. mɛ́ dé tɛ́ɛ̀
mɛ-H dè-H tɛ́ɛ̀
1sg-prs eat-r now
‘I eat now.’

In order to explain how an H in monosyllabic L verb stems surfaces, simple H

attachment and/or spreading is not enough. A specified L must either be deleted
before the H can attach or be featurally changed. For the sake of consistency with
hts of di- and trisyllabic verb stems, I propose that an L in monosyllabic verb
stems gets detached, as shown in (83), and then replaced by the inflectional H.

(83) de → de → de
=
L L H H

The same is true for an HL melody attaching to a monosyllabic L verb, as

illustrated in (84).

(84) de → de → de
=
L L HL HL

112
 2.4 Tonology

2.4.2.4 H lowering in monosyllabic H verb stems

While all other verb stems (monosyllabic L as well as di- and trisyllabic stems)
show the same tonal surface patterns on the final syllable, monosyllabic H stems
deviate from this pattern, as shown in Table 2.32.35
Table 2.32: Surface patterns of verb stem-final syllables

Environment General pattern Monosyllabic H

Citation form L HL
Inflectional melody 1 H H
Inflectional melody 2 HL HL

As explained in §2.4.2.2 and §2.4.2.3, the tonal processes that are involved in
arriving at the surface tonal melodies of final syllables in verbs differ between
monosyllabic L verb stems and verb stems with more than one syllable that in-
clude toneless TBUs. Monosyllabic H stems, however, already pose an exception
to the general surface pattern as there is a syncretism between forms in isolation
and the HL inflectional melody.
The question of how the HL surface tone of monosyllabic verb citation forms
is derived presents different analytic possibilities which I evaluate in terms of
likelihood. I propose to view these verbs underlyingly as monosyllabic H verbs
which get lowered to a falling HL tone in the citation form categories. (85) shows
the autosegmental representation of the final lowering in citation form categories
(non-finite, present, future, and inchoative) of monosyllabic H verb stems. A low-
ering L attaches to an underlying monosyllabic H verb stem, resulting in an HL
surface form.

(85) kwe → kwe → kwe

H H L H L

35
The three environment categories in Table 2.32 each subsume different grammatical categories
in which this surface form is used. The citation form comprises a verb uttered in isolation
as well as the non-finite form, and present, future, and inchoative tense-mood verb forms.
The inflectional melody 1, a final H, is used in past tenses and for marking realis mood. The
inflectional melody 2, a final HL, marks imperative and subjunctive. The grammatical functions
of verb tones and their interaction with tonal melodies of subject-tense-aspect-mood-polarity
markers are discussed in Chapter 6.

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2 Phonology

This is the reason why there are, on the surface, no monosyllabic H non-finite
verb forms: they all surface as HL.36 Renaud (1976: 230) addresses this phenome-
non, subsuming it under a general rule of / ́/ → / ̂/ at the end of a syntagm. This
rule, however, is not context sensitive, neglecting cases that have syntagm-final
melodic H, for instance for past tense forms.
The representation that follows for glossing is exemplified in (86) for all tonal
melodies that attach. For citation form categories such as the present in (86a), the
underlying monosyllabic H stem is lowered to HL by an L. For the inflectional
melody 1 with an H in (86b), the verb just surfaces with its underlying H form.
In (86c), the HL inflectional melody 2 overrides the underlying H, resulting in a
surface pattern that is identical to citation form categories.

(86) a. mɛ́ kwê

mɛ-H kwé-L
1sg-prs fall-cf
‘I fall.’
b. mɛ̀ kwé
mɛ kwé-H
1sg.pst1 fall-pst
‘I fell.’
c. kwê
kwé-HL
fall-imp
‘Fall!’

Since the final lowering of citation form categories in monosyllabic H verb

stems is purely phonological and does not seem to carry any grammatical func-
tion, unlike the inflectional tonal melodies, I do not represent the phonological
lowering rule in my glosses in the following chapters and appendices. In order to
be consistent with the other verb patterns and to transparently track the attach-
ment of inflectional melodies, I use the glosses as in (87). The HL citation form
will appear in the underlying form line (the second line) and possibly take inflec-
tional melodies as in (87b). It should be kept in mind though that, phonologically,
the underlying form of HL monosyllabic verb stems is in fact H.

36
See the distribution of level and contour tones in §2.4.1.1 and §2.4.1.2.

114
 2.5 Discussion: Bantu A80 phonology

(87) a. mɛ́ kwê

mɛ-H kwê
1sg-prs fall
‘I fall.’
b. mɛ̀ kwé
mɛ kwê-H
1sg.pst1 fall-pst
‘I fell.’

There are two other possible ways of analyzing the surface HL form on mono-
syllabic verb stems. First, HL could be the underlying form, just like monosyllabic
L verbs are underlyingly specified for L. This would mean, however, that there
is a contrast between L and HL verb roots for monosyllabic stems, while poly-
syllabic stems have a lexical contrast of H and L. Another argument against this
analysis comes from the distribution of contour tones in Gyeli, which are gener-
ally only found in noun but not in verb stems. Monosyllabic stems would be the
only exception, but an H tone contrast is more likely.
Second, one may also posit an H vs. toneless distinction for monosyllabic verb
stems. Under this analysis, the citation form categories would all carry a final L
tone, which surfaces with L for toneless monosyllabic as well as for polysyllabic
verb stems and with HL for underlying monosyllabic H stems. While an H vs.
toneless analysis generally makes sense in many Bantu languages, it does not
quite fit the patterns of di- and trisyllabic verb stems in Gyeli, in which the first
syllable is clearly specified for either H or L but is never toneless. I therefore do
not assume any lexical toneless roots (first syllables) for Gyeli.

2.5 Discussion: Gyeli phonology within Bantu A80

Having described consonants, vowels, syllables, and tones in Gyeli, I conclude
this chapter by comparing Gyeli phonology to other Bantu A80 languages and
thus locating Gyeli within this language family. For comparative data, I refer
to Cheucle (2014), whose valuable thesis is based on her own fieldwork on Bek-
wel and also includes an overview of data by various authors. Her comparison
includes Bekwel, Bekol, Konzime, Makaa, Mpiemo, Kwasio, Njyem, and Shiwa,
which she uses to reconstruct Proto-A80.37 The data show that Gyeli possesses
37
These are the languages that are sufficiently described to allow for systematic comparison. A
few A90 languages may arguably be considered as more closely related to A80 and should thus
be included in such a comparison, but this exceeds the limits of this work.

115
2 Phonology

many properties that are found in the A80 group. At the same time, it is most
closely related to Kwasio and to Shiwa and possibly Mpiemo, as can be seen from
many characteristics these languages have in common and which are absent in
the other languages.

2.5.1 Consonants
Gyeli’s consonant inventory is quite close to the Proto-A80 one as reconstructed
by Cheucle (2014: 432). The main difference concerns the series of fricatives for
which the author proposes /s/ as the only fricative in the proto-language, while
Gyeli’s fricative inventory has expanded, synchronically comprising /f/, /v/, /s/,
and /z/.
According to Cheucle (2014: 335), all A80 languages she compares have a series
of bilabial, alveolar, palatal, and velar stops, both voiced and voiceless.38 Gyeli
clusters more closely, however, with Kwasio and Shiwa in three respects. First,
the use of /ɡ/ is also highly restricted in Kwasio. Second, Kwasio and Shiwa are
the only two other A80 languages that feature fricative clusters like in Gyeli, such
as /pf/, /bv/, /kf/, and /ɡv/. Third, Shiwa is the only other language, with Gyeli,
that allows for voiceless stops in C2 while all other A80 languages exclusively
allow voiced plosives in this position (Cheucle 2014: 340).
The distribution of fricatives among A80 languages is synchronically more
varied. Cheucle (2014: 342) lists six possible fricatives that may occur: /f/, /v/, /s/,
/z/, /ʃ/, and /ʒ/. Gyeli has the first four of these, but lacks the latter two. No other
language displays the same distribution. The most similar distribution is found
in Konzime, which has /s/ and /z/, but only a restricted occurrence of /f/ and /v/,
and Kwasio with the same phonemes, although the occurrence of /f/, /v/, and /z/
is rather limited.
Other consonants are less varied across A80, all featuring the nasals /m/, /n/,
and /ɲ/. Also /l/, /w/, and /j/ are found in all languages. They all feature NC
clusters, but for many languages (Konzime, Njyem, Kwasio, and Shiwa), their
phonological status is not clear, according to Cheucle (2014: 348). Nevertheless,
all languages, including Gyeli, have both prenasalized voiced and voiceless ob-
struents, except for Kwasio and Shiwa which are otherwise most similar to Gyeli
in other respects.

2.5.2 Vowels
Cheucle (2014: 324) states that A80 languages differ significantly in their num-
ber of vowels, ranging between five and eleven, as well as in their vowel quality.
38
Cheucle (2014: 335) classifies /tʃ/ or /ts/ as well as /dj/ or /dʒ/ in the literature as palatal /c/ and
/ɟ/. In Gyeli, they correspond to the affricates /tʃ/ and /dʒ/.

116
 2.5 Discussion: Bantu A80 phonology

The vowels that all languages under investigation have in common are /i/, /u/,
/ɛ/, and /a/. Differences concern mostly the mid vowels. Gyeli displays the same
seven-vowel system as Bekwel and Mpiemo, comprising /i/, /u/, /e/, /o/, /ɛ/, /ɔ/,
and /a/. Cheucle (2014: 389) reconstructs this same vowel system for Proto-A80
which means that Gyeli, Bekwel, and Mpiemo are the most conservative lan-
guages within the A80 group, at least with respect to their vowels.
It is possible that languages such as Gyeli and potentially Mpiemo are cur-
rently losing /e/ and /o/ as contrastive phonemes. This hypothesis is supported
by the special status of these vowels in Gyeli as suggested by the small space
in the vowel plot these vowels occupy and their low frequency, as discussed in
§2.2.1. Other A80 languages, according to Cheucle (2014: 324-325), support this
assumption since most of them have lost a phonemic vowel in comparison with
the seven-vowel system of Proto-A80. In Shiwa and Kwasio, /e/ and /o/ are vari-
ants of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/, so there seems to be a tendency to dispense with the higher
rather than the lower mid vowels. Also, the trend is to lose vowels rather than to
expand the vowel inventory to a nine-vowel system, which would be a possible
route of innovation.
Contrastive vowel length is found in most A80 languages, like it is in Gyeli. In
Gyeli’s closest related languages, Mpiemo, Kwasio, and Shiwa, however, vowel
length has not been analyzed as phonemic by the authors, as Cheucle (2014: 327)
points out. In Proto-A80, vowel length is assumed to not have been distinctive.
Cheucle (2014: 395-396) reconstructs synchronic distinctive vowel length as orig-
inating from final nasal consonants or syllables with /b/ as their onset, which
have been lost in some languages and replaced by long vowels.
Gyeli seems to have a special status as to nasal vowels within A80. Only Makaa
has two nasal vowels, /õ/ and /ɛ̃/, while nasal vowels are regarded as contextual
in the other languages under investigation, being conditioned by following velar
nasals (Cheucle 2014: 329, 397).
Vowel sequences or diphthongs are attested in Konzime, Njyem, Mpiemo, Kwa-
sio, and Shiwa, as summarized by Cheucle (2014: 330). Just like in Gyeli, they
occur canonically in monosyllabic stems, but differ in number and vowel qual-
ity. The sequence/diphthong /uo/ (or /uɔ/), for instance, is only attested in Gyeli,
Konzime, Kwasio, and Shiwa.
A feature absent in Gyeli, but widespread in other A80 languages, is vowel
epenthesis. Cheucle (2014: 332) specifies that vowel epenthesis in languages such
as Bekol, Makaa, Konzime, and Bekwel most often involves a schwa.

117
2 Phonology

2.5.3 Syllables
Cheucle (2014: 319) states that A80 languages are generally characterized by open
syllables and a canonical CV type, allowing, however, other types of syllables
as well, including closed ones. In this, Gyeli differs from the majority of A80
languages in that it exclusively has open syllables. The only other language with
this restriction is Shiwa.
All studied A80 languages allow for complex onsets, including Gyeli. Even
though an onset is most frequently occupied by a simple consonant, more com-
plex clusters are allowed. Cheucle (2014: 319) distinguishes consonant clusters
that include a consonant and a glide, but treats nasal + consonant clusters as
well as affricates as phonemic units. Therefore, a comparison of onset complex-
ity and frequency is not possible at this point.
As to syllable structures in prefixes, all languages under investigation allow
CV prefixes, according to Cheucle (2014: 322). In terms of other prefix structures,
however, they differ. Gyeli shares with Shiwa and Kwasio the feature of not al-
lowing V type nominal prefixes while all other studied A80 languages do. Shiwa
and Kwasio, however, have syllabic nasal prefixes, and Gyeli does not. In this
respect, it behaves like Konzime and Njyem which have nasal prefixes that are
not syllabic.

2.5.4 Tone
A tonal comparison across A80 languages is limited to lexical tones and even
then rather tentative since tone is treated to varying degrees in the literature.
Nevertheless, according to Cheucle’s (2014: 350) summary of A80 lexical tone,
Gyeli behaves as expected, displaying an H and an L level tone as well as HL
and LH contour tones, the latter of which may be realized as a mid tone in some
languages. The literature does not, however, discuss potentially toneless TBUs. It
would be worthwhile to investigate tonal rules and grammatical tone across A80
languages in the future, especially since Kisseberth & Odden (2003: 59) point out
that despite a widespread two level tone opposition in Bantu languages, there
is considerable variation between Bantu languages and dialects in terms of their
tonal systems.

118
3 Parts of speech
In this chapter, I describe the parts of speech in Gyeli, also referred to as word
classes. The presentation of Gyeli’s parts of speech system relies on a grammat-
ical rather than semantic classification into categories. Following Schachter &
Shopen (2007: 1-2), I consider grammatical properties such as “the word’s dis-
tribution, its range of syntactic functions, and the morphological or syntactic
categories for which it is specifiable” as determining criteria for parts of speech
classification.
I generally distinguish lexical and grammatical word classes as well as open
and closed classes.1 Gyeli has only two open word classes, namely the lexical
classes of nouns and verbs. Given their limited number of members, adjectives
and adverbs are closed classes in Gyeli, unlike many other languages in which
these are open classes. The semantic functions that they carry in languages with
large adjective and adverb classes are taken over by nouns. In addition to these
typical lexical word classes, Gyeli also has a lexical, closed class of ideophones.
The frequency of lexical word classes’ occurrence in the Gyeli text corpus is
displayed in Table 3.1. Lexical words constitute 46.9% of the words in the corpus.2
Out of these lexical words, 87.8% constitute open class words, namely nouns and
verbs. The closed lexical word classes with the most tokens are adverbs, followed
by ideophones and finally adjectives.
In comparison, grammatical words constitute more than half of the corpus
with 53.1%. Their various subcategories are summarized in Table 3.2. Following
Schachter & Shopen (2007) with slight modifications,3 I distinguish pronouns,
1
Gyeli words maximally contain three segmental morphemes with the possibility to host ad-
ditional tonal morphemes. This is discussed in detail in Chapter 4. The restriction on word
length is, however, not morphological in nature, but phonological, as outlined in §2.3.2, gen-
erally permitting only up to three syllables in a word.
2
As described in §1.3.3, the corpus comprises 3304 words in total. For the distribution of word
class frequencies, only 3133 words were taken into account, omitting e.g. code-switching and
repetitions.
3
Differences between Schachter & Shopen (2007) and my parts of speech classification concern
the subclasses of major categories. While Schachter & Shopen (2007: 35) only subsume role
markers, quantifiers, classifiers, and articles under noun adjuncts, I treat every grammatical
word class that can appear in the noun phrase as an element of the noun phrase.
3 Parts of speech

Table 3.1: Frequency of lexical word classes (46.9% of tokens in the cor-
pus)

Word class Frequency

Open 1289 87.8%
Nouns 630 48.9%
Verbs 659 51.1%
Closed 179 12.2%
Adjectives 9 5%
Adverbs 150 83.8%
Ideophones 20 11.2%
Total 1468 100%

other pro-forms, elements of the noun phrase, elements of the verb phrase, ad-
positions, conjunctions, and other minor word classes in Gyeli, each of which
has some subclasses. Elements of the verb phrase constitute the most frequent
grammatical word category with 33.3%. Within this category, the subject-tense-
aspect-mood-polarity (stamp) marker is the most common with 430 occurrences
(77.5%).
With regard to open versus closed word classes, the majority of the word to-
kens in the corpus belong to the closed classes in Gyeli. All grammatical parts of
speech presented in Table 3.2 are closed classes.4 In addition, the lexical classes
of adjectives, adverbs, and ideophones belong to the closed word classes, as ex-
plained above. Thus, closed classes constitute 58.9% (1844 in total numbers) of
the 3133 word corpus. The relative dominance of closed word classes in Gyeli
is remarkable since it correlates with a morphological type of language that is
closer to the analytic end of the analytic–synthetic scale. As Schachter & Shopen
(2007: 23) point out,

closed word classes tend to play a more prominent role in analytic languages
than they do in synthetic languages. This is because much of the semantic
and syntactic work done by the members of closed word classes in analytic
languages is done instead by affixes in synthetic languages.

4
Parts of speech with zero occurrences are attested from elicitations, but are not represented in
the corpus.

120
 Table 3.2: Frequency of grammatical word classes (53.1% of tokens in
the corpus)

Word class Frequency

Pronouns 240 14.4%
Subject pronouns 61 25.4%
Non-subject pronouns 103 42.9%
Interrogative pronouns 10 4.2%
Possessor pronouns 59 24.6%
Reflexive pronoun mɛ́dɛ́ 7 2.9%
Other pro-forms 63 3.8%
Interrogative pro-forms 19 30.2%
Pro-adverb 33 52.4%
Pro-clause 5 7.9%
Pro-sentence 6 9.5%
Elements of the noun phrase 233 14%
modifiers with agreement prefix 54 23.2%
modifiers with plural agreement only 5 2.1%
modifiers with agreeing free morpheme 167 71.7%
prenominal invariable modifiers 0 0%
postnominal invariable modifiers 7 3%
Elements of verbal complex 555 33.3%
stamp marker 430 77.5%
Auxiliaries 75 13.5%
Verbal particles 50 9%
Adpositions 156 9.4%
Prepositions 120 76.9%
Postpositions 36 23.1%
Conjunctions 180 10.8%
Coordinators 56 31.1%
Subordinators 124 68.9%
Other minor classes 238 14.3%
Copulas 55 23.1%
Identificational marker 13 5.5%
Discourse structuring yɔ́ɔ̀ 39 16.4%
Question markers 1 .4%
Sentential modifiers 57 23.9%
Extrasentential modifiers 73 30.7%
Total 1665 100%
121
3 Parts of speech

I will describe each part of speech in the remainder of this chapter, providing
defining properties for each category. I start with the open word classes of nouns
and verbs, giving information on selected subclasses, for instance the mass/count
distinction in nouns. I then proceed with the other lexical classes of adjectives,
adverbs, and ideophones before discussing grammatical classes.

3.1 Nouns
There has been much discussion in the literature as to what a noun is, a linguis-
tic term that is often used intuitively. Rijkhoff (2002: 10) maintains that “there is
still no general consensus among typologists on what constitutes a noun”. There
is not even a unanimous agreement as to whether every language has a noun
category. Gil (2013b) claims, for instance, that Riau Indonesian does not have a
noun (nor a verb) word class. Rijkhoff (2002: 12) distinguishes between (i) lan-
guages without a major word class of nouns, (ii) languages where nouns cannot
be distinguished from other word classes, and (iii) those languages that do have
a distinct noun word class. Schachter & Shopen (2007: 5), on the other hand, hold
that “[t]he distinction between nouns and verbs is one of the few apparently uni-
versal parts-of-speech distinctions”. They further explain that alleged examples
of languages which would fall in category (i) or (ii) according to Rijkhoff had
been based on incomplete data and therefore cannot be considered as counter-
examples against this universal word class distinction. In any case, scholars seem
to agree that at least most languages of the world have nouns as a distinct word
class (Koptjevskaja-Tamm 2006: 720).
According to Evans (2000: 708), linguists usually define nouns by three differ-
ent types of criteria, namely semantic, morphological, and syntactic. In terms of
semantics, a common definition is given by Schachter & Shopen (2007: 5) who
consider nouns a “class of words in which occur the names of most persons,
places, and things”. Similar definitions are provided by other authors, for exam-
ple by Koptjevskaja-Tamm (2006: 720) and Evans (2000: 710). All these scholars
emphasize, however, that this is a traditional definition of convenience, but that
membership of a word in a certain part of speech has to be established on other
grounds. There may be nouns that refer to other entities than persons, places
or things, while, on the other hand, there may be persons, places or things that
denoted by some other word class than nouns.
Another way of viewing nouns is to distinguish them from other open word
classes such as verbs, adverbs, and adjectives on the basis of different morphosyn-
tactic properties (see, e. g. Bhat 2000 and Baker 2003). The advantage of this ap-

122
 3.1 Nouns

proach is that it emphasizes the specific structures within a parts-of-speech sys-

tem of a given language rather than over-generalizing across languages. Nouns
may be inflected for categories such as number, case, possession, and definiteness
(Koptjevskaja-Tamm 2006: 722). They may trigger agreement of these categories
as heads of a noun phrase. Syntactically, they may take a certain position within
a noun phrase that serves as an argument or adjunct, while dependent word
classes are arranged in specific ways around them.
As Lehmann & Moravcsik (2000: 733) put it concisely, “[l]ike any other gram-
matical category, the word class “noun” has no universal status a priori; rather, it
is a language-specific category”. I will discuss noun properties in Gyeli in detail
in the following section. This will help to distinguish nouns from other parts of
speech as well as to establish subcategories of nouns that share some nominal
features, but not all of them.

3.1.1 Noun properties

I define Gyeli nouns by their structure, function, and distribution in a phrase,
distinguishing them from other word classes. As is typical for Bantu languages,
Gyeli has an elaborate noun classification system distinguishing nine agreement
classes (§5.2.2) which form six major genders (§5.2.4). The agreement classes
are labeled by digits from 1 through 9, while genders are marked by pairings of
agreement classes, for instance gender 1/2, which pairs agreement classes 1 and
2. The single agreement classes are also specified for number: agreement classes
labeled with odd numbers encode singular and pair with even numbered classes
that typically express plurality.
Agreement classes are established on the basis of agreement patterns on de-
pendent elements. Nouns inherently belong to a gender and trigger agreement
on their agreement targets. Agreement targets and their agreement forms in
Gyeli are listed in Table 3.3. They include the various pronominal paradigms, the
subject-tense-aspect-mood-polarity (stamp) marker and stamp copula as verbal
indexing as well as some elements of the noun phrase (§3.8), namely demonstra-
tives, attributive and anaphoric markers, nominal modifiers5 distinguished by
consonant-initial and vowel-initial stems, and the plural agreement only in some

5
There are five nominal modifiers in Gyeli, which encompass a variety of semantic/functional
classes and which show diverse agreement prefix patterns. They are individually listed in Ta-
ble 3.26. In Table 3.3 I represent them as three groups: modifiers with a stem-initial consonant
“mod(-C)”, modifiers with a stem-initial vowel “mod(-V)”, and those that only show agreement
in the plural “num, gen”.

123
3 Parts of speech

numerals and the genitive marker. Agreement targets are sorted by their agree-
ment strategy in terms of free morphemes or agreement prefixes in Table 5.2.
As for pronominal forms, only non-speech act participants (third person) agree
in gender. In contrast, speech act participants are only distinguished in terms
of number. The full pronominal paradigms, including speech act participants, is
given in Table 3.20.
Agreement class affiliation is transparently marked on some nouns in some
agreement classes by a noun class prefix (§5.2.3). Noun class prefixes are, how-
ever, not a consistent diagnostic for agreement class affiliation. As the gender
and agreement system of nouns is a phenomenon that affects the noun phrase
and indexing at large, I discuss this in detail in §5.2.
Table 3.3: Parts of speech controlled by the noun with agreement forms

agr class 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Pronouns
sbj nyɛ̀ bá wú mí lí má yí bé nyì
obj nyɛ̂ b-ɔ̂ w-ɔ̂ my-ɔ̂ l-ɔ̂ m-ɔ̂ y-ɔ̂ by-ɔ̂ ny-ɔ̂
poss w- b- w- mí- l- m- y- bí- ny-
Verbal index
stamp a/nyɛ/nu ba wu mi le ma yi bi nyi
cop àà/nùù báà wúù míì léè máà yíì béè nyíì
Nominal modifiers
dem nû bâ wɔ̂ mî lê mâ yî bî nyî
att wà bá wá mí lé má yá bí nyá
ana nú- bá- wɔ́- mí- lé- má- yí- bí- nyí-
mod(-C) m- bà- m/∅- mì- lè- mà- ∅- bì- m/∅-
mod(-V) w/n- b- w- my- l- m- y- by- ny-
num, gen - bá- - mí- - má- - bí- -

Structurally, nouns consist minimally of a stem and, depending on the noun

type, can take noun class prefixes as well as similative and object-linking H tone
prefixes, as outlined in §4.1.1. This sets them apart from verbs which cannot take
prefixes. While the agreement targets of nouns also consist of a stem plus prefix,
these agreement targets can only take one prefix and that prefix generally differs
in its form from noun class prefixes.
On the clause level, most nouns in Gyeli serve as subjects, objects, and ad-
juncts, as discussed in detail in §7.2, as well as copular complements, as outlined

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in §7.1.1. Nominalized past participles are an exception to this and can only occur
as nominal predicates in copula constructions. All nouns can generally occur as
bare nouns in their positions.
On the phrase level, nouns function as the head of the construction where
they appear in initial position, followed by both agreeing and invariable modi-
fiers, as outlined in Chapter 5. In more complex noun phrases such as attributive
constructions, the first constituent is always a noun, followed by an attributive
or genitive marker and then containing another word, (e.g. a noun or verb—see
§5.5 for more information on attributive constructions). With respect to their
morphosyntactic behavior, nouns have a grammatical gender and trigger agree-
ment on their agreement targets (see §5.2).6
Phonologically, nouns allow syllabic and tonal patterns that are disallowed in
verbs. For instance, noun root onsets may be complex with clusters of up to three
consonants, while this pattern is not found in verbs. Also, diphthongs can be
found in monosyllabic noun stems and rarely in the first and second syllables of
disyllabic nouns. In contrast, diphthongs are always restricted to monosyllabic
stems in verbs. For more information, see §2.3.2. Tonologically, nouns show a
greater variety of patterns, allowing, for instance, H tones on second and third
TBUs. Verbs, however, have underlyingly toneless TBUs in second and third syl-
lables which surface as L tones in isolation, as explained in §2.4.1.

3.1.2 Noun types

Gyeli nouns do not constitute a unified class. Instead, they have further sub-
classes which show different morphosyntactic behavior. This is nothing unusual
from a typological perspective; as Schachter & Shopen (2007: 8) point out:

In most languages some grammatical distinction is made between common

nouns, which are used to refer to any member of a class of persons, etc.
(e.g. girl, city, novel), and proper names, which are used to refer to specific
persons, etc. (e.g. Mary, Boston, Ivanhoe).

Gyeli has three types of nouns: common nouns, proper names, and nominalized
past participles. I discuss them one by one in the following sections.

6
I view agreement phenomena as a major reason to posit the noun as the lexical head of the
phrase rather than assuming a (covert) functional head. The noun as the agreement trigger
determines the morphological shape of all agreement targets, including demonstratives that
could serve as potential determiner heads.

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3 Parts of speech

3.1.2.1 Common nouns

Common nouns differ from other noun types in their morphophonological struc-
ture as well as their morphosyntactic behavior. Structurally, common nouns in
Gyeli consist minimally of a nominal stem with up to three prefixes maximally
added, the first of which is tonal, as shown in the template in (1). The different
prefix types are described in §4.1.1.7

(1) object-linking H tone – noun class – similative marker – stem

Common nouns can thus take a larger variety and number of prefixes com-
pared with other noun types: proper names can only take a similative prefix, as
described in §3.1.2.2 and nominalized past participles can only take a nasal noun
class prefix, as described in §3.1.2.4.
Another difference between common and other nouns is the potential of the
former for number inflection. While most common nouns (with the exception of
uncountable nouns) have a singular and plural counterpart, as reflected by their
pairing of different agreement and noun classes, proper names and nominalized
past participles do not inflect for number.
On a phrasal level, common nouns and proper names differ as well. In nom-
inal possessive constructions, common possessor nouns require an attributive
marker, as discussed in §5.5. In contrast, proper names take a distinct genitive
marker instead, as described in §3.8.2.1. Nominalized past participles do not occur
in possessive constructions.
In summary, a set of tests helps to reliably identify whether a word is a com-
mon noun or not. A Gyeli common noun can:

1. serve as the subject of a clause

2. serve as the first constituent of a noun + noun construction

3. be modified by an agreeing demonstrative or possessive pronoun

4. possibly make a number distinction (even though not all nouns do so)

I discuss the number distinction in more detail in §3.1.3.

7
Further information as well as an explanation of terminological distinctions of “noun class”,
“agreement class”, and “gender” are provided in §5.2.

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 3.1 Nouns

3.1.2.2 Proper names

Proper names appear to be often viewed as one category and refer to names
of people and places. In Gyeli, however, proper names of persons and proper
names of places form two distinct subcategories of one noun type that I broadly
call “proper names”. While the two subcategories share some features in which
they differ from common nouns, they also differ in a range of aspects. Table 3.4
lists the features that distinguish all proper names from common nouns as well
as those in which person and place names differ from one another.
Table 3.4: Features of proper names

Feature Person names Place names

No noun class marker 3 3
No plural formation 3 3
No object-linking H tone 3 3
Restriction to a few agreement classes 3 3
Similative prefix 3
Vocative suffix 3
Special genitive marking 3

In contrast to common nouns, proper names of persons and places never take
noun class prefixes nor do they have singular/plural pairings. Names of people
can, however, take the associative plural (ap) marker bà which precedes the
proper name, as in bà Àdà, referring to Ada and his family or relatives or, de-
pending on the context, to people that share character traits with Ada (people
like Ada). The associative plural marker bà is not restricted to proper names,
but is also used with common nouns and pronouns, as discussed in §3.10.1.4. As
proper names do not take noun class prefixes, they do not provide any TBU to
take an object-linking H tone, as discussed in §4.1.1.4.
All proper names trigger agreement just like common nouns. In comparison
to common nouns, they are very restricted in the agreement classes to which
they are affiliated. All proper names of persons are a subcategory of class 1. In
contrast, all proper names of places such as settlements, villages, towns, rivers,
and countries are generally in class 7, with the exception of kàmɛ̀ rún ‘Cameroon’,
which is also in class 1. Since many of the place names are derived from common

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nouns,8 place names can also agree in gender with the noun they are derived
from. For instance, the village name Ngòló is derived from the Bulu word nkôl
‘hill’.9 Since the cognate nkùlɛ́ ‘hill’ in Gyeli belongs to gender 3/4, the village
name can trigger agreement patterns both in class 7 and class 3.
Person names feature a range of characteristics that place names do not exhibit.
Names of persons productively take the similative prefix ná in the derivation of
female names, as discussed in §4.1.1.1. In contrast, I did not find any place name
with this prefix. Person names can further take the vocative suffix -o, as discussed
in §4.1.2.5.
Finally, person and place names differ in their marking of noun + noun genitive
constructions when the possessor is a proper name. While all examples in (2) are
structurally identical, person names take a special genitive marker (§3.8.2.1), as
shown in (2a). In contrast, place names (2b) pattern with common nouns (2c) in
that they take an attributive marker (§3.8.3.2).

(2) a. person name

j-ínɔ̀ ngá Námpùndì
le5-name gen ∅1.pn
‘the name of [the woman] Nampoundi’
b. place name
j-ínɔ̀ lé Ngòló
le5-name 5:att ∅7.pn
‘the name of [the village] Ngolo’
c. common noun
j-ínɔ̀ lé síngì
le5-name 5:att ∅7.cat
‘the name of the cat’

8
The source noun of place names does not necessarily have to come from Gyeli, but could
come from another language in the area. Still, the original meaning is recognized and allows
for other agreement classes than class 7. Also, even though there are some lexical differences,
cognates across languages of the area are often recognizable to speakers and are found in the
same gender.
9
The Bulu name for the village is Nko’olong.

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 3.1 Nouns

3.1.2.3 Ethnographic note on naming strategies

The Bagyeli have bipartite names, consisting of a vernacular name that is fol-
lowed by a Christian French name.10 Taking a Christian name seems to imitate
the naming strategy of the Bantu farmers since Christianity does not play a big
role in most Gyeli villages. Unless a Gyeli village is in very close contact and on
good terms with their farming neighbors, the Bagyeli tend not to go to church
and I do not know of any Gyeli village that has their own church at the time
of writing. Since the Christian religion is very strong among the Bantu farmers,
however, claiming to be Christian in front of outsiders and having a Christian
name seem to serve at reducing stigmatization and creating common ground be-
tween the Bagyeli and Bantu farmers. Also, the Bagyeli who attend school are
more likely to use their Christian name, at least officially, since it is required for
enrollment. In practical terms, however, I have met a few Bagyeli who had for-
gotten their Christian name. This is not implausible given that the Bagyeli do not
call each other by their Christian, but by their vernacular name, and that there is
often no official documentation such as birth certificates or ID cards that would
remind people of their names.
The vernacular name is either considered typical Gyeli or a name that is found
in other languages of the area as well. If a name occurs in other languages as well,
it is most often shared with the Kwasio dialects Mabi and Ngumba, even if the
person was born in, for instance, the Bulu contact region. If a name is shared by
other languages than Mabi and Ngumba, such as Basaa, Bulu, or Fang, it is almost
certainly predictable that the person comes from that specific contact region.
Many of the vernacular names have a (derived) meaning, often from the plant
world or animal kingdom. Also, many of them are not gender-specific, but can
be used for men and women alike. For others, female names can be derived from
some male names. The derivations of a female from a male name are numerous
and seem largely unpredictable. Differences between a male and a female form
of the same name encompass tone differences as in Mimbe (male: Mìmbɛ̂ , female:
Mímbɛ̂ ), different prefixation (Mgbâ (M) > Mímgbâ (F) and Sàmɛ̀ > Màsámɛ̀ (F)),
as well as denasalization of a final vowel (Mbɔ̀ (F) > Mbɔ̃̀ (M)). The most pro-
ductive derivation strategy is through the similative prefix Na- as in Nanze with
its male counterpart Nze or Nandtoungou, which is derived from Ntoungou. Ta-
ble 3.5 provides examples of vernacular names as found amongst my consultants
10
The sample of proper names comprises 111 female and male names and covers all proper names
from three Gyeli villages, namely Ngolo, Bomnapenda, and Bibira. It also includes some of the
names from yet other villages such as Lebdjom (in the Basaa speaking area) and Ebobissé
(within Kribi town).

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3 Parts of speech

and Bagyeli from other Gyeli villages. The table11 specifies whether a name is
used for men and/or women,12 its potential use in other languages of the area,
and its meaning (if known).
The orthography of names13 is a mix between Bantu and French notation
strategies which, in some parts, seem to lack a strict convention. For instance,
the sound /u/ can be represented by either the French style 〈ou〉 or the Bantu no-
tation 〈u〉. A word-final /e/, as in 〈Mamende〉 or 〈Mabale〉, can either be written
with plain 〈e〉 or with the French style 〈é〉; accents in local orthography do not
mark tone. Other versions seem to be admissible as well, for example varying
between 〈Mabale〉, 〈Mabalé〉, 〈Mabali〉, and potentially 〈Mabally〉. This variation
can be explained both by idiosyncratic preferences as well as dialectal variation
in pronunciation.
In addition to the vernacular and Christian name, many of my consultants,
both men and women, have nicknames by which they are consistently called
in everyday life. They acquire their nicknames either through their parents or
peers or even sometimes come up with a nickname on their own. Usually, nick-
names refer to something that a person has achieved or say something about the
person’s character. Nicknames also come from Western languages (French, En-
glish). Examples of nicknames used in Ngolo include Bataillon or Délégué. Also
outsiders might receive a nickname; the project’s cameraman was thus called
Freeboy, presumably due to his nonchalant attitude towards kneeling in the mud
while filming. There seems to be a tendency to pick nicknames originating from
other languages, as is particularly obvious with Western words. Local languages
also provide nicknames, for instance ə̀və́lə̀ tíd ‘red animal’ from Bulu, which was
given to a woman for her bright color of skin.

3.1.2.4 Nominalized past participles

Nominalized past participles are defective nouns that are the most deviant noun
type.14 All nouns of this category are derived from verbs and function like a

11
A blank cell in the table means that no certain information is available. In contrast, a hyphen
(in the Meaning column) means that speakers state that there is no associated meaning with a
name.
12
The superscripted D after the gender means that the name has a counterpart in the opposite
sex: Mandzoué (F) > Mandzong (M), Mba (M) > Mimba (F), Mímbɛ̂ (F) > Mìmbɛ̂ (M), Nanze (F)
> Nze (M), Nandtoungou (F) > Toungou (M), Tsimbo (F) > Batsimbo (M).
13
The orthography is provided by different Mabi speakers since the Gyeli speakers are mostly
illiterate.
14
Their category label does not imply that there are non-nominalized participles.

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 3.1 Nouns

Table 3.5: Examples of Gyeli proper names (in local orthography)

Name Gender Languages Meaning

Ada M, F Gyeli, Kwasio, Fang, Bulu –
Bibanga F Gyeli, Kwasio, Fang –
Bikanda M, F
Biyang M Gyeli, Kwasio remedy
Bouolpuma M Gyeli rotten breadfruit
Bwedila M Gyeli, Kwasio –
Kimpile F
Luonga F Gyeli, Kwasio group
Mabalé M Gyeli, Kwasio
Mambi M Gyeli behavior
Mandzoué FD
Manligui F
Mba MD Gyeli rank
Mbiambo F Gyeli plenty
Mimbanji M Gyeli arbalest, crossbow
Mímbê FD Gyeli, Basaa, Bulu –
Minlar M Gyeli union
Nalingui F Gyeli, Kwasio –
Nanze FD Gyeli, Kwasio, Bulu, Basaa panther
Nandtoungou FD Gyeli, Kwasio –
Nashuong F Gyeli young palm heart?
Ngolo F Gyeli, Kwasio –
Ngo Minsem F Gyeli, Basaa daughter of Minsem
Nguiamba M
Ngusa M Gyeli, Basaa –
Nziwu M Gyeli, Kwasio Great antelope
Sedyua M Gyeli, Kwasio derived from civet?
Tsimbo FD Gyeli, Kwasio outcast

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3 Parts of speech

past participle, as illustrated in (3). More information on the derivation process

is provided in §4.2.1.7.
(3) yíì nkɛ̀ lá
yíì n-kɛ̀ l-a
7.ID N-hang-nom
‘It is hung up [lit. a hung-up person/thing].’
Unlike full nouns, nominalized past participles never allow a plural form. Thus,
while the nominal predicate in (4a) takes the plural noun class marker ba-, agree-
ing in number with the subject, this is not the case for the nominalized past
participle in (4b).
(4) a. Àdà nà Màmbì báà bàngɛ̀ lɛ́nɛ̀
Àdà nà Màmbì báà ba-ngɛ̀ lɛ́nɛ̀
∅1.pn com ∅1.pn 2.cop ba2-teacher
‘Ada and Mambi are teachers.’
b. Àdà nà Màmbì báà mbánâ
Àdà nà Màmbì báà m-bán-a
∅1.pn com ∅1.pn 2.cop N-marry-nom
‘Ada and Mambi are married [lit. are married ones].’
The occurrence of nominalized past participles is restricted to the predicate
position of a stamp copula construction (§3.9.1), as shown in (3) and (4). Con-
sequently, they do not serve as an argument or adjunct, unlike common nouns
and proper names. Given their distributional restriction, they never occur in a
position where they would trigger agreement, for instance through the addition
of agreement targets in the predicate np. Likewise, speakers would not replace
the nominalized past participle with a pronoun that could indicate its affiliation
with an agreement class.
Another hypothesis would be to consider these forms as verbs, given their ver-
bal stem and translation. Despite significant differences from common nouns and
proper names, I do not adopt this analysis, but instead classify nominalized past
participles as a defective noun type. Evidence for this comes from their prefixa-
tion and tonal behavior, and their distribution in sentences which distinguishes
them from verbs. Morphologically, verbs do not take prefixes, but only suffixes.
The nominalized past participle, however, consistently takes a nasal prefix. Verbs
only have tonal specifications for the first syllable while the potential second and
third syllables are underlyingly toneless and thus surface as L in isolation, as ex-
plained in §2.4. In contrast, nominalized past participles never surface L on the

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last syllables, but either H or HL. Also in terms of their distribution in sentences,
nominalized past participle forms cannot be verbs since verbs follow the subject-
tense-aspect-mood-polarity (stamp) marker, as described in §3.9.1. These partici-
ples cannot combine with the stamp marker. They only occur in stamp copula
constructions (§7.1.1). There are several predication types for copula construc-
tions, including nominal and adjectival copulas, but never verbs. (5) contrasts a
nominalized past participle with a passive construction in (5b), as the translation
of the nominalized past participle construction might suggest a passive reading.

(5) a. ndáwɔ̀ nyíì mbúyâ (nà vìyɔ́)

ndáwɔ̀ nyíì m-búy-a (nà vìyɔ́)
9∅.house 9.cop N-destroy-nom com 8∅.fire
‘The house is destroyed (by fire).’
b. ndáwɔ̀ nyí búyá (nà vìyɔ́)
ndáwɔ̀ nyi-H búy-a-H nà vìyɔ́
9∅.house 9-prs destroy-pass-r com 8∅.fire
‘The house is being destroyed by fire.’

The nominalized past participle and the passive construction both allow for
an instrumental oblique. The form of the stamp copula in (5a) and the stamp
marker in (5b) are, however, distinct, as is the participle form with its nasal and
its tonal pattern in which it differs from the verbal form in the passive.
While the passive and the nominalized past participle are two distinct cate-
gories, both categories are, however, linked semantically and formally. In terms
of semantics, their subjects are the undergoer of an action while the agent would
appear in an adjunct or not at all. This is true for both categories, but since the
nominalized past participle is more about the result, the agent is mentioned very
rarely.
Formally, both categories take a suffix -a. There are two possibilities to ana-
lyze -a with respect to the different categories. Either, one could posit that it is
the same suffix which just takes different tonal patterns in different categories.
Or one could assume two different suffixes -a, which each come with their own
tonal patterns for the passive and the nominalized past participle. I choose the
second option, as reflected in the glosses. The reason for this is not only the dif-
ferent tone patterns associated with the different suffixes, but also a (synchron-
ically) insufficient link between the two categories. Thus, glossing both suffixes
-a as passive (and assuming that nominalization is primarily encoded through the
nasal prefix in the nominalized past participle) presupposes a derivation chain
with passivization as a necessary step. This assumption is, however, not justified

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since many verbs with a nominalized past participle form lack a passive form:
only 105 (27%) verbs take a passive form, but 325 (86%) have a nominalized past
participle form.

3.1.3 Nouns and countability

Gyeli has a “mass/count distinction” like many languages in the world. Formally,
one can distinguish countable nouns, those that occur both in a singular and
a plural form, from non-countable nouns, which do not show a singular/plural
distinction. Countable nouns typically describe discrete individual entities such
as humans, animals, plants, tools and the like.
Non-countable nouns are most frequently and regularly found in the transnu-
meral gender 6. (More information on the gender and agreement system is pro-
vided in §5.2.) Semantically, all liquids fall into this class, as exemplified in (6).

(6) Liquid mass nouns

a. ma-jíwɔ́ ‘water’
b. ma-vúdɔ́ ‘oil’
c. ma-tàngò ‘palm wine’
d. ma-vínó ‘pus’
e. ma-nzálɛ̀ ‘urine’
f. ma-dyúmù ‘sperm’

In addition, deverbal event nouns of gender 6, as in (7), are uncountable. More

information on their derivation process is provided in §4.2.1.4.

(7) Deverbal event nouns

a. ma-nyû ‘drink (n.)’ < nyùlɛ ‘drink (v.)’
b. ma-bwã̂sà ‘thoughts’ < bwã̂sa ‘think’
c. ma-bwàlɛ̀ ‘birth’ < bwàlɛ ‘be born’
d. ma-sâ ‘game (playing) < sâ ‘do’
e. ma-tálá ‘beginning’ < tálɛ ‘begin’
f. ma-dìlá ‘funeral’ < dìlɛ ‘bury’

There are other non-countable nouns with only a plural form in other agree-
ment classes, but they seem to be less frequent. They mostly belong to class 8
and comprise entities that usually occur in groups, for instance bè-sìngì ‘spirits’.

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 3.2 Verbs

They also include deverbal nouns such as bè-déwɔ̀ ‘food’, which is derived from
dè ‘eat’.
Then there are nouns that only have a singular form. Most often, they are
abstract nouns of class 7, as illustrated in (8).

(8) Abstract nouns

a. dú ‘lie’
b. sɔ̀ mɔ̀ nɛ̀ ‘complaint’
c. ngɔ̀ ngɔ̀ lɛ́ ‘sadness, compassion’
d. pɔ́nɛ̀ ‘truth’
e. sɔ́nɛ̀ ‘shame’
f. mɛ̀ vâ ‘pride’

There are a few other singular nouns without a plural form in other classes.
Semantically, they describe mass entities which have a rather unspecified shape
and lack clear-cut boundaries such as pfùdɛ́ ‘mold’ (cl. 9) or dùwɔ́ ‘sky’ (cl. 5).
bíwɔ̀ ‘bad luck’ (cl. 3) is another example of an abstract noun. Also a few nouns in
agreement class 8 lack a plural form. This is remarkable since class 8 is generally
a plural class. As explained in §5.2.3, however, there are also singular nouns that
trigger class 8 agreement, namely those that lack the CV- noun class prefix be-.
Examples of singular-only class 8 nouns include vísɔ́ ‘sun’ and vìyɔ́ ‘fire’. More
examples of uncountable nouns are given in §5.2.5 on inquorate genders.
Finally, there are nouns which display mixed characteristics of both non-count-
able and countable nouns. They have a singular and a plural form, and seman-
tically designate granular aggregates such as nsɛ́/mì-nsɛ́ ‘sand’ or ndísì/mì-ndísì
‘rice’. In their singular form, they behave like other non-countable nouns, for
instance transnumeral liquids. This becomes especially obvious when modified
by some invariable quantifiers (§3.8.5.3) and some nominal quantifiers (§5.5.1.4).
If used in the plural form, these nouns get a reading of ‘different types of’ or
‘different units of’. In this usage, they grammatically behave more like countable
nouns.

3.2 Verbs
Nouns and verbs constitute the two major word classes in possibly all languages
in the world, as Viberg (2006: 408) points out. There is, however, still a need to
consider what verbs are and how they are distinguished from nouns. Schachter
& Shopen (2007: 9) provide a general, semantically based definition, stating that

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3 Parts of speech

Verb is the name given to the parts-of-speech class in which occur most of
the words that express actions, processes, and the like.

Other properties that the authors highlight include, for instance, that verbs fore-
ground temporal relations as well as their function as predicates. After all, char-
acteristics of verbs (as any other word class) are language specific and therefore,
it makes sense to distinguish them based on a given language’s properties. In
Gyeli, nouns and verbs are distinct in many ways. As shown in Chapter 2, they
differ on phonological grounds, for example in their distribution of phonemes
and tones, nouns allowing a larger degree of freedom while verbs have more
restrictions on the occurrence of consonants, vowels, and tones. On a morpho-
logical level, nouns take prefixes which Gyeli verbs do not. In contrast, verbs take
extension suffixes which is not the case for nouns. In terms of syntactic function,
verbs serve canonically as predicates while nouns (or noun phrases) constitute
arguments of a given predicate. These various formal differences show clearly
that nouns and verbs in Gyeli belong to different word classes.
In the following, I will first describe the structure of the verb. I then discuss
different verb types, including main verbs and auxiliary verbs.

3.2.1 Verb structure

The Gyeli verb consists of a lexical root that can take a valence-changing suffix
and a tense-mood marking tonal morpheme, as shown in Table 3.6.
Table 3.6: The Gyeli verb structure

Slot Radical Prefinal Final

Function lexical root valence change tense-mood
Tone pattern H or L toneless -H

Table 3.6 indicates the “slot” in which the root and the suffixes occur and is
based on the segmental morphological Bantu verb schema by Güldemann (2003:
184). I extend this schema to also accommodate tonal morphemes. In contrast to
the lexical root and the valence changing suffix, which are always segmentally
expressed, the final tense-mood marking morpheme is exclusively tonal. The ab-
sence or presence of an H tone that attaches to the right of the verb stem encodes
past tenses and the realis mood (§6.2). Lexical roots are specified for either an H
or an L tone, while valence changing suffixes are underlyingly toneless.

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 3.2 Verbs

While Güldemann’s (2003) Bantu verb schema has eight slots, four before
the root and three after the root, Gyeli has a more reduced verbal structure.
For instance, subject concord and preverbal tense-aspect-mood information are
not encoded on the verb, but by a preverbal subject-tense-aspect-mood-polarity
(stamp) clitic (§3.9.1) and/or complex predicates with auxiliaries (§6.3).
I follow the Bantuist tradition (e.g. Guthrie 1971, Hyman 1993, and Schadeberg
2003) in my terminological distinction between radical and stem. The radical, also
called root, is the “irreducible core” (Guthrie 1971: 14) of the verb that cannot be
parsed into further morphemes. In Gyeli, its phonological structure is typically
C(C)VC-, but there are exceptions in surface forms pertaining to an additional
vowel in some disyllabic underived verbs (§3.2.1.1) and the deletion of the root-
final consonant in monosyllabic verb forms (§3.2.1.3).
The root in Gyeli can function as an independent word without any further
bound morphemes attached, as exemplified in (9) for monosyllabic verb roots.
All monosyllabic verbs consist of a root only. Under derivation, a root-final con-
sonant (or variants thereof) will surface, as described in §3.2.1.3. This root-final
consonant is deleted in monosyllabic roots in order to adhere to an open syllable
structure.
(9) Monosyllabic roots
a. dè ‘eat’
b. kwê ‘fall’
c. bvúɔ̀ ‘break (v.t.)’
Also some disyllabic verb roots satisfy the criterion of an irreducible core, as in
(10).
(10) Disyllabic roots
a. bámɔ ‘scold’
b. púndi ‘polish’
c. gyàga ‘buy’
The root can take an extension or expansion derivation suffix that brings about
a valence change. A list of all verbs in the database and their extension mor-
phemes is given in Appendix A. The root and the potential suffix constitute the
stem.15 There are also disyllabic verbs that consist of a root plus extension suffix,
15
Traditionally, the stem additionally includes the final vowel that encodes tense-aspect-mood
information in more agglutinative Bantu languages. In these languages, Bantuists use the term
base to designate the root and potential derivation suffixes without the final vowel. In Gyeli,
however, there is no final vowel. Therefore, this distinction is not necessary.

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as shown in (11). Derivation with extension and expansion suffixes is described

in §4.2.4.

(11) Disyllabic stems

a. bèn-a ‘be refused’ (passive extension -a)
b. jì-bɔ ‘close sth.’ (-bɔ expansion)
c. vú-lɛ ‘get rid of sth.’ (-lɛ expansion)

Thus, whether a disyllabic verb consists of a root only, as in (10), or constitutes

a stem with a root plus suffix, as in (11), depends on the synchronic function of
the second syllable. In synchronic disyllabic verb roots, the vowel of the second
syllable is part of the lexeme since its shape is not predictable on morphophono-
logical or morphosyntactic grounds. In contrast, in a disyllabic stem, the second
syllable functions as a valence changing suffix. A root vs. stem contrast can be
found even with the same lexeme, as for instance with the root bédɔ ‘mount (v.t.)’
whose passive form béd-a ‘be mounted’ is analyzed as a stem. A more detailed
discussion on the status of the final vowel as part of the root is given in §3.2.1.1.
The number of transparent derivational suffixes a root can take is restricted to
one.16 Derivational extensions can, however, come as mono- or disyllabic suffixes,
allowing a maximum of three syllables in a stem, as shown in (12).

(12) Trisyllabic stems

a. gyámb-ɛlɛ ‘cook for sb.’ (applicative extension -ɛlɛ)
b. lɛ̀ b-ala ‘follow each other’ (reciprocal extension -ala)
c. dyɛ́g-ɔwɔ ‘get in a leaning position’ (positional extension -ɔwɔ)

In the following, I will discuss the shape of the verb root in more detail, focus-
ing on two issues. First, I explore the status of the Gyeli stem-final vowel, argu-
ing that it does not occupy the “final” slot of Güldemann’s (2003) morphological
Bantu verb structure. I then describe root-final consonants and their variants.

3.2.1.1 Stem-final vowel

Alhough the Gyeli verb structure is significantly different from Güldemann’s
(2003) morphological verb schema, one might wonder whether Gyeli does have
a vowel in the “final” slot, which is typically related to tense-aspect-mood. Due to
a canonical CV syllable structure, Gyeli verbs always end in a vowel, but they are
by no means comparable to the “final vowel” in the “final” slot found in eastern
16
As discussed in §4.2.4, two categories, e.g. applicative and passive, can be merged into one
morpheme through vowel change of the applicative suffix in trisyllabic verbs.

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 3.2 Verbs

and southern Bantu languages where the final vowel has a grammatical function.
In contrast, Gyeli root and stem final vowels are lexically specified. As discussed
in §2.2.1, vowel quality is restricted by the stem’s syllable length. In monosyl-
labic verbs, any of the seven vowels, except for /o/, can occur in final position,
while disyllabic verbs only allow five vowels in this position, /i/, /o/, /ɛ/, /ɔ/, /a/.
Trisyllabic verb stems only allow /ɛ/, /a/, and /ɔ/ as a final vowel.
Another argument for not considering Gyeli stem-final vowels as occupying
the final slot of Güldemann’s (2003) Bantu verb structure comes from verb ex-
tensions. When Bantu languages such as Swahili add an extension morpheme in
the prefinal slot, the final vowel is not necessarily affected by this. The Swahili
stem chek-a ‘laugh’, for instance, keeps the final vowel -a even if the stem is
extended by a causative morpheme -Ish-:17 chek-esh-a ‘make laugh’. Extension
morphemes in Gyeli, however, come with their own final vowels and override a
disyllabic root-final vowel as in jílɔ ‘be satisfied’ → jíl-ɛsɛ ‘make satisfied’.
While all final vowels in verbs are lexically specified, they differ with regards
to their morpheme affiliation. There are three types of verb-final vowels. First, a
verb-final vowel is the nucleus of the verb root in monosyllabic verb forms. It is
tonally specified and does not usually change in derived forms. The root vowel
ends up in the final position because the final root consonant is deleted, as illus-
trated in (13). The deleted root-final consonants in parentheses only surface with
derived forms of the verb, as with the passive forms in (13). (More information
on root-final consonant deletion is provided in the next section.)

(13) a. dyà(y) ‘sing’ < dyày-a ‘be sung’

b. kwà(g) ‘grind’ < kwàg-a ‘be ground’
c. ndà(ng) ‘cross’ < ndàng-a ‘be crossed’

Second, in disyllabic verb roots, the final consonant is followed by a lexicalized

(underlyingly toneless) vowel. This vowel is synchronically part of the root since
its quality is not predictable and does not have any grammatical function. In de-
rived forms, this vowel is deleted, as shown in (14). The fact that these additional
root vowels are not specified for tone, a property they share with verb exten-
sion and expansion suffixes, suggests that diachronically they were derivation
suffixes as well.

(14) a. fùlɔ ‘descend’ < fùl-a ‘be descended’

b. dyɔ̀ dɛ ‘deceive’ < dyɔ̀ d-a ‘be deceived’
c. gyánga ‘work’ < gyáng-ɛsɛ ‘make sb. work’
17
The capital I denotes a front vowel that is subject to vowel harmony.

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Final vowels of monosyllabic verb forms with a diphthong or long vowel as nu-
cleus are treated the same way. As shown in (15), the second vowel of the diph-
thong gets deleted in derived forms.

(15) a. bvúɔ̀ ‘break (v.t.)’ < bvú.g-ɛ ‘make break’

b. dyùù ‘kill’ < dyù.w-a.la ‘kill each other’
c. níɛ̀ ‘be beautiful’ < ní.ng-ɛ.sɛ ‘make beautiful’

Historically, these verbs were likely disyllabic, as the examples in (14). This would
have involved a process in which first the root final consonant got deleted and
then the vowel of the second syllable was merged with the first syllable’s nucleus.
Synchronically, the second vowel of the diphthong is clearly part of the root
vowel since it is specified for tone.
The third type of stem-final vowel is specified through the derivation suffix a
root can take, as shown in (16).

(16) a. dyúw-ɛlɛ ‘listen to’

b. ntɛ́g-ala ‘bother each other’
c. pwàs-ɔwɔ ‘stretch oneself out’

The segments of derivation suffixes do not change in different tense-aspect-mood

categories, but their tonal patterns do (§6.2.1).

3.2.1.2 Suppletive root vowels

Gyeli has a few verbs which change their root vowel in (some) derived forms.
I view these as lexically specified exceptions since they do not follow any pre-
dictable pattern and are generally rare. All suppletive root vowel forms are given
in Table 3.7.
Ten out of the thirteen suppletive root vowels are regular in the sense that all
derived forms have the same suppletive vowel. For instance, lùà ‘curse’ takes ɔ̀
as root vowel in its reciprocal, passive, and causative forms. Also, the suppletive
vowels retain the same tonal pattern as in the underived form, namely H for
underived verbs which have an HL pattern and L for L underived verbs. There
are a few more irregular cases, however, which have different suppletive vowels
for different derived forms and/or tonal changes on the suppletive vowel. For
example, bwè ‘catch’ retains /e/ in the reciprocal form bèyala, but loses the glide
/w/, while it has a suppletive vowel /u/ in the passive form bùlɛ. All root vowels
remain L. In contrast, kwê ‘fall’ has a regular reciprocal form kwéyala, both in

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 3.2 Verbs

Table 3.7: Root-final consonant variants (monosyllabic verbs)

Underived form Reciprocal Passive Causative Variants

lùà ‘curse’ lɔ̀ g-ala lɔ̀ g-a lɔ̀ g-ɛsɛ ua/ɔ
lṹã̀ ‘whistle’ lɔ́ng-ala lɔ́ng-a ua/ɔ
túà ‘move places’ tɔ́g-ala tɔ́g-ɛsɛ ua/ɔ
bwà ‘become big’ bɔ̀ g-ala wa/ɔ
bwádɔ ‘wear’ bɔ́d-ala bɔ́d-ɛsɛ wa/ɔ
bwɛ̀ dɔwɔ ‘be tasty’ bɔ́d-ɛsɛ we/ɔ
bwè ‘catch’ bèy-ala bùl-ɛ we/u
kwê ‘fall’ kwéy-ala kù-ɛsɛ we/u
lâ ‘harvest’ léy-ala léy-a a/e
lága ‘contaminate’ lég-ala lég-ɛsɛ a/e
bô ‘lie down’ búg-a o/u
yíɛ̀ ‘dodge’ yé-ala iɛ/e
dè ‘eat’ díy-ala díb-a díl-ɛsɛ e/i

terms of the vowel and its tone, but an irregular causative form kùɛsɛ with both
a suppletive vowel and a tonal change from H to L. Finally, dè ‘eat’ has the same
suppletive vowel /i/ for all derived forms, but all derived forms have an H instead
of an L tone.
Most verbs with suppletive root vowels have monosyllabic stems containing
the diphthong /ua/ or the glide /w/, which is changed to /ɔ/ in derived forms.
The verb of the underived form is, however, not predictive of a necessary vowel
change in derived forms since verbs generally keep their glides and vowels in
derived forms. (17) gives an opposition between a regular and an irregular form.

(17) a. bwà ‘give birth’ → bwàl-ɛsɛ (caus)

b. bwà ‘become big’ → bɔ̀g-ala (recip)

Other suppletive forms, for instance from /a/ to /e/ in lâ ‘harvest’ or /e/ to /i/ in
dè ‘eat’ seem even more exceptional.

3.2.1.3 Root-final consonant variants

Generally all verb roots (with a few exceptions) have a final consonant, which
is lexically specified and only surfaces when a vowel-initial derivation suffix at-

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taches. In monosyllabic stems (9) and with derivation suffixes that are consonant-
initial such as -lɛ or -bɔ in (11), the root-final consonant is deleted. In turn, when
deriving a monosyllabic verb, the question is which root-final consonant it will
have.
As shown in Table 3.8, the majority of monosyllabic stems have the same root-
final consonants in all their derived forms.18 The types of consonant that can
consistently appear root finally are limited to seven: /ŋg/, /g/, and /y/ are the
most frequent ones while /l/, /s/, /n/, and /w/ are rare. There are two exceptions
to this general pattern. First, eleven monosyllabic verb stems have different root-
final consonants with different verb extensions, and second, there is one verb
which consistently takes no root-final consonants in any of its forms.
Table 3.8: Root-final consonants in the derivation of monosyllabic
verbs

Root ending Frequency Example

Consonant 69 85.2%
/nɡ/ 23 26.7% sã̂ ‘vomit’ → sángala ‘vomit together’
/g/ 22 25.6% dvùɔ̀ ‘hurt’ → dvùgɛsɛ ‘make hurt’
/y/ 17 19.8% bà ‘smoke’ → bàyaga ‘smoke (by itself)’
/l/ 3 3.5% vɔ̂ ‘be calm’ → vɔ́lɛsɛ ‘make calm’
/s/ 2 2.3% sɔ́ɔ̀ ‘continue’ → sɔ́sɛlɛ ‘continue with sth.’
/n/ 1 1.2% nyɛ̂ ‘see’ → nyɛ́nala ‘see one another’
/w/ 1 1.2% dyû ‘kill’ → dyúwala ‘kill one another’
Variable 11 13.6% see Table 3.9
No consonant 1 1.2% dyâ ‘lie down’ → dyáala ‘lie down together’

The diversity of root-final consonants surfacing in derived verb forms likely

has a historical explanation. Some monosyllabic verb stems may originate from a
diachronic extension that got reduced and merged with the monosyllabic root. In
the process, the onset consonant of the second syllable –the historical extension
suffix –got lost in monosyllabic forms and the suffix vowel got merged with the
root vowel. This reduction is synchronically reflected in monosyllabic verb stems
with diphthongs and long vowels, as discussed in §2.2.2 and §2.2.3. The original
consonants still surface in some derived forms. This scenario would explain why
18
This is based on 86 monosyllabic verb stems. As discussed in §2.3.2.4, there are 88 monosyllabic
verb stems in my database. Yet, not all of them undergo derivation. dɔ̀ ‘negotiate’ and kɛ̀ ‘go’ do
not have any derived forms and therefore the underlying root-final consonant never surfaces.

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 3.2 Verbs

only a limited number of consonants can now serve as root-final consonants: they
are related to a limited number of suffixes, some of which do not exist anymore.
The quality of the root-final consonant that will surface in the derivation of
monosyllabic verbs is not (entirely) predictable on phonological grounds, as the
oppositions in (18) to (20) show.

(18) a. bwà ‘give birth’ → bwàl-ɛsɛ ‘make give birth’

b. bwà ‘become big’ → bɔ̀ g-ala ‘become big together’
(19) a. bâ ‘marry’ → bán-ala ‘marry each other’
b. bà ‘smoke’ → bày-ala ‘smoke together’
(20) a. nyâ ‘suckle’ → nyáng-ɛsɛ ‘breast-feed’
b. nyàà ‘defecate’ → nyàg-ɛsɛ ‘make defecate’

There are, however, some tendencies that allow us to predict the underlying root-
final consonant based on the phonological shape of the monosyllabic verb stem.
Monosyllabic stems ending in nasal vowels, for instance, almost exclusively have
/ŋg/ as root-final consonant, as exemplified in (21). This ties in with the scenario
of a historical extension suffix that has been lost: /ŋg/ may have been the onset
of the suffix that was lost, while nasality survived on the root vowel.

(21) lã̂ ‘pass’ → làngɛlɛ ‘let pass, spend time’

kẽ̀ ‘shave’ → kèngala ‘shave one another’
sã̂ ‘vomit’ → sángɛsɛ ‘make vomit’
dyũ̂ ‘be hot’ → dyúngɛlɛ ‘heat sth.’

Another tendency is found with monosyllabic verb stems containing a diph-

thong. Their final root consonant is almost exclusively /g/, as shown in (22), with
a few exceptions concerning the diphthong /iɛ/, which sometimes may also take
/y/ as in tsíyala ‘cut each other’, derived from tsíɛ̀ ‘cut’.

(22) dvùɔ̀ ‘hurt (v.i.)’ → dvùgala ‘hurt one another’

lùà ‘curse’ → lɔ̀ ga ‘be cursed’
tɔ̀ à ‘boil (v.i.)’ → tɔ̀ gala ‘boil together’
líɛ̀ ‘cede, let’ → lígala ‘let to one another’

All other root-final consonants seem not to be predictable on phonological

grounds.
There are two exceptions to the general pattern described so far. First, in a
few cases, the same underived monosyllabic verb stem has different root-final

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consonants with different extension morphemes. Table 3.9 gives an exhaustive

list of all final root consonant variants for monosyllabic verbs that occur in the
database. While there are usually only two variants for the same lexical root, dè
‘eat’ shows that there can be even three variants.19
Table 3.9: Root-final consonant variants (monosyllabic verbs)

Underived form Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Variants

bâ ‘marry’ bán-ala bál-ese n/l
bwè ‘catch’ bèy-ala bùl-ɛ y/l
vû ‘leave’ vúy-ala vúm-a y/m
sĩĩ́ ̀ ‘approach’ síng-ala sís-ɛlɛ ng/s
níyɛ ‘be beautiful’ níndy-ala níng-ɛsɛ ng/ndy
vè’è ‘try on clothes’ vèg-ala vè’ɛlɛ g/’
dyà ‘sing’ dyà-ala dyày-a y/none
kwê ‘fall’ kwéy-ala kù-ɛsɛ y/none
dã̂ ‘draw water’ dàng-ala dã̀-ã̀la dã̀-ã̀lɛ ng/none
dyɔ̀ ‘laugh’ dyɔ̀ -ala dyɔ̀ las-a dyɔ̀ l-ɛsɛ l/none
dè ‘eat’ dìy-ala díb-a díl-ɛsɛ y/b/l

Root-final consonant variants likely occur for the same reason that root-final
consonants take different shapes generally. Gyeli probably had more derivation
suffixes diachronically and possibly allowed more suffixes than the synchronic
limit of three syllables. Different final root consonants may reflect remnants of
former extension suffixes or diachronic stacking of derivation suffixes. For in-
stance, /l/ could be related to the expansion suffix -lɛ, as discussed in §4.2.4.7. /s/
in sís-ɛlɛ ‘approach sb.’ could be related to the causative suffix -ɛsɛ.
Other variant forms may rather reflect an ongoing reduction of segmental ma-
terial, as in vè’è ‘try on clothes’, which has retained a probably older final con-
sonant /g/ in its reciprocal form vèg-ala that got reduced to a glottal stop in the
monosyllabic and applicative forms. The next step on the continuum of segmen-
tal reduction is the complete loss of the final root consonant.
Final root consonant variants also occur with disyllabic verb roots, but they
are less frequent. Table 3.10 shows all their occurrences found in the database.
The second exception concerns the lack of a root-final consonant in which case
adjacent vowels are allowed. Only one verb is known that has a derived form with
a zero final root consonant, but no variant consonant in another derived form:
19
The passive form of dyɔ̀ ‘laugh’ is derived from the applicative form dyɔ̀ l-ɛsɛ, which affects not
only the final vowel, but changes both vowels /ɛ/ of the extension to /a/.

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 3.2 Verbs

Table 3.10: Root-final consonant variants (disyllabic verbs)

Underived form Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Variants

dyúwɔ ‘hear’ dyùw-ala dyúg-ɛsɛ dyúw-ɛlɛ w/g
líyɛ ‘leave’ líg-ala y/g
vòwa ‘wake up’ vòw-ala vòl-ɛsɛ w/l
tìnɔ ‘harvest tubers’ tìn-ala tìl-ɛ n/l
bíyɔ ‘hit’ bín-ala bíl-a bíl-ese bíy-ɛlɛ y/n/l

bvû ‘think’ whose reciprocal form is bvúala. In all the other cases of zero root-
final consonants, there is another consonant variant in another derived form.
The variants of zero-consonant and root-final consonant in derived verb forms
are listed in Table 3.9. Other variants of zero-consonants do not show in derived
verbs, but in the nominalized past participle (npP) forms, which are discussed
in §4.2.1.7. All instances of variants showing up only in the nominalized past
participle are given in Table 3.11.
Table 3.11: Zero root-final consonant variants in nominalized past par-
ticiples

Underived form Reciprocal npP Variants

dyâ ‘lie down’ dyá-ala ndyáy-â none/y
sâ ‘do’ sá-ala nsáy-â none/y
yíɛ̀ ‘avoid’ yé-ala nyéy-â none/y
kã̂ ‘wrap’ kã́-ala nkã́l-â none/l
láà ‘tell’ lá-ala nláw-â none/w

As described in §2.3.2.4, there is some variation in the production of vowel

sequences in verb stems. While synchronically vowel sequences are found in
verb stems, these have alternate forms with a glottal stop, as illustrated by the
two variants in (23).

(23) a. múɛlɛ ‘nibble’ → mú-ala (recip) → mú-ɛsɛ (caus)

b. mú’ɛlɛ ‘nibble’ → mú’-ala (recip) → mú’-ɛsɛ (caus)

The exact distribution of one variant in comparison to the other is not known.
There is variation across speakers as well as within the same speaker. This ten-
dency, however, seems to align with the loss of segmental material posited for
other verb forms.

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3 Parts of speech

3.2.2 Verb types

I distinguish three different verb types in Gyeli, based on their morphosyntactic
behavior: main verbs, auxiliary verbs, and light verbs. I define and describe each
of these and their potential subtypes in turn.

3.2.2.1 Main verbs

I view the main verb as the lexical verb in a phrase which, according to Anderson
(2011a: 796), contributes lexical content to an expression. The main verb in Gyeli
always serves as the semantic head of a clause, but is only the syntactic, finite
head in simplex predicate constructions. In complex predicate constructions, the
syntactic head is an auxiliary or semi-auxiliary (§3.2.2.3), while the main verb
appears in its non-finite form. In contrast to true auxiliaries, main verbs can
occur on their own in a simplex predicate construction.
In the simple predicate construction in (24), the main verb gyɛ́sɔ́ ‘look for’ is
the syntactic and semantic head of the clause.

(24) mùdã̂ á gyɛ́sɔ́ bédéwɔ̀

m-ùdã̂ a-H gyɛ́sɔ-H H-be-déwɔ̀
n1-woman 1-prs look.for-r obj.link-be8-food
‘The woman looks for food.’

As the syntactic head, the main verb is inflected for its tense-mood category, as
described in §6.2.1. In this case, gyɛ́sɔ́ ‘look for’ is a finite form, carrying a realis-
marking H tone.
In contrast, in a complex predicate construction, the main verb is the seman-
tic head of the clause. An auxiliary or light verb serves as the syntactic head,
as exemplified in (25) with the negative subjunctive auxiliary verb dúù. In this
example, the auxiliary is the finite verb encoding the tense-mood category it be-
longs to. The main verb takes its non-finite form, namely with an underlyingly
toneless final vowel, as described in §2.4.1.3.

(25) mùdã̂ á dúù gyɛ́sɔ̀ bédéwɔ̀

m-ùdã ̂ a-H dúù gyɛ́sɔ H-be-déwɔ̀
n1-woman 1-prs neg.sbjv look.for obj.link-be8-food
‘The woman must not look for food.’

The non-finite form in (25) is, at the same time, the infinitive form. Infinitive
forms in Gyeli do not receive any special morphological or tonal marking, but

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 3.2 Verbs

are identical to their citation form. As shown in §2.4.1, second and third syllables
are underlyingly toneless, surfacing with an L tone. Infinitive forms are found in
complex predicates (25) as well as two types of subordinate clauses. First, they
occur in subordinate infinitival clauses (§8.2.3.4), as in (26).

(26) [pámɔ̀ tísɔ̀ nì]inf á súmɛ́lɛ́ bùdì

pámɔ tísɔ̀ nì a-H súmɛlɛ-H b-ùdì
arrive ∅7.town 1-prs greet-r ba2-people
‘Having arrived in town, he greets the people.’

These subordinate infinitival clauses can also be negated with the negative aux-
iliary tí, as in (27).

(27) à múà nà bábɛ̀ [tí wúmbɛ̀ wɛ̀ ]

a múà nà bábɛ̀ tí wúmbɛ wɛ̀
1 be com ∅7.illness neg want-r die
‘He was sick, not wanting to die.’

And second, the main verb of certain attributive clauses with the complementizer
nâ appears in its infinitival form, as shown in (28) and explained in more detail
in §8.2.2.4.

(28) mùdã̂ à lɔ́ sìsɛ̀ lɛ̀ nɔ́nɛ́gá [nâ nyɛ̂ nà kɔ́ sɛ̀ ]
m-ùdã̂ a lɔ́ sìs-ɛlɛ n-ɔ́nɛ́gá nâ nyɛ̂ nà kɔ́sɛ
n1-woman 1.pst retro scare-apPL 1-other comp 1 com cough
‘The woman scared the other by her coughing.’

Infinitives are also found in non-verbal clauses where the infinitive is linked
with the stamp copula yíì of agreement class 7 to its predicate, as shown in (29).
This construction is further described in §7.1.1

(29) jíwɔ̀ yíì bíwɔ̀

jíwɔ yíì bíwɔ̀
steal 7.cop bad
‘To steal is bad.’

Verbal clauses are discussed in §7.2 and complex predicates are explained in more
detail in §6.3.
In contrast to other types of verbs, lexical verbs take a range of different va-
lencies (intransitive, transitive, ditransitive), as illustrated in (30).

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(30) a. Màmbì à kɛ́ (intransitive)

Màmbì a kɛ̀ -H
∅1.pn 1.pst1 fall-pst
‘Mambi fell.’
b. Màmbì à bɛ́ lé (transitive)
Màmbì a bɛ̀ -H lé
∅1.pn 1.pst plant-r ∅7.tree
‘Mambi planted a tree.’
c. Màmbì à vɛ́ Bìyã́ màntúà (ditransitive)
Màmbì a vɛ̀ -H Bìyã́ ma-ntúà
∅1.pn 1.pst give-r ∅1.pn ma6-mango
‘Mambi gave Biyang mangoes.’

The valency of a verb is lexically specified, but can also be changed through
verb extensions, which are explained in §4.2.4. Valency change and verb exten-
sions also relate to different voices a main verb can express, such as active, middle
voice, and passive voice. Examples of each are shown in (31).

(31) a. Màmbì à vìdɛ́ màtúà

Màmbì a vìdɛ-H màtúà
∅1.pn 1.pst turn-r ∅1.car
‘Mambi turned the car.’
b. màtúà à vìdɛ́gá
màtúà a vìd-ɛga-H
∅1.car 1.pst turn-autocaus-pst
‘The car turned (around).’
c. màtúà à vìdá (nà Màmbì)
màtúà a vìd-a-H nà Màmbì
∅1.car 1.pst turn-pass-pst com ∅1.pn
‘The car was turned (by Mambi).’

3.2.2.2 Special cases of main verbs

There are two subtypes of main verbs, namely main verbs that require a prepo-
sition with their object and main verbs that require a cognate object. Main verbs
requiring a preposition with their object argument are generally rare with only
14 verbs (3.7%) of the 377 verbs in the database. In most cases, the comitative
preposition nà is required. All twelve cases are listed in Table 3.12.

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 3.2 Verbs

Table 3.12: Main verbs requiring the comitative nà

báàla nà ‘repeat sth.’

bága nà ‘stop sth.’
bísi nà ‘pay attention to’
bvúda nà ‘quarrel’
gyíka nà ‘resemble sb./sth.’
kàmbɔ nà ‘defend sth.’
làdo nà ‘meet sb.’
náàta nà ‘stick to’
njì nà ‘bring, come for’
tã́ã̀la nà ‘judge sb.’
túwanɛ nà ‘meet with sb.’
vúba nà ‘hug sb.’

The other preposition that links an argument is the directional bà. It occurs
only in two verbs of very similar meaning in the database, namely sĩĩ́ ̀ bà ‘ap-
proach sth.’ and sísɔ bà ‘approach sth.’ Obviously, the prepositions nà and bà
occur more frequently in the text corpus, but they are usually found in adjunct
noun phrases.
Gyeli has a few verbs that take a cognate object as argument, as in (32) where
the verb is marked in bold.

(32) a. gyá gyà ‘sing (a song)’

b. sá sálɛ́ ‘work (a work)’
c. kɛ́ kɛ̀ ndɛ̀ ‘walk (a walk)’

All these verbs can also take a different lexeme as an object, as for instance, in
(33a). They cannot appear without an object, as (33b) shows.

(33) a. mɛ́ kɛ́ tísɔ̀ nì

mɛ-H kɛ̀ -H tísɔ̀ nì
1sg-prs go-r ∅7.town
‘I go to town.’
b. * mɛ́ kɛ̀
mɛ-H kɛ̀
1sg-prs go
‘I walk.’

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At the same time, the cognate objects can also appear with other verbs, as
shown in (34).
(34) yɔ́ɔ̀ bá téé kɛ̀ ndɛ̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ ba-H téè-H kɛ̀ ndɛ̀
so 2-prs start.walking-r ∅7.walk
‘So they go on a walk.’

3.2.2.3 Auxiliaries and semi-auxiliaries

A set of verbs in Gyeli occur as the finite verbal element in a complex predicate
construction without (fully) contributing to its lexical content. (Complex predi-
cate constructions are discussed in §6.3.) I call these verbs “auxiliaries”, which I
subdivide into true auxiliaries and semi-auxiliaries. They both precede the lexi-
cal verb. (35) illustrates the contrast between a complex predicate with a semi-
auxiliary (the modal yánɛ ‘must’) in (35a) and its simplex predicate counterpart in
(35b). In the complex predicate construction, the semi-auxiliary yánɛ is inflected
for tense-mood (see §6.2.1), while the lexical verb dyâ ‘lie down’ appears in its
non-finite form. In the simplex predicate construction, the lexical verb receives
the tense-mood marking H tone.
(35) a. mɛ̀ yánɛ́ dyâ vâ kùgúù dẽ̀ màfú mábáà
mɛ yánɛ-H dyâ vâ kùgúù dẽ ̀ ma-fú má-báà
1sg must-r lie.down here ∅7.evening today ma6-day 6-two
‘I had to sleep here in the evening two days ago [from today].’
b. mɛ̀ dyá vâ kùgúù dẽ̀ màfú mábáà
mɛ dyâ-H vâ kùgúù dẽ̀ ma-fú má-báà
1sg.pst lie.down-r here ∅7.evening today ma6-day 6-two
‘I slept here in the evening two days ago [from today].’
True auxiliaries and semi-auxiliaries can be distinguished along two parame-
ters, as shown in Table 3.13: (i) full conjugation potential across different tense-
mood categories vs. restrictions thereof and (ii) full lexical meaning vs. no lexical
meaning. True auxiliaries are restricted in the tense-mood category they can ap-
pear in, as detailed in §6.3.1, as well as in the verbal predicate type they occur in:
true auxiliaries can never appear on their own in a simple predicate construction,
but require the addition of a lexical verb. Semi-auxiliaries, in contrast, have full
lexical meaning and the potential to serve as the finite element in a simple pred-
icate construction. They have full conjugation potential across all tense-mood
categories in both simple and complex predicate constructions.

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 3.2 Verbs

Table 3.13: Auxiliary types

Full inflection Inflectional restrictions

No lexical True auxiliaries
meaning nzíí prog.prs, nzí prog.pst,
nzɛ́ɛ́ prog.subord, lɔ̀ retro,
sàlɛ́ neg.pst, pálɛ́ neg.pst,
kálɛ̀ neg.fut, tí neg.imp
Lexical Semi-auxiliaries
meaning kɛ̀ ‘go’, lã̀ ‘pass’ njì ‘come’, lígɛ bwàá ‘have’, múà ‘be almost’,
‘stay’, sílɛ ‘finish’, pã̂ ‘do first’, dúù ‘must not’
táalɛ ‘begin’, bàga nà ‘stop’
lèmbɔ ‘know’, kwàlɛ ‘like’,
wúmbɛ ‘want’, (yánɛ ‘must’)

Since tense-mood categories are only marked tonally, but true auxiliaries are
restricted to specific categories, it cannot be proven that they take tonal inflection
instead of having a fixed tonal pattern, as there are no contrastive pairs. There
are several reasons, however, to classify true auxiliaries as finite verbal elements.
First, their tonal patterns coincide with the tonal patterns of their respective
tense-mood category. Second, they occur in the same position as semi-auxiliaries
that clearly inflect for tense-mood tonal marking. Third, they are followed by a
non-finite lexical verb.
Semi-auxiliaries and true auxiliaries can be thought of as distributed towards
opposite ends of a grammaticalization scale. Semi-auxiliaries are closest to main
verbs while true auxiliaries are highly grammaticalized. While most (semi-) aux-
iliaries fall neatly in either one of the auxiliary types, there are nevertheless some
exceptions which behave slightly differently, reflecting their different stages on
the grammaticalization path. This is the case for dúù ‘must not’, which is re-
stricted to present and subjunctive clauses and cannot appear as the finite verb
in a simple predicate but, unlike true auxiliaries, it has a lexical meaning.20 The
same is true for bwàá ‘have’ with its restriction to the two past categories, and
múà ‘be almost’ with its restriction to the future. Another outlier within the semi-
auxiliaries is the deontic modal yánɛ ‘must’, which is the only one that cannot
20
Lexical meaning is based on speaker intuition. Speakers are entirely consistent in ascribing
the meaning ne pas devoir ‘must not’ to dúù, and identify the word as the counterpart of yánɛ
‘must’. In contrast, speakers find it very difficult to describe what true auxiliaries mean.

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appear in a simple predicate construction. In this respect, it patterns with true

auxiliaries, but has a lexical meaning like semi-auxiliaries. Since it has no tense-
mood category restrictions, I classify it as a semi-auxiliary.
Both true auxiliaries and semi-auxiliaries encode elements of various func-
tional domains, i.e. there is no one-to-one mapping from their form to one spe-
cific function. True auxiliaries comprise some aspect markers and all negation
auxiliaries. Semi-auxiliaries also encode some aspect markers as well as modal-
ity and motion/posture verbs.

3.3 Adjectives
Gyeli has a small set of adjectives, as listed in Table 3.14.21 They constitute a
closed class in Gyeli and denote properties of the noun such as value, dimension,
and color.
Table 3.14: Adjectives

quality mpà ‘good’

bíwɔ̀ ‘bad’
díyɛ̀ ‘expensive’
pówàlà ‘calm’
nátĩ̂ ‘straight’
size píyɔ̀ ‘small’
nɛ́nɛ̀ ‘big’
color námbàmbàlà ‘white’
návyûvyû ‘black’
nábèbè ‘red’
nápfûpfû ‘darkened color’
náyɛ̂yɛ̂ ‘lightened color’

Morphosyntactically, adjectives can be clearly delimited from other parts of

speech such as nouns and verbs. Adjectives do not exhibit any verbal qualities
such as combining with a stamp marker or an aspect marker. They can also be
clearly distinguished from nouns as they do not exhibit (most) typical nominal
behavior. First, they do not take a singular and/or plural form. Second, they do
21
There is one other nominal modifier that semantically expresses a quality, which is nyá ‘big’.
As it differs structurally from the adjectives presented in this section, I discuss it in §3.8.2.2.

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 3.3 Adjectives

not have the possibility of being modified by other elements of a noun phrase
such as demonstratives or possessor pronouns. They can, however, serve as the
head of an attributive construction, as further explained below.
This word class in Gyeli meets the broad criteria for adjectives given in the ty-
pological literature (which often mixes semantic and morphosyntactic criteria),
for instance, following Bhat (1994: 16) in terms of “(i) their belonging, prototyp-
ically, to the semantic class of properties, and (ii) their having modification (of
a noun) as the primary (categorial) function”. Dixon (2004), who postulates that
every language has a class of adjectives which is distinct from nouns and verbs,
adds to this list predicative use of adjectives, for example as a copula complement.
Besides these broad criteria, however, adjectives form a vastly diverse class
cross-linguistically, as for instance pointed out by Segerer (2008) for adjectives
in African languages. Gyeli adjectives are unusual from a Bantu perspective in
that they do not take any agreement prefixes, but are invariable in their form,
both in attributive and predicative use.
In attributive use, adjectives modify nouns in two different default construc-
tions, as shown in (36). Either the adjective directly follows the head noun or
it appears as the second constituent in an attributive construction where the at-
tributive marker agrees with the head noun.

(36) a. [n adj]
b. [n att adj]

Examples of both construction types are given in (37) and (38), respectively.

(37) a. nkɔ́lɔ̀ mpà

∅3.watch good
‘a/the good watch’
b. nkɔ́lɔ̀ nɛ́nɛ̀
∅3.watch big
‘a/the big watch’
c. nkɔ́lɔ̀ nábèbè
∅3.watch red
‘a/the red watch’
(38) a. nkɔ́lɔ̀ wá mpà
∅3.watch 3:att good
‘good watch’

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3 Parts of speech

b. nkɔ́lɔ̀ wá nɛ́nɛ̀
∅3.watch 3:att big
‘big watch’
c. nkɔ́lɔ̀ wá nábèbè
∅3.watch 3:att red
‘red watch’

Constructions that either take or optionally omit the attributive marker are dis-
cussed in §5.5.
The order of adjective and noun can also be reversed, as a more marked form.
The adjective can either precede the noun directly or can appear as the head of
an attributive construction in which case the attributive marker takes the default
agreement form of class 7. Choices between construction forms usually entail a
change in meaning, as shown in (39).

(39) a. sɔ́ wà nɛ́nɛ̀

∅1.friend 1:att big
‘big friend’
b. sɔ́ nɛ́nɛ̀
∅1.friend big
‘important friend’
c. nɛ́nɛ̀ yá sɔ́
big 7:att friend
‘big size of the friend’

It is difficult to detect the exact meaning contrast present. It depends on the

lexical semantics of the adjective and noun in question and the construction
they stand in. Another example of meaning contrast across different construc-
tion types is given in (40). While the use of the attributive marker is optional in
both constructions, it is preferred in (40a) and dispreferred in (40b)

(40) a. m-wánɔ̀ (wà) bíwɔ̀

n1-child 1:att bad
‘bad child [bad character traits]’
b. bíwɔ̀ (yá) m-wánɔ̀
bad 7:att n1-child
‘ugly child’

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 3.3 Adjectives

There are also examples where a switch of constituents does not seem to
change the meaning as speakers state that both mean exactly the same, as in
(41) and (42), although in these cases both constituents are clearly nouns, which
have a plural form and which can be modified by demonstratives and possessor
pronouns.

(41) a. nkwɛ̌ (wá) nkpámá

∅3.basket 3:att ∅3.newness
‘new basket’
b. nkpámá (wá) nkwɛ̌
∅3.newness 3:att ∅3.basket
‘new basket’

(42) a. m-ùdì (wà) nkángɛ̀

n1-person 1:att ∅3.courage
‘courageous person’
b. nkángɛ̀ (wá) m-ùdì
∅3.courage 3:att n1-person
‘courageous person’

In predicative use, the adjective serves as the copula complement as shown in

(43).

(43) m-àmbɔ̀ máà mpà

ma6-thing 6:COP good
‘Things are good.’

The adjective clearly shows no agreement morphology, although this would be

expected with all plural classes. The same is true for an adjectival complement
in a negative non-verbal construction, as in (44).

(44) mìnsáyá mí bèyá sâ mí bɛ́lɛ́ mpà

mi-nsáyá mí bèya-H sâ mi-H bɛ́-lɛ́ mpà
mi4-thing 4:att 2pl-prs do 4-prs be-neg good
‘The things that you do are not good.’

Adjectives can be used as parameters of comparison in comparison construc-

tions, as described in Chapter 7.4.3. They are, however, not marked morphologi-
cally in these constructions. Finally, they can also be used adverbially to modify
a verb, as discussed in §3.4.3.

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Some special remarks are in order for color adjectives. As shown in Table 3.14,
all color term adjectives (and the quality adjective nátĩ̂ ‘straight’) have in com-
mon that they start with the similative marker ná-, as described in §4.2.2. There
is evidence that, historically, color terms in at least some related languages of
this area were verbs. These verbs used for color descriptions then developed
into other parts of speech. For instance, in Bulu the basic color terms are syn-
chronically nouns: évìndì ‘black’, évèlè ‘red’, and éfùmùlù ‘white’.22 In Gyeli, it is
likely that such color verbs were grammaticalized, together with the ná simila-
tive marker, into a synchronic uninflected element of the noun phrase.
Another argument that color adjectives are grammaticalized verbs including a
similative marker comes from the atypical terms nápfûpfû ‘darkened color’ and
náyɛ̂ yɛ ‘lightened color’, which describe a change of color as opposed to a spe-
cific hue. When asked for the meaning of these atypical colors, speakers give a
verbal explanation, namely that a more prototypical color such as ‘black’, ‘white’,
or ‘red’ has changed by either having become darker (nápfûpfû) or lighter, being
‘bleached out’ (náyɛ̂ yɛ). In contrast, other colors are referred to by French adjec-
tives in explanations.
According to traditional color theories, these two special color terms are un-
usual in that they do not fit into basic color words that have been investigated
cross-linguistically (see, for instance, Berlin & Kay 1969). Nevertheless, I classify
nápfûpfû ‘darkened color’ and náyɛ̂ yɛ ‘lightened color’ as color terms since they
only show up in discourse when talking about colors and they were systemati-
cally used by speakers in the color booklet task (Majid & Levinson 2007).23

3.4 Adverbs
Adverbs, along with nouns, verbs, and adjectives, constitute an open part-of-
speech class. According to Schachter & Shopen (2007: 20), adverbs may have vari-
ous subclasses, such as directional adverbs (‘down’), degree adverbs (‘extremely’),

22
Bates (1904) gives the verbal color forms for Bulu as follows: vé ‘be/get red’, vìn ‘be/get black’,
and fùm ‘be white’ without mentioning any nominal color forms. Alexandre (1955: 44) explains
that these verbs can take a causative suffix vìn ‘be black’ → vìn-ì ‘make black’. These causative
verbs were then nominalized and assigned to noun class 5 with the prefix é-. Alexandre (1955:
68) states that this class usually hosts deverbal nouns derived from stative verbs.
23
Gyeli has more color terms than the adjectives listed in Table 3.14. Other color terms include,
for instance, mpùlɛ́ ‘yellow’, which is derived from the name of a tree with yellow bark (Enantia
chlorantha), or màká ‘green’, which is a noun also means ‘leaves’. Those other color terms are,
however, recently acquired and differ in their morphosyntactic status in that they are nouns
rather than adjectives, as further explained in Grimm (2014).

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 3.4 Adverbs

manner adverbs (‘quickly’), time adverbs (‘today’), or sentence adverbs (‘unfortu-

nately’). These subclasses show that adverbs do not necessarily modify verbs, but
may also modify adjectives or other adverbs or even whole sentences. Schachter
& Shopen (2007: 20) thus provide a broad definition of adverbs as elements which
“function as modifiers of constituents other than nouns”.
In general, the class of adverbs in Gyeli is rather restricted in diversity, just
as in many other Bantu languages. Thus, in the Gyeli text corpus, as described
in §1.3.3, fewer than 20 different adverbs occurred. One reason for this is that,
according to Creissels et al. (2008: 126), in many African languages, “the possi-
bility of deriving manner adverbs from other categories or to use adjectives as
verb modifiers, is very limited”. This is also true for Gyeli where the meaning of
typical English manner adverbs is instead expressed by ideophones, as will be
discussed in §3.5, or by nouns in complement position, as in (45).

(45) màlɛ́ndí máà vɛ̀ ɛ̀ kwè mípìndí

ma-lɛ́ndí máà vɛ̀ ɛ̀ kwè H-mi-pìndí
ma6-palm.nut 6.dem.prox only fall obj.link-mi4-unripeness
‘These palm nuts only fall when they are unripe.’

Despite this restricted diversity, Gyeli adverbs occur pervasively in all types of
text genres (dialogues, folktales, autobiographic narratives). Almost a quarter
of all intonation phrases in the Gyeli text corpus (123 (23%) of 540 intonation
phrases) include an adverb.
Gyeli adverbs are invariable and do not receive any specific morphological
marking, e.g. through suffixes, like the English -ly or French -ment. Subclasses of
adverbs can be distinguished through several morphosyntactic properties and/or
a combination of them. I will consider the following three subclasses as described
by their most salient characteristics:

Group 1: adverbs optionally combining with loc preposition ɛ́

Group 2: adverbs that can occur in noun + attributive constructions

Group 3: adverbial lexemes that can act as nominal modifiers in nps

Subclassification of adverbs in the literature is typically done on a semantic

basis, such as manner, temporal or locative adverbs. The choice of semantic cat-
egories may, however, be arbitrary and may not match the morphosyntactic cat-
egories of a language. In Gyeli, morphosyntactic classes map onto semantic cate-
gories, as shown in Table 3.15. Group 1 consists entirely of deictic adverbs which

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3 Parts of speech

include locative and manner deictics. Group 2 hosts temporal adverbs and group
3 contains manner adverbs.
Nevertheless, the defining criteria for adverbial subclasses in Gyeli are four
morphosyntactic properties as listed in the column names of Table 3.15: (i) the
potential combination with the locative ɛ́, (ii) use of a lexeme as both adverb
modifying a verb and adjective/quantifier modifying a noun, (iii) occurrence in
noun + attributive marker construction, and (iv) occurrence in phrase-final posi-
tion only. The last column also provides information on the derivational source
of the adverbs. Yet, since this is not a morphosyntactic property, it does not de-
termine adverbial classification.
Table 3.15: Criteria for adverb classification

Group Semantic loc ɛ́ adj/quant att constr. only final derivational

core position source
1 deictic x – (x) – underived
2a temporal – – x – underived
2b temporal – – x – denominal
3 manner – x – x adj/quant

The distinctive characteristic of group 1 adverbs is their potential combination

with the locative preposition ɛ́ which no other adverbial subclass allows for. Also,
some (but not all) group 1 adverbs can be used in noun + attributive marker
constructions. This property is defining for group 2 adverbs. Group 3 adverbs
are the only ones to be restricted to phrase-final position only while all other
adverbs can also occur at the beginning of a phrase. Lexemes occurring in group
3 can also be used as adjectives or quantifiers to modify nouns.

3.4.1 Group 1 adverbs: Deictic

Adverbs of group 1 are all deictic in nature, including both locative and manner
deixis. They are the most frequent ones occurring in natural text out of all ad-
verb types. Deictic adverbs, as any deictic elements, are often accompanied by
gestures or assume common knowledge of the specific place under discussion.
Table 3.16 provides a summary of deictic adverbs in Gyeli as well as their nu-
meric frequency in the Gyeli text corpus.24 The deictic elements represented in
24
Obviously, this is a very limited corpus, but it shows some tendencies as to which adverb gets
used more frequently.

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 3.4 Adverbs

the table mostly function as adverbs, namely when they occur with verbs, but as
the last column shows, almost all of them may also occur in the nominal domain
modifying nouns. §3.10.1.1 provides more information on the locative ɛ́.
Table 3.16: Deictic adverbs

Deictic element Gloss Frequency

with verb with noun
(ɛ́) vâ ‘here’ 41 2
(ɛ́) pɛ̀ ‘over there’ 21 0
(ɛ́) wû ‘there’ 12 3
(ɛ́) tè ‘there’ 8 13

Formal commonalities
I view deictic adverbs as a category, based on formal similarity and their poten-
tial co-occurrence with the locative marker ɛ́, which distinguishes them from
other adverb subclasses. All deictic adverbs are monosyllabic. They do not seem
to be derived from another part of speech, in contrast to, for instance, group 3
adverbs. Some of them may, however, also be used to modify nouns rather than
verbs, namely as the second constituent in noun + attributive marker construc-
tions, as discussed in §5.5. The distribution of deictic adverbs as modifying verbs
as opposed to nouns is illustrated in Table 3.16 under “Frequency”. (46) gives
an example of a deictic element as nominal modifier while the examples in the
remainder of this section show deictic adverbs modifying verbs.
(46) mɛ̀ gà mɛ́ɛ̀ dyúwɔ́ nzã́ã̀ [dúwɔ̀ lé tè]
mɛ-gà mɛ́ɛ̀ dyúwɔ-H nzãã ́ ̀ d-úwɔ̀ lé tè
1sg-contr 1sg.pst2 feel-r ∅7.appetite le5-day 5:att there
‘As for me, I had a craving [for meat] that day.’
Contrasting deictics as verbal versus nominal modifiers, there is a tendency that
the more frequently a (locative) deictic element occurs as verbal modifier, the less
frequently it is found as a nominal modifier. This is the case, for instance, with
vâ ‘here’. Within the Gyeli text corpus, vâ is found 41 times as a verbal modifier,
but only twice as a nominal modifier. Conversely, the less frequently a deictic
adverb modifies verbs, the more often it occurs as a nominal modifier as with tè
‘there’, which occurs only 8 times with verbs, but 13 times with nouns.

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Phrase position
A further distinctive morphosyntactic property in adverbial subclasses is the
phrase position in which adverbs can occur. As a default position, all adverb
classes occur phrase finally. This is also true for group 1 adverbs, as shown in
(47) and (48).

(47) mɛ́ bvú nâ nkwálá wúù tfùndɛ́ mɛ̀ vâ

mɛ-H bvû-H nâ nkwálá wúù tfùndɛ-H mɛ̀ vâ
1sg-prs think-r comp ∅3.machete 3.pst2 miss-r 1sg here
‘I think that the machete missed [injured] me here.’
(48) mɛ́ pã́ ná kɛ̀ dígɛ̀ mùdì wà nû ɛ́ pɛ́
mɛ-H pã̂-H ná kɛ̀ dígɛ m-ùdì wà nû ɛ́ pɛ́
1sg.prs try-r again go see n1-person 1:att 1.dem.prox loc there
‘I try again and go to see that person there.’

In contrast to group 3, group 1 adverbs also pervasively appear in phrase-initial

positions, as in (49) and (50). This position is clearly correlated with information
structure, moving the deictic adverb into a focus position.25 While also group
2 (temporal) adverbs can occur in this initial focus position, deictic adverbs are
significantly more frequently focused in the Gyeli text corpus.

(49) ɛ́ vâ mɛ̀ dyùwɔ́ nâ ɛ́ vâ yíì sílɛ̀ njì búlɛ̀

ɛ́ vâ mɛ dyùwɔ-H nâ ɛ́ vâ yíì sílɛ̀ njì búlɛ
loc here 1sg.pst1 hear-r comp loc here 7.fut finish.fut come destroy
‘I heard that it [the road] will all come here to be destroyed [the plants].’
(50) ɛ́ pɛ́-ɛ́ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ lwɔ̃̂ nyà ndáwɔ̀
ɛ́ pɛ́-ɛ́ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ lwɔ̂̃ nyà ndáwɔ̀
loc there-dist 1sg.fut build real ∅9.house
‘Over there, I will build a real house.’

If a deictic adverb occurs in the initial focus position, it is often repeated again
at the end of the phrase in its default position, as shown in (51) and (52).

(51) ɛ́ pɛ̀ bà sílɛ́ bî lwɔ̃̂ mándáwɔ̀ ɛ́ pɛ̀

ɛ́ pɛ̀ ba sílɛ-H bî lwɔ̂̃ H-ma-ndáwɔ̀ ɛ́ pɛ̀
loc there 2.pst1 finish-r 1pl.obj build obj.link-ma6-house loc there
‘There, they have finished to build us houses.’
25
See §7.3 on information structure for a more detailed discussion.

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 3.4 Adverbs

(52) ɛ́ wû bèyá lwɔ̃ ́ kwádɔ́ yã̂ ɛ́ wû

ɛ́ wû bèyá lwɔ̂̃ -H kwádɔ́ y-ã̂ ɛ́ wû
loc there 2pl[Kwasio] build-r ∅7.village 7-poss.1sg loc there
‘Over there, you (pl.) build my village over there.’

The use of the locative ɛ́ is more frequent when the adverb occurs phrase ini-
tially while post-verbal and phrase-final occurrences allow for a higher degree of
optionality as to whether the locative is used or not. The higher degree of locative
ɛ́ omission when the deictic adverb occurs phrase finally might be phonologically
conditioned. Phrase finally, the locative ɛ́ usually follows a vowel either from a
preceding verb or noun and may undergo deletion in fast speech. When asked,
speakers state that the use of the locative ɛ́ is possible in both phrase-initial and
phrase-final positions. It is less clear at this point whether the co-occurrence of
the locative ɛ́ with a deictic adverb is generally optional, comparable to the op-
tional use or omission of the attributive marker as discussed in §5.5.1.1 or whether
the locative ɛ́ is always underlyingly present with deictic adverbs and its omis-
sion in the surface form is purely phonological.

Distinctions within the locative deictic system

Gyeli uses a range of deictic elements to refer to places or locations in varying dis-
tance to the speaker. Since most of these elements would be translated as ‘there’
in English, the system merits a more thorough explanation. In general, distances
in Gyeli are relative rather than absolute in that ‘here’, for instance, can denote
a place within the hand-reach of the speaker, but could also talk about a whole
village. On the other hand, ‘over there’ can then be a distant place or, in other
cases, a place even within the village, depending on the discourse topic.
Semantically, the clearest distinction is between vâ ‘here’, which refers to the
relative immediate surroundings of the speaker, and pɛ̀ ‘over there’, which de-
notes the place furthest away. In French, pɛ̀ gets translated as là-bas. wû and tè
would both be translated as ‘there’, or là in French, which makes it more diffi-
cult to grasp their semantic distinctions. Differences in their morphosyntactic
behavior can help to disentangle their meaning contrast.
In the default case, it seems that wû denotes a medial distance between vâ
‘here’ and pɛ̀ ‘over there’ and occurs mainly in the verbal domain. In contrast, tè is
mostly used with nouns rather than with verbs where tè seems to be related more
to specificity and/or anaphora than to actual location. In that sense, tè may be
less part of the distance-related deictic system, as (53) illustrates. In this example,
tè is more existential than about distance.

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3 Parts of speech

(53) bã̂ yɔ́ɔ̀ yíì tè

bã̂ y-ɔ́ɔ̀ yíì tè
∅7.word 7-2sg.poss 7.ID there
‘You are understood [lit. your word is there].’
Also in (54), the use of tè is not primarily locative, but more anaphoric to the
circumstances of earning only 250 Cameroon Francs.
(54) ká bá kɛ́ wɛ̂ vɛ̀ bé-bwúyà bébáà nà mà-wú
ká ba-H kɛ̀ -H wɛ̂ vɛ̀ H-be-bwúyà bé-báà nà ma-wú
if 2-prs go-r 2sg.obj give obj.link-be8-hundred 8-two com ma6-ten
mátánɛ̀ wɛ́ sá tè ná
má-tánɛ̀ wɛ-H sâ-H tè ná
6-five 2sg-prs do-r there how
‘If they go to give you 250 (Francs), how do you manage there? [because
it’s very little money]’
In other cases, however, as in (55), tè is place-denoting just like the other deictic
adverbs. Speakers state that, in this example, tè can also be replaced by pɛ̀ or wû
in both instances.
(55) tè mɛ̀ ɛ̀ jíbì kɛ̀ lwɔ̃̂ tè
tè mɛ̀ ɛ̀ jíbi kɛ̀ lwɔ̂̃ tè
there 1sg.fut start go build there
‘There, I will first go to build there.’
Further, distance cannot be the only distinctive criterion within the locative
deictic system: an increased sense of distance can be added phonologically by
lengthening the final vowel of the adverb and an H tone, as shown in (56) and in
(50) above.
(56) lèkfúdɛ̀ à nzí bíyɔ̀ nlô pɛ́ɛ́
le-kfúdɛ̀ a nzí bíyɔ nlô pɛ́-ɛ́
le5-idiot 1 prog.pst hit ∅3.head over.there-dist
‘The idiot was hitting his head far over there.’
This way of expressing further distance by vowel lengthening and H tones is pos-
sible with both pɛ̀ and wû. An example for the latter is given in (57). In contrast,
this does not seem to be possible with tè, which indicates again that tè behaves
differently from the other more purely locative deictic elements.26
26
vâ ‘here’ also does not allow for final vowel lengthening and an H tone, but that is clearly a
semantic restriction since it denotes a place that is close to the speaker.

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 3.4 Adverbs

(57) báà tfùbɔ̀ báà tfùbɔ̀ mpàgó wá nùmbà wúú

báà tfùbɔ̀ báà tfùbɔ̀ mpàgó wá nùmbà wú-ú
2.fut pierce 2.fut pierce ∅3.road 3:att ∅1.logger there-dist
‘They will cut, they will cut. The road of the loggers there.’

Another difference between wû and tè concerns the combination with a voca-

tive morpheme -o which, at the same time, can further take an H tone to indicate
distance between the speaker and the addressee. This vocative morpheme can be
used with wû, as shown in (58), but not with tè nor any other deictic element.

(58) mùdì kí tàtɔ̀ wúó

m-ùdì kí tàtɔ wú-o-H
n1-person neg scream there-voc-dist
‘Nobody scream over there!’

In summary, it seems that vâ ‘here’, wû ‘there’ and pɛ̀ ‘over there’ form the
core locative deictic system while tè ‘there’ takes over other functions (speci-
ficity, anaphora) as a default, but can also act as a deictic element within the
locative system. The different properties of the various locative deictics as dis-
cussed above are summarized in Table 3.17.
Table 3.17: Morphosyntactic properties of locative deictics

Deictic Gloss loc ɛ́ mostly modifying dist marking Vocative -o

vâ ‘here’ x verbal – –
wû ‘there’ x verbal x x
pɛ̀ ‘over there’ x verbal x –
tè ‘there’ x nominal – –

3.4.2 Group 2 adverbs: Temporal

Adverbs of group 2 have four members which are all temporal and listed in Ta-
ble 3.18. While group 2 adverbs form a unitary morphosyntactic category, they
differ in their derivational source. While tɛ́ɛ̀ ‘now’ and dẽ̂ ‘today’ seem to be un-
derived lexemes, the other two adverbs in the group are clearly derived from
nouns: nàkùgúù ‘yesterday’ is derived from kùgúù ‘evening’ and nàmɛ́nɔ́ ‘tomor-
row’ from mɛ́nɔ́ ‘morning’. The nà- prefix in these adverbs is a derivational sim-
ilative marker, as described in §4.1.1.1.

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3 Parts of speech

Table 3.18: Group 2 adverbs

Adverb Gloss Derivational source

tɛ́ɛ̀ ‘now’ underived
dẽ̂ ‘today’ underived
nàkùgúù ‘yesterday’ denominal
nàmɛ́nɔ́ ‘tomorrow’ denominal

The defining property of group 2 temporal adverbs is that they can all also oc-
cur in nominal modification as second constituent in a noun + attributive marker
construction, as in (59).
(59) a. bèdéwɔ̀ bé dẽ̂
be-déwɔ̀ bé dẽ̂
be8-food 8:att today
‘food of today’
b. nlã̂ wá nàkùgúù
nlã̂ wá nàkùgúù
∅3.story 3:att yesterday
‘yesterday’s story’
While some group 1 adverbs exhibit the same property, deictic adverbs also com-
bine with the locative ɛ́, unlike group 2 temporal adverbs.
All group 2 adverbs occur phrase finally as a default position. Examples are
given in (60) through (62).
(60) wɛ́ làwɔ́ tɛ́ɛ̀
wɛ-H làwɔ-H tɛ́ɛ̀
2sg-prs talk-r now
‘You speak now.’
(61) nyɛ̀ náà à múà wɛ̂ bíyɔ̀ dẽ̂
nyɛ náà à múà wɛ̀ bíyɔ̀ dẽ̂
1 comp 1 prosp 2sg.obj hit today
‘He [says] that he is about to beat you today.’
(62) mɛ̀ nzí kɛ̀ jí nàkùgúù
mɛ nzí kɛ̀ jí nàkùgúù
1sg prog.pst go ∅7.forest yesterday
‘I was going to the forest yesterday.’

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 3.4 Adverbs

They can all also occur phrase initially, as shown in (63). In these cases, they
are in focus, as discussed for group 1 adverbs and in §7.3 on information structure.
In (63), the narrator stresses that the mice will only eat the skulls the next day,
as contrastive focus to the possibility that they might eat them right away.

(63) àà nàmɛ́nɔ́ bwáà dè nàmɛ́nɔ́

àà nàmɛ́nɔ́ bwáà dè nàmɛ́nɔ́
excl tomorrow 2pl.fut eat tomorrow
‘Ah, tomorrow you will eat, tomorrow.’

In comparison to group 1 adverbs, which occur frequently in this focus position,

group 2 adverbs are rarely found in this position in natural text.

3.4.3 Group 3 adverbs: Manner

Group 3 adverbs are defined by the double affiliation of their lexemes to the part
of speech of adjectives (§3.3) or nominal modifiers (§3.8.1). Semantically, they
map onto manner adverbs. Manner adverbs are rare in Gyeli, both in terms of
number and occurrence. Table 3.19 gives an exhaustive list of all manner adverbs
found in the Gyeli text corpus as well as those stemming from questionnaire elici-
tation. Each of these manner adverbs occurs only a couple of times in the corpus,
thus their natural frequency seems to be generally low. Gyeli seems rather to
have a preference to express the manner of an action or event by ideophones, as
will be discussed in §3.5.
Table 3.19: Manner adverbs and their affiliated parts-of-speech

Manner adverb Gloss Affiliation to other pos

mpà good invariable adjective
bíwɔ̀ bad invariable adjective
fí different deictic modifier (→ short form of -fúsì)
bvùbvù a lot invariable quantifier

In terms of their position, manner adverbs exclusively occur (intonation) phrase

finally. Thus, the adverb may follow the verb if there is no object, as demon-
strated in (64) and (65).

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3 Parts of speech

(64) wɛ̀ nzíí bàlɛ̀ mpà

wɛ nzíì-H bàlɛ mpà
2sg prog.prs-r keep good
‘You are remembering well [lit. your are keeping the words well].’
(65) wɛ́ ná báàla nà nyɛ́ fí nà wɛ́ ndyándyá
wɛ-H ná báàla-H nà nyɛ̂-H fī́ nà wɛ-H ndyándya-H
2sg-prs again repeat-r com see-r different com 2sg-prs work-r
ná sálɛ́ ɛ́ pɛ̂
ná sálɛ-H ɛ́ pɛ̂
again ∅7.work loc there
‘You repeat [it] again and try something else and you work there again.’
If the clause has an object, the manner adverb will follow the object instead of
the verb, as shown in (66) and (67).
(66) á sìmbɔ́ màtúà bíwɔ̀
a-H sìmbɔ-H màtúà bíwɔ̀
1-prs drive-r ∅1.car bad
‘He drives the car poorly.’
(67) mɛ̀ ɛ́ jí-lɛ́ wɛ̂ bvùbvù
mɛ̀ ɛ́ jí-lɛ́ wɛ̂ bvùbvù
1sg.prs.neg ask-neg 2sg much
‘I don’t ask you [for] much.’
In contrast to adverb groups 1 and 2, manner adverbs cannot be used in a phrase-
initial focus position.

3.4.4 Discussion: Multiple adverbs

While only one adverb can appear phrase initially, multiple adverbs can occur
phrase finally. There seem to be some ordering principles among multiple phrase-
final adverbs slot, with some adverbs seem closer to the center of the phrase than
others. Since multiple adverbs do not occur very frequently in natural speech, it is
not possible at this point to give a full account of adverb order in multiple adverb
constructions. The present examples, however, suggest that group 1 adverbs are
closest to the center, i.e. verb and following object, as shown in (68) and (69).
(68) pílì bèyá lɔ́ njì ɛ̀ vá tɛ́ɛ̀ dé
when 2pl retro come loc here now today
‘When you just arrived here now today,...’

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 3.5 Ideophones

(69) mɛ̀ nzí dyá vâ kùgúù [dẽ̂ màfú mábáà]

mɛ̀ nzí dyá vâ kùgúù dẽ̂ ma-fú má-báà.
1sg prog.pst1 lie.down here ∅7.evening today ma6-day 6-two
‘I was here in the evening two days ago.’

Other generalizations as to whether any of the other adverb subclasses are closer
to the center or the periphery of the clause require more investigation. This is
most likely also correlated with information structure factors.

3.5 Ideophones
Ideophones are widely attested in the literature on African languages (see, for in-
stance, Doke (1935), who coined the term, Westermann (1907) on Ewe, Dumestre
(1998) on Bambara, Alexandre (1966) on Bulu, or Newman (2001) on Hausa) and
also found in Gyeli. In defining the term ideophone, I refer to Dingemanse (2011:
25) who views ideophones as “marked words that depict sensory imagery”, a
definition that deserves some further explanation. First, according him, ideo-
phones are often marked by phonological peculiarities and/or stand out from
other words by means of “special word forms, expressive morphology, relative
syntactic independence and foregrounded prosody” (p. 26). Second, the fact that
ideophones are words implies that they are “conventionalized minimal free forms
with specifiable meanings”. Gyeli speakers use ideophones in a conventionalized
way able to describe the meaning of single ideophones consistently.27 Third,
Dingemanse (2011: 27) makes the point that ideophones rather depict than de-
scribe their referents. This is similarly explained by Güldemann (2008: 280) who
notes that “Metaphorically, one can characterize ideophones as a performance or
a gesture in disguise of a word”. Finally, Dingemanse restricts ideophones to a se-
mantic domain depicting sensory imagery which he views as “perceptual knowl-
edge that derives from sensory perception of the environment and the body” (p.
28). He argues that this semantic-functional definition makes sense for cross-
linguistic comparison while grammatical-structural features of ideophones have
to be considered language specifically.
Gyeli ideophones28 modify verbs in some cases, namely when they behave like
adverbs. Even when they are syntactically more independent or occur in comple-
27
Ideophones that are identical or similar in their form and meaning seem to be consistently
used in the languages of the area either through genealogical affiliation or language contact.
In any case, they are easily recognized and understood by speakers of neighboring languages
such as Mabi and Bulu.
28
There are 19 occurrences of ideophones in the corpus, comprising 16 different ideophones.

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3 Parts of speech

ment clauses, they depict the way an event happens. Generally, Gyeli ideophones
structurally stand out from other words in terms of their phonological shape and
their syntactic integration into a phrase.

3.5.1 Phonological shape of ideophones

Ideophones in Gyeli are phonologically marked by various means, including
reduplication or a repetitive character, final vowel lengthening, and special sylla-
ble structure such as closed syllables or syllables consisting of a consonant only.
These three properties usually do not all occur in the same ideophone, but are
partially mutually exclusive. For instance, final vowel lengthening excludes the
possibility of a closed syllable. Also, reduplication does not usually occur with fi-
nal vowel lengthening while closed syllable ideophones may also be reduplicated.
Ideophones are also more specified for the use of alveolar versus postalveolar
fricatives and affricates, allowing for less variation. For that reason, I exception-
ally represent ideophones with IPA notation in this section.

Reduplication/repetitive character
Many Gyeli ideophones involve reduplication or repetition, where a word is min-
imally reduplicated. In most cases, however, the word gets repeated multiple
times, i.e. more than twice, usually three to five or six times, depending on the
ideophone and the dramatic effect aimed at in the discourse. For all repetitive
ideophones it holds that the number of repeated syllables is not necessarily con-
ventionalized. Each ideophone seems to have a preference for the number of rep-
etitions as represented in the following examples, but the number is not fixed.
Repetitive ideophones can be divided into those that have the same tone on
each repeated syllable and those that change their tonal melody across repeated
syllables. In (70), for instance, the ideophones involve repeated monosyllabic
words each carrying the same tone.

(70) ʃyɛ̂ ʃyɛ̂ ‘depiction of sneaking’

tʃɔ̀ p tʃɔ̀ p tʃɔ̀ p ‘depiction of dripping sound or sound of walking in
mud’
mtʃà mtʃà mtʃà ‘depiction of picky eating (only taking certain items
off a plate)’
kɛ́ kɛ́ kɛ́ kɛ́ kɛ́ ‘depiction of placing objects in a row’
tsùk tsùk tsùk tsùk ‘depiction of noise that mice make’

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 3.5 Ideophones

In contrast, the ideophones in (71) show an alternating tonal pattern with re-
peated monosyllabic words alternating between H and L tones. One could argue
that two syllables, an H plus an L, actually constitute one unit that gets repeated
rather than the single syllable. The fact that these ideophones are often used with
an uneven number of syllables, however, indicates that also for tonally alternat-
ing ideophones the repeated unit is usually the monosyllabic word.

(71) gbĩ ́ gbĩ̀ gbĩ ́ gbĩ̀ gbĩ ́ ‘depiction of small objects moving in space (e.g.
bacteria roaming in a body)’
wùù wúú wùù wúú ‘depiction of sound of bees’

There are a few instances, however, where the word is disyllabic and again, it
is the word that gets reduplicated, as shown in (72). In contrast to monosyllabic
ideophone words, disyllabic ones are only subject to reduplication, but usually
do not get repeated more than twice.

(72) kpúdùm kpúdùm ‘depiction of drumming’

kpàdà kpàdà ‘depiction of drumming on bamboo pipes’
mátʃà màtʃà ‘depiction of eating in little bits’

Semantically, ideophones that involve reduplication or repetition often depict

iterative events, for example repeated motion such as drumming or dripping wa-
ter or recurring sounds such as noise of mice.

Final lengthening
A large group of Gyeli ideophones systematically employs final vowel lengthen-
ing, as shown in (73). The extreme length, often until the speaker needs to take
another breath, is marked by four vowels (instead of two for phonological long
vowels). All of these lengthened ideophones occur as monosyllabic words only.

(73) ndɛ̃ɛ́ ̃ ɛ́ ̃ ɛ́ ̃ ́ ‘depiction of staring’

wɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ ‘depiction of moving by foot or motorbike’
bã̂ã̂ã̂ã̂ ‘depiction of walking a long distance fast’
wùùùù ‘depiction of pouring liquids or granulars’
pfáááá ‘depiction of flinging a long object or slinging’
tèèèè ‘depiction of waiting’

In comparison to iterative, repetitive ideophones, this group depicts events

that either persist in time, for instance staring or waiting, or depict distances,

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3 Parts of speech

as it is the case with flinging an object (into some distance) or moving into the
distance.
As mentioned above, this group of ideophones that receives its special mark-
ing in the sense of Dingemanse’s (2011) definition by vowel lengthening usually
does not combine with reduplication. There are a few exceptions, however. For
instance, wùùùù ‘depiction of pouring liquids or granulars’ was found to be used
in a reduplicated form, depicting the situation when the main character in the
Nzambi story (see Appendix B.2) repeatedly pours fuel onto a house.

Special syllable structure

Some ideophones in Gyeli are further phonologically marked by a closed final
syllable structure. As such, ideophones form an exception to a general rule of
open syllables in the language (§2.3). Closed syllables in ideophones frequently
end in /m/, but also voiceless obstruents such as /f/ or /k/. Most of them are
monosyllabic, as in (74).

(74) wɔ̀ m ‘depiction of (sudden) silence’

ùf ‘depiction of sound when something catches fire suddenly’
gbìm ‘depiction of putting or falling down of a person or object’
bààm ‘depiction of closing or finishing something’

There are also disyllabic ideophones whose second syllable is closed, ending in
the nasal /m/, as shown in (75).

(75) pfùtùm ‘depiction of sound when jumping into water’

pùdùm ‘depiction of falling into mud or throwing stone into water’
ntɔ̀ ndɔ̀ m ‘depiction of monkeys jumping in trees’

Most of these closed syllable ideophones occur without reduplication. In these

cases, they typically depict some sort of suddenness (sudden silence, suddenly
catching fire) or an endpoint of an event (falling, closing, hitting water). There
are, however, also a few examples of closed syllable ideophones which involve
reduplication such as wùf wùf ‘depiction of walking mice’.
The other unusual syllable type found in ideophones is that of a consonantal
nucleus. Examples are given in (76). The voiceless bilabial in p p p p ‘depiction of
smoking pipe’ is produced with an ingressive airstream, imitating the inhaling
when smoking.

(76) ḿ m̀ m̀ m̀ ḿ ‘depiction of someone mumbling to himself’

pppp ‘depiction of smoking pipe’

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 3.5 Ideophones

3.5.2 Morphosyntactic properties of ideophones

In terms of word class, ideophones have been assigned to different parts of speech
in the literature, depending on the language. Dwyer & Moshi (2003: 173) provide
examples from different African languages where ideophones are categorized, for
instance, as verbs, adjectives, interjectionals, special classes, but most commonly
as adverbs. They further specify that ideophones
often differ syntactically from the rest of the grammar. 1) usually occur ei-
ther before or after a sentence; 2) often don’t fit into any of the standard
categories for parts of speech. (p. 174)
These generalizations also apply in Gyeli. Gyeli ideophones constitute a word
class on their own as characterized by their syntactic independence, i.e. outside
of the syntactic phrase. Possible positions where ideophones are found are (i) at
the end of an intonation phrase, (ii) independently, i.e. outside of an intonation
phrase, and (iii) as complements in complement clauses.

Ideophones at the end of intonation phrases

Ideophones in Gyeli frequently occur at the end of an intonation phrase as in
(77) and (78). In these cases, ideophones are similar to adverbs in their position
and their function, namely depicting the manner in which an action or event
happens.

(77) yɔ́ɔ̀ mùdã̂ dígɛ́ mísì ndẽẽ́ ẽ́ ẽ́ ́

yɔ́ɔ̀ m-ùdã̂ dígɛ-H m-ísì ndẽ́ẽ́ẽ́
so n1-woman watch-r ma6-eye ideo:staring
‘So the woman looks with her eyes [depiction of staring].’

(78) bá kɛ́ ndáà nà tɛ́lɛ́ mákùndù má kùrã̂

ba-H kɛ-H ndáà nà tɛ́lɛ-H H-ma-kùndù má kùrã̂
2-prs go-r also com put-r obj.link-ma6-clay.house 6:att ∅7.electricity
kɛ́-kɛ́-kɛ́-kɛ́-kɛ́
kɛ́-kɛ́-kɛ́-kɛ́-kɛ́
ideo:repeated.placement
‘They also go and put up electricity poles for clay houses [depiction of
putting the electricity poles along the road].’

In contrast to adverbs, ideophones also occur in constructions with the deictic

element mpù ‘like this’, as shown in (79).

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3 Parts of speech

(79) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí njí mpù bã̂ã̂ã̂ã̂ njì dígɛ̀ mpù

yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí nji-H mpù bã̂ã̂ã̂ã̂ njì dígɛ̀ mpù
so ∅1.pn come-r like.this ideo:walking.far come look like.this
‘So Nzambi comes like this [depiction of walking a long distance], comes
looking like this.’

Ideophones as nâ complements
Similarly, the same sort of signaling happens when ideophones are used as com-
plements in nâ clauses, as illustrated in (80).

(80) Nzàmbí, màbɔ́ɔ̀ nkwɛ́ɛ̀ dé nâ vɔ́ sì

Nzàmbí ma-bɔ́ɔ̀ nkwɛ́ɛ̀ dé nâ vɔ́sì
∅1.pn ma6-breadfruit ∅3.basket loc comp ideo:pouring
‘Nzambi pours the breadfruit into the basket.’

This type of construction is parallel to reported speech, as discussed in Gülde-

mann (2008). For more information on Gyeli complement constructions and re-
ported speech, see §8.2.2.1.

Syntactic independence of ideophones

Gyeli ideophones occur independently from an intonation phrase, rather forming
an intonation phrase on their own. In this, they differ from adverbs which cannot
occur as independent intonation phrases. In (81), the ideophone occurs before the
intonation phrase it refers to in the discourse. The ideophone is separated from
the following intonation by a short pause.

(81) gbĩ-́ gbĩ̀-gbĩ-́ gbĩ̀-gbĩ́ à múà nà bábɛ̀ tí wúmbɛ́ wɛ̀

́ ̀ ́ ̀
gbĩ-gbĩ-gbĩ-gbĩ-gbĩ a ́ múà nà bábɛ̀ tí wúmbɛ-H wɛ̀
ideo:roaming 1sg.pst1 prosp com ∅7.illness neg want-r die
‘[depiction of disease roaming in his body] He was about to be sick, not
wanting to die.’

Intonationally independent ideophones can also follow the intonation phrase

they are semantically linked to in the discourse, as shown in (82).

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 3.6 Pronouns

(82) wɛ́ dyúwɔ́ mpù bàmìntùlɛ̀ bɔ́gá bá tsígɛ̀

wɛ-H dyúwɔ-H mpù ba-mìntùlɛ̀ bɔ́-gá ba-H tsígɛ̀
2sg-prs hear-r like.this ba2-mouse 2-other 2-prs take.off
tsùk-tsùk-tsùk
tsùk-tsùk-tsùk
ideo:rustling
‘You hear like this the other mice take off [depiction of noise made by
mice].’

In addition to intonational breaks, the end of an intonation phrase can be in-

dicated by the tonal melody. In (82), it is the L tone on tsígɛ̀ ‘take off’, which
shows the end on the intonation phrase. If the ideophone was part of the same
intonation phrase, the final tone on tsígɛ̀ would be H.

3.6 Pronouns
Gyeli has different types of pronouns, i.e. grammatical free morphemes that can
replace a noun phrase. The different pronominal paradigms arise from the pro-
nouns’ differing syntactic functions and distributions. I distinguish subject pro-
nouns from non-subject pronouns. The latter are used in object and adjunct func-
tion. For the reader’s convenience, I gloss them simply as obj. Gyeli has further
interrogative pronouns, possessor pronouns, and a reflexive pronoun mɛ́dɛ́ ‘self’
that follows subject and non-subject pronouns. Table 3.20 illustrates all pronoun
paradigms and, for comparison of forms, the verbal stamp marker (§3.9.1). Most
paradigms can be subdivided into speech act participants (1sg, 1pl, 2sg, and 2pl),
which are not marked for gender agreement, and non-speech act participants
(third person), which are marked for one of the nine agreement classes.
As described in detail in §3.6.4, possessor pronouns reference the possessor
by their pronominal root. The pronominal root is the same for all non-speech
act participants, as indicated by 3sg and 3pl in Table 3.20. The possessee is ref-
erenced by an agreement prefix, which is listed for each agreement class as well.
Some paradigms are specified for tones and marked as such, for instance subject
and non-subject pronouns. In contrast, stamp markers and possessor pronouns
have different tonal patterns, depending on the tense/aspect/mood/polarity cat-
egory they encode or the possessee agreement class.
Generally, agreement class 2 pronouns are also used for impersonal reference.
For instance, active clauses with the impersonal ba pronoun are preferred over
passive constructions (§4.2.4.2). This pronoun can also be used in impersonal

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3 Parts of speech

Table 3.20: Pronoun paradigms

Paradigm Singular Plural

Subject pronouns 1sg mɛ̀ 1pl bí
2sg wɛ̀ 2pl bé
cl.1 nyɛ̀ cl.2 bá
cl.3 wú cl.4 mí
cl.5 lí cl.6 má
cl.7 yí cl.8 bé
cl.9 nyì
stamp markers 1sg mɛ 1pl ya
2sg wɛ 1pl bwa
cl.1 a/nyɛ/nu cl.2 ba
cl.3 wu cl.4 mi
cl.5 le cl.6 ma
cl.7 yi cl.8 be
cl.9 nyi
Non-subject pronouns (obj) 1sg mɛ̂ 1pl bî
2sg wɛ̂ 2pl bê
cl.1 nyɛ̂ cl.2 b-ɔ̂
cl.3 w-ɔ̂ cl.4 my-ɔ̂
cl.5 l-ɔ̂ cl.5 m-ɔ̂
cl.7 y-ɔ̂ cl.8 by-ɔ̂
cl.9 ny-ɔ̂
Possessor pronouns 1sg -ã 1pl -isi/usi
2sg -ɔ 2pl -inɛ/unɛ
cl.1 w-ɛ cl.2 b-awɔ
cl.3 w- cl.4 mi-
cl.5 l- cl.6 m-
cl.7 y- cl.8 bi-
cl.9 ny-
Interrogative pronouns nzá ‘who’ bànzá ‘who’
gyí ‘what’
Reflexive pronoun mɛ́dɛ́ ‘self’

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 3.6 Pronouns

relative clauses, expressing ‘who’ in the subordinate clause even if the referent
of the main clause is expressed by a different agreement/person class (§8.2.1).

3.6.1 Subject pronouns

Subject pronouns are rarely used in Gyeli, with only 17 occurrences in the corpus,
since subject noun phrases are mostly expressed by a noun or entirely dropped,
leaving only the stamp marker (§3.9.1) as portmanteau morpheme that expresses
subject agreement on the predicate. Subject pronouns are used for subject fo-
cus of, mostly, speech act participants. Non-speech act participants are focused
through other information structure strategies (§7.3).
Table 3.21 provides the subject pronoun forms for both speech and non-speech
act participants. All subject pronouns are specified for tone (unlike the stamp
markers, which take their tonal marking from the tense-mood category they en-
code). Most persons have an H tone pronoun, with the exceptions of the first and
second person singular and the pronouns of agreement classes 1 and 9.
Table 3.21: Subject pronouns

Singular Plural
Speech act participants 1sg mɛ̀ 1pl bí
2sg wɛ̀ 2pl bé
Non-speech act participants (3rd person) cl.1 nyɛ̀ cl.2 bá
cl.3 wú cl.4 mí
cl.5 lí cl.6 má
cl.7 yí cl.8 bé
cl.9 nyì

While many subject pronouns are segmentally identical to the stamp markers
of their person/class (see Table 3.20 for comparison), there are a few exceptions
which clearly show that subject pronouns form a distinct paradigm. These excep-
tions include the first and second person plural, and the pronoun of agreement
class 1. To indicate this distinction in the glosses, I mark subject pronouns with
‘sbj’, while the stamp marker is only marked for its agreement class/person, as
in (83) where subject pronoun (in bold) and stamp marker differ in their form.

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3 Parts of speech

(83) dɔ̃̀ bí yá táálɛ́ bê yàlànɛ̀ àà

dɔ̀̃ bí ya-H táálɛ-H bê yàlanɛ àà
so[French] 1pl.sbj 1pl-prs begin-r 2pl respond[Bulu] excl
‘So we start to respond to you, mhm.’

Other subject pronouns are segmentally identical to their stamp marker and
might only differ tonally, depending on the tense-mood category, as in (84).

(84) ah mbúmbù wɛ̀ wɛ́ tɛ́lɛ́ núndɛ̀

ah mbúmbù wɛ wɛ-H tɛ́lɛ-H nú-ndɛ̀
excl ∅1.namesake 2sg.sbj 2sg-prs stand-r 1-ana
‘Ah namesake, is it you who is standing there?’

Thus, although the agreement class 2 subject pronoun bá is segmentally identical

to its stamp marker, the two forms differ due to the future marking on the stamp
marker in (85).

(85) bá báà bù mpàgó

bá báà bù mpàgó
2.sbj 2.fut break ∅3.road
‘THEY will build a road.’

The subject pronoun always occurs in subject position and always precedes
the stamp marker. If the subject is preceded by a fronted object, as for instance an
interrogative pronoun in (86), the object pronoun will precede both the subject
pronoun and stamp marker.

(86) gyí bí yá tfúgà yá tfúgá nà gyí

gyí bí ya-H tfúga ya-H tfúga-H nà gyí
what 1pl.sbj 1pl-prs suffer 1pl-prs suffer-r com what
‘What do we suffer, we suffer from what?’

There are certain words that can enter between the subject pronoun and the
stamp marker. These are, for instance, the contrastive marker -gà (§4.1.2.4) that
attaches to the subject pronoun, as in (87).

(87) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí nyɛ̀ gà à kɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ dígɛ̀ mísì

yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí nyɛ-gà a kɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ dígɛ m-ísì
so ∅1.pn 1.sbj-contr 1.pst1 go.compl watch ma6-eye
‘So this Nzambi has gone and was thinking very hard [lit. he watched
with his eyes].’

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 3.6 Pronouns

Other nominal modifiers, such as bɔ́ɔ̀ ‘other’ in (88) or ndáà ‘also’ in (89) occur
between the subject pronoun and the stamp marker.

(88) bí bɔ́ ɔ̀ yá bígɛ́ mpá’à wá vɛ́

bí b-ɔ́ɔ̀ ya-H bígɛ-H mpá’à wá vɛ́
1pl.sbj 2-other 1pl-prs develop-r ∅3.side 3:att which
‘How will we others [in contrast to other Gyeli villages] make progress?’
(89) ɛ̀ sɛ́ béé ndáà bèyá làwɔ́ fàlà
ɛ̀ sɛ́ béé ndáà bèya-H làwɔ-H fàlà
is.it[French] 2pl.sbj also 2pl[Kwasio]-prs speak-r ∅1.French
‘Isn’t it, you (pl.), you also speak French.’

3.6.2 Non-subject pronouns

Gyeli has a paradigm of non-subject pronouns which are used for object and
oblique noun phrases. They are glossed as “obj”. They are significantly more
frequent in the corpus than subject pronouns, counting 99 occurrences.
As shown in Table 3.22, the non-subject index forms for 1sg, 1pl, 2sg, 2pl, as
well as cl. 1 are segmentally identical to their subject counterparts. All the other
non-subject pronouns, namely agreement classes 2 through 9, differ structurally
in that they have a non-subject pronoun root -ɔ̂ that takes an agreement prefix.
All non-subject pronouns are specified for an HL tone, which is a distinctive
feature when compared to subject pronouns.
Table 3.22: Non-subject pronouns

Singular Plural
Speech act participants 1sg mɛ̂ 1pl bî/bíyɛ̀
2sg wɛ̂ 2pl bê
Non-speech act participants cl.1 nyɛ̂ cl.2 b-ɔ̂
cl.3 w-ɔ̂ cl.4 my-ɔ̂
cl.5 l-ɔ̂ cl.6 m-ɔ̂
cl.7 y-ɔ̂ cl.8 by-ɔ̂
cl.9 ny-ɔ̂

Non-subject pronouns that serve as objects occur in all object positions dis-
cussed in §7.2 and §7.3. The basic position is after the verb, as in (90) and (91).

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3 Parts of speech

(90) bwáá lã́ bɔ̂

bwáa-H lã-H b-ɔ̂
2pl-prs tell-r 2-obj
‘You tell them!’
(91) byɔ̂ bé vɛ́ bíì màpè’è
byɔ̂ be-H vɛ̀ -H bíì ma-pè’è
8.obj 8-prs give-r 1pl.obj ma6-wisdom
‘They give us wisdom.’

Non-subject pronouns serving as objects can also be dislocated to the left edge
of the clause, as in (92). In this marked position (91) as well as in the in-situ focus
position in (92), the pronoun is optionally lengthened for emphasis.

(92) yɔ́ ɔ̀ mɛ́ wúmbɛ́ wû

yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H wû
7.obj 1sg-prs want-r there
‘That is what I want there.’

The first person plural often occurs with the special form bíyɛ̀ in the corpus,
as in (93). This seems even more emphatic than the lengthened form bíì. The
data is not sufficient, however, to pinpoint the exact distribution and functional
difference between the two emphatic forms. The first person plural is the only
person category that has such a suppletive emphatic form.

(93) bvúlɛ̀ bá ntɛ́gɛ́lɛ́ ndáà bíyɛ̀

bvúlɛ̀ ba-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ-H ndáà bíyɛ̀
ba2.Bulu 2-prs bother-r also 1pl.obj
‘The Bulu bother us, too.’

Non-subject pronouns also occur in obliques, as in (94).

(94) á nyùlɛ́nyúlɛ́ kɔ̀ fí nà yɔ̂

a-H nyùlɛ-nyulɛ-H kɔ̀ fí nà y-ɔ̂
1-prs drink-hab-r ∅7.coffee com 7-obj
‘He usually drinks coffee with it [sugar]’

Finally, non-subject pronouns are used as an information structure strategy

after nominal subjects to mark subject focus, as in (95).

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 3.6 Pronouns

(95) ngùndyá tè nyɔ̂ bɛ́ nyî

ngùndyá tè nyɔ̂ bɛ̀ -H nyî
∅9.raffia there 9.obj be-r 9.dem.prox
‘The raffia there, IT is that.’

Just like subject pronouns, they can take the contrastive marker -gà to indicate
switch-reference or mark in-situ focus, as shown in §4.1.2.4.

3.6.3 Interrogative pronouns

In addition to subject and non-subject pronouns, Gyeli also has two interroga-
tive pronouns: nzá ‘who’ for human referents and gyí ‘what’ for non-human and
inanimate referents.29 These interrogative pronouns replace a nominal np, which
is shown in (96) and (97), respectively. In (96), the interrogative replaces the sub-
ject np m-ùdũ̂ ‘man’ while, in (97), the interrogative gyí replaces the object np
má-jíwɔ́ ‘water’. In that sense, they behave like personal pronouns. Both inter-
rogatives are used in all noun phrase environments, namely as subjects, objects,
and obliques.

(96) a. [mùdũ̂] à nyɛ́ mùdã̂

m-ùdũ̂ a nyɛ̂-H m-ùdã̂
n1-man 1.pst1 see-r n1-woman
‘The/a man saw the/a woman.’
b. nzá à nyɛ́ mùdã̂
nzá a nyɛ̂-H m-ùdã̂
who 1.pst1 see-r n1-woman
‘Who saw the/a woman?’
(97) a. mùdũ̂ á nyùlɛ́ [májíwɔ́]
̂
m-ùdũ a-H nyùlɛ-H H-ma-jíwɔ́
n1-man 1-prs drink-r obj.link-ma6-water
‘The/a man drinks water.’
b. gyí mùdũ̂ á nyùlɛ̀
gyí m-ùdũ̂ a-H nyùlɛ
what n1-man 1-prs drink
‘What does the man drink?’

29
Although many animals are grammatically classified within the same “animate” gender 1/2 as
human referents, all animals are referred to with the non-personal interrogative pronoun gyí.

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3 Parts of speech

Interrogative pronouns in oblique phrases are shown with the comitative marker
nà in (98) and (99).

(98) a. mùdũ̂ à kɛ́ màkítì [nà Àdà]

m-ùdũ̂ a kɛ̀ -H m-àkítì nà Àdà
n1-man 1.pst1 go-r ma6-market com ∅1.pn
‘The/a man went to the market with Ada.’
b. nà nzá mùdũ̂ à kɛ́ màkítì
nà nzá m-ùdũ̂ a kɛ̀ -H m-àkítì
com who n1-man 1.pst1 go-r ma6-market
‘With whom did the man go to the market?’
(99) a. mùdũ̂ à kɛ́ màkítì [nà tṹũ̀]
m-ùdũ̂ a kɛ̀ -H m-àkítì nà tṹũ̀
n1-man 1.pst1 go-r ma6-market com ∅7.axe
‘The/a man went to the market with an axe.’
b. nà gyí mùdũ̂ à kɛ́ màkítì
nà gyí m-ùdũ a ̂ kɛ̀ -H m-àkítì
com what n1-man 1.pst1 go-r ma6-market
‘With what did the man go to the market?’

nà nzá ‘with whom’ is interesting in that nzá seems to take a plural marker
if the expected answer is more than one person, as shown in (100). Since the
prefix bà- comes with an L tone, it seems to behave like either a noun class or
agreement prefix. Since nzá only occurs with humans, the prefix is invariably
class 2 bà-, therefore it is difficult to test whether the prefix belongs to a noun or
a modifier.

(100) a. mùdũ̂ à kɛ́ màkítì [nà Àdà nà Màmbì]

m-ùdũ̂ a kɛ̀ -H m-àkítì nà Àdà nà Màmbì
n1-man 1.pst1 go-r ma6-market com ∅1.pn com ∅1.pn
‘The/a man went to the market with Ada and Mambi.’
b. nà bànzá mùdũ̂ à kɛ́ màkítì
nà bà-nzá m-ùdũ a ̂ kɛ̀ -H m-àkítì
com 2-who ba1-man 1.pst1 go-r ma6-market
‘With whom did the man go to the market?’

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 3.6 Pronouns

3.6.4 Possessor pronouns

Possessor pronouns in Gyeli consist of a root indicating the possessor and a prefix
that agrees with the possessee, as shown in (101).

(101) a. m-ùdì w-ɔ̂

n1-man 1-poss.2sg
‘your (sg) man’
b. mì-nkwɛ́ my-áwɔ́
mi4-basket 4-poss.3pl
‘their baskets’

Possessor roots
Table 3.23 shows the possessor roots. While most possessor roots are used for
all agreement classes, there are both segmental and tonal changes depending on
the phonological shape of agreement prefixes and the agreement class affiliation
respectively.
Table 3.23: Basic possessor roots

Singular Plural
1 -ã -isi (-usi)
2 -ɔ -inɛ (-unɛ)
3 -ɛ -awɔ

Some possessor roots are influenced in their segmental form by the shape of
the possessee agreement prefix. The first and second person plural are subject
to variation if the possessee belongs to class 1 or 3. Then, the first high front
vowel used in all other agreement classes turns into a high back vowel as an
assimilation to the agreement prefix w- in class 1 and 3. The contrast between
the two root shapes is illustrated in (102).

(102) a. gyà y-ísí

7.music 7-poss.1pl
‘our music’
b. m-wánɔ̀ w-ùsí
n1-child 1-poss.1pl
‘our child’

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3 Parts of speech

The agreement class that the possessor root takes also determines the tonal
pattern of the root. The tonal pattern of the first and second person singular are
the same in every agreement class, as shown in Table 3.24. The vast majority of
agreement classes take an H tone in the third person singular and an HH pattern
for the plural possessor roots. Classes 1 and 9, however, are different: the third
person singular has a falling HL tone and the plural persons are LH.
Table 3.24: Tonal patterns of possessor pronouns

Basic tonal pattern Exceptions: cl. 1 and 9

Person Singular Plural Singular Plural
1 -ã̂ -ísí (-úsí) -ã̂ -ìsí (-ùsí)
2 -ɔ̂ -ínɛ́ (-únɛ́) -ɔ̂ -ìnɛ́ (-ùnɛ́)
3 -ɛ́ -áwɔ́ -ɛ̂ -àwɔ́

In natural text, as opposed to elicitation, third person singular possessor pro-

nouns are often lengthened, as shown in (103).

(103) èé lûngà yá sã́ wɛ́ɛ̀ yɔ́ɔ̀ yíì

èé lûngà yá sã́ w-ɛ̂ y-ɔ́ɔ̀ yíì
EXCL ∅7.grave 7:ATT ∅1.father 1-POSS.3sg 7-obj 7.COP
‘Right, his father’s grave is over there.’

Possessee agreement prefixes

Possessor pronouns index the possessee by means of an agreement prefix. Ta-
ble 3.25 lists the prefixes for the various agreement classes.
Prefixes of classes 4 and 8 ending in a high front vowel are assimilated to the
pronominal root. If the root starts with a high front vowel /i/ as for the first and
second person plural (-ísí and -ínɛ́), the vowel of the prefix is deleted:

(104) class 4:
mi- + -ísí → mísí ‘our’
mi- + -ínɛ́ → mínɛ́ ‘your (pl)’

(105) class 8:
bi- + -ísí → bísí ‘our’
bi- + -ínɛ́ → bínɛ́ ‘your (pl)’

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 3.6 Pronouns

Table 3.25: Possessee agreement prefixes

agr class agr prefix

1 w-
2 b-
3 w-
4 mí-
5 l-
6 m-
7 y-
8 bí-
9 ny-

For the other roots starting in different vowels, the prefix vowel is assimilated
and becomes a glide:

(106) class 4:
mi- + -ã̂ → myã̂ ‘my’
mi- + -ɔ̂ → myɔ̂ ‘your (sg)’
mi- + -ɛ́ → myɛ́ ‘his/her’
mi- + -áwɔ́ → myáwɔ́ ‘their’
(107) class 8:
bi- + -ã̂ → byã̂ ‘my’
bi- + -ɔ̂ → byɔ̂ ‘your (sg)’
bi- + -ɛ́ → byɛ́ ‘his/her’
bi- + -áwɔ́ → byáwɔ́ ‘their’
I assume that possessee agreement prefixes of agreement classes 2 through 8 are
tonally specified with an H tone, even if their vowel is deleted in front of the
vowel-initial possessor stem, while those for agreement classes 1 and 9 have an
associated L tone. This explains the tonal differences for the third person singular
and the first and second person plural.

3.6.5 Reflexive pronoun mɛ́dɛ́

The reflexive pronoun mɛ́dɛ́ ‘self’ is used both as a reflexive and an emphatic
function. With the reflexive function, the reflexive pronoun is restricted to the
object and adjunct positions.

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3 Parts of speech

In object noun phrases, mɛ́dɛ́ ‘self’ directly follows the object pronoun, indicat-
ing identity between the subject and the object, as in (108) for all animate person
categories.30

(108) a. mɛ́ nyɛ́ mɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́

mɛ-H nyɛ̂-H mɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́
1sg-prs see-r 1sg.obj self
‘I see myself.’
b. wɛ́ nyɛ́ wɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́
wɛ-H nyɛ̂-H wɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́
2sg-prs see-r 2sg.obj self
‘You (sg.) see yourself.’
c. á nyɛ́ nyɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́
a-H nyɛ̂-H nyɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́
1-prs see-r 1sg.obj self
‘S/he sees her/himself.’
d. yá nyɛ́ bî mɛ́dɛ́
ya-H nyɛ̂-H bî mɛ́dɛ́
1pl-prs see-r 1pl.obj self
‘We see ourselves.’
e. bwá nyɛ́ bê mɛ́dɛ́
bwa-H nyɛ̂-H bê mɛ́dɛ́
2pl-prs see-r 2pl.obj self
‘You (pl.) see yourselves.’
f. bá nyɛ́ bɔ̂ mɛ́dɛ́
ba-H nyɛ̂-H b-ɔ̂ mɛ́dɛ́
2-prs see-r 2-obj self
‘They see themselves.’

The reflexive pronoun can appear in subject position, as in (109). This con-
struction, however, is pragmatically more marked, as subjects are typically top-
ics (§7.3) and as such less marked. With the reflexive pronoun in subject position,
the lines between reflexive and emphatic function become more blurred.

30
The other non-speech act participant categories, namely agreement classes 3 through 9, all
adhere to the same pattern.

184
 3.6 Pronouns

(109) mɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́ mɛ́ nyɛ́ mɛ̂

mɛ mɛ́dɛ́ mɛ-H nyɛ̂-H mɛ̂
1sg self 1sg-prs see-r 1sg.obj self
‘ME, I see myself.’

It is also grammatical to drop the reflexive pronoun altogether and only use
the object pronoun, as in (110). For the first and second person singular and plu-
ral, it is inferred that the subject and object are coreferential. For third persons,
however, the use of the object pronoun alone would lead to the interpretation
that subject and object are not coreferential. Therefore, mɛ́dɛ́ ‘self’ must be used
in these environments. The use of the reflexive pronoun is also preferred over the
object pronoun alone with the first and second person, probably for the parallel
structure with the third person reflexive marking.

(110) mɛ̀ mɛ́ nyɛ́ mɛ̂

mɛ mɛ-H nyɛ̂-H mɛ̂
1sg 1sg-prs see-r 1sg.obj self
‘I see myself.’

Reflexive pronouns are also used in adjunct position, as shown in (111).

(111) mɛ̀ nzí sâ yî púù yá mɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́

mɛ nzí sâ yî púù yá mɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́
1sg prog.pst do 7.dem.prox ∅7.reason 7:att 1sg self
‘I was doing this for myself.’

With an emphatic function, the reflexive pronoun can be used in all kinds of
noun phrases: subject, object, and adjunct. Typically, mɛ́dɛ́ ‘self’ follows a pro-
noun, as with the subject pronoun in (112) and in the adjunct in (113).

(112) bímbú lɛ́ mámbòngò mâ wɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́ dígɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́

bímbú lɛ́ ma-mbòngò mâ wɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́ dígɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́
∅5.amount 5:att ma6-plant 6.dem.prox 2sg.sbj self look.imp self
‘The amount of these plants, yourself, look yourself,’

(113) àà ndáwɔ̀ dé tù nyɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́ támé

àà ndáwɔ̀ dé tù nyɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́ támé
1.cop ∅9.house loc inside 1. sbj self alone
‘He is in his house all by himself.’

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3 Parts of speech

Unlike with its reflexive function, the reflexive pronoun can also occur after
other parts of speech than pronouns when used emphatically. In (114), for in-
stance, it occurs after the finite verb form, referring to the subject. Given that
other words, such as the finite verb form in this example, can enter between the
subject and reflexive pronoun, I analyze mɛ́dɛ́ ‘self’ as a free morpheme.

(114) à múà mɛ́dɛ́ nyá mùdì

a múà mɛ́dɛ́ nyá m-ùdì
1 be.almost self real n1-person
‘He was himself a real (old) man.’

mɛ́dɛ́ ‘self’ also follows nouns (instead of pronouns), as in (115) where it follows
the left-dislocated object noun.

(115) sá mɛ́dɛ́ mɛ̀ nzí sâ yî

sá mɛ́dɛ́ mɛ nzí sâ yî
∅7.thing self 1sg prog.pst do 7.dem.prox
‘The thing itself, I was doing this.’

3.7 Other pro-forms

Other pro-forms substitute other elements than nouns on the phrasal, clausal, or
sentential level. In this section, I describe interrogative pro-forms, pro-adverbs,
the pro-clausal tag question marker ngáà, and pro-sentence forms.

3.7.1 Interrogative pro-forms

I treat interrogative pro-forms separately from interrogative pronouns nzá ‘who’
and gyí ‘what’ (§3.6.3) which clearly replace a noun phrase. In contrast, inter-
rogative pro-forms can replace a range of word classes or phrases. For instance,
líní ‘when’ might stand instead of an adverb tɛ̂ ‘now’ or a complex oblique noun
phrase mbvû lã̂ ‘last year’.
Interrogative pro-forms differ in their structural complexity. Simple forms only
include the interrogative word. Complex forms require the interrogative form to
occur in a special construction, either with the locative preposition ɛ́ or in a noun
+ noun attributive construction.

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 3.7 Other pro-forms

3.7.1.1 Simple interrogative pro-forms

Simple interrogative pro-forms are used in questions to replace either a noun
phrase or a temporal adverb. They occur independently as free morphemes. Gyeli
has three pro-forms, as listed in (116), that occur in simple interrogative construc-
tions.
(116) a. líní ‘when’
b. vɛ́ ‘where’
c. ná ‘how’
The interrogative pro-form líní ‘when’ exclusively occurs in simple construc-
tions, no matter if it occurs at the beginning or the end of the question phrase,
as shown in (117).
(117) a. mùdũ̂ à kɛ́ màkítì [nàkùgúù]
m-ùdũ̂ a kɛ̀ -H ma-kítì nà-kùgúù
n1-man 1.pst1 go-r ma6-market sim-∅7.evening
‘The/a man went to the market yesterday.’
b. líní mùdũ̂ à kɛ́ màkítì
líní m-ùdũ̂ a kɛ̀ -H ma-kítì
when n1-man 1.pst1 go-r ma6-market
‘When did the man go to the market?’
c. mùdũ̂ à kɛ́ màkítì líní
m-ùdũ̂ a kɛ̀ -H ma-kítì líní
n1-man 1.pst1 go-r ma6-market when
‘When did the man go to the market?’
The main use of líní ‘when’ is in temporal adverbial clauses (§8.2.3.1) to express
simultaneity. In fact, its use as an interrogative pro-form is rare, even if possible,
as shown in (117). When a question asks for a temporal adjunct in the answer,
speakers prefer to use complex interrogatives, which can be translated as ‘what
day’ and ‘what time’, as discussed in the next section.
In contrast to líní ‘when’, the other two interrogative pro-forms vɛ́ ‘where’ and
ná ‘how’ only appear in simple constructions if they are used in-situ at the end
of the phrase, as illustrated in (118) and (119).
(118) ɛ́ ná mwánɔ̀ nùù vɛ́
ɛ́ ná m-wánɔ̀ nùù vɛ́
loc how n1-child 1.cop where
‘What! Where is the child?’

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3 Parts of speech

(119) kó mbúmbù nyɛ̀ nzí lèmbò dyùù bɔ̂ fàmíì bá

kó mbúmbù nyɛ nzí lèmbo dyùù b-ɔ̂ fàmíì bá
excl ∅1.namesake 1.sbj prog.pst know kill 2-obj ∅1.family 2:att
bùdì ná
b-ùdì ná
ba2-person how
‘Oh namesake, how could he kill them, the family of people?’

If they are used phrase initially, however, they obligatorily occur in a complex
construction with the preposition ɛ́, as discussed in the following.

3.7.1.2 Complex interrogative pro-forms

Complex interrogative words can be complex in different ways. They can be
formed with (i) the locative preposition ɛ́ (§3.10.1) or (ii) a noun + noun attribu-
tive construction (§5.5).
Gyeli has two interrogative pro-forms that are constructed with the locative
preposition ɛ́ preceding the interrogative form: ɛ́ ná ‘how’ and ɛ́ vɛ́ ‘where’. Ex-
amples of both interrogatives that require a temporal and a manner adjunct in
the answer are given in (120) and (121), respectively. Ungrammatical examples
stem from elicited grammaticality judgments.

(120) a. mùdũ̂ à kɛ́ [màkítì]

m-ùdũ̂ a kɛ̀ -H ma-kítì
n1-man 1.pst1 go-r ma6-market
‘The/a man went to the market.’
b. ɛ́ vɛ́ m-ùdũ̂ à kɛ́
ɛ́ vɛ́ m-ùdũ̂ a kɛ̀ -H
loc where n1-man 1.pst1 go-pst
‘Where did the man go?’
c. * vɛ́ m-ùdũ̂ à kɛ́
vɛ́ m-ùdũ̂ a kɛ̀ -H
where n1-man 1.pst1 go-pst
‘Where did the man go?’

(121) a. mùdũ̂ à kɛ́ màkítì [nà màtúà]

m-ùdũ̂ a kɛ̀ -H ma-kítì nà màtúà
n1-man 1.pst1 go-r ma6-market com ∅1.car
‘The/a man went to the market by car.’

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 3.7 Other pro-forms

b. ɛ́ ná mùdũ̂ à kɛ́ màkítì

ɛ́ ná m-ùdũ̂ a kɛ̀ -H ma-kítì
loc how n1-man 1.prs go-r ma6-market
‘How did the man go to the market?’
c. * ná mùdũ̂ à kɛ́ màkítì
ná m-ùdũ â kɛ̀ -H ma-kítì
how n1-man 1.prs go-r ma6-market
‘How did the man go to the market?’

The complex form ɛ́ ná ‘how’ is also used as a greeting in (122)

(122) mbúmbù ɛ́ ná
mbúmbù ɛ́ ná
∅1.namesake loc how
‘Namesake, how is it?’

The second option for complex interrogatives are interrogative pro-forms such
as vɛ́ ‘which’ and níyɛ̀ ‘how many’, which occur as the second constituent in an
attributive construction with a noun and an attributive marker, as in (123) and
explained in detail in §5.5.5.

(123) a. lèfû lé vɛ́

le-fû lé vɛ́
le5-day 5:att which
‘Which day?’
b. màfû má níyɛ̀
ma-fû má níyɛ̀
ma6-day 6:att how.may
‘How many days?’

Besides asking for nominal entities or their quantities in the answer, these in-
terrogatives systematically combine with temporal nouns such as dúwɔ̀ ‘day’ or
wùlà ‘time, hour’ in order to form temporal interrogative constructions.

3.7.2 Pro-adverbs mpù and ndɛ̀ náà

The pro-adverbs mpù and ndɛ̀ náà generally refer to the manner of an event and
are translated with ‘like this’. The semantic difference between the two pro-forms
is not clear. They seem to have a very similar distribution in the corpus and

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speakers state that they can be used interchangeably. However, mpù is signif-
icantly more frequent in the corpus with 24 occurrences in comparison to six
occurrences of ndɛ̀ náà.
Both pro-adverbs signal a non-verbal gesture or part of the communication
that is happening simultaneously to speech time. In (124), the speaker is com-
municating the number of his children by showing two fingers; mpù is signaling
this non-verbal gesture.

(124) bwánɔ̀ mpù [gesture showing 2]

b-wánɔ̀ mpù
ba2-child like.this
‘that many children [gesture showing 2].’

Similarly, in (125), ndɛ̀ náà indicates that the greeting is ongoing between the
speech act participants.

(125) mɛ́ sùmɛ́lɛ́ bê ndɛ̀ náà

mɛ-H sùmɛlɛ-H bê ndɛ̀ náà
1sg-prs greet-r 2pl.obj like.that
‘I greet you like this.’

mpù often introduces the use of ideophones, as in (126).

(126) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí njí mpù bã̂ã̂ã̂ã̂ njì dígɛ̀ mpù

yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí njî-H mpù bã̂ã̂ã̂ã̂ njì dígɛ mpù
so ∅1.pn come-r like.this ideo:walking far come look like.this
‘So Nzambi comes like this [depiction of walking a long distance], comes
looking like this.’

The deictic reference of pro-adverbs can also be anaphoric rather than signaling
an ongoing or immediately following non-verbal communicative event. This is
the case in (127), for instance, where ndɛ̀ náà summarizes the situation that the
speaker has elaborated previously.

(127) bon pílì yí báàlá nà bɛ̀ ndɛ̀ náà ndɛ̀ náà ndáà ná
bon pílì yi-H báàla-H nà bɛ̀ ndɛ̀ náà ndɛ̀ náà ndáà ná
good[French] when 7-prs repeat-r com be like.that like.that also still
‘So, when it continues and is still like this and like that.’

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 3.7 Other pro-forms

As (127) and (128) show, mpù and ndɛ̀ náà ‘like this’ can both occur directly
after the finite verb, as expected for an adverb. While mpù is often followed by
an object, this is not the case for ndɛ̀ náà in the corpus. Speakers state, however,
that it would be perfectly grammatical.

(128) wɛ́ dyúwɔ́ mpù bàmìntùlɛ̀ bɔ́gá bá tsígɛ̀

wɛ-H dyúwɔ-H mpù ba-mìntùlɛ̀ bɔ́-gá ba-H tsígɛ
2sg-prs hear-r like.this ba2-mouse 2-other 2-prs take.off
tsùk tsùk tsùk
tsùk-tsùk-tsùk
ideo:rustling
‘You hear like this the other mice take off [depiction of noise of mice].’

Mpù, unlike ndɛ̀ náà, is often preceded by the preposition ɛ́, as in (129).

(129) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí dígɛ́ mísì ɛ́ mpù

yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí dígɛ-H m-ísì ɛ́ mpù
so ∅1.pn look-r ma6-eye loc like.this
‘So Nzambi looks with the eyes like this.’

Neither the specific function of ɛ́ in combination with mpù nor its distribution
are clear, however.

3.7.3 Pro-clausal ngáà

The pro-clausal tag question particle ngáà is used to verify the truth value of
a clause in leading polar questions (§7.4.1), as in (130). It is extra-clausal as ev-
idenced by a phonetic break that separates ngáà from the main clause and its
ability to occur by itself, for instance as a response to an interlocutor’s state-
ment. A ngáà response by itself expresses either surprise, a truth verification (‘is
that right?’, ‘really?’), or agreement (‘isn’t that right!’, ‘really!’).

(130) ngáà wɛ́ nyɛ́ mpù

ngáà wɛ-H nyɛ̂-H mpù
Q(tag) 2sg-prs see-r like.this
‘Right, you see that?’

ngáà appears both at the beginning of the question, as in (130), or at the end of
it, as in (131).

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3 Parts of speech

(131) wɛ́ nyɛ́ mpù ngáà

wɛ-H nyɛ̂-H mpù ngáà
2sg-prs see-r like.this Q(tag)
‘You see that, don’t you?’

The pro-clausal particle is used in both affirmative and negated questions. An

example of the latter is given in (132).

(132) wɛ̀ ɛ́ nyɛ́lɛ́ mpù ngáà

wɛ̀ ɛ́ nyɛ̂-lɛ mpù ngáà
2sg.neg.prs see-neg like.this Q(tag)
‘You don’t see that, do you?’

Pro-clausal ngáà is also used independently on its own as a response to a state-

ment, expressing surprise or verifying the truth value of the statement, compa-
rable to English ‘really?’ or ‘is that true?’.
In affirmative questions, Gyeli also uses French loanwords or code-switching.31
In (133), ɛ̀ sɛ́ taken from French est-ce ‘is it’ is used as tag question marker. There
seems to be a preference to use it phrase initially.

(133) ɛ̀ sɛ́ béé ndáà bèyá làwɔ́ fàlà

ɛ̀ sɛ́ béé ndáà bèya-H làwɔ-H fàlà
is.it[French] 2pl.sbj also 2pl[Kwasio]-prs speak-r ∅1.French
‘Isn’t it, you (pl.) also, you speak French.’

In contrast, nɔ́ɔ̀ from French non ‘no’ is used phrase finally with the same
function, as in (134).

(134) béé ndáà bèyá làwɔ́ fàlà nɔ́ ɔ̀

béé ndáà bèya-H làwɔ-H fàlà nɔ́ɔ̀
is.it[French] 2pl.sbj also 2pl[Kwasio]-prs speak-r ∅1.French
‘You (pl.) also, you speak French, isn’t it?’

3.7.4 Pro-sentence forms

Pro-sentence forms replace an entire sentence. They are typically answers to to
polar questions (§7.4.1), making a statement about its truth value. They can, how-
ever, also occur as response to a statement that the speaker agrees or disagrees

31
The status of these French words in Gyeli is not clear at the moment.

192
 3.7 Other pro-forms

with. Gyeli has several pro-sentence forms for each agreement and disagreement
signal. (135) provides a list of pro-forms that signal agreement. These different
pro-forms seem to correlate with pragmatic and semantic differences. ɛ́ɛ̀ seems
to be the regular way to say ‘yes’, while ɛ̀ hɛ́ɛ́ is used more emphatically to signal
strong agreement. The exact use of the other pro-forms is less well understood.

(135) a. ɛ́ɛ̀ ‘yes’

b. áà ‘yes’
c. èè ‘yes’
d. ɛ́ɛ́ ‘yes’
e. m̀ḿḿ ‘yes’
f. ɛ̀ hɛ́ɛ́ ‘yes’

When asked for the translation of ‘yes’, speakers would answer with (135a). In
natural speech as in the corpus, however, a range of other agreement signaling
pro-forms are used. They all have in common that they only consist of a long
vowel or nasal. The tonal melody and vowel length is crucial in distinguishing
agreement from disagreement, as the segmentally similar but tonally different
pairs in, for instance, (135d) and (136b) show. Agreement signals have long seg-
ments with either a falling or L or H tone, as in (135a) through (135d). (135e)
and (135f), which are tonally identical, are used for emphatic agreement, as in
English ‘exactly!’. Also yà, or its emphatic form yáà, has been observed in the
corpus. These forms are likely loanwords from German.32
There are fewer pro-forms for disagreement than for agreement. The default
form is tɔ̀ sâ in (136a), which is derived from the negative polarity item tɔ̀ (§3.8.4)
and the noun sâ ‘thing’.

(136) a. tɔ̀ sâ ‘no’

b. ɛ́’ɛ̂ ‘no’
c. ḿ’m̂ ‘no’

The other two forms in (136b) and (136c) are identical in their tonal pattern.
They also differ from agreement forms in their relative brevity. Disagreement
forms are never lengthened, but rather short. In (136b) and (136c), the medial
glottal stop reinforces the impression of short segments.
32
Some German loanwords from colonial times (until 1918) are still widespread in the area, for
instance also in Mabi. These include, for instance, dunkel ‘dark’ and Dummkopf ‘idiot’, although
Cameroonians are not always sure about their meaning.

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3 Parts of speech

3.8 Elements of the nominal phrase

In this section, I describe all the elements that occur in a noun phrase, apart from
the noun, which has been discussed in §3.1. As a basic classification criterion, I
distinguish nominal modifiers that agree with the head noun and those that do
not, i.e. which are invariable.
Agreeing elements in the Gyeli noun phrase differ in the form of agreement
encoding. For some parts of speech, agreement is achieved through a prefix. This
is the case for all elements discussed in §3.8.1 and §3.8.2. Other elements, such as
demonstratives in §3.8.3.1 and attributive markers in §3.8.3.2, show agreement
through an unbound agreeing morpheme that differs across different agreement
classes.
Invariable modifiers, i.e. elements that do not agree with the head noun, dif-
fer in their position relative to the noun. Some invariable modifiers precede the
head noun (§3.8.4), some occur post-nominally (§3.8.5). The structure of the noun
phrase and its various types are presented in Chapter 5 as well as the gender and
agreement system.

3.8.1 Modifiers with agreement prefix

Gyeli has five patterns of agreement prefixes, as shown in Table 3.26. Agreement
prefixes attach to a variety of agreement targets, including numerals and some

Table 3.26: Agreement prefixes of nominal modifiers

agr -vúdũ̂ -fúsì -ɛ́sɛ̀ -ɔ́(nɛ́)gá numerals

class ‘one’ ‘different’ ‘all’ ‘other’ ‘2’ through ‘5’
1 m- m- w- n-
2 bà- bà- b- b- bá-
3 m- ∅- w- w-
4 mì- mì- my- my- mí-
5 lè- lè- l- l-
6 mà- mà- m- m- má-
7 ∅- ∅- y- y-
8 bì- bì- by- by- bí-
9 m- ∅- ny- ny-

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 3.8 Elements of the nominal phrase

quantifiers.33 All modifiers in Table 3.26 follow the head noun.

While agreement prefixes of specific agreement classes are often similar in
their shape, there are differences that define distinct agreement patterns. The
agreement patterns for -vúdũ̂ ‘one’ and -fúsì ‘different’ are only distinguished
in agreement classes 3 and 9. The agreement patterns for -ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all’ and -ɔ́(nɛ́)gá
‘other’ differ in their agreement class 1 prefix. For semantic reasons, agreement
prefixes for plural numerals only ever allow plural agreement prefixes. They are
different from other agreement patterns in that they are the only ones to take an
H tone prefix; agreement prefixes of all other patterns that have a tone bearing
unit always have an L tone.
Some differences can be explained on a phonological basis, namely vowel dele-
tion or assimilation in the prefix if the following stem starts with a vowel. This is,
for instance the case with class 2 bà- before consonants in comparison to class 2 b-
before vowels. Differences in prefix shape that are conditioned by phonological
rules are not taken as evidence for different agreement patterns. In the following,
I present each prefix agreement pattern and the lexical stems that take it.

3.8.1.1 -vúdũ̂ ‘one, same’

-vúdũ̂ can denote both the cardinal numeral ‘1’ and the deictic modifier meaning
‘same’. It is distinct from the agreement pattern of the other agreeing numerals
‘2’ through ‘5’ in the L tone on CV- prefixes.
As the cardinal numeral ‘1’, -vúdũ̂ logically only occurs with singular entities
it modifies. If it is used in order to express identity of entities, however, -vúdũ̂
also takes an agreement prefix for plural classes, as shown in Table 3.27.

3.8.1.2 -fúsì ‘different’

-fúsì ‘different’ follows the noun it modifies just as the other modifiers that show
agreement through a prefix. Examples for fúsì ‘different’ in different agreement
classes are provided in Table 3.28.

33
These nominal modifiers could be argued to constitute adjectives on the basis of their agree-
ment prefixes. Adjectives are, however, usually taken to be ‘lexical’ (or content) words, accord-
ing to Rijkhoff (2002: 121), and describe properties such as “size, weight, color, age, and value”.
In Gyeli, they do not take agreement prefixes, as described in §3.3. At the same time, these
modifiers do not pattern with nouns either. There are, however, some nouns that function as
quantifiers, as described in §5.5.1.4.

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3 Parts of speech

Table 3.27: agr-vúdũ̂ ‘one/same’ in various agreement classes

cl. 1 mùdì m-vúdũ̂ ‘one/same person’

cl. 2 bùdì bà-vúdũ̂ ‘same people’
cl. 3 nkɛ̌ m-vúdũ̂́ ‘one/same basket’
cl. 4 mi-nkwɛ̌ mì-vúdũ̂ ‘same baskets’
cl. 5 le-dùndà lè-vúdũ̂ ‘one/same sparrow’
cl. 6 ma-dùndà mà-vúdũ̂ ‘same sparrows’
cl. 7 síngì ∅-vúdũ̂ ‘one/same cat’
cl. 8 be-síngì bè-vúdũ̂ ‘same cats’
cl. 9 ndáwɔ̀ m-vúdũ̂ ‘one/same house’

Table 3.28: agr-fúsì ‘different’ in various agreement classes

cl. 1 mùdì m-fúsì ‘a different person’

cl. 2 bùdì bà-fúsì ‘different people’
cl. 3 nkɛ̌ ∅-fúsì ‘a different basket’
cl. 4 mi-nkwɛ̌ mì-fúsì ‘different baskets’
cl. 5 le-dùndà lè-fúsì ‘a different sparrow’
cl. 6 ma-dùndà mà-fúsì ‘different sparrows’
cl. 7 síngì ∅-fúsì ‘a different cat’
cl. 8 be-síngì bè-fúsì ‘different cats’
cl. 9 ndáwɔ̀ ∅-fúsì ‘a different house’

3.8.1.3 -ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all’

The universal quantifier ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all’ agrees with the head noun through an agree-
ment prefix. Universal quantifiers express totality and contain items such as ‘all’
and ‘every’ (Zerbian & Krifka 2008: 394). Table 3.29 provides examples of the
quantifier for all agreement classes showing the agreement prefix in bold. The
agreement prefix for ‘all’ is the same as the possessee agreement of possessor
roots. As most other modifiers, ‘all’ follows the head noun.
In Gyeli, ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all’ is typically used with plural nouns. Also singular forms can,
however, be modified by -ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all’ in a specific context, which is also shown in
Table 3.29. This special context requires a situation where a typical singular en-
tity consists of or is cut up into several parts. Taking the example of a cat, síngì
yɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all the cat’ would mean that a cat is cut up into different parts, but then all

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 3.8 Elements of the nominal phrase

Table 3.29: agr-ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all’ in various agreement classes

cl. 1 mùdì w-ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all (the parts of) the person’

cl. 2 bùdì b-ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all people’
cl. 3 nkwɛ̌ w-ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all (the parts of) the basket’
cl. 4 mi-nkwɛ̌ my-ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all baskets’
cl. 5 le-dùndá l-ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all (the parts of) the sparrow’
cl. 6 ma-dùndà m-ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all sparrows’
cl. 7 síngì y-ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all (the parts of) the cat’
cl. 8 be-síngì by-ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all cats’
cl. 9 ndáwɔ̀ ny-ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all the house’

the parts are used, which is different from meaning ‘the whole cat’ (§3.8.5.3), as
shown in (137).

(137) a. síngì y-ɛ́sɛ̀

∅7.cat 7-all
‘all (the parts of) the cat’
b. síngì mànjìmɔ̀
∅7.cat whole
‘the whole cat (in its entirety)’

3.8.1.4 -ɔ́ (nɛ́)gá ‘(an)other’

The full form ‘other’ in careful speech is -ɔ́nɛ́gá. In fast speech, however, a short-
ened form agr-ɔ́gá is used where nɛ́ is omitted. The option to omit nɛ́ is indicated
by the brackets in Table 3.30.

3.8.1.5 Anaphoric marker ndɛ̀

The anaphoric marker ndɛ̀ signals reference to an entity that has been mentioned
before in the discourse. It occurs in two variants: (i) with an agreement prefix and
(ii) as the stem only without an agreement prefix. The variant with agreement
prefix is more frequent in the text corpus with almost six times more agreeing
than free stem forms. A natural text example of ndɛ́ with an agreement prefix is
given in (138).

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Table 3.30: agr-ɔ́ (nɛ́) gá ‘other’ in various agreement classes

cl. 1 mùdì n-ɔ́(nɛ́)gá ‘another person’

cl. 2 bùdì b-ɔ́(nɛ́)gá ‘other people’
cl. 3 nkɛ̌ w-ɔ́(nɛ́)gá ‘another basket’
cl. 4 mi-nkwɛ̌ my-ɔ́(nɛ́)gá ‘other baskets’
cl. 5 le-dùndà l-ɔ́(nɛ́)gá ‘another sparrow’
cl. 6 ma-dùndà m-ɔ́(nɛ́)gá ‘other sparrows’
cl. 7 síngì y-ɔ́(nɛ́)gá ‘another cat’
cl. 8 be-síngì by-ɔ́(nɛ́)gá ‘other cats’
cl. 9 ndáwɔ̀ ny-ɔ́(nɛ́)gá ‘another house’

(138) bèdéwò bíndɛ̀ byɔ̀ mɛ́ lɔ́ njì lɛ́bɛ̀ lɛ̀ bédéwò bà wɛ̀
be-déwò bí-ndɛ̀ byɔ̂ mɛ-H lɔ́ njì lɛ́bɛlɛ H-be-déwò bà wɛ̀
be8-food 8-ana 8.obj 1-prs retro come follow be8-food ap 2sg.obj
‘That (aforementioned) food, I have come to look for the food at your
place.’

Anaphoric markers have their own set of agreement prefixes, as summarized

in Table 3.31, which occur with no other part of speech.
Table 3.31: Agreement prefixes of the anaphoric marker ndɛ́

agr class Prefix form

1 nú-
2 bá-
3 wɔ́-
4 mí-
5 lé-
6 má-
7 yí-
8 bí-
9 nyí-

I view these agreement prefixes as grammaticalized from demonstratives (§3.8.3.1).

First, the prefixes are segmentally identical to the proximal demonstrative par-
adigm involving a plain vowel (as opposed to the long vowels of the distal par-

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 3.8 Elements of the nominal phrase

adigm). The tonal pattern differs, however, since the prefix that attaches to ndɛ̀
has an H tone rather than a falling tone as in the proximal paradigm.
Second, demonstratives and the anaphoric marker are functionally and seman-
tically related. They both serve to pick out referents from a set of entities. The
anaphoric marker can be understood as a specification of general demonstratives
in that it points the addressee to a referent that is not spatially distant, but that
has come up in the discourse before. This specification seems, however, optional
since both demonstratives in anaphoric contexts and anaphoric markers can ap-
pear independently of each other.
Another possibility would be to analyze the CV morph as an attributive marker.
As shown in §3.8.3.2, many of the attributive markers across different agreement
classes have a CV shape with a plain vowel and an H tone. Most attributive mark-
ers link a noun to a second constituent that could be another noun or another
part of speech, such as an adjective or interrogative pronoun, as discussed in §5.5.
Thus, this analysis would also make sense syntactically. Arguments against this
explanation, however, concern the form of some attributive markers and their
distribution. First, the attributive marker forms of agreement classes 1, 3, 7, and
9 differ from the CV shape element found with ndɛ̀ . For instance, in agreement
class 1, the attributive marker is wà, while ndɛ̀ would be preceded by nú-; in
agreement class 7, the attributive marker is yá, but ndɛ̀ is preceded by yí-. Sec-
ond, there are examples where ndɛ̀ plus its preceding CV morph follow a true
attributive, as shown in (139). This makes it clear that the morph cannot be an
attributive marker.

(139) mùdì wà núndɛ́ dígɛ́ mísì.

m-ùdì wà nú-ndɛ̀ dígɛ-H m-ísì
n1-person 1:att 1-ana look-r ma6-eye
‘That (aforementioned) person thinks very hard [lit. looks with his
eyes].’

Unlike other nominal modifiers that always agree with their head noun, the
anaphoric marker can also appear with its stem only. When following an iden-
tificational marker, ndɛ̀ occurs without an agreement prefix, as shown in (140),
which was uttered at the end of a story.

(140) kàndá wɛ́ ndɛ̀

kàndá wɛ́ ndɛ̀
∅7.proverb ID ana
‘The story is this.’

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3 Parts of speech

The anaphoric marker ndɛ́ also appears as a bare stem after nouns, as in (141),
which is a response to a question about the chief.
(141) àà kfúmá ndɛ̀ wà Nlúnzɔ̀
àà kfúmá ndɛ̀ wà Nlúnzɔ̀
ECXL ∅1.chief ana 1:att ∅1.pn
‘Ah, that chief from Nlunzo!’

3.8.1.6 Agreeing plural numerals

Numerals may, depending on the language, form various numeral series such as
enumeratives, cardinal, ordinal, or distributive numerals. In Gyeli, only a few car-
dinal numerals agree with the noun, namely -vúdũ̂ ‘1’ (§3.8.1.1) and the numerals
from ‘2’ through ‘5’, which have a different agreement pattern and are discussed
in this section. Generally, cardinal numerals are used attributively with nouns
when counting items.34
The (cardinal) numerals -báà ‘2’, -láálɛ̀ ‘3’, -nã̂ ‘4’, and -tánɛ̀ ‘5’ agree with
their head noun. As enumeratives, i.e. in general counting without referring to a
specific entity, the class 8 prefix bí- is used. The agreement prefixes of agreeing
numerals and some examples are listed in Table 3.32.35
Table 3.32: Agreement prefixes of modifying numerals

agr class agr prefix Example Gloss

2 bá- b-ùdì bá-báà ‘two people’
4 mí- mi-nkwɛ̂ mí-báà ‘two baskets’
6 má- ma-kí má-báà ‘two eggs’
8 bé- be-síngì bé-báà ‘two cats’

All agreement prefixes on the agreeing numerals come with an H tone, in

contrast to noun class prefixes and agreement prefixes of other modifiers (see
§3.8.1).
34
Gyeli numerals do not belong to one uniform category. There are monomorphemic (simple)
and polymorphemic (complex) numerals. Even simple numerals do not belong to one category
in terms of parts of speech, but can be classified into three types: (i) agreeing modifiers -vúdũ̂
‘1’ (§3.8.1.1) and numerals from ‘2’ through ‘5’ (this section), (ii) invariable modifiers (§3.8.5.1),
and (iii) nouns (§5.5.1.4). Complex numerals constitute either a coordination construction or a
noun + modifier np or a combination of the two.
35
Since all the numerals that take agreement markers are inherently plural, singular class pre-
fixes are never used.

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 3.8 Elements of the nominal phrase

One could argue that these agreement prefixes should not be analyzed as such,
but may rather constitute attributive markers (§3.8.3.2) which have the same
shape and tone as these prefixes. This is unlikely, however, because enumeratives
always require a default prefix even though they are not modifying any noun. It
is thus more likely to assume that numerals take a default prefix rather than a
default attributive marker in a headless construction. Further, also the genitive
marker takes H tone prefixes (§3.8.2.1).
The cardinal numerals from ‘2’ through ‘5’ invariably follow the head noun,
as shown in (142).

(142) a. b-ùdã̂ bá-báà

ba2-woman 2-two
‘two women’
b. b-ùdã̂ bá-láálɛ̀
ba2-woman 2-three
‘three women’
c. b-ùdã̂ bá-nã̂
ba2-woman 2-four
‘four women’
d. b-ùdã̂ bá-tánɛ̀
ba2-woman 2-five
‘five women’

The same noun phrase structure is used in the formation of complex numerals
that involve an underlying arithmetic operation of multiplication. In this case,
the agreeing numeral will follow a nominal base numeral, as shown in (143), to
form multiples of the base.

(143) a. màwúmɔ̀ mábáà

ma-wúmɔ̀ má-báà
ma6-ten 6-two
‘twenty [10 x 2]’
b. màwúmɔ̀ máláálɛ̀
ma-wúmɔ̀ má-láálɛ̀
ma6-ten 6-three
‘thirty [10 x 3]’

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3 Parts of speech

c. bìbwúyà bínã̂
bi-bwúyà bí-nã̂
bi8-hundred 2-four
‘four hundred [100 x 4]’
d. bàtɔ́dyínì bátánɛ̀
ba-tɔ́dyínì bá-tánɛ̀
ba2-thousand 2-five
‘five thousand [1000 x 5]’
Agreeing numerals ‘2’ through ‘5’ can never modify singular nouns for seman-
tic reasons. They therefore lack any singular counterparts. I still distinguish them
from modifiers discussed in the next section since those modifiers do occur with
singular forms.

3.8.2 Modifiers with plural agreement only

There are two modifiers in Gyeli, the genitive marker ngá and nyá ‘big’, which
never take an agreement prefix for singular agreement classes, but require them
for plural classes. Based on this characteristic, I classify them as a special subtype
of modifiers. They differ, however, in many other properties. First, the genitive
marker ngá only occurs in noun + noun constructions (§5.5), following the head
noun it modifies. In contrast, nyá ‘big’ precedes the head noun and is, together
with the invariable negative polarity item tɔ̀ , the only element that can precede
the head noun. The genitive marker ngá and nyá ‘big’ also differ in the tonal pat-
tern of their agreement prefixes: ngá takes an H tone CV prefix, while agreement
prefixes of nyá are underlyingly toneless.

3.8.2.1 Genitive marker ngá

Gyeli has a split genitive/attributive system, using different sets of associativity
markers depending on the status of the head noun. In Bantu studies, these mark-
ers are also called associative or connective markers (Van de Velde 2013). The
genitive marker ngá is used instead of an attributive marker (§3.8.3.2) if the sec-
ond constituent in a noun + noun construction is a proper name, as illustrated in
(144). This highlights the special status of proper names in contrast to common
nouns (§3.1.2.2).
(144) a. ndáwɔ̀ ngá Àdà
∅9.house gen ∅1.pn
‘Ada’s house’

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 3.8 Elements of the nominal phrase

b. ndáwɔ̀ nyà m-bvùlè

∅9.house 9:att n1-Bulu
‘the Bulu36 man’s house’

Further, the genitive marker is used in the interrogative pronoun constructions

such as pú’ù ngá nzá ‘for whom’ when the answer could potentially be a proper
name. In question words where something else than a proper name is expected
as an answer, as in pú’ù yá gyí ‘for what’, the attributive is used.
The genitive marker only takes an agreement marker if the preceding pos-
sessee noun occurs in the plural. If ndáwɔ̀ ‘house’ in (144) was in its plural form,
the example would change as in (145) with a plural marker on ngá.

(145) a. mà-ndáwɔ̀ má-ngá Àdà

ma6-∅9.house 6-gen ∅1.pn
‘Ada’s houses’
b. mà-ndáwɔ̀ má m-bvùlè
ma6-house 6:att n1-Bulu
‘the Bulu man’s houses’

If it is singular, however, the genitive marker takes a default form ngá. Table 3.33
shows the agreement pattern of genitive markers with the non-agreeing singular
forms in the left and the agreeing plural forms in the right column.
Table 3.33: Agreement marking of genitive markers

Singular classes Plural classes

cl. 1 ngá cl. 2 bá-ngá
cl. 3 ngá cl. 4 mí-ngá
cl. 5 ngá cl. 6 má-ngá
cl. 7 ngá cl. 8 bé-ngá
cl. 9 ngá

The agreement prefix, although it seems to be identical with the attributive

marker, belongs prosodically to the genitive word ngá. In contrast, following
speakers’ intuitions, the attributive marker is prosodically an independent word.

36
Bulu describes a neighboring ethnic group to the Bagyeli as well as their language which is
classified as Bantu A74.

203
3 Parts of speech

I therefore do not view agreeing plural forms of the genitive linker as construc-
tions containing both attributive and genitive markers. Instead, the H tone agree-
ment prefixes are parallel to those used with agreeing plural numerals.
There is another logical possibility to explain the H tone on the agreement
prefix, namely leftwards high tone spreading from the -ngá root. I rule this pos-
sibility out for two reasons. First, high tone spreading from the right to the left
does occur in Gyeli, but it seems to be restricted to the verbal domain (as with un-
derlyingly toneless verb extension morphemes, which are discussed in §2.4.2.1).
Therefore, it seems unlikely that the H tone from the -ngá root would spread
leftwards onto the prefix.
Second, contrasting cases of L tone CV- agreement prefixes that occur with
other modifiers, such as -vúdû ‘same, one’ and -fúsì ‘different’, suggest that the
CV- agreement prefixes for the genitive marker (and numerals from ‘2’ through
‘5’) are indeed specified for an H tone. The other modifiers also start with an
H tone stem, but they still have CV- agreement prefixes that surface with an
L tone. There could be a rule that H tone spreading is restricted to a certain
class of agreement targets, but given these two arguments, it seems unlikely. The
ultimate proof against H tone spreading, namely checking what happens with
the CV- prefixes if the stem starts with an L tone, is not testable because all
modifier roots that take an H tone CV- agreement prefix (-ngá and the numerals
‘2’ through ‘5’) start with an H or HL mora, but never with an L.

3.8.2.2 nyá ‘big’

-nyá meaning ‘big’, ‘important’, ‘luxurious’, ‘beautiful’ could qualify as an adjec-
tive since it denotes a property of a noun. The semantic difference between nyá
‘big’ and the adjective nɛ́nɛ̀ ‘big’ is that the second typically refers to size as in
(146a). nyá, however, talks more about the value as demonstrated in (146b). In
Cameroonian French, value is often translated with size so that a grand panier
‘big basket’ could, besides referring to the size, also talk about its value.

(146) a. nkwě wá nɛ́nɛ̀

∅3.basket 3:att big
‘a/the big basket’
b. nyá nkwě
big ∅3.basket
‘a/the important/beautiful/luxurious basket’

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 3.8 Elements of the nominal phrase

Agreement of nyá is only marked if the head noun comes in a plural form. If
the head noun is singular, nyá is invariable as shown in Table 3.34. This behavior
is similar to the genitive marker discussed in §3.8.2.1.
Table 3.34: nyá in various agreement classes

Singular classes
cl. 1 nyá m-ùdì ‘important person’
cl. 3 nyá nkwě ‘great basket’
cl. 5 nyá le-dùndá ‘big sparrow’
cl. 7 nyá lé ‘great tree’
cl. 8b nyá bwálɛ̀ ‘beautiful canoe’
cl. 9 nyá ndáwɔ̀ ‘luxurious house’
Plural classes
cl. 2 ba-nyá b-ùdì ‘important people’
cl. 4 mi-nyá mì-nkwě ‘great baskets’
cl. 6 ma-nyá mà-dùndá ‘big sparrows’
cl. 8a be-nyá bè-lé ‘great trees’

Another particularity is the syntactic position of nyá, preceding the noun where-
as basically all other modifiers follow the noun.

3.8.3 Modifiers with agreeing free morpheme

There are two nominal modifiers in Gyeli which do not express agreement with
the head noun through a prefix that attaches to a root that is consistent across
different agreement classes, but that have free agreeing morphemes which differ
across agreement classes. This is the case for demonstratives and for the attribu-
tive marker.

3.8.3.1 Demonstratives
Gyeli has two sets of demonstratives distinguishing different degrees of distance
between the speaker and the object or person he or she is talking about. One set of
demonstratives, the proximal demonstratives, refers to objects or persons close
to the speaker. Distal demonstratives are employed when the object or person
in question is further away from the speaker (but not necessarily close to the
addressee).

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3 Parts of speech

Proximal and distal demonstratives are formally distinguished by different

tonal patterns and vowel lengthening of the distal pronouns. Table 3.35 contrasts
the two sets of demonstratives. While proximal demonstratives end in a simple
vowel with a falling HL tonal pattern, distal demonstratives all have a lengthened
vowel with an H tone.
Table 3.35: Gyeli demonstratives

proximal distal
1 nû núú
2 bâ báá
3 wɔ̂ wɔ́ɔ́
4 mî míí
5 lɛ̂ lɛ́ɛ́
6 mâ máá
7 yî yíí
8 bî bíí
9 nyî nyíí

Both proximal and distal demonstratives follow the noun they modify in a noun
phrase as shown in (147).

(147) a. m-ùdì nû
n1-man 1.dem.prox
‘this man’
b. m-ùdì núú
n1-man 1.dem.dist
‘that man’

These demonstratives are also used as presentational or identificational mark-

ers in non-verbal predicates of the pattern ‘This is a house.’ Such constructions
are discussed in §7.1.

3.8.3.2 Attributive markers

Attributive markers constitute another class of function words that agree with
their head noun. In Bantu studies, they are also called genitive, connective, or
associative markers (Van de Velde 2013). Gyeli has a split system with a “genitive”

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 3.8 Elements of the nominal phrase

paradigm marking possessors that are expressed by proper names in the second
constituent (§3.8.2.1) and an “attributive” paradigm marking all other nominal
associativity constructions.
Attributive markers serve as a linking element between a noun and typically
another noun, as shown in (148). They also link a noun to an adjective, verb,
interrogative, or numeral, as described in §5.5.

(148) a. síngì yá jìí

∅7.cat 7:att ∅7.forest
‘wildcat [lit. cat of the forest]’
b. lè-lɔ̂ lé síngì
le5-ear 5:att ∅7.cat
‘the cat’s ear’

Attributive markers are also used in relative clauses, as exemplified in (149)

and discussed in detail in §8.2.1.

(149) a. síngì yá yí kwè

∅7.cat 7:att 7.prs fall
‘the cat that falls’
b. síngì yá mɛ́ nyɛ̂
∅7.cat 7:att 1sg.prs see
‘the cat that I see’

Meeussen (1967), and later Van de Velde (2013: 219), posit that the canonical
form for Bantu attributives is agr-a, a root -a which is preceded by an agreement
prefix. Many Gyeli attributives follow this canonical form. Exceptions to this
tendency are found, however, in classes 4, 5, and 8 which come with high and
mid vowel roots rather than with -a, as shown in Table 3.36. For this reason, I
do not segment attributive markers in glosses, but generally use the colon “:att”.
Attributive markers in Gyeli typically have an H tone, except for those of classes
1 and 9, which both come with an L tone.

3.8.4 Prenominal invariable modifiers

Elements that can occur prenominally in Gyeli are restricted in number and dis-
tribution. In simple noun phrases, only nyá ‘big’ (§3.8.2.2) and tɔ̀ ‘any’ (§3.8.4.1)
can precede the noun. nyá ‘big’ agrees with the head noun only if the noun is
plural, otherwise it is invariable; tɔ̀ ‘any’ is always invariable. Other prenomi-
nal elements precede second constituents in noun + noun constructions, serving

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3 Parts of speech

Table 3.36: Attributives in the different agreement classes

agr class att marker

1 wà
2 bá
3 wá
4 mí
5 lé
6 má
7 yá
8 bé
9 nyà

as connectors. They also differ in their agreement behavior ranging from agree-
ing elements such as the attributive marker (§3.8.3.2) to those that only agree
with plural nouns as the genitive marker (§3.8.2.1) and the invariable similative
marker (§3.8.4.2). I discuss the two invariable prenominal elements in the follow-
ing, namely the negative polarity item tɔ̀ and the similative marker ná.

3.8.4.1 Negative polarity item tɔ̀ ‘any’

The negative polarity item tɔ̀ ‘any’ does not agree with the head noun, as shown
in (150). tɔ̀ ‘any’ never agrees, no matter if it precedes a singular or plural noun.
In that, it differs from the genitive marker ngà (§3.8.2.1), which agrees with plural
nouns.

(150) a. mɛ̀ ɛ́ nyɛ́-lɛ́ [tɔ̀ m-ùdì]

1sg.prs.neg see-neg any n1-person
‘I don’t see anyone.’
b. mɛ̀ ɛ́ nyɛ́-lɛ́ [tɔ̀ b-ùdì]
1sg.prs.neg see-neg any ba2-person
‘I don’t see any people.’

The use of tɔ̀ in negated sentences is grammatically not obligatory, as shown in

(151), where the same sentence as in (150a) occurs without tɔ̀ ‘any’. Semantically,
however, there is a difference in that no person at all is seen in (150a), while (151)
negates a specific, known person.

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 3.8 Elements of the nominal phrase

(151) mɛ̀ ɛ́ nyɛ́-lɛ́ m-ùdì

1sg.prs.neg see-neg n1-person
‘I don’t see the person.’

3.8.4.2 Similative marker ná

The similative marker ná occurs both as a free morpheme and a prefix. The free
morpheme ná functions as a predicative marker that is restricted to naming con-
structions, linking the noun jínɔ̀ ‘name’ with a proper name, as shown in (152).
It is distinct from other copula forms discussed in §4.1.1.1 and is labelled as a
“similative” marker for its segmental identity with the similative prefix, which is
more productive and more obviously denotes similarity (§4.1.1.1).

(152) èè mɛ̀ jínɔ̀ ná Màmà

èè mɛ̀ j-ínɔ̀ ná Màmà
yes 1sg le5-name sim ∅1.pn
‘Yes, my name is Mama.’

The free similative marker is invariable, even if the noun + noun construction
has plural constituents. As illustrated in (153), number has to be identical in the
first and second constituent, but the connecting similative marker ná does not
change.

(153) bà mínɔ̀ ná Màmà nà Màmbì

bà m-ínɔ̀ ná Màmà nà Màmbì
2 ma6-name sim ∅1.pn conj ∅1.pn
‘Their names are Mama and Mambi.’

3.8.5 Postnominal invariable modifiers

Most modifiers in Gyeli occur after the noun. This is also true for most non-
agreeing modifiers, such as invariable numerals and some quantifiers.

3.8.5.1 Invariable numerals

Gyeli has monomorphemic cardinal numerals which do not agree with the noun,
as shown in (154). As such, they might be thought of belonging to the same cate-
gory of adjectives (§3.3). In contrast to adjectives, however, they never occur in
a construction involving an attributive marker.

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3 Parts of speech

(154) a. b-ùdã̂ ntùɔ́

ba2-woman six
‘six women’
b. b-ùdã̂ mpúɛ̀ rɛ́
ba2-woman seven
‘seven women’
c. b-ùdã̂ lɔ̀ mbì
ba2-woman eight
‘eight women’
d. b-ùdã̂ rèbvùá
ba2-woman nine
‘nine women’

3.8.5.2 Quantifier bvùbvù ‘many, much’

bvùbvù ‘many, much’ is a quantifier that does not agree with the head noun.37 It
is not sensitive to a mass/count distinction and occurs both with countable and
uncountable nouns alike, as shown in (155a) and (155b).
(155) a. b-ùdì bvùbvù
ba2-people many
‘many people’
b. mà-jíwɔ́ bvùbvù
ma6-water much
‘much water’
This quantifier has a nominal counterpart in agreement class 9 which can be
used in a noun + noun attributive construction (§5.5.1.4). The nominal quantifier
has a different tone pattern, as shown in 156.
(156) bvúbvù nyà b-ùdì
∅9.multitude 9:att ba2-people
‘many people’
37
Under a formal-semantic concept, Zerbian & Krifka (2008: 388) define ‘many’ as an intersective
quantifier, belonging to those “quantifiers whose truth conditions can be given in terms of the
intersection of the noun meaning and the predicate meaning.” Other intersective quantifiers
are, for instance, ‘several’, ‘few’, ‘a certain/other’, ‘some’ or ‘no’. The authors state that most
intersective quantifiers in Bantu languages agree with their head noun. This is not true for
Gyeli, which has a range of non-agreeing quantifiers (or uses attributive constructions (§5.5.1.4)
in order to express quantifiers such as ‘many’ or ‘few’).

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 3.8 Elements of the nominal phrase

bvúbvù nyà seems to be the more marked form which occurs less frequently
than the invariable modifier. Possible meaning differences are subtle; speakers
claim that both mean the same and can be used in the same contexts.

3.8.5.3 Quantifier mànjìmɔ̀ ‘whole, entire’

mànjìmɔ̀ ‘whole, entire’ is another invariable quantifier that follows the head
noun, as in (157). Despite the similarity to the nominal modifier njìmɔ̀ wá ‘a cer-
tain’ and something that looks like a class 6 prefix, mànjìmɔ̀ is not a noun since
it lacks noun properties such as the possibility to be modified by, for instance,
demonstratives or possessive pronouns, or entering a noun + noun attributive
construction as the head.

(157) a. púsí mànjìmɔ̀

∅7.bottle whole
‘the whole bottle’
b. ndáwɔ̀ mànjìmɔ
∅9.house whole
‘the entire house’
c. bè-síngì mànjìmɔ
be8-cat whole
‘the entire cats’

mànjìmɔ̀ is sensitive to a mass/count distinction in that it does not appear with

uncountable nouns, neither liquids nor granular aggregates, as shown in (158).
Using mànjìmɔ̀ with mass nouns requires a specification of the physical entity,
for instance a bottle as in (158c).

(158) a. * mà-tàngɔ̀ mànjìmɔ̀

ma6-palm.wine whole
‘the whole palm wine’
b. * ndísì mànjìmɔ
∅3.rice whole
‘the entire rice’
c. púsí (yá) má-vúdɔ̀ mànjìmɔ̀
∅7.bottle 7:att ma6-oil whole
‘a whole bottle of oil’

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In contrast to the singular form of granular aggregate mass nouns, which cannot
occur with mànjìmɔ̀ , their plural counterpart allows for its use as in (159). In this
case, however, it is understood that the noun comes in packaged entities, for
instance in sachets or bags, or that different types of the noun are involved.

(159) mì-ndísì mànjìmɔ̀

mi4-rice whole
‘the whole rice [all of its types or packages]’

3.9 Elements of the verbal complex

In this section, I describe the elements that occur in a verbal predicate other than
the verb, which has been outlined in §3.2. These elements include the subject-
tense-aspect-mood-polarity (stamp) marker and two verbal particles that follow
the inflected verb form.

3.9.1 The subject-tense-aspect-mood-polarity marker

The subject-tense-aspect-mood-polarity (stamp) marker, following terminology
coined by Anderson (2011b, 2015), is a clitic directly preceding the inflected verb
form. As a portmanteau morpheme, it encodes subject agreement as well as
tense, mood, aspect, and negation. Table 3.37 shows the basic segmental shape
of the stamp marker in the different agreement classes, omitting the tonal pat-
tern which changes across tense-mood, aspect, and negation categories. There
are three different forms of the stamp marker for agreement class 1. a is the basic,
unmarked form. nyɛ seems to be an instance of interference from Kwasio, but as
Gyeli speakers use it so regularly, they mostly view it as part of their language.
nu seems to be related to the demonstrative form and may be used as a more
marked form for reference tracking.
Table 3.37: Segmental forms of the stamp marker in different agr
classes

1sg 2sg 1pl 2pl 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

mɛ wɛ ya bwa a/ ba wu mi le ma yi be nyi
nyɛ/
nu

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 3.9 Elements of the verbal complex

The tonal pattern and sometimes vowel length of the stamp marker change
across different tense-mood categories, as shown in Table 3.38, which lists the
stamp markers’ form and surface tones for all agreement classes in all tense-
mood (TM) categories (cat). In combination with specific tonal patterns of the
verb, the stamp marker tones instantiate basic tense-mood distinctions, as dis-
cussed in §6.2.1.
Table 3.38: Patterns of stamp markers in different agr classes and TM
categories

tm cat 1sg 2sg 1pl 2pl 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

prs mɛ́ wɛ́ yá bwá(á) á/ bá wú mí lé má yí bé nyí
nyɛ́/
nú
inch mɛ̀ ɛ́ wɛ̀ ɛ́ yàá bwàá àá bàá wùú mìí lèé màá yìí bèé nyìí
fut mɛ̀ɛ̀ wɛ̀ɛ̀ yáà bwáà àà/ báà wúù míì léè máà yíì béè nyíì
nyɛ̀ɛ̀/
nùù
pst1 mɛ wɛ ya bwa(a) a/ ba wu mi le ma yi be nyi
nyɛ/
nu
pst2 mɛ́ɛ̀ wɛ́ɛ̀ yáà bwáà áà/ báà wúù míì léè máà yíì béè nyíì
nyɛ́ɛ̀/
núù
imp – – yá – – – – – – – – – –
sbjv mɛ́ wɛ́ yá bwá(á) á/ bá wú mí lé má yí bé nyí
nyɛ́/
nú

The fut category has an exceptional tonal pattern for certain agreement classes,
which are marked in bold. The vowel of the second person plural is either pro-
nounced with a long or a short vowel if the tone is not a contour tone, i.e. if it is
either H or L.
Class 1 has a as a basic form and an alternate form nyɛ.38 At the same time, nyɛ
is identical with the non-subject pronoun of agreement class 1. Both forms are
equally used and speakers state that both are part of the Gyeli language, although
the a form is more frequently found in texts. Also, agreement class 1 has a third
alternate form, namely nu which is identical with the class 1 demonstrative. It
can, however, also be used as a stamp marker with the specific tonal pattern
for each tense-mood category. In this, the class 1 stamp marker is exceptional
38
This form could originate from Kwasio.

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3 Parts of speech

because demonstratives of other agreement classes cannot function as a stamp

marker.

Toneless past 1 category

I suggest that, underlyingly, the L surface form of the pst1 category is tonally not
specified and only surfaces phonetically as L. This is comparable to other gram-
matical morphemes such as noun class prefixes or verbal derivation morphemes
as discussed in §2.4.1.3. I view this phonetically L form as a tonally underspecified
default form because it does not only occur in the past 1 category, but also serves
as general default form in other tense-mood categories when these are combined
with true auxiliaries encoding aspect (§6.3.1). It further provides the basic form
from which the present category is derived with an H tone. Consequently, in
the glossing of examples, the surface L stamp markers are represented as being
toneless in the underlying line. prs stamp forms are underlyingly represented as
toneless stamp markers which receive an H tone, characterizing this category.

Tone pattern in the future category

As shown in Table 3.38, the general pattern for the future is a long vowel with
an HL tonal melody. While in other tense-mood categories the tonal and vowel
length pattern is the same for each agreement class, in the future, the first and
second person singular as well as the class 1 stamp marker deviate from this
pattern, having a long vowel with an L tonal melody, as in (160).

(160) a. mɛ̀ ɛ̀ dè ‘I will eat’

b. wɛ̀ ɛ̀ dè ‘you will eat’
c. àà/nyɛ̀ ɛ̀ dè ‘s/he will eat’

The stamp marker precedes the finite verb, but is not part of the verb as it can,
in fast speech, be assimilated or even omitted in certain tense-mood categories.
I outline both cases in turn.

stamp marker assimilation

Depending on the morphophonological shape of the stamp marker, this clitic can
undergo assimilation with preceding vocalic material in fast speech. This applies
mainly to the agreement class 1 stamp marker whose segmental material consists
of the vowel a. Given that it is not preceded by a consonant, unlike the stamp

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 3.9 Elements of the verbal complex

markers of all other agreement classes, it can assimilate with the final vowel of
a preceding verb or noun.
An example of stamp marker assimilation with both preceding verbs and
nouns is provided in (161). In the first instance, the stamp marker assimilates
to the verb njì ‘come’ of the preceding phrase. Thus, stamp marker assimilation
in fast speech is not restricted to in-phrase assimilation, but can also cross phrase
boundaries.
(161) à njâ dyùmɔ́ bùdàà dyùmɔ́ bùdàà dyùmɔ́ bùdàà
a nji-H a dyùmɔ-H b-ùdì a dyùmɔ-H b-ùdì
1.pst1 come-r 1.pst1 heal-r ba2-person 1.pst1 heal-r ba2-person
dyùmɔ́ bùdì
a dyùmɔ-H b-ùdì
1.pst1 heal-r ba2-person
‘He came, he was healing people.’
In the other assimilation instances in (161), the stamp marker assimilates to the
nominal object bùdì ‘people’, also of the previous phrase. In both cases, the final
vowel of the noun is elided while the vowel of the stamp marker surfaces. At the
same time, the tone of the omitted vowel survives, as seen with the contour tone
on [njí + à] → /njâ/. In the second instance, while vowel quality is assimilated to
the stamp marker, both tone and vowel length survive, surfacing in a long vowel:
[bùdì + à] → /bùdàà/.

stamp marker assimilation with proper names

As seen in the previous example, in stamp marker assimilation it is usually the
preceding vocalic material of a noun or verb that is deleted. This is different for
stamp marker assimilation with proper names. Proper names do not change their
vowel quality, but assimilate tonally to the class 1 stamp marker whose vocalic
material is being elided, as shown in (162).
(162) a. Màmbì á kwè → /Màmbí kwè/
Màmbì a-H kwè
∅1.pn 1-prs fall
‘Mambi falls.’
b. Màmbì àá kwè → /Màmbìí kwè/
Màmbì àá kwè
∅1.pn 1.inch fall
‘Mambi is at the beginning of falling.’

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3 Parts of speech

Tonal changes on the proper name do not depend on tonal or phonological pat-
terns of the name, but are controlled by the noun’s feature of being a proper name
(§3.1.2.2). The fact that proper names receive special morphosyntactic treatment
in Gyeli is also seen in the split genitive system (§3.8.2.1).
If the proper name’s final tone and the stamp marker’s tone are identical, there
is no tonal or vocalic surface change, but the stamp marker simply is elided, as
shown in (163a) for the proper name Màmbì ending in an L tone and a following
L stamp marker and, in (163b), the proper name Bìyã́ ending in an H tone in
combination with a prs H tone stamp marker.

(163) a. Màmbì à kwé → /Màmbì kwé/

Màmbì a kwè-H
∅1.pn 1.pst1 fall-pst
‘Mambi fell.’
b. Bìyã́ á sàgà → /Bìyã́ sàgà/
́
Bìyã a-H sàga
∅1.pn 1-prs frighten
‘Biyang is frightened.’

These cases are thus rather instances of stamp marker omission than stamp
marker assimilation, which leads to the next section on stamp marker omission.

stamp marker omission

Under certain circumstances, the stamp marker can be elided rather than assim-
ilated. stamp marker omission requires some conditions. First, the clause has
to be either in the present or the recent past, as in (164),39 while the other
tense-mood categories (§6.2.1) exclude stamp marker omission. The parentheses
indicate that the use of the stamp marker is optional while a lack of parentheses
indicates that the stamp marker has to be used obligatorily.

(164) a. kálɛ́ (nú) kwè → /kálɛ́ kwè/

kálɛ́ nu-H kwè
∅1.sister 1-prs fall
‘The sister falls.’

39
In this example, the class 1 stamp marker takes the alternate shape of the demonstrative rather
than the default shape a. The shape of the class 1 stamp marker does not, however, influence
the possibility of its omission.

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 3.9 Elements of the verbal complex

b. kálɛ́ (nù) kwé → /kálɛ́ kwé/

kálɛ́ nu kwé
∅1.sister 1.pst1 fall
‘The sister fell (recently).’
c. kálɛ́ núù kwé → */kálɛ́ kwé/
kálɛ́ núù kwè-H
∅1.sister 1.pst2 fall-pst
‘The sister fell (a long time ago).’
d. kálɛ́ nùù kwè → */kálɛ́ kwè/
kálɛ́ nùù kwè
∅1.sister 1.fut fall
‘The sister will fall.’
e. kálɛ́ nùú kwè → */kálɛ́ kwè/
kálɛ́ nùú kwè
∅1.sister 1.inch fall
‘The sister starts to fall.’

Second, a nominal subject has to surface, excluding, however, all nouns with a
CV noun class prefix, as in (165), and plural subject nominals, as in (166).40 (This
is parallel to the potential omission of the attributive marker discussed in §5.5.1.1,
which has similar conditioning factors.)

(165) a. lèndzólɛ̀ lé kwè → */lèndzólɛ̀ kwè/

le-ndzólɛ̀ le-H kwè
le5-tear 5-prs fall
‘The tear falls.’
b. màndzólɛ̀ má kwè → */màndzólɛ̀ kwè/
ma-ndzólɛ̀ ma-H kwè
ma6-tear 6-prs fall
‘The tears fall.’

40
Potential stamp marker omission was checked for a range of nouns, controlling for different
tonal and phonological patterns, noun class affiliation, number, animacy, and different verbs.
For simplicity, I only contrast two nouns in their singular and plural form, both belonging to
gender 5/6. Most nouns in this gender have a CV prefix in both class 5 and class 6, but preceding
a vowel-initial stem, the prefix only consists of a consonant, providing a good testing ground
for different phonological environments.

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3 Parts of speech

In (165), both examples are excluded from stamp marker omission, based on
the CV noun class prefix. In contrast, in (166) with consonantal noun class pre-
fixes, only the plural noun in (166b) does not allow stamp marker omission, but
its singular counterpart in (166a) does allow it.

(166) a. jáwɛ̀ (lé) kwè → / jáwɛ̀ kwè/

j-áwɛ̀ le-H kwè
le5-goliath.frog 5-prs fall
‘The goliath frog falls.’
b. máwɛ̀ má kwè → */máwɛ̀ kwè/
m-áwɛ̀ ma-H kwè
ma6-goliath.frog 6-prs fall
‘The goliath frogs fall.’

At the same time, these two examples also illustrate that animacy does not play
a role, neither does general noun class affiliation since both examples belong to
gender 5/6.
The stamp marker can also be elided with more complex noun phrases such as
noun + possessive constructions, as in (167). The tense reading comes from the
absolute completive marker mɔ̀ (§3.9.2.1), which is restricted to the recent
past.

(167) nyɛ̀ nâ [sɔ́ wɔ́ɔ̀]NP nɔ̀ ɔ́ mɔ̀ mwánɔ̀

nyɛ nâ sɔ́ w-ɔ́ɔ̀ nɔ̀ ɔ̀-H mɔ̀ m-wánɔ̀
1 comp ∅1.friend 1-poss.2sg take-r prf 1-child
‘She [says] ‘Your friend has taken the child.”

There are also examples in the corpus showing that noun + noun attributive
constructions may occur without a stamp marker, as in (168). The tense read-
ing of this utterance is ambiguous. As stamp marker omission only occurs in
present and recent past, this narrows possible interpretations down. In (168),
formal marking allows both tense interpretations. Through common ground,
however, it is clear that it has to be the present since all participants know
that the road has not been built yet.

(168) mɛ́ dyúwɔ́ nâ [mpàgó wá pɔ́dɛ̀ ]np lã́ vâ

mɛ-H dyúwɔ-H nâ mpàgó wá pɔ́dɛ̀ lã̀-H vâ
1sg-prs hear-r comp ∅3.street 3:att ∅1.port pass-r here
‘I hear that the road to the port passes [will pass] here.’

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 3.9 Elements of the verbal complex

Third, the stamp marker can also be elided when the subject noun phrase is
expressed by a pronoun, as in (169) with the interrogative pronoun nzá ‘who’. The
tense reading in this example comes from the shape of the progressive auxiliary,
which has a different form for the past (§6.3.1.1).
(169) nzá nzíí mɛ̂ nyɛ̂
nzá nzíí mɛ̂ nyɛ̂
who prog.prs 1sg.obj see
‘Who is seeing me?’
In a quotative index, which signals reported discourse, both the nominal sub-
ject and the stamp marker can be elided, as shown in (170), where a stamp marker
would normally precede kì ‘say’.
(170) à kɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ nyî pɛ̀ dyúwɔ̀ à dígɛ́ɛ̀ à díg-â
a kɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ nyî pɛ̀ dyúwɔ̀ a dígɛ́ɛ̀ a dígɛ́ɛ̀
1.pst1 go.prf enter there on.top 1.pst1 watch.prf 1.pst1 watch.prf
dígɛ́ɛ̀ kì nâ nzá nyɛ́ mɛ̂
a dígɛ́ɛ̀ kì nâ nzá nyɛ̂-H mɛ̂
1.pst1 watch.prf say comp who see-r 1sg.obj
‘He went inside there on top and watched and watched and watched.
[He] says: “Who sees me?”.’
Following Güldemann (2008: 105), not encoding the speaker in a quotative index
is permissible in some languages since the speaker “is normally the central char-
acter in a given discourse context” so that “such a participant tends to assume
the minimum force of reference, and in some languages this is zero expressed”.

3.9.2 Verbal particles

There are two other elements that appear in the Gyeli verbal complex, namely
particles that follow the finite verb form. This includes the absolute completive
marker mɔ̀ and the verbal plural marker nga.

3.9.2.1 Absolute completive mɔ̀

The absolute completive marker, glossed as compl, is a clitic that attaches to
the inflected verb form. It has two variants, namely a postverbal particle mɔ̀ , as
in (171a), and a long nasalized vowel with a falling HL tone (171b). The latter is
said to be more typical Gyeli, but mɔ̀ is also productively used.41
41
It can be excluded that mɔ̀ is a loan form from Mabi since the cognate form in Mabi is mà.

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3 Parts of speech

(171) a. bà kwɛ̀ lɔ́ mɔ̀ yɔ̂

ba kwɛ̀ lɔ-H mɔ̀ y-ɔ̂
2.pst1 cut-r compl 7-obj
‘They have (already) cut it.’
b. bà kwɛ̀ lɔ̃ ɔ́ ̃̀ yɔ̂
ba kwɛ̀ lɔ̃ɔ̃ ́ ̀ y-ɔ̂
2.pst1 cut:compl.r 7-obj
‘They have (already) cut it.’

The variant with the final lengthened and nasalized vowel is the contracted form
of mɔ̀ . The segmental nasal has been deleted, but nasality survived on the length-
ened vowel. Also, the tonal pattern of the realis-marking H plus the L tone mɔ̀ is
maintained.
While there are some verbs, as in (171), which can take both the mɔ̀ form and
the contracted form, other verbs can only take one or the other. lámbɔ ‘trap’, for
instance, can only take the contracted form as in (172a), while the non-contracted
form in (172b) is judged as ungrammatical. It seems to be lexically determined
whether a verb takes one or the other or both forms.

(172) a. mɛ̀ lámbɔ̃ ɔ́ ̃̀ kù

mɛ lámbɔ̃́ɔ̀̃ kù
1sg trap.r.compl ∅1.rat
‘I have (already) trapped the rat.’
b. * mɛ̀ lámbɔ́ mɔ̀ kù
mɛ̀ lámbɔ-H mɔ̀ kù
1sg trap-r compl ∅1.rat
‘I have (already) trapped the rat.’

There is a tendency for semi-auxiliaries, such as kɛ̀ ‘go’ and sílɛ ‘finish’, to only
occur with the contracted absolute completive form, while dyúwɔ ‘hear’ has
only been observed to occur with the full form mɔ̀ .
I consider mɔ̀ a free morpheme rather than a verbal suffix since tonal inflection
of past tense and/or realis mood (§6.2) through the grammatical H tone happens
on the preceding verb. If mɔ̀ was a suffix, it would be the suffix (and the preceding
toneless verbal derivation morphemes) that would take the grammatical H tone
in non-final position. This, however, is not the case, as (173) shows.

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 3.9 Elements of the verbal complex

(173) mɛ̀ lùngá mɔ̀ bvùbvù

mɛ lùnga-H mɔ̀ bvùbvù
1sg grow-r compl lots
‘I have (already) grown lots.’

There is no other element that can occur between the verb and the verbal
particle. With verbs that require the comitative marker nà (§3.2.2.1), for instance,
nà follows the verbal particle, as in (174).

(174) nà wɛ̀ làdɔ́ mɔ̀ nà ngã̀

nà wɛ làdtɔ-H mɔ̀ nà ngã̀
Q 2sg.pst1 meet-r compl com ∅1.healer
‘Have you ever/already met the healer?’

3.9.2.2 Verbal plural particle (n)ga

The verbal plural particle ga and its variant nga pluralize addressees in an im-
perative construction (§6.2.1.6). The particle occurs with the first and second
person plural. Just like the absolute completive marker mɔ̀ , the verbal plural
particle directly follows the finite verb. The two particles never co-occur since
they are restricted to different tense-mood categories. (175) shows examples of
the second person plural with the variant ga; (176) includes examples with the
variant nga.

(175) a. dê gà ‘eat (2pl)!’

b. kɛ̂ gà ‘go (2pl)!’

(176) a. lã̂ ngà ‘count (2pl)!’

b. gyàgâ ngà ‘buy (2pl)!’
c. sílɛ̂ ngà ‘finish (2pl)!’

The first person plural, which also involves the use of the verbal plural particle,
has the same structure as the second person plural, just with the addition of the
first person plural stamp marker yá, as shown in (177) and (178).

(177) a. yá dê gà ‘let’s eat!’

b. yá kɛ̂ gà ‘let’s go!’

(178) a. yá lã̂ ngà ‘let’s count!’

b. yá gyàgâ ngà ‘let’s buy!’
c. yá sílɛ̂ ngà ‘let’s finish!’

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3 Parts of speech

In terms of the distribution of ga versus nga, it seems that ga is the default

case that is used with most verbs. nga, in contrast, appears definitely when a
monosyllabic verb ends in a nasal vowel as it is the case with lã̂ ‘read, count’, as
in (178a). Nasal vowels are, however, not the only factor that triggers the plural
particle to surface with a nasal since nga is also found with di- and trisyllabic
verbs which do not end in a nasal vowel, as shown in (178b).
There also seems to be a certain degree of free variation since both ga and
nga can occur with the same verb form, as in (179). During elicitations, speakers
noted that both versions are equally good.

(179) a. dê gà ‘eat (2pl)’

b. dê ngá ‘eat (2pl)’

ga/nga always follows the finite verb, as can be seen in the contrast between
the positive and the negated cohortative forms (§6.3.1.7) in (180). In both cases,
the verbal particle pluralizes the subject. In (180a), the finite verb is gyàgâ ‘buy’ in
a simple predicate. In contrast, (180b) shows a complex predicate where the finite
verb is the negation auxiliary tí. The verbal plural particle follows the auxiliary,
preceding the lexical verb.

(180) a. yá gyàgâ ngá bèkálàdè

yá gyàgâ nga bèkálàdè
1pl-prs buy.imp pl be8-book
‘Let’s buy books!’
b. yá tí ngá gyàgà békálàdè
ya-H tí nga gyàga H-be-kálàdè
1pl-prs neg.r pl buy obj.LINk-be8-book
‘Let’s not buy books!’

I consider ga/nga as a particle rather than a suffix that attaches to the finite
verb of an imperative construction. If the particle was a suffix, one would expect
it to take the HL tone that is characteristic of the imperative category. Instead,
the particle is underlyingly toneless, behaving like toneless CV- noun class pre-
fixes. Phrase finally, ga/nga surfaces as L, as shown in (175) and (176). If a nominal
object follows, however, nga “steals” the object-linking H tone (§7.2.1.2), which
would otherwise surface on the noun class prefix in (180a). In that case, be-kálàdè
surfaces with an L tone on the prefix. The same is true when the particle is fol-
lowed by wámíyɛ̀ ‘quickly’, as in (181).

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 3.10 Adpositions

(181) tí ngá dè wámíyɛ̀

tí nga-H dè wámíyɛ̀
neg pl-obj.link eat fast
‘Don’t (2pl) eat fast.’

If nga precedes a non-finite verb in a complex predicate, however, no H tone

attaches, as shown in (182).

(182) sílɛ̂ ngà nyî vâ

sílɛ̂ nga nyî vâ
finish.imp pl enter here
‘Enter (2pl) here [one after the other until everybody is in the house].’

The H tone on nga in (180b) is therefore not from the object-linking H tone, but
originates from the H tone on the preceding auxiliary tí. The object-linking H
tone in this case attaches to the prefix of the nominal object.

3.10 Adpositions
Following Hagège (2010), adpositions mark the relationship between a predicate,
sentence, or non-predicative noun and an element that is governed by the ad-
position. This governed element is often a noun phrase, but may also include
other word classes in Gyeli, as I will show below for the locative preposition
ɛ́ that combines with certain adverbs. Gyeli has both prepositions (§3.10.1) and
postpositions (§3.10.2).
In Gyeli, I formally distinguish adpositions from elements of the noun phrase
(§3.8) such as the genitive marker (§3.8.2.1) and the attributive marker (§3.8.3.2),
based on agreement behavior and distributional differences. While adpositions
are non-inflecting words, genitive and attributive markers agree with their head
noun. As genitive and attributive markers modify nouns, they can appear with
any noun phrase (subject, object, adjunct). In contrast, adpositions are almost
exclusively restricted to oblique phrases (with the exception of the associative
plural marker bà discussed in §3.10.1.4).42

42
The defining criteria to distinguish arguments and adjuncts include word order and tonal be-
havior (§7.2.1).

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3 Parts of speech

3.10.1 Prepositions
Gyeli has a limited set of prepositions, including only one locative preposition
ɛ́. Also the comitative marker nà, tí ‘without’, and the associative marker bà fall
into this category.

3.10.1.1 Locative marker ɛ́

The preposition ɛ́43 is most frequently used to accompany a locative adverb as
discussed in §3.4.1 and listed in (183).

(183) a. ɛ́ vâ ‘here’
b. ɛ́ wû ‘there (medial)’
c. ɛ́ pɛ̀ ‘there (distal)’
d. ɛ́ bà ‘to, at’

Further, the preposition ɛ́ can precede a noun in a locative context as in (184).

(184) a. ɛ́ tísɔ̀ nì ‘in town’

b. ɛ́ nkɔ̀ lɛ́ ‘on the line’

Semantically, ɛ́ is used as a locative preposition when the described location is

about any spatial relation except containment. Spatial containment relations are
expressed by the postposition dé as discussed in §3.10.2.1.
It is possible that ɛ́ is also used as a directional preposition, as in (185), which
shows two lexical options of saying ‘I go to town’, differing in the noun used
for the landmark. Due to phonological assimilation, however, it is not possible
to clearly prove the presence of the locative marker in this environment since
the preposition is identical with the final vowel of the verb, in which case the
locative preposition would be deleted in its surface form.

(185) a. mɛ́ kɛ́ mã̂

mɛ́ kɛ̀ -H-ɛ́? m-ã̂
1sg.prs go-r-loc? ma6.sea
‘I go to town.’44

43
The corresponding preposition in Mabi is ɔ́.
44
From the perspective of the village Ngolo, the town Kribi is located towards the sea line. There-
fore, speakers most frequently refer to the direction of the sea when they talk about the town.

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 3.10 Adpositions

b. mɛ́ kɛ́ tísɔ̀ nì

mɛ́ kɛ̀ -H-ɛ́ tísɔ̀ nì
1sg.prs go-r-loc? ∅7.town
‘I go to town.’

In a case such as in (186), it is thus not clear if the H tone on the noun class
prefix comes from an underlying locative marker ɛ́ or if the noun is treated as an
object receiving an object-linking H tone (see §7.2.1).

(186) mɛ́ kɛ́ mánkɛ̃̂

mɛ́ kɛ̀ -H-ɛ́ ma-nkɛ̂̃
1sg.prs go-r-loc? ma6-field
‘I go to the fields.’

3.10.1.2 Comitative marker nà

In keeping with Bantu terminology, I call the comitative preposition nà a marker.
This preposition broadly expresses association between nominal entities or a ref-
erent and a predicate. As such, it is often translated as ‘with’, as in (187).

(187) mùdã̂ kɛ̂ nà nyɛ̀ mánkɛ̃̂

m-ùdã̂ kɛ̀ -H nà nyɛ̀ H-ma-nkɛ̂̃
n1-woman go-r com 1 obj.link-ma6-field
‘Woman, go with her to the fields.’

The comitative marker is used in conjunction with the verb bɛ̀ ‘be’ to form bɛ̀
nà ‘be with’ > ‘have’ to express possession, as in (188).

(188) mɛ̀ kí bɛ̀ nà tsídí

mɛ kí bɛ̀ nà tsídí
1sg.pst1 neg[Kwasio] be com ∅1.meat
‘I didn’t have any meat.’

nà is used in an instrumental sense, as in (189).

(189) mɛ̀ vùlɔ́ pɛ́mbɔ́ nà ntfúmò

mɛ vùlɔ-H pɛ́mbɔ́ nà ntfúmò
1sg.pst1 cut-r ∅7.bread com ∅3.knife
‘I cut the bread with a knife.’

Extended uses of the instrumental sense are given in (190) through (192).

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(190) nyɛ̀ gà váà nyɛ̀ gá tsíyɛ́ sâ nà màlɛ́ndí

nyɛ-gà váà nyɛ-gá tsíyɛ́ sâ nà ma-lɛ́ndí
1.sbj-contr here 1.sbj-contr live-r only com 6-palm.tree
‘Him here, he lives only from palm trees.’
(191) mɛ̀ múà wɛ̀ nà nzà
mɛ múà wɛ̀ nà nzà
1sg be.almost die com ∅9.hunger
‘I’m about to die from hunger.’
(192) à múà á kɛ́ jìí dé tù nà ndzǐ gyâ
a múà a-H kɛ̀ -H jìí dé tù nà ndzǐ gyâ
1.pst1 be.almost 1-prs go-r ∅7.forest loc inside com ∅9.path ∅7.length
‘He was about to go into the forest, on the long path’
With some verbs, the use of nà is lexicalized (§3.2.2.1), as in (193), where the
combination of njì ‘come’ and the comitative yields the meaning ‘bring’.
(193) ɛ́ pɛ̀ nâ á njíyɛ̀ mɛ̂ nà yɔ̂
ɛ́ pɛ̀ nâ a-H njíyɛ mɛ̀ nà y-ɔ̂
loc there comp 1-prs come.sbjv 1sg.obj com 7-obj
‘so that she bring me that [food]’
The comitative also coordinates noun phrases, as in (194), where nà links a
subject pronoun and a noun + possessive pronoun construction.
(194) bá nà mùdã̂ wɛ̂
bá nà m-ùdã̂ w-ɛ̂
2.sbj com 1-woman 1-poss.3sg
‘they and his wife’
Finally, the comitative marker nà is frequently used in temporal or spatial ad-
juncts using the non-finite form pámɔ ‘arrive’.45
(195) èhè báà bù mpàgó nà pámò pɛ̀ Kyíɛ̀ ngɛ̀
èhè báà bù mpàgó nà pámo pɛ̀ Kyíɛ̀ ngɛ̀
excl 2.fut break ∅3.road com arrive over.there ∅7.pn
‘Yes, they will build a road up to Kienge [river and name for the town
Kribi].’
45
Since pámɔ is uninflected and does not carry any person marking, and it seems to be used
as a fixed expression, I consider nà as a comitative rather than a verb phrase coordinating
conjunction.

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 3.10 Adpositions

3.10.1.3 tí ‘without’
The preposition tí ‘without’ is the negative counterpart to the comitative nà. It
is used, for example, in (196).

(196) mɛ́ kɛ́ tísɔ̀ nì tí wɛ̂

mɛ́ kɛ̀ -H tísɔ̀ nì tí wɛ̂
1sg.prs go-r ∅7.town without 2sg.obj
‘I go to town without you.’

The use of tí as a preposition is a derived function from its primary status as

a negative auxiliary (§6.3.1.7).

3.10.1.4 Associative plural marker bà

The associative plural marker bà46 is a preposition that marks not only the rela-
tionship between a governed element to a predicate or sentence, as is the case for
the other prepositions described above, but also to a non-predicative noun. bà is
segmentally identical with the agreement class 2 subject pronoun and denotes a
group of related people when used with a noun, as in (197) and (198). The relation-
ship that is marked in these instances is that between the governed nominal and
an abstract group of referents that is not identical with the governed nominal,
but associated to it.

(197) mɛ́ kɛ́ jìyɔ̀ vé yá bà fàmí wã̂

mɛ-H kɛ̀ -H jìyɔ vé ya-H bà fàmí w-ã̂
1sg-prs go-r stay where 1pl-prs ap ∅1.family 1-poss.1sg
‘Where will I live, we with my family?’

(198) is similar to (194), but differs in that no comitative marker is used. The tonal
pattern of ba also differs: as the associative plural, bà has an L tone, as a subject
pronoun, it has an H tone.

(198) bà mùdã̂ wà nû
bà m-ùdã̂ wà nû
ap n1-woman 1:att 1.dem.prox
‘the people/family of this woman’

bà is also used in the same way as the other prepositions described above,
linking the governed element to a predicate or sentence. In these cases, the as-
46
Creissels (2016) provides an in-depth discussion of the associative plural marker in Tswana
(Bantu S31) from a historical and typological perspective.

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3 Parts of speech

sociative plural marker bà often precedes a non-subject pronoun and expresses

directionality towards human entities, as in (199).47
(199) mɛ́ lɔ́ njì bàgyɛ̃̂ bà wɛ̂
mɛ-H lɔ́ njì ba-gyɛ̂̃ bà wɛ̂
1sg-prs retro come ba2-stranger ap 2sg.obj
‘I just came as a guest to you.’
Other directionals that typically require a preposition in English, such as ‘go
up’, ‘go down’, or ‘go around’, are expressed by verbs in Gyeli, as illustrated in
(200). Therefore, they do not include further adpositions.
(200) a. mɛ́ bédégá nkùlɛ́
1sg.prs ascend ∅3.hill
‘I go up the hill.’
b. mɛ́ sìlégá nkùlɛ́
1sg.prs descend ∅3.hill
‘I go down the hill.’
c. mɛ́ kɛ́ vyàmbɛ̀ lɛ̀ nkùlɛ́
1sg.prs go surround ∅3.hill
‘I go around the hill.’

3.10.2 Postpositions
Gyeli has a few postpositions which mostly express location. I distinguish three
groups. The first and most frequent category includes dé ‘in/on’ and tù ‘inside’
which can co-occur. The second category comprises simple locative postposi-
tions that cannot combine with any other postposition and that are clearly de-
rived from location nouns. The third group consists of only one temporal postpo-
sition wɛ̂ , which cannot combine with other adpositions either, but which differs
from group two postpositions in that it is not derived from nouns.

3.10.2.1 Combinable postpositions dé ‘in/on’ and tù ‘inside’

The locative postpositions dé ‘in/on’ and tù ‘inside’ generally encode a spatial
relation of containment. Most commonly, both postpositions co-occur where
dé directly follows the noun and tù follows dé, as shown in (201).48
47
This is similar to the French use of chez ‘to’ that is used for human goals.
48
It is possible that dè was diachronically a preposition to tù ‘inside’, which may have been a
noun originally.

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 3.10 Adpositions

(201) a. ndáwɔ̀ dé tù
∅9.house loc inside
‘in the house’
b. mìnkĩ ́ dé tù
∅1.pot loc inside
‘in the pot’

Examples of the co-occurrence of both postpositions from natural text are pro-
vided in (202) and (203).

(202) bɔ́nɛ́gá báà ná jìí dé tù

b-ɔ́nɛ́gá báà ná jìí dé tù
2-other 2.cop still ∅7.forest loc inside
‘The others are still in the forest.’

(203) àà ndáwɔ̀ dé tù nyɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́ támé

àà ndáwɔ̀ dé tù nyɛ mɛ́dɛ́ támé
1.cop ∅9.house loc inside 1 self alone
‘He is in the house all by himself.’

Both postpositions can, however, occur without the other one while main-
taining their meaning of spatial containment, as in (204) and (205). The exact
semantic difference between constructions with both postpositions, only dé, or
only tù is not clear at this point and likely requires a systematic study of postpo-
sition combinations with a large set of different nouns as spatial reference points.
Generally, it seems, however, that the component of containment is stronger
with tù ‘inside’.

(204) a. ndáwɔ̀ dé
‘in the house’
b. mìnkĩ ́ dé
‘in the pot’

(205) a. ndáwɔ̀ tù
‘inside the house’
b. mìnkĩ ́ tù
‘inside the pot’

In contrast to tù ‘inside’, dé can also describe spatial relations of contact as

in (206).

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(206) nsɔ̃ ́ wúù wɛ̀ nyúlɛ̀ dé

∅3.worm 3.cop 2s ∅9.body loc
‘The worm is on your body.’

I therefore gloss dé more generally as loc while tù has the more specific meaning
‘inside’. dé as a locative postposition is not only formally but also semantically
distinct from the locative preposition ɛ́, which I also gloss as loc, but which lacks
the connotation of containment. Cases of dé as encoding contact rather than
containment may have some semantic similarity with the locative preposition
ɛ́ in §3.10.1.1, although ɛ́ seems to mark close proximity rather than contact.
Examples of the locative postposition dé only that come from natural text are
given in (207) through (209).

(207) mbúmbù lèbvúú léè nlémò dé

mbúmbù le-bvúú léè nlémò dé
N1.namesake le5-anger 5.cop ∅3.heart loc
‘The namesake is angry [lit. has anger in his heart].’

As (208) shows, dé can also be used to indicate directionality rather than location.

(208) Nzàmbí màbɔ́ɔ̀ nkwɛ́ɛ̀ dé nâ vɔ́sì

Nzàmbí ma-bɔ́ɔ̀ nkwɛ́ɛ̀ dé nâ vɔ́sì
∅1.pn ma6-breadfruit ∅3.basket loc comp ideo:pouring
‘Nzambi pours the breadfruit into the basket.’

The same is true for figurative directionality with the verb vìdɛga dé ‘turn into’
in (209).

(209) mìntángánɛ́ mí múà vìdɛ̀ gà dé

mi-ntángánɛ́ mi-H múà vìdɛga dé
mi4-white.person 4-prs be.almost turn loc
‘They are about to turn into white people.’

Examples of the sole use of tù ‘inside’ as postposition in natural text is less

frequent, but attested as in (210).

(210) bùdì bà sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ mɛ̂ wɛ̀ ndáwɔ̀ tù vâ

b-ùdì ba sílɛ̃ɛ̃ ́ ̀ mɛ̂ wɛ̀ ndáwɔ̀ tù vâ
ba2-person 2.pst1 finish.compl 1sg.obj die ∅9.house inside here
‘The people have all died here inside the house.’

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 3.10 Adpositions

3.10.2.2 Simple locative postpositions

Some of the locative nouns described in §5.5.1.5 can also be used as locative post-
positions. They behave like the postposition dé as explained in §3.10.2.1, but differ
in their degree of grammaticalization. In contrast to the locative postposition dè,
these other locative postpositions are clearly used as nouns and as such their
meaning is obvious. (211) lists the various nouns that can be also used as postpo-
sitions. In contrast to attributive constructions involving two nouns (§5.5), the
locative postpositions juxtapose the two nouns without the attributive marker.

(211) a. ndáwɔ̀ dyúwɔ̀ ‘on top/over the house’ < dyúwɔ̀ ‘top’
b. ndáwɔ̀ sí ‘under the house’ < sí ‘ground’
c. ndáwɔ̀ písɛ̀ ‘behind the basket’ < písɛ̀ ‘back’
d. ndáwɔ̀ sɔ̀ ‘in front of the house’ < sɔ́ ‘front’
e. ma-ndáwɔ̀ tɛ́mɔ́ ‘between the houses’ < tɛ́mɔ́ ‘middle’

3.10.2.3 Temporal postposition wɛ̂

Gyeli has one temporal postposition wɛ̂ , which follows time denoting nouns as
in (212).

(212) a. mɛ́nɔ́ wɛ̂ ‘in the morning’

b. dùwɔ̀ wɛ̂ ‘in the day’
c. kùgúù wɛ̂ ‘in the evening’
d. bvùlɛ́ wɛ̂ ‘at night’

A natural text example is given in (213).

(213) yá sàgà mɛ́nɔ́ wɛ̂ nyɛ́ɛ̀ mápà má

ya-H sàga mɛ́nɔ́ wɛ̂ nyɛ́ɛ̀ H-ma-pà má
1pl-prs be.surprised 7∅.morning in see.sbjv obj.link-ma6-paw 6:att
njìbù má bwámɔ́ ndáwɔ̀ dé tù
njìbù ma-H bwámɔ-H ndáwɔ̀ dé tù
∅1. antelope 6-prs come.out-r ∅9.house loc inside
‘We are surprised in the morning to see traces of an antelope which
come out of the house.’

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3 Parts of speech

3.11 Conjunctions
Conjunctions are used in complex clauses and link phrases and clauses, result-
ing in coordination (§8.1) or subordination (§8.2). Conjunctions that link the same
type of clause or phrase are referred to as “coordinators”. Subordinating conjunc-
tions include complementizers and adverbializers.

3.11.1 Coordinators
Gyeli has three coordinators, as shown in (214).

(214) a. nà ‘and’ (§8.1.1)

b. kânà/nânà ‘or’ (§8.1.3)
c. ndí ‘but’ (§8.1.4)

More details and examples are given in the respective sections.

3.11.2 Subordinators
The most frequent subordinator in Gyeli is the complementizer nâ that links a
complement clause to the main clause, as discussed in §8.2.2.1. The subordinator
ká ‘if’ introduces conditional clauses, which are more free with respect to their
position before or after the main clause, as discussed in §8.2.3.2.

3.12 Minor word classes

This last section includes all minor parts of speech, ranging from connectors in
non-verbal sentences—copulas and the identificational marker wɛ́—to question
marker, and extrasentential elements.

3.12.1 Copulas
A copula links two elements, namely the subject and the predicate, in a non-
verbal clause (§7.1.1). In Gyeli, the copula agrees with the head noun. The agreeing
copula is formally identical to the stamp marker (§3.9.1) and takes a long vowel
with an HL default tonal pattern. Exceptional person categories, including the
first and second person singular and the agreement class 1 copula, have a long
vowel with an L tone, as shown in Table 3.39.

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 3.12 Minor word classes

Table 3.39: Copula forms across agreement classes

Singular Plural
Speech act participants 1sg mɛ̀ ɛ̀ 1pl yáà
2sg wɛ̀ ɛ̀ 2pl bwáà
Non-speech act participants cl.1 àà/nùù cl.2 báà
(3rd person) cl.3 wúù cl.4 míì
cl.5 léè cl.6 máà
cl.7 yíì cl.8 béè
cl.9 nyíì

3.12.2 Identificational marker wɛ́

Another element used in non-verbal clauses is the identificational marker wɛ́,
which links a subject to a demonstrative or deictic adverb. Unlike the copula,
however, a non-verbal clause with wɛ́ can also just consist of a subject and the
identificational marker. Both constructions are described with examples in §7.1.2.

3.12.3 Question markers

Gyeli has two question markers: nà and nànâ. The first generally signals a ques-
tion, while the second is emphatic and is thus pragmatically marked. Examples
and a more detailed discussion are provided in §7.4.1.

3.12.4 Sentential modifiers

Sentential modifiers include ná ‘again, still’, lìí ‘not yet’, and ndáà ‘also’. They are
distinguished from adverbs (§3.4) in that sentential modifiers usually occur im-
mediately after the finite verb form, which is not possible for adverbs in complex
predicate constructions, as adverbs rather appear at both the left and the right
edge of a sentence. §7.2.3 gives more information about the function of sentential
modifiers within a clause.

3.12.5 Extrasentential elements

The Gyeli corpus contains a number of extrasentential elements. I roughly distin-
guish interjections from exclamations. Interjections are words that do not relate
to the rest of the sentence in a grammatical way. They are, however, lexical words.

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3 Parts of speech

Exclamations, in contrast, are not considered as lexical words, but rather sounds
that convey attitudes and emotions.

3.12.5.1 Interjections
Most (recognizable) interjections used in Gyeli are loanwords from French.49
Interjections have a discourse structuring function and often appear at the be-
ginning of an intonation phrase, as in (215).
(215) dɔ̃̀ sí nyã̂ nyíì búùlɛ̀ yá Ngɔ̀ lɔ́
dɔ̀̃ sí ny-ã̂ nyíì búùlɛ̀ yá Ngɔ̀ lɔ́
so[French] ∅9.ground 9-poss.1sg 9:cop ∅7.old.camp 7:att ∅3.pn
‘So [French: donc], my land is the old settlement of Ngolo.’
Pragmatically, interjections are also used to reinforce common ground, as in
(216) where the speaker acknowledges that he and the addressee are on the same
page.
(216) voilà wɛ̀ ɛ̀ njǐ nà njǐ wɛ̀ ɛ̀ njǐ nà njǐ
voilà wɛ̀ ɛ̀ njǐ nà njǐ wɛ̀ ɛ̀ njǐ nà njǐ
ok[French] 2sg.cop ∅9.path conj ∅9.path 2sg.cop ∅9.path conj ∅9.path
‘Exactly, you are on the right track.’
Even though the Bagyeli of Ngolo report that their French is, if at all, very
limited, they are all able to use these French interjections, as well as allez ‘come
on’ and alors ‘so, then’.

3.12.5.2 Exclamations
Exclamations reveal the speaker’s attitude and emotion towards a situation, usu-
ally encoding agreement, disagreement, surprise, or getting the addressee’s at-
tention. All exclamations can be manipulated in terms of their length. A longer
sound (and often increased volume) correlates with higher emotional intensity.
A widely used exclamation in the area (not only in Gyeli) is ɛ́ɛ́kɛ̀ , which sig-
nals general surprise about either a positive or negative event. In (217), ɛ́ɛ́kɛ̀ is
a reaction to a character in a story who wants to eat a child. The exclamation
refers potentially to both the narrator’s attitude and the reaction of the woman
in the story whose child will be eaten.
49
It is possible that I classify some local interjections with exclamations since their meaning
is generally hard to describe for speakers and the difference between a lexical word and an
emotion encoding sound is possibly not always very clear.

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 3.12 Minor word classes

(217) ɛ́ɛ́kɛ̀ mùdã̂ à gyɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀

́ ɛ̀ m-ùdã̂
ɛ́ɛk a gyɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃
excl n1-woman 1.pst1 cry.compl
‘Oh, the woman cried.’

Exclamations are also frequently used in reported discourse, as in (218).

(218) yɔ́ɔ̀ bá kí nâ ɛ́ɛ́kɛ̀

yɔ́ɔ̀ ba-H ki-H nâ ɛ́ɛk ́ ɛ̀
so 2-prs say-r comp excl
‘So they say that [exclamation of surprise]!’

Another frequent exclamation is áá or áà or àà. The tonal pattern seems to

depend, at least partially, on the distance between speaker and addressee, with
an H tone indicating distance and an L tone proximity. áá has been observed to
occur often to introduce a question, as in (219) and (220). It seems comparable to
the English exclamation ‘oh!’ expressing surprise or desire.

(219) áá gyí wɛ́ lɔ́ njì gyɛ́sɔ̀

áá gyí wɛ-H lɔ́ njì gyɛ́sɔ
excl what 2sg-prs retro come look.for
‘Ah, what have you just come to look for?’

(220) áá bíì màndáwɔ̀ má zì, yáà mɔ̂ fúàlà bwɛ̂

áá bíì ma-ndáwɔ̀ má zì yáà m-ɔ́ fúala bwɛ̂
excl 1pl.obj ma6-house 6:att ∅7.tin[Bulu] 1pl.fut 6-obj end receive
lèwùlà lé vɛ́
le-wùlà lé vɛ́
le5-hour 5:att which
‘Ah, us, tin houses, when will we receive them?’

àà is also used in addressing someone and getting the addressee’s attention.

(221) mɛ̀ bìyɛ́ làwɔ̀ nâ àà bwánɔ̀ bã̂

mɛ bìyɛ-H làwɔ nâ àà b-wánɔ̀ b-ã̂
1sg in.vain? speak comp excl ba2-child 2-poss.1sg
‘I say in vain: “ah, my children. . .”.’

The H tone on áá in (222) indicates that mother and father are far away from the
speaker.

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3 Parts of speech

(222) áá nyáò áá táò

áá nyá-ò áá tá-ò
excl n1-mother-voc excl n1-father-voc
‘Oh mother, oh father!’

A similar function of attention seeking and address is found with ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ in (223)
and ɛ́ in (224), comparable to English ‘hey!’.

(223) nyɛ̀ nâ ɔ́ ɔ́ɔ́ mùdã̂

nyɛ nâ ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ m-ùdã̂
1 comp excl n1-woman
‘He [said]: “Oh, wife!”.’

(224) ɛ́ mwánɔ̀ wã̂ dyúwɔ̀

ɛ́ m-wánɔ̀ w-ã̂ dyúwɔ̀
excl n1-child 1-poss.1sg on
‘Hey, about my child!’

Exclamations with a clear negative connotation are yééé as a sound of dis-

appreciation and kɛ́ɛ́ɛ́ (with varying length). The latter expresses outrage and
strong disapproval, as in (225) where the speaker expresses his indignation after
learning that his child had been eaten by his friend.

(225) nyɛ̀ nâ kɛ́ɛ́ɛ́ɛ́

nyɛ nâ kɛ́ɛɛ́ ɛ́ ́
1 comp excl
‘He [says]: “What!”.’

This exclamation can also be used less strongly in a pejorative way, as in (226).
Here, kɛ́ɛ́ɛ́ shows the belittling attitude of the speaker towards his children.

(226) nyɛ̀ nâ kɛ́ɛ́ɛ́ bwánɔ̀ bã̂ mɛ̀ sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ bɔ̂ dyùù

nyɛ nâ kɛ́ɛ̀ b-wánɔ̀ b-ã ̊ mɛ sílɛ̃ɛ̃ ̀ b-ɔ̂ dyùù
1 comp excl ba2-child 2-poss.1sg 1sg finish.compl 2-obj kill
‘He [says]: “Ha, my children, I have already killed them all”.’

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4 Morphology
This chapter covers two broad aspects of Gyeli morphology. In the first part, I out-
line the forms and types of bound morphemes. These serve as ingredients to form
words either through inflection, derivation, or composition. I follow Haspelmath
& Sims’ (2010) textbook definitions of these terms. Inflection is the morphological
process of producing word forms of a lexeme. Inflectional morphemes in Gyeli
express grammatical categories such as agreement, tense, mood, negation, and
objecthood. As such, inflectional morphemes do not change the lexeme’s part of
speech. Many of the inflectional morphemes are syntactically required and thus
appear obligatorily. Additionally, their attachment is fully productive and pre-
dictable. Inflection is discussed along with the morpheme types in part one of
this chapter.
In contrast, derivational affixes create new lexemes that belong to the same
word family. A derived lexeme can belong either to the same word class or a
different one than its source lexeme. Derivational morphemes are syntactically
optional. Also, it is lexically specified which lexeme can take which derivational
affix. As such, attachment of derivational affixes is less predictable. Finally, com-
position is a type of word formation that combines lexemes from different word
families. In Gyeli, compounds typically include two lexical morphemes. Deriva-
tion and composition processes are discussed in the second part of this chapter.

4.1 Morpheme types

In this section, I give an overview of the types of affixation morphemes found
in the Gyeli language. I limit the discussion to overt non-root morphemes. That
is, all morphemes discussed in this section are overt,1 bound, and grammatical.
Thus, lexical roots are not discussed here, but in Chapter 3. The same holds for
non-overt morphemes, such as portmanteau morphemes like, for instance, the
subject-tense-aspect-mood-polarity (stamp) marker and certain copulas. These

1
I do not consider null-forms here that are found in some nouns and agreement targets. To be
consistent with noun class and agreement marking, however, I do represent them in glosses.
4 Morphology

portmanteau morphemes are free and occur as words in their own right, as pre-
sented in Chapter 3.
I organize the presentation through the opposition between derivational and
inflectional morphemes with a distinction between those that precede the lexical
root (prefixes) and those that follow the root (suffixes). Gyeli has a total of 44
affixes, 15 (34.1%) of which are derivational, as listed in Table 4.1, and 29 (65.9%)
of which are inflectional affixes, as shown in Table 4.2.2
Table 4.1: Frequency of derivational affixes by form and function

Prefixes Suffixes
Forms Function pos Forms Function pos
ná- sim n, adj (-ɛ̀ dɛ̀ ) nom n
(nà-) adverbializer adv -a nom n
-H nom n
-á/-â nom n
-a ext v
-ala ext v
-ɛlɛ ext v
-ɛga/-aga ext v
-ɛsɛ ext v
-ɔwɔ ext v
-bɔ/-wɔ exp v
-kɛ/gɛ exp v
-lɛ exp v
Total: 2 2 3 13 3 2

Table 4.1 and Table 4.2 present the functions associated with each affix, ei-
ther for derivational affixes—for instance, as a nominalization or verb extension
suffix— or for inflectional affixes such as noun class prefixes, and the part(s)
of speech each affix derives. While derivational morphemes are mostly suffixes
which attach to verbs, inflectional morphemes are mostly prefixes that are linked
to noun class and agreement marking.3
2
The derivational forms in parentheses, nà- and -ɛ̀ dɛ̀ , are minor and non-productive forms.
3
Noun class and agreement prefixes often have alternate forms that are phonologically condi-
tioned. In Table 4.2, I count a form and its alternate as only one form in order to not artificially
increase the number of forms.

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 4.1 Morpheme types

Table 4.2: Frequency of inflectional affixes by form and function

Prefixes Suffixes
Forms Function pos Forms Function pos
m- n.cl. , agr n, mod -lɛ neg v
n- n.cl., agr n, mod -gà contr sbj
ba-/b- n.cl. n -o voc n, adv
mi- n.cl. n -H tm stamp, v
le-/d- n.cl. n
ma-/m- n.cl. n
be- n.cl. n
w- agr obj, poss, mod
nú- agr ana
bà-/b- agr obj, mod
bá- agr poss, ana, num, gen
wɔ́- agr ana
mì-/my- agr obj, mod
mí-/my- agr poss, ana, num, gen
lè-/l- agr obj, mod
lé-/l- agr poss, ana
mà-/m- agr obj, mod
má- agr poss, ana, num, gen
y- agr obj, mod
yí- agr poss, ana
bì-/by- agr obj, mod
bí- agr poss, ana, num, gen
ny- agr obj, poss, mod
nyí- agr ana
H- obj.link n
Total: 25 3 7 4 4 5

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4 Morphology

With regard to the ratio of prefixes to suffixes across derivational and inflec-
tional affixes, prefix forms are higher in number than suffixes. The 27 prefixes
constitute 61.4% of all affixes, while there are only 17 suffixes. Many inflectional
prefix forms are segmentally identical, for example mi-, mì-, and mí-. They differ,
however, in their tonal specification and thus must be formally distinguished.
Prefixes map onto a higher number of functions than suffixes. Most prefixes
encode agreement and/or noun class.4 In addition to these most frequent func-
tions, there is also an object-linking H tone and the derivational prefixes ná- and
nà-. Most suffix forms are functionally derivational extension or expansion mor-
phemes.5 Other derivational suffixes serve as nominalization morphemes. Inflec-
tional suffixes include a negator, contrastive and vocative markers, and also an
H tone suffix that marks various tense and mood categories.
Cross-linguistically, it is not typical that contrastive or vocative suffixes ap-
pear as inflectional morphemes. In Gyeli, they differ from the other inflectional
affixes since they are not obligatory. In order to make this distinction, I call them
“markers”. I still consider them as inflectional morphemes, however, for two rea-
sons. First, unlike the derivational affixes, they do not form new lexemes, i.e.,
they do not have an entry in the lexicon. Second, their attachment is completely
predictable, unlike derivational affixes. For example, every subject and object pro-
noun can take the contrastive marker -gà (but not every verb can take a causative
derivational suffix).
Nine different parts of speech take some form of prefix, two with derivational
and seven with inflectional prefixes, but most prefixes attach to nouns. Prefixes
are generally restricted to the domain of the noun phrase. The two derivational
prefixes occur with nouns, adjectives, and adverbs. Inflectional agreement pre-
fixes attach to the diverse category of nominal modifiers (§3.8), object and pos-
sessor pronouns as well as anaphoric and genitive markers and numerals. In
contrast, suffixes span five different word classes within both noun and verb
phrases. Nominalization and vocative suffixes attach to nouns. Extension, expan-
sion, negation, and tense-mood suffixes attach to verbs. The remainder of suffixes
attach to subject pronouns, adverbs, and the subject-tense-aspect-mood-polarity
(stamp) marker.
In the following, I will briefly outline the various categories of prefixes and
suffixes grouped by function, focusing on their form patterns. Depending on the
complexity of forms, some discussions might be more detailed, for instance on

4
The relation between noun class, agreement class, and grammatical number is discussed in
§5.2.
5
See §4.1.2.2 for the difference between extension and expansion suffixes.

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 4.1 Morpheme types

nominalization suffixes (§4.1.2.1). In contrast, other forms are straightforward, for

instance verbal expansions, but their semantics are more complex. In this case, I
keep the formal discussion short and elaborate further in §4.2.

4.1.1 Prefixes
A noun stem can maximally take three prefixes, as illustrated in (1).

(1) object-linking H tone – noun class – similative – stem

The prefix that is closest to the stem is the similative marker ná-. This can be
preceded by a plural noun class prefix and an object-linking H tone.
Gyeli has four different functional types of prefixes: the derivational prefixes
ná- (the similative marker) and nà-, and the inflectional noun class, agreement,
and object-linking H tone prefixes.

4.1.1.1 Derivational prefixes

Gyeli has two derivational prefixes, ná- and nà-, which are segmentally identical,
but differ tonally and functionally. The derivational similative marker ná- forms
a functional category on its own expressing the meaning ‘like’. The prefix is re-
lated to the free morpheme ná which serves as a similative marker in noun +
noun naming constructions, as discussed in §3.8.4.2. Words with the prefix ná-
are (historically) derived from either a verb or noun or are synchronically opaque.
The application of ná- results in common nouns, proper names, and some adjec-
tives, as shown for each type in (2).

(2) a. ná-gyàlɛ́ ‘breastfeeding woman [lit. like nursing period]’ (common

noun)
b. Ná-nzɛ̂ (Nanzé) ‘female name [lit. like panther]’ (proper name)
c. ná-vyû ‘black [lit. like blackened]’ (adjective)

The ná- similative marker is the most lexicalized prefix in the language since
its use is not productive. Instead, it is lexically specified which nouns and adjec-
tives occur with this marker. Especially in the case of nouns with the ná- prefix,
one could even argue that the prefix is synchronically frozen to the lexical stem
since, in many instances, the meaning of the lexical stem is opaque. There are
several reasons, however, why I consider ná- a prefix and not part of the lexi-
cal stem. First, nouns with the ná- prefix are structurally different from other
common nouns. If one counted ná- as part of the nominal stem, some of these

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4 Morphology

stems would have a syllable length of four syllables. As discussed in §2.3.2.3,

however, the maximum syllable length in stems is three syllables (and even this
is dispreferred, accounting for only 10% of the nouns in the database). Second,
the ná- prefix occurs quite frequently and regularly, especially in the derivation
of female names from male names and in adjectives. This suggests that there is
a formal pattern (rather than just a random CV syllable shape). Third, there is a
clear function attributed to ná-, namely that of expressing similarity, as shown in
the examples in (2). Derivation with the prefix ná- is discussed in greater detail
in §4.2.2.
The other derivation morpheme nà- is a minor and little productive prefix that
derives adverbs from nouns. There are only two known instances, illustrated in
§4.2.3. As this prefix has a different phonological form and a distinct derivation
function from the similative prefix ná-, I analyze it as a prefix on its own.

4.1.1.2 Noun class prefixes

Noun class prefixes are inflectional morphemes that attach only to common
nouns (but not proper names). There are eleven different overt forms which can
be grouped into six underlying categories, based on phonological conditioning.
The forms and their alternates are listed in Table 4.3.6
Table 4.3: Noun class prefix forms

Noun class form Alternate form Phonological condition of alternate

m- n- assimilation of place of articulation
ba- b- before stem-initial vowel
mi- m- before stem-initial vowel
le- d- before stem-initial vowel
ma- m- before stem-initial vowel
be- –

Noun class prefixes fill the second of three possible prefix slots in nouns, po-
tentially preceded by the object-linking H tone (see §4.1.1.4) and followed by a
similative marker (see §4.1.1.1).
It is an inherent property of each noun which noun class prefix(es) the noun
can take. Some noun forms do not take any overt prefix at all. Since noun class
6
The prefix be- does not have a listed alternate form because there is no known instance of a
noun using this prefix and having a stem-initial vowel.

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 4.1 Morpheme types

prefixes are part of the gender and agreement system which operates on a mor-
phosyntactic rather than solely morphological level, these prefixes are discussed
in greater detail in §5.2.3 where their forms are organized according to noun and
agreement classes. In the context of gender and agreement, I also view a null-
form as a category, but since it is not overt, I do not list it as a morpheme in this
section.

4.1.1.3 Agreement prefixes

Like noun class prefixes, agreement prefixes are inflectional bound morphemes.
They attach to six different agreement targets: nominal modifiers, object and
possessor pronouns, anaphoric markers, numerals, and genitive markers.7 In con-
trast to nouns, agreement targets have only one prefix slot. Gyeli has 19 agree-
ment prefix forms, as listed in Table 4.4. All except two agreement prefixes mark
only one agreement class. For instance, the CV prefix ba- and its phonological
(b-) and tonal (bà- and bá-) variants always encode agreement class 2.
Most agreement classes have two sets of agreement prefixes distinguished by
an L versus an H tone. The L tone forms and the consonantal prefix y- attach
to object pronouns and nominal modifiers. The H tone prefixes generally mark
possessor pronouns and anaphoric markers. The plural classes 2, 4, 6, and 8 also
mark numerals and the genitive marker with an H tone prefix.
There are two prefixes which mark several agreement classes across different
parts of speech. As the distribution does not apply to entire word classes, most
notably nominal modifiers, the details of agreement prefixes marking several
agreement classes with specific agreement targets are given in Table 4.5.

4.1.1.4 The object-linking H tone

Some morphemes in Gyeli are not segmental, but solely tonal. This is the case
for the H tone that attaches to the left of common nouns in certain contexts.8 In
terms of its function, this H tone prefix marks a noun as the object. Where there
is more than one object, only the object closest to the verb is marked by the
object linker. As such, it is an inflectional morpheme that is obligatorily in this

7
These word classes are not the only agreement targets in Gyeli, but they are the parts of speech
that mark agreement by means of a prefix. Other agreement targets have free forms which are
described as parts of speech in Chapter 3; all agreement targets are listed in §3.1.1 and §5.2.1.
8
Proper names do not take an object-linking H tone, which is tied to the fact that proper names
do not usually take noun class prefixes. Therefore, the object-linking H tone does not have a
toneless TBU to attach to.

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4 Morphology

Table 4.4: Agreement prefixes across agreement targets and agreement

classes

Prefix form pos Agreement class

m- mod 1, 3, 9
w- obj, poss, mod 1, 3
n- mod 1
nú- ana 1
bà-/b- obj, mod 2
bá- poss, ana, num, gen 2
wɔ́- ana 3
mì-/my- obj, mod 4
mí-/my- poss, ana, num, gen 4
lè-/l- obj, mod 5
lé-/l- poss, ana 5
mà-/m- obj, mod 6
má- poss, ana, num, gen 6
y- obj, mod 7
yí- poss, ana 7
bì-/by- obj, mod 8
bí- poss, ana, num, gen 8
ny- obj, poss, mod 9
nyí- ana 9

Table 4.5: Prefixes marking multiple agreement classes

agr prefix Pronouns Nominal modifiers

obj poss -vúdũ̂ ‘1’ -fúsì ‘different’ -ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all’ -ɔ́nɛ́gá ‘other’
m- - - cl. 1, 3, 9 cl. 1 - -
w- cl. 3 cl. 1, 3 - - cl. 1, 3 cl. 3

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 4.1 Morpheme types

environment. I call this prefix “object-linking H tone” and gloss it as ‘obj.link’,

as shown in (3).

(3) nkɛ̀ nyì nzí sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ bédéwò.

nkɛ̀ nyi nzí sílɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ H-be-déwò
∅9.field 9 prog.pst finish.compl obj.link-be8-food
‘The field was already running out of food.’

The object-linking H tone only appears on otherwise toneless CV- shape noun
class prefixes, but is not realized on null-form or consonantal noun class pre-
fixes.9 More examples of the object-linking H tone and information on its func-
tion in marking grammatical relations is provided in §7.2.1.2.

4.1.2 Suffixes
Gyeli suffixes can be categorized into seven different functions: nominalization,
extension and expansion, negation, contrast, direct address, and a tense-mood
marking. I will outline each of these types in the following, discussing extension
and expansion suffixes together since their function is the same (but they differ
in the level of productivity). Derivational suffixes are outlined only briefly in
this section before their fuller discussion in §4.2, while inflectional suffixes are
outlined in greater length here.

4.1.2.1 Nominalization suffixes

Gyeli has four nominalization suffixes, as shown in Table 4.6. -a, the tonal mor-
pheme -H, and -ɛ̀ dɛ derive full deverbal nouns. -a and -ɛ̀ dɛ̀ are in complementary
distribution, with -ɛ̀ dɛ̀ occurring in deverbal nouns of gender 1/2 and -a every-
where else. -ɛ̀ dɛ̀ is, however, occurs infrequently, as most deverbal nouns in gen-
der 1/2 do not take nominalization suffixes.
The fourth suffix, -á/-â, is productively used in the derivation of nominalized
past participles (§4.2.1.7), as in (4). The tonal pattern of an H tone or a falling
tone is phonologically determined by the tone on the lexical root. An H tone
lexical root takes a falling -â nominalization suffix, while an L tone verb stem
takes an H suffix -á. This makes it a distinct pattern from the -H and -a suffixes
in full deverbal nouns, whose tonal patterns seem lexically specified and not
conditioned by phonology.

9
Object nouns with null-form and consonantal noun class prefixes are completely unchanged;
no downstep phenomena could be observed.

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4 Morphology

Table 4.6: Nominalization suffixes

Nominalization suffix pos Productivity Co-occurrence

-a full deverbal noun medium with -H
-H full deverbal noun medium with -a
-ɛ̀ dɛ̀ full deverbal noun low none
-á/-â nominalized past participle high none

(4) a. tsíbɔ ‘grind’ > n-tsíb-â ‘ground (thing)’

b. tálɛ ‘begin’ > n-tál-â ‘begun (thing)’
c. gyàga ‘buy’ > n-gyàg-á ‘bought (thing)’
d. jì ‘open’ > n-jìy-á ‘opened (thing)’

In contrast to nominalized past participles, not all full deverbal nouns take
a nominalization suffix. In fact, they frequently do not use any nominalization
suffix at all. In these cases, the noun class marker that is used with the verb stem
is the only nominal marker, as shown in (5). The toneless TBUs of the verb stem
are specified for L tones in the nominal forms.

(5) a. bwàlɛ ‘be born’ > ma-bwàlɛ̀ ‘birth’

b. gyɛ̀ ’ɛlɛ ‘pray’ > ma-gyɛ̀ ’ɛ̀ lɛ̀ ‘prayer’
c. dɔ̀ ‘negotiate’ > ma-dɔ̀ ‘negotiation’

It is lexically specified which nouns take a nominalization suffix and also if the
noun will take both the suffix -a and the tonal suffix -H, as shown in (6), or just
one of them.

(6) a. tálɛ ‘begin’ > ma-tál-á ‘beginning’

b. dígɛ ‘look’ > ma-díg-á ‘vision’
c. dìlɛ ‘bury’ > ma-dìl-á ‘funeral’
d. líbɛlɛ ‘show’ > ma-líbɛ́l-á ‘appearance, showing’
e. tfúdɔ ‘pinch’ > tfúd-á ‘pinch (n.)’
f. tsìlɔ ‘write’ > n-tsìl-á ‘hand writing’

While the suffixes -a and -H most often occur together, there are also cases
where only -H or only -a is used, as shown in (7).

(7) a. tɛ̀ mbɔwɔ ‘set (sun)’ > ma-tɛ̀ mbɔ́wɔ́ ‘sunset’

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 4.1 Morpheme types

b. sɔ̀ si ‘be happy’ > ma-sɔ̀ sí ‘joy’

c. dígɛ ‘look, watch’ > ma-dígà ‘vision’
There are some constraints on the occurrence of -a. In terms of phonological
constraints, the suffix only attaches to stems that end in /ɛ/ or /ɔ/, as shown in
(6).10 As for its distribution over various genders, -a is only used in non-agentive
deverbal nouns, excluding nominalizations in gender 1/2 (§4.2.1.1).
Nominalized forms in gender 1/2 rarely take any nominalization suffixes. The
only nominalization suffix in this gender is -ɛ̀ dɛ̀ , which is in complementary dis-
tribution with -a. -ɛ̀ dɛ̀ is not found in other genders and/or with non-agentive
nouns. There are only two known occurrences of the -ɛ̀ dɛ̀ suffix in the lexical
database, which are listed in (8).
(8) a. gyámbɔ ‘cook’ > n-gyámb-ɛ̀dɛ̀ ‘cook (n.)’
b. gyímbɔ ‘dance’ > n-gyímb-ɛ̀dɛ̀ ‘dancer’
The -ɛ̀ dɛ̀ suffix might be a more marked form for agentive nouns in order to
disambiguate between other nominalized forms. An example is the verb gyímbɔ
‘dance’ and the derived noun n-gyímbɔ̀ ‘sorcerer’. In this instance, -ɛ̀ dɛ̀ might be
used to distinguish n-gyímbɔ̀ ‘sorcerer’ from n-gyímb-ɛ̀ dɛ̀ ‘dancer’. §4.2.1 gives a
more detailed account of nominalization processes.

4.1.2.2 Extension and expansion suffixes

Extension and expansion suffixes are derivational suffixes which derive verbs
from other verbs, changing their valency. The difference between extension and
expansion lies in the suffix’s relative level of productivity. Extension morphemes
are synchronically productive, while expansion morphemes are not. Gyeli has six
extension and three expansion morphemes, as listed in Table 4.1. Each of them
is discussed in detail in §4.2.4.

4.1.2.3 Negation suffix -lɛ

There are two suffixes -lɛ, which are homophonous but have two distinct func-
tions. One is a derivational expansion suffix (§4.2.4.7) and the other is an in-
flectional negation suffix. Both suffixes can co-occur, as shown in (9). In these
instances, the negation suffix follows the expansion suffix, as expansion suffixes
generally follow the verb root, while the negation suffix attaches to the verb
stem.
10
Nouns derived from verbs with other final vowels such as /i/, /o/, and /a/ never undergo vowel
change.

247
4 Morphology

(9) tɛ́-lɛ-lɛ
place-exp-neg
‘to not place something’

As a negation suffix, -lɛ productively attaches to all verb stems in the present
tense, as exemplified in (10). Tonal changes depend on the verb’s stem tones and
are discussed in detail in §6.2.3.1.

(10) a. gyámbɔ ‘cook’ → gyámbɔ́-lɛ́ ‘not cook’

b. kòla ‘add’ → kólà-lɛ̀ ‘not add’

In other tenses, auxiliary negation verbs (§3.2.2.3) are used that contain the suffix
-lɛ.

4.1.2.4 Contrastive marker -gà

The morpheme -gà is an inflectional suffix that attaches to subject pronouns, as
shown in (11), and to object pronouns, as in (12).

(11) wɛ́ kɛ́ nà nyɛ̂ nkɔ̃̀wáká nyɛ̀ gà à nzíí wɛ̂

̀
wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H nà nyɛ̂ nkɔ̃wáká nyɛ̀ -gà a nzíí wɛ̂
2sg-prs go-r com 1 equal.sharing 1.sbj-contr 1 prog.prs 2sg.obj
vã́ã̀kɛ́ sâ mpù
vã́ã̀kɛ́ sâ mpù
go[Bulu] do like.this
‘You go with him equally sharing, he tries to trick you [lit. he is going to
do you like this].’

(12) mɛ́ nyɛ́ wɛ̀ gà

mɛ-H nyɛ̂-H wɛ̂-gà
1sg-prs see-r 2.sg-contr
‘I see YOU/you, too.

-gà serves to track referents and, in terms of information structure, indicates

a switch of topics, as explained in §7.3.1.1. The suffix appears to be derived from
the nominal modifier -ɔ́(nɛ́)gá ‘other’, as discussed in §3.8.1.4.

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

4.1.2.5 Vocative marker -o

All proper names can take the vocative suffix -o, for instance as in Mìnsêm-o or
Màmá-o. The suffix attaches to the noun without undergoing assimilation; thus
a final vowel of the noun stem does not delete. The tone of the suffix depends
on speaker proximity. If the addressee is close to the speaker, the suffix has an
L tone, if the addressee is further away, it has an H tone. The vocative suffix is
not exclusively restricted to proper names, but can also be used with common
nouns. These occurrences are, however, limited to common nouns expressing a
relation that can be used as address, such as nyá-ò ‘mother’ and tá-ò ‘father’. The
vocative can also attach to the locative adverb wɛ̂ ‘there’, as shown in (13), where
it also combines with the distal H tone.

(13) mùdì kí tàtɔ̀ wúó

m-ùdì kí tàtɔ wû-o-H
n1-person neg scream there-voc-dist
‘Nobody scream over there!’

4.1.2.6 Tense-mood H tone suffix

An H tone suffix attaches to the subject-tense-aspect-mood-polarity (stamp) mar-
ker and verbs in certain tense-mood categories. The stamp marker takes the H
tone suffix to mark present and subjunctive, while verbs take the H tone suffix
to encode recent past and remote past. These processes are described in detail
in §6.2.1.

4.2 Derivation and compounding

Having discussed the different morpheme types and their distribution, I now turn
to describing the language’s word formation processes. This includes nominal-
ization, verbal derivation, and compounding.

4.2.1 Nominalization
Nominalization is a word formation process in which nouns are formed from
lexemes of other word classes. In Gyeli, the source word class for nominaliza-

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tion is generally restricted to verbs, at least for the derivation processes that are
synchronically transparent.11
Formally, there are several means to derive a derived noun:

(i) prefixation of a noun class prefix

(ii) prefixation of the similative marker ná-

(iii) suffixation of -a/-ɛ̀ dɛ̀ and/or -H

(iv) suffixation of -á/-â

Based on how these means are systematically used and combined, three different
types of nominalized forms can be created. First, there are those which are full
nouns, assigned to a gender. Their prefixation pattern is based on assigned gen-
der. A subset of these also take nominalization suffixes, namely -ɛ̀ dɛ̀ in gender
1/2 and -a in all other genders. In all genders except 1/2, the nominalization suffix
can be a tonal morpheme -H, which can attach to the stem directly or occur in
combination with the suffix -a. Second, there are defective nouns, which are nom-
inalized participles. These always manifest prefixation of a nasal prefix N- and
suffixation of -á/-â. Third, there are derived forms with ná-, producing nouns
and adjectives. These always manifest prefixation of ná-, but never segmental
nor tonal suffixation.
What all three nominalization types have in common is that they take some
sort of prefix. Full deverbal nouns are assigned to different genders, including
genders 1/2, 3/4, 5/6, 6, 7/8, and 8. Depending on the gender they are assigned to,
affixation of a noun class prefix is predictable. For instance, full deverbal nouns
in gender 1/2 will always take a nasal noun class prefix in the singular and the
noun class prefix ba- in the plural. Nominalized past participles always take a
homorganic nasal prefix while nouns derived with the similative always take
the ná- prefix.
In contrast to prefixation, suffixation is more diverse across the different types
of nominalization. Nouns derived with ná- never take a suffix, while nominalized
past participles predictably take the suffix -á/-â, depending on the tonal pattern
of the verb stem, which determines the tonal pattern of the suffix. L tone stems
trigger the -á suffix, while H tone stems result in the -â suffix. Full deverbal nouns
only sometimes take a suffix, which can be either a segmental or a tonal suffix or
11
In nominalizations with the similative marker ná-, the derivation process is rather opaque
so that the derivational source of most derived forms is synchronically not recognizable, as
discussed in §4.2.2.

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a combination of both. As explained in §4.1.2.1, the suffixes -ɛ̀ dɛ̀ and -a occur in
deverbal nouns of different genders. Their attachment seems lexically specified.
The tonal suffix -H occurs in full deverbal nouns of all genders except for gender
1/2. The -H suffix spreads across all toneless TBUs of a verb, namely all syllables
after the first one (see §2.4.1.3). In deverbal nominalization, all the tones become
lexicalized, i.e. there are no toneless TBUs in noun stems. The verbal toneless
units lexicalize either as an L, as in (14a) or an H, as in (14b).
(14) a. ma-bwàlɛ̀ ‘birth’ < bwàlɛ ‘give birth’
b. ma-sɔ̀ sí ‘happiness’ < sɔ̀ si ‘be happy’
Given the variability in segmental and tonal suffixation with full deverbal
nouns, I will present each affix according to the category it derives. I first present
full deverbal nouns that are assigned to gender 1/2, 3/4, 5/6, 6, 7/8, or the transnu-
meral gender 8. (For more information on genders, see §5.2.4.) Gender assign-
ment seems largely meaning driven. For instance, deverbal agentive nouns are
assigned to gender 1/2 while event nouns are found in the transnumeral gender
6. Generally, deverbal nouns are found in all major genders except for gender 9/6.
I then discuss nominalized participles as a type of defective noun. Forms derived
with the prefix ná- include both nouns and adjectives, and are discussed sepa-
rately in section §4.2.2. I also treat this type of nominalization separately because
(i) nouns with ná- only use limited nominalization means, excluding suffixation
and tone change, and (ii) their derivational source is significantly more opaque
than that of other derived nouns.

4.2.1.1 Deverbal agentive nouns in gender 1/2

Deverbal nouns in gender 1/2 semantically designate a human or other animate
entity as an agent. These agentive nouns typically describe the ‘doer’ of an action.
As animate entities, they are countable in Gyeli and thus always come with a
plural form of the ba noun class, as described in §5.2.3.12
All deverbal nouns in gender 1/2 take a nasal prefix in the singular and the
prefix ba- in the plural. The systematic attachment of a nasal prefix in the singular
is remarkable since most nouns of agreement class 1 do not take any prefix at
all (see §5.2.3). The type of nasal prefix in class 1 depends on the phonological
properties of the noun’s stem-initial consonant (§2.1.2.3). If the stem starts with
a bilabial consonant, the nasal will be a labial nasal /m/ as in (15).
12
Nouns for humans are also found in other genders in Gyeli, but gender 1/2 is the human class
in Proto-Bantu and many other Bantu languages synchronically. Also, in Gyeli most humans
are assigned to gender 1/2.

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4 Morphology

(15) m- prefix
a. m-bɛ́dɔ̀ ‘climber’ < bédɔ ‘climb’
b. m-bwàlɛ̀ ‘parent’ < bwàlɛ ‘be born’

On the other hand, if the consonant is an alveolar consonant, it will be an alveolar

nasal /n/ as in (16).

(16) /n/- prefix

a. n-sálɛ̀ ‘maker’ < sálɛ ‘make (v.t.)’
b. n-dìlɛ̀ ‘undertaker’ < dìlɛ ‘bury’
c. n-jì ‘opener’ < jì ‘open’

Finally, if the consonant is a velar, as in (17), the nasal will be a velar nasal /ŋ/.13

(17) /ŋ/- prefix

a. n-gyàgà ‘buyer’ < gyàga ‘buy’
b. n-kòlɛ̀ ‘helper’ < kòlɛ ‘help’
c. n-kwã́ã̀lɛ̀ ‘spy (n.)’ < kwã́ã̀lɛ ‘spy (v.)’

Most deverbal nouns in gender 1/2 do not take any nominalization suffix, but
retain the original verb stem, as shown in (18) with the examples displaying dif-
ferent final vowels of /a/, /ɛ/, and /ɔ/.

(18) a. n-gyàgà ‘buyer’ < gyàga ‘buy’

b. n-kòlɛ̀ ‘helper’ < kòlɛ ‘help’
c. n-tsìlɔ̀ ‘writer’ < tsìlɔ ‘write’
d. n-jíbɔ̀ ‘sb. who closes’ < jìbɔ ‘close’
e. n-gyìmbɔ̀ ‘sorcerer’ < gyìmbɔ ‘dance’

All known deverbal nouns in gender 1/2 that do not take a nominalization
suffix are disyllabic. In the examples in (18), this is obvious since the verb stem
is disyllabic as well. There are, however, also cases where a disyllabic version of
a monosyllabic verb is, at least synchronically, not used in the language, as in
(19). The derived noun is still disyllabic, receiving the non-productive extension
-lɛ which is discussed in §4.2.4.7. Trisyllabic derived nouns without an extension
suffix are not known.
13
In general orthography, however, I do not distinguish alveolar and velar nasals, as explained
in Chapter 2.

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

(19) a. n-dèlɛ̀ ‘eater’ < ?dèlɛ ‘eat (?)’ < dè ‘eat’

b. n-kɛ̀ lɛ̀ ‘walker’ < ?kɛ̀ lɛ̀ ‘walk (?)’ < kɛ̀ ‘walk’

Another opaque exception to the general retention of the verb stem is (20). Not
only is the derivation process not clear, also the final vowel of the noun changes
to /i/. There are no other nouns that follow this pattern.

(20) n-jíbí ‘thief’ < ? < jíwɔ ‘steal’

When suffixation of deverbal nouns in gender 1/2 occurs, it is always with -ɛ̀ dɛ̀ ,
but never -a or -H). Examples of this are given in (21).

(21) a. n-gyámbɛ̀ dɛ̀ ‘cook (n.)’ < gyámbɔ ‘cook’

b. n-gyìmbɛ̀ dɛ̀ ‘dancer’ < gyìmbɔ ‘dance’

4.2.1.2 Deverbal nouns in gender 3/4

Deverbal nouns in gender 3/4 are less frequent than those in gender 1/2 or 6. They
are, however, formally very similar to nominalized past participles, discussed in
§4.2.1.7. All of them take a nasal prefix (in class 3), they all take the nominalization
suffix -a, and disyllabic nouns also take the tonal nominalization suffix -H on
the final vowel, as shown in (22). This pattern is distinct from nominalized past
participles, since lexical stems with an H tone take the -H suffix. Nominalized
past participles surface with a final HL if the stem is H.

(22) a. n-tsìl-á ‘hand writing’ < tsìlɔ ‘write’

b. n-sàl-á ‘crevice’ < sàlɔ ‘cut lengthwise’
c. n-lvúm-á ‘fork’ < lvúmɔ ‘sting’

In contrast to nominalized past participles, deverbal nouns in gender 3/4 are

full nouns including a plural form with the noun class prefix mi- in addition to
the singular form with a nasal prefix. They occur in all nominal environments,
as described in §3.1, while nominalized participles do not.
Unlike deverbal agentive nouns of gender 1/2, deverbal nouns in gender 3/4
are not restricted to a disyllabic pattern. As (23) shows, there are also instances
of mono- and trisyllabic derived nouns. In these cases, the change to an H tone
on the final vowel does not apply.

(23) a. n-lâ ‘story’ < lâ ‘tell’

b. n-sá’àwà ‘repeated movement (e.g. leaves)’ < sá’àwa ‘move
repeatedly, fidget’

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4.2.1.3 Deverbal nouns in gender 5/6

Deverbal nouns in gender 5/6 seem to be rare, just like those in gender 3/4. They
all take the gender’s noun class prefixes, le- in the singular class 5 and ma- in the
plural class 6. There are no known instances of segmental nominalization suffix
attachment and nouns generally retain the final vowel of the verb, as shown in
(24).

(24) a. le-jìlɔ̀ ‘weight’ < jìlɔ ‘be heavy’

b. le-dã̀ ‘pond, source, well’ < dã̀ ‘draw water’

An exception to the final vowel is presented in (25) where the derivation path
is opaque. The final vowel of the synchronically existing verb and the derived
noun do not match.

(25) le-sù’ù ‘waterfall’ < ?sù’ù ‘pour (?)’ < sùbɛ ‘pour out’

Deverbal nouns in gender 5/6 are either bi- or trisyllabic with the noun class
prefix and a mono- or disyllabic verb stem. There are instances where the verb
stem is trisyllabic, as in (26), but in the derived noun, the first and second verb
syllables are merged.

(26) le-fwálá ‘end, border, summit’ < fúala ‘end (recip)’

The example in (26) presents the only known instance of a tonal nominalization
suffix -H in this gender; all other examples surface with a final L tone.

4.2.1.4 Deverbal event nouns in gender 6

A vast number of deverbal nouns are assigned to the transnumeral gender 6.
Semantically, deverbal nouns in this gender represent an event, as examples in
(27) through (29) show (with the exception of ma-nyâ ‘(breast) milk’ which is in
this gender for its status as a liquid mass noun). Formally, all deverbal nouns in
this gender take the noun class prefix ma- and are uncountable, lacking a sin-
gular counterpart in class 5. They differ, however, with respect to suffixation of
the segmental nominalization suffix -a and the tonal suffix -H. Since these nom-
inalization suffixes occur independently of each other, there are four different
classes of deverbal event nouns in class 6. (27) shows those that do not take any
nominalization suffix, surfacing with a lexicalized final L tone in the noun stem.

(27) a. ma-sâ ‘game, playing’ < sâ ‘make, do’

b. ma-bwã̂sà ‘thoughts’< bwã̂sa ‘think’

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

c. ma-nyànò ‘pain’ < nyàno ‘hurt’

d. ma-nyâ ‘(breast)milk’ < nyâ ‘suckle, lick’
e. ma-gyɛ̀ ’ɛ̀ lɛ̀ ‘prayer’ < gyɛ̀ ’ɛlɛ ‘pray’
f. ma-dɔ̀ ‘negotiation, discussion’ < dɔ̀ ‘negotiate, discuss’
g. ma-bwàlɛ̀ ‘birth’ < bwàlɛ ‘be born’ < bwà ‘give birth’

Example (28) shows affixation with the segmental nominalization suffix -a, but
without -H.

(28) ma-díg-à ‘vision’ < dígɛ ‘look, watch’

Vice versa, there are nouns that take only the tonal nominalization suffix, as
in (29).

(29) a. ma-pámó ‘appearance, rise’ < pámo ‘appear’

b. ma-tɛ̀ mbɔ́wɔ́ ‘sun set’ < tɛ̀ mbɔwɔ ‘set (sun)’
c. ma-sɔ̀ sí ‘joy’ < sɔ̀ si ‘be happy’

The fourth class comprises those nouns that take both the segmental nomi-
nalization suffix -a and tonal nominalization suffix -H, as in (30). (30c) further
illustrates that it is possible to derive four-syllable nouns (including the noun
class marker).

(30) a. ma-tál-á ‘beginning’ < tálɛ ‘begin’

b. ma-dìl-á ‘funeral’ < dìlɛ ‘bury’
c. ma-líbɛ́l-á ‘showing, appearance (of moon’) < líbɛlɛ ‘show’

4.2.1.5 Deverbal nouns in gender 7/8

Gender 7/8 also hosts deverbal nouns. They take the noun class markers of their
classes, namely ∅ for class 7 and be- in class 8. All examples presented here have
a plural form, even abstract nouns such as tfúgà, be-tfúgà ‘suffering, sufferings’
or kwàlɛ́ ‘love’, be-kwàlɛ́ ‘love (for different things/people)’.
Within deverbal nouns of gender 7/8, there are several formal subclasses, de-
termined by the presence or absence of a segmental and/or tonal nominalization
suffix. Examples in (31) neither take the segmental suffix -a nor the tonal suffix
-H, but are formally identical to the verb they are derived from.

(31) a. sálɛ̀ ‘work (n.)’ < sálɛ ‘make, do (v.t.)’

b. tfúgà ‘suffering’ < tfúga ‘suffer’

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In contrast, (32) exhibits cases where the tonal suffix -H is used without the seg-
mental suffix -a.

(32) a. sá ‘thing’ < sâ ‘make, do’

b. kwàlɛ́ ‘love (n.)’ < kwàlɛ̀ ‘love (v.)’

In (33), both -H and the segmental nominalization suffix -a attach.

(33) tfúd-á ‘pinch (n.)’ < tfúdɔ ‘pinch (v.)’

Finally, there are cases where the derivation process is synchronically not clear.
In (34a), the source of ndɛ̀ that is attached to kɛ̀ ‘walk’ is unknown. In (34b), it
seems that there might have been another verb form from which the noun has
been derived, but which does not exist synchronically anymore.

(34) a. kɛ̀ ndɛ̀ ‘walk (n.)’ < kɛ̀ ‘walk (v.)’

b. lɔ̀ gɔ̀ ‘curse (n.)’ < ? < lùà ‘curse (v.)’

4.2.1.6 Deverbal nouns in gender 8

There are also nominalized forms in inquorate genders (§5.2.5) such as gender 8,
which lack a singular counterpart, as in (35). This is based on the status of gender
8 nouns as mass nouns.

(35) a. be-déwɔ̀ ‘food’ < dè ‘eat’

b. be-jíì ‘anger’ < jíga ‘be angry’
c. be-kílì ‘slyness, guile’ < kílɔwɔ ‘be vigilant’

4.2.1.7 Nominalized past participles

The nominalized past participle is the most productive type of derivation, more
productive than full deverbal nouns or derived verbs which are discussed in
§4.2.4. In the database of 377 verbs, 325 (86%) allow for a nominalized partici-
ple.14 It seems that the only restriction includes verbs of saying or intransitive
verbs such as dyúà ‘swim’ or sìsɔ ‘be happy’. Grammatical properties of nominal-
ized past participles, such as their syntactic restriction to the predicate position in
copula constructions, as well as their status as nouns in terms of parts of speech
are discussed in §3.1.2.4. Semantically, they encode resultativity, as shown in (36).
14
Frequencies of derived verbs such as reciprocal, passive, or causative are provided in Table 4.7
in §4.2.4.

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

(36) a. n-kòl-á ‘helped person/thing’ < kòla ‘help (v.)’

b. n-dvùb-á ‘soaked person/thing’ < dvùba ‘soak’
c. n-gyámb-â ‘cooked person/thing’ < gyámbɔ ‘cook (v.)’
d. n-tfúmb-â ‘wrinkled thing’ < tfúmba ‘wrinkle (v.)’

The derivation of nominalized participles involves prefixation of a nasal and

suffixation of -a. Unlike the nominalization suffix with full deverbal nouns, the
tonal pattern of the nominalized past participle suffix is determined by the tone
pattern of the lexical stem, as shown in (37) for disyllabic verbs. If the stem tone
is L, the suffix will take an H tone. If the stem tone is H, the suffix will take an
HL tone.

(37) a. n-dvùb-á ‘soaked person/thing’ < dvùbɔ ‘soak’

b. m-bɔ̀ g-á ‘enlarged person/thing’ < bɔ̀ gɛ ‘enlarge’
c. n-jímb-â ‘lost person/thing’ < jímbɛ ‘lose’
d. n-sɛ́l-â ‘peeled thing’ < sɛ́lɔ ‘peel’

In fact, two syllables is the minimum requirement of length for nominalized

past participles. In this, it differs from full deverbal nouns such as n-jì ‘eater’
which is derived from dè ‘eat’. The nominalized participle form, however, is
n-jìy-á ‘(be) open’, as shown in (40). Monosyllabic verb stems keep their final
vowel in the first syllable and attach the suffix -a as the second syllable, insert-
ing an epenthetic consonant between the two vowels. The potential epenthetic
segments mainly include y, w, and ng, which each occur in about a third of the
monosyllabic verbs; there are a few exceptional cases which take l, s, or n. Only
the insertion of ng as epenthetic consonant is mostly predictable.15 It occurs in
verbs that start with a nasal consonant and/or that have a nasalized vowel, as
shown in (38).

(38) a. ndàng-á ‘crossed thing’ < ndà ‘cross’

b. n-làng-á ‘passed person/thing’ < lã̀ ‘pass’
c. n-láng-â ‘read thing’ < lã̂ ‘read’
d. nyíng-â ‘entered thing’ < nyî ‘enter’

15
There are a few exceptions, e.g. má’à ‘accuse’ is not derived with ng, but with g in mágâ ‘(be)
accused’, despite the nasal. The glottal stop seems to have more weight than the nasal, but
other exceptions exist as well that do not appear to have an obvious explanation, for instance
nyàg-á ‘(be) defecated’ as derived from nyàà ‘defecate’.

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The insertion of g is predictable if the monosyllabic verb contains a glottal stop.

There are, however, many instances of g insertion which are not predictable, for
instance in n-tsìg-á ‘(be) alive’, derived from tsìɛ̀ ‘live’, as opposed to n-tsíy-â ‘(be)
cut’ which is derived from tsíɛ̀ ‘cut’.

(39) a. n-kwàg-á ‘ground thing’ < kwà ‘grind’

b. n-dvùg-á ‘hurt person/thing’ < dvùɔ̀ ‘hurt’
c. n-kág-â ‘rolled up thing’ < ká’à ‘roll up’
d. m-pág-â ‘dug out person/thing’ < pá’à ‘dig out’

Further examples of y insertion are given in (40).

(40) a. m-wɛ̀ y-á ‘dead person/thing’ < wɛ̀ ‘die’

b. n-jìy-á ‘opened person/thing’ < jì ‘open’
c. n-kwéy-â ‘fallen person/thing’ < kwê ‘fall’
d. m-vɛ́y-â ‘given person/thing’ < vɛ̂ ‘give’

Finally, nominalized past participles can also have three syllables. In this case,
the tonal pattern is exceptional in that the suffix does not change according to the
lexical stem tone, but is the same for all derived forms: the second TBU surfaces
as H and the third TBU surfaces as HL, as shown in (41).

(41) a. m-bèlán-â ‘used person/thing’ < bèlanɛ ‘use’

b. n-lèbál-â ‘followed person/thing’ < lèbɛlɛ ‘follow’
c. n-súmál-â ‘greeted person’ < súmɛlɛ ‘greet’
d. m-víyál-â ‘touched person/thing’ < víyala ‘touch’

4.2.2 Derivation with similative ná-

The similative prefix ná- derives common and proper names as well as adjectives.
In this, it differs from other nominalization markers discussed in §4.2.1 which
only derive common nouns. Formally, derivation with ná- functions the same
way for adjectives, common, and proper names.16 In all cases, the only derivation
marker is the prefix ná-.

16
While in most cases the derivational source is synchronically opaque, it still does not look as
if there is any final vowel change to -á or tone change of the final vowel, as often found in
deverbal nominalization.

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

Derivation with the similative marker ná- is more diverse in its derivational
source than nominalization processes discussed in §4.2.1. In most cases, the der-
ivational source is, in fact, synchronically opaque.17 There are some clear cases,
however, where the derivational source is a noun, as for instance in the proper
name Ná-nzɛ̌ which is derived from nzɛ̌ ‘leopard’. There are also derived forms
which likely arose from diachronic stative verbs, which are, however, not used
presently anymore, as with the adjectives in (42). Especially the cross-linguistically
uncommon “lightened” and “darkened” color categories suggest a change of state
and make a verbal source likely.

(42) ná- with adjectives

a. ná-vyû(vyû) ‘black [lit. like blackened]’
b. ná-bè(bè) ‘red [lit. like reddened]’
c. ná-mbàmbàlà ‘white [lit. like whitened]’
d. ná-yɛ̂(yɛ̂) ‘lightened color [lit. like bleached out]’
e. ná-pfû(pfû) ‘darkened color [lit. like darkened]’

Further evidence for a verbal derivation source comes from Cheucle (2014: 382),
who analyzes the Proto-A80 particle °na- as a deverbal morpheme.18
Nouns derived with ná- include both common and proper names. As for ná-
derived common nouns, they all belong to gender 1/2 and their similative prefix
can be preceded by the plural noun class prefix ba-, as shown in (43). As a CV-
shape noun class prefix, ba- also then allows for the attachment of the object-
linking H tone, as discussed in §4.1.1.4. In contrast, singular noun forms with the
similative marker never take a noun class prefix or object-linking H tone. This
is as expected, since the first syllable is already specified for tone. Semantically,
common nouns derived with ná- consist mostly of animals, especially insects.

(43) ná- with common nouns

a. ná-búnjã̂, ba-ná-búnjã̂ ‘bed bug’
b. ná-mìnsógɛ̀ , ba-ná-mìnsógɛ̀ ‘palm rat’
c. ná-mángɔ̀ (mángɔ̀ ), ba-ná-mángɔ̀ (mángɔ̀ ) ‘male Agama lizard’
d. ná-yûyû, ba-ná-yûyû ‘vertigo’

17
See §4.1.1.1 for why ná- should still be viewed as a derivational morpheme.
18
According to her data, °na- is synchronically a lot more productive in Bekwel (A85). Also, colors
in Bekwel are preceded by this morpheme. Cheucle (2014: 138) views Bekwel color terms as
nouns while the potential verbal source seems unclear.

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4 Morphology

With proper names, ná- only occurs in female names, deriving them from male
names, as illustrated in (44).

(44) ná- with proper names

a. Ná-ngyɛ́mbá (female name) > Ngyɛ́mbá (male name)
b. Ná-ntùngù (female name) > Ntùngù (male name)
c. Ná-yímá (female name) > Yímá (male name)
d. Ná-bàmù (female name) > Bàmù (male name)

In terms of frequency, the prefix ná- is found with eight common nouns in
the 875-entry noun database, which is less than 1%. The similative marker is rela-
tively more widespread among proper names, with 16 occurrences—one third of a
sample of about 50 female proper names. The similative marker occurs with half
of the 12 adjectives. These include all five color terms as well as ná-tĩ̂ ‘straight’.

4.2.3 Adverbal derivation with nà-

The prefix nà- derives adverbs, as shown in (45). These are the only two examples
contained in the lexical database, but the class of adverbs is small in the first place.

(45) nà- with adverbs

a. nà-mɛ́nɔ́ ‘tomorrow’ > mɛ́nɔ́ ‘morning’
b. nà-kùgúù ‘yesterday’ > kùgúù ‘evening’

The adverbializing derivation prefix differs from derivations with the simila-
tive prefix ná- phonologically in its tonal pattern and functionally in that nà-
derives adverbs. The derivational source in adverbal derivation is always a noun.

4.2.4 Verbal derivation

Bantu languages are known for their multitude of productive verb extensions,
also known under the term “verbal derivation”. These suffixes bring about a va-
lence change from intransitive to transitive verbs and may generally include such
categories as applicatives, causatives, reversives, or reciprocals.
Table 4.7 summarizes verbal derivation morphemes in Gyeli, including both
extensions and expansions, while Table 4.8 gives examples for each one. Nurse
(2008) defines extensions as verbal “productive derivational suffixes” that “change
the valency and meaning of [verb] roots” (p. 311). In Gyeli, they comprise the

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forms -ala, -a, -ɛsɛ, -ɛlɛ, -ɛga, and -ɔwɔ. In contrast, expansion suffixes -kɛ, -lɛ,19
and -bɔ are not productive synchronically. They are low in number and it is dif-
ficult to match their form onto a specific function (other than being related to
valency).
Table 4.7: Verbal derivation morphemes

Status Form Category label # verbs

-ala reciprocal 270
-a passive 105
-ɛsɛ causative 89
extensions
-ɛlɛ applicative 34
-ɛga autocausative middle voice 28
-ɔwɔ positional middle voice 5
-kɛ ??? 10
expansions -lɛ ??? 6
-bɔ ??? 1

While historically the derivational system was most likely more productive,
it is synchronically determined in the lexicon whether a verb takes verb exten-
sions and, if so, which. There is no verb that takes all possible extensions. Also,
there seems to be a general tendency to reduce verb extensions. For instance, the
applicative and causative are currently merging into one transitivizing category,
blurring semantic distinctions.
Gyeli verb roots usually take one derivational suffix at a time, a restriction
which appears related to the maximum stem length of three syllables (§2.3.2.4).
There are a few exceptions, however. Within the limits of a maximum of three
syllables, a verb may combine two extensions/expansions. This is, for instance,
the case with passives formed from other extensions such as the causative, ap-
plicative, or positional middle voice (§4.2.4.2). Another exception to the trend of
allowing only one derivation morpheme concerns the causative that may show
(remnants of) combination with the applicative, (46), or the expansion morpheme
-lɛ, (47), again respecting the three syllable maximum of the verb stem. Examples
19
It is not clear whether this suffix is related to the applicative. As shown in §4.2.4.7, there are
instances of valency increase, as expected for the applicative, but also cases where the opposite
happens. Also, there does not seem to be a phonological rule according to which the expansion
suffix could have been reduced from the applicative form. Given the inconclusive data on a
potential relation between -lɛ and the applicative suffix -ɛlɛ, I consider -lɛ as a form in its own.

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such as (46) are rare. One could likewise assume that -s- in (46) is an epenthetic
consonant, as discussed in §3.2.1. Since /s/ as an epenthetic consonant is rare
as well, however, it is possible that all of these instances stem from an original
causative morpheme. Synchronically, this cannot be determined with certainty.
Combinations of causative and applicative morphemes in Gyeli follow the recon-
structed causative-applicative order for Bantu, as discussed by Good (2005).
(46) kà-s-ɛlɛ
catch-caus-appl
‘light sth. (make sth. catch fire)’
In combinations of the causative and the expansion -lɛ, in contrast, the expansion
morpheme precedes the causative suffix, as shown in (47). Synchronically, it is
not clear what this expansion does or what its semantic function is, as I discuss
in more detail in §4.2.4.7. In (47), -lɛ may indicate a perfective reading:20 bwà
‘give birth’ > bwà-lɛ ‘be born’ > bwà-l-ɛsɛ ‘make give birth’.
(47) bwà-l-ɛsɛ
catch-lɛ-caus
‘make give birth (e.g. acting as midwife)’
Some verbs lacking the disyllabic expansion form with -lɛ, still use /l/ as an
epenthetic consonant in the causative form, for instance in bâ ‘marry’ > bál-ɛsɛ
‘make marry’ (but having no form bálɛ). In verb forms that take two different
epenthetic consonants with different derivation morphemes, one of the conso-
nants is often /l/, which may have its origin in the expansion morpheme -lɛ. Ex-
tensions derived from the -lɛ form include passive and applicative, for example
in bû ‘destroy’ > búl-a ‘destroyed’, while the reciprocal is formed with /y/ búy-ala
‘destroy each other’. As stated above, however, this observation does not trans-
late into any synchronic rule and is currently lexically specified.
As Table 4.7 shows, extension forms highly vary in the number of verbs they
combine with, which may have different causes. While categories such as causa-
tive and applicative seem to have become reduced, other extensions such as -ɔwɔ
and -ɛga are restricted semantically. -ɔwɔ as a positional category, for instance,
only combines with semantically compatible verb roots.21
20
While there is definitely a difference in valency involved as well, bwà-lɛ ‘be born’ does not
match the passive forms discussed in §4.2.4.2.
21
It should also be mentioned that the numbers given in the table should not be taken as absolute.
For one, despite my attempt to elicit the entire paradigm of possible extended verb forms, there
is the possibility that the speaker could not think of any appropriate context and rejected a
possible extended verb form on these grounds, while another speaker would have accepted a
potential form. So there may actually be more forms.

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Table 4.8: Examples of verbal derivation morphemes

Category Example
reciprocal lúnd-ala ‘fill one another’ < lúndɔ ‘fill (v.i.)’
passive lúnd-a ‘be filled’ < lúndɔ ‘fill (v.i.)’
causative lúnd-ɛsɛ ‘make sth. full’ < lúndɔ ‘fill (v.i.)’
applicative lúnd-ɛlɛ ‘fill sth.’ < lúndɔ ‘fill (v.i.)’
autocausative vìd-ɛga ‘turn (by itself)’ < vìdɛ ‘turn sth.’
positional kɛ̀ l-ɔwɔ ‘assume hanging position’ < kɛ̀ lɛ ‘hang sth.’
-kɛ jí-kɛ ‘burn sth.’ < jíyɛ ‘burn (v.i.)’
-lɛ bwà-lɛ ‘be born’ < bwà ‘give birth’
-bɔ/wɔ jì-bɔ ‘close’ < jì ‘open’

Another issue concerns verb forms that have an extension or expansion but no
synchronic underived form. I treat them as underived forms here, i.e. I do not
count them as extensions in the table in order to be consistent across categories.
While it is easy to recognize, for instance, a causative or applicative form, it is
much harder for possible expansions such as -kɛ. As indicated in Table 4.7, there
are ten instances of this morpheme serving as an expansion to an underived
form. There are, however, five instances in my database where a -kɛ ending ap-
pears as an apparent underived form itself, taking yet its own extension mor-
phemes. Synchronically, it is not possible to determine whether this -kɛ carries
any morphological function or whether it is simply a random lexical form. Ta-
ble 4.8 provides examples of each extension and expansion category, including
the underived verb form.
In the following, I will describe each derivation morpheme and its semantic
functions in a decreasing order of frequency. As discussed in §2.4, all derivation
morphemes are underlyingly toneless. Therefore they are represented without
tonal marking here.

4.2.4.1 Reciprocal -ala

The verb extension -ala is by far the most frequent in Gyeli. Out of 377 verbs
in the database, 270 (71.6%) allow for this extension, which I label as reciprocal.
Further, there are eight occurrences of verb stems ending in -ala that do not have
an underived form.

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In terms of the extension’s semantic function, it has mostly a reciprocal mean-

ing, as the examples in (48) show, which express “mutuality”.

(48) dvùɔ̀ ‘hurt (v.i.)’ > dvùg-ala ‘hurt one another’

dyúwɔ ‘hear’ > dyúw-ala ‘understand each other’
gyíwɔ ‘call’ > gyíw-ala ‘call each other’
kwàlɛ ‘love’ > kwàl-ala ‘love each other’
tsíndɔ ‘push’ > tsínd-ala ‘push each other’
bâ ‘marry’ > bán-ala ‘marry each other’
kɛ̀̃ ‘shave’ > kèng-ala ‘shave each other’

Beyond this reciprocal meaning, there are many instances of verbs whose se-
mantics do not allow for a reciprocal use. In these cases, the extension -ala has
a “togetherness” reading, as shown in (49).

(49) nyùlɛ ‘drink’ > nyùl-àlà ‘drink together’

kɔ́sɛ ‘cough’ > kɔ́s-ala ‘cough together’
pámɔ ‘show up’ > pám-ala ‘show up together’
tɛ́bɔ ‘get up’ > tɛ́b-ala ‘get up together’
bwà ‘become big’ > bɔ̀ g-ala ‘become big together’
kwê ‘fall’ > kwéy-ala ‘fall together’
nyî ‘enter’ > nyíng-ala ‘enter together’

It is possible that verbs which do allow a reciprocal meaning may get a “to-
getherness” reading, depending on the context. This, however, needs further in-
vestigation. It is not possible to get a reciprocal causative reading, for instance
‘make each other fall’ for kwéy-ala, as the causative extension of the verb, kù-ɛsɛ
‘make fall’ cannot combine with the reciprocal extension. Instead, a coordina-
tion construction with a morphological causative can be used, as in (50a), or a
complement clause, as in (50b).22

(50) a. nyɛ̀ gà á kùɛ́sɛ́ nɔ́nɛ́gá nà nyɛ̀ gà á

nyɛ̀ -gà a-H kù-ɛsɛ-H nɔ́-nɛ́gá nà nyɛ̀ -gà a-H
1.sbj-contr 1-prs fall-caus-r 1-other conj 1.sbj-contr 1-prs
kùɛ́sɛ́ nɔ́nɛ́gá
kù-ɛsɛ nɔ́nɛ́gá
fall-caus-r 1-other
‘One makes the other fall and that one makes the other fall.’
22
Although (50b) can be interpreted with a reciprocal meaning, the referent of nɔ́nɛ́gá ‘other’ is
ambiguous, since it is not necessarily co-referential with the subject of the main clause.

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

b. bá sá nâ nɔ́nɛ́gá á kwê
ba-H sâ-H nâ nɔ́-nɛ́gá a-H kwê
2-prs do-r comp 1-other 1-prs fall
‘They make that the other falls.’

4.2.4.2 Passive -a
I will discuss the contrast between active and passive constructions following
Siewierska’s (2013) defining criteria for passive constructions which I illustrate
in (51).
(51) a. bùdì bá tsìlɔ́ békálàdɛ̀ .
b-ùdì ba-H tsìlɔ-H H-be-kálàdɛ̀
ba2-person 2-prs write-r obj.link-be8-book
‘People write books.’
b. bèkálàdɛ̀ bé tsìlá (nà bùdì).
be-kálàdɛ̀ be-H tsìl-a-H nà b-ùdì
be8-book 8-prs write-pass-r com ba2-person
‘Books are written (by people).’
(51a) is the active, while (51b) is the contrasting passive construction. According
to Siewierska (2013), “the subject of the active corresponds to a non-obligatory
oblique phrase of the passive or is not overtly expressed,” which is the case for
the subject bùdì in (51a). Another characteristic of passive constructions is that
their subjects correspond to the direct object in the active counterpart, as with
bèkálàdɛ̀ ‘books’. Siewierska also points out that passive constructions are prag-
matically more restricted than active constructions, which is true in Gyeli as
well. Finally, she notes that passive constructions receive a special morphologi-
cal marking of the verb. In the case of Gyeli, this is a final vowel -a, in most cases,
as will be discussed below.
Generally, passive forms are far less frequent than reciprocals, with only 105
attested instances (27.9% of the verbs in the database). Speakers appear to pre-
fer the active form with the impersonal third person plural of class 2 and are
forced to use this for the majority of verbs which do not have a passive form.
Morphological marking of the passive on the verb in Gyeli differs phonologi-
cally, depending on the syllable number of the verb form the passive is derived
from. Passives from mono- and disyllabic roots differ from trisyllabic ones. I will
discuss both in turn.
The passive in Gyeli is formed by the extension -a, resulting in a disyllabic
verb stem if it is derived from a mono- or disyllabic verb root, as shown in (52).

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4 Morphology

(52) kwàlɛ ‘love’ > kwàl-a ‘be loved’

bvúɔ̀ ‘break sth.’ > bvúg-a ‘be broken’
jì ‘open’ > jìy-a ‘be open’
dyû ‘kill’ > dyúw-a ‘be killed’
jíwɔ ‘steal’ > jíy-a ‘be stolen’
vìdɛ ‘turn sth.’ > vìd-a ‘be turned’
bàwɛ ‘carry sth.’ > bàw-a ‘be carried’

All these instances have an underived form. There are, however, 36 disyllabic
verbs ending in -a which are underived, non-passive forms. Examples are given in
(53). In fact, these verbs cannot be passivized nor do they have a passive meaning.
Expressing passive meaning as in (52) is not possible for them since their ending
is identical with the passive suffix.

(53) gyàga ‘buy’

kòla ‘add’
kìya ‘give’
bwàndya ‘despise’

For other disyllabic verb stems ending in -a which do not have an underived
form, agentivity is less specified. The examples in (54) can be thought of as having
a non-specified agent while the subject takes the semantic role of an experiencer.

(54) vòwa ‘wake up’

wùsa ‘forget’
káka ‘shiver’
kánda ‘crack (v.i.; e.g. bottle or glass)’
sìya ‘wash, bathe sb./oneself’

Finally, a few disyllabic passive forms take a final -ɛ rather than the usual
passive -a extension, as shown in (55) which lists all known instances.

(55) bwè ‘catch’ > bùl-ɛ ‘be caught’

sàlɔ ‘cut lengthwise’ > sàl-ɛ ‘be cut lengthwise’
tìnɔ ‘harvest tubers’ > tìl-ɛ ‘be harvested (tubers)’

These exceptions are specified in the lexicon rather than stemming from a pre-
dictable morphophonological rule.
In a few rare cases, the passive can also be formed from trisyllabic stems, i.e.
from verbs which already have an extension such as the causative, applicative,
or positional middle voice. In these cases, not only the final vowel changes to -a,

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but also that of the second syllable, as shown in (56). The passive forms that are
derived from applicatives -ɛlɛ are identical with the reciprocal forms. I do not
mark morpheme breaks with a hyphen for these passive forms since morpheme
boundaries are not clear-cut. Rather, an extension morpheme such as -awa has
to be considered a portmanteau morpheme, encoding both the passive via the
vowels /a/23 and the positional via the consonant /w/.

(56) bál-ɔwɔ ‘bend down’ > bálawa ‘be bent down’

bén-ɛlɛ ‘raise, lift sth.’ > bénala ‘be lifted (lift each other)’
bùm-ɛlɛ ‘hit (nail)’ > bùmala ‘be hit (hit each other)’
dyɔ̀ l-ɛsɛ ‘make laugh’ > dyɔ̀ lasa ‘be made to laugh’
pín-ɛsɛ ‘squeeze’ > pínasa ‘be squeezed’

Historically, the passive extension is likely to have developed from the middle
voice suffix -aga which is still used in Mabi as passive. In Gyeli, the velar stops
got lost and the vowel contracted. In careful speech, the final -a is sometimes still
lengthened, for instance in gyàmbaa ‘be cooked’ which is derived from gyámbɔ
‘cook’, but in fast speech and most lexemes, it surfaces as a short vowel.
The use of passive verbs is rather restricted, nevertheless. For one, many un-
derived verbs do not allow for passivization, even though this would semantically
be possible. Also, in terms of text frequency, even verbs that do have a passive
form are rarely used.24 In natural speech, the Bagyeli prefer to use an active con-
struction with a class 2 (3rd person plural) subject as an agent, which remains
semantically unspecified, as in (57).

(57) bá gyàgá má-ntúà

ba-H gyàga-H H-ma-ntúà
2-prs buy-r obj.link-ma6-mango
‘They buy the mangoes (= the mangoes are bought).’

See also §7.3 for a more detailed discussion of information structure.

The passive appears to be related to two other derivation forms: the autocausa-
tive and the nominalized past participle. The passive could be the shortened form
of the autocausative -aga, discussed in §4.2.4.5. As explained there, -aga is the reg-
ular passive suffix in Mabi. In Gyeli, it appears to have split into two categories:
the passive and the autocausative. This can be seen in a few instances where

23
The occurrence of /a/ in the second and third syllable can be viewed as an instance of vowel
harmony where the first extension vowel harmonizes with the last one.
24
The passive forms discussed in this section were mainly collected by elicitation.

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4 Morphology

the passive suffix is a lengthened vowel, as in (58). It seems lexically specified

whether a verb can take the lengthened passive form. In any case, the length-
ened suffix is in free variation with the default short form.

(58) kfúdɛ ‘cover’ > kfúd-a(a) ‘be covered’

wàwɛ ‘spread’ > wàw-a(a) ‘be spread’
gyámbɔ ‘cook’ > dyúg-a(a) ‘be cooked’
kwɛ̀ lɔ ‘cut down’ > kwɛ̀ l-a(a) ‘be cut down’

In a likely scenario, the consonant /g/ has been deleted from -aga, developing
into a lengthened passive form which still exists in a few lexemes while the syn-
chronic default form is a short vowel.
Semantically, the shift from autocausative middle voice to passive seems natu-
ral. In both cases, the agent is not overtly expressed. The main difference seems
to concern the attribution of agentivity. In the autocausative, the subject has a
certain degree of agentivity, while, in the passive, the subject is clearly the pa-
tient. Given the distinct functions of passive and autocausative, quite a few verbs
take both extensions. This is true for all examples in (58); others are listed in Ap-
pendix A.
The passive form is also related to the nominalized past participle described in
§4.2.1.7. The difference between the two is both structural and semantic. The pas-
sive verb form is preceded by a stamp marker, as in (59), while the nominalized
past participle requires the stamp copula (§7.1.1) that agrees with the subject, as
shown in (60).

(59) yí kɛ̀ là
yi-H kɛ̀ l-a
7-prs hang-pass
‘It is being hung.’
(60) yíì nkɛ̀ lá
yíì n-kɛ̀ l-a-H
cop nom-hang-pass-nom
‘It has been hung [lit. It is a ‘hung-up one’].’

The meaning difference between the two constructions is in fact aspectual. The
passive construction views an event as ongoing and is incompatible with comple-
tive aspect. In contrast, the nominalized past participle form is more resultative
and completive.

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

4.2.4.3 Causative -ɛsɛ

The causative extension morpheme -ɛsɛ increases the verb’s valency, turning in-
transitive verbs into transitive and transitive verbs into ditransitive ones. Song
(2013) defines causative constructions as denoting complex situations

consisting of two component events [...]: (i) the causing event, in which the
causer does or initiates something; and (ii) the caused event, in which the
causee carries out an action, or undergoes a change of condition or state as
a result of the causer’s action.

This definition becomes clearer when looking at (61) where the causer, Màmbì
performs a causing event (teaching) and the causee, Ada, experiences the caused
event (learning English). As a consequence, the causee, Àdà, does something,
namely learning English which is the caused event.

(61) Màmbì á gyíkɛ́sɛ́ Àdà ngɛ̀ lɛ́nɛ̀

Màmbì a-H gyík-ɛsɛ-H Àdà ngɛ̀ lɛ́nɛ̀
∅1.pn 1-prs learn-caus-r ∅1.pn ∅1.English
‘Mambi teaches Ada English (lit. makes Ada learn English).’

This type of morphological causative, as opposed to lexical and syntactic caus-

atives (see Song 1996: 3), is marked on the verb by a suffix. The morphological
causative is not the only causative construction found in Gyeli. Also syntactic
causatives using the verb sâ ‘make’ plus the complementizer nâ, as in (62), are
quite common.

(62) mɛ́ nzíí sâ nâ wɛ́ dyɔ̀

mɛ-H nzíì-H sâ nâ wɛ-H dyɔ̀
1sg-prs prog-r make comp 2sg-prs laugh
‘I make you laugh.’

The morphological causative in Gyeli is formed by the suffix -ɛsɛ. 89 verbs in

the database (23.6%) have a causative suffix. There are another 6 verbs with a
causative ending which do not have an underived form. Examples are provided
in (63).

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(63) gìyɔ ‘cry’ > gìl-ɛsɛ ‘make cry’

gyímbɔ ‘dance’ > gyímb-ɛsɛ ‘make dance’
dyúwɔ ‘hear, perceive’ > dyúg-ɛsɛ ‘make feel’
nyâ ‘suckle, lick’ > nyáng-ɛsɛ ‘breast-feed’
mìno ‘swallow’ > mìn-ɛsɛ ‘make swallow’
jíyɔ ‘burn (v.i.)’ > jíg-ɛsɛ ‘make angry’
lùnga ‘grow (v.i.)’ > lùng-ɛsɛ ‘raise, make grow’
gyíkɛ ‘learn’ > gyík-ɛsɛ ‘teach’

Some medial consonants of underived verb forms are subject to change in

verbal derivation. This is precisely the case with epenthetic consonants such as
/w/ (between /u/ and /ɔ/) and /y/ (between /i/ and /ɔ/) which may be replaced
by another consonant in the derived forms. In this respect, disyllabic underived
verbs behave parallel to monosyllabic roots, as discussed in §3.2.1 for stem-final
vowels.
While in the great majority of cases, the suffix -ɛsɛ expresses causativity, there
are a few cases where the semantic lines between causative and applicative are
blurred, as for instance with the verb dvùbɔ ‘dip, soak’. For these, the underived
verb can be used, as in (64a), or the causative, as in (64b), or the applicative form,
as in (64c). The causative form in (64b) is semantically closer to an applicative.
Thus, the sentence in (64b) with another verb such as nyî ‘enter’, as in (65), will
take the applicative form. With dvùbɔ ‘ dip’, however, the applicative has under-
gone semantic shift, denoting a different type of action, as shown in (64c), and
the causative takes over the applicative semantics.

(64) a. mɛ́ dvùbɔ́ pɛ̀ mbɔ̀ (ɛ́ kɔ̀ fí)

mɛ-H dvùbɔ-H pɛ̀ mbɔ̀ ɛ́ kɔ̀ fí
1sg-prs dip-r ∅1.bread loc ∅7.coffee
‘I dip the bread in coffee.’
b. mɛ́ dvùbɛ́sɛ́ wɛ̂ màjíwɔ́
mɛ-H dvùb-ɛsɛ-H wɛ̂ ma-jíwɔ́
1sg-prs dip-caus-r 2sg ma6-water
‘I dip you in water.’
c. mɛ́ dvùbɛ́lɛ́ béká
mɛ-H dvùb-ɛlɛ-H H-be-ká
1sg-prs dip?-appl-r obj.link-be8-grass
‘I weed the grass [with a rake].’

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

(65) mɛ́ nyíngɛ́lɛ́ wɛ̂ màjíwɔ́

mɛ-H nyíng-ɛlɛ-H wɛ̂ ma-jíwɔ́
1sg-prs enter-caus-r 2sg ma6-water
‘I insert you into water.’

The distribution and frequency of the underived versus the causative form
needs further investigation. The occurrence of comparable cases in the corpus is
so rare that no generalizations can be made at this point.

4.2.4.4 Applicative -ɛlɛ

The extension -ɛlɛ is significantly rarer in Gyeli than the causative -ɛsɛ, with only
34 (9%) instances in the database. Further, there are no verbs ending in -ɛlɛ that
have no underived form. I refer to the -ɛlɛ suffix as “applicative”, a category that
is commonly found in Bantu languages.
Morphosyntactically, the applicative changes the verb’s valency by increas-
ing “the number of object arguments selected by the predicate [...] by one with
respect to the basic construction” (Polinsky 2013). Peterson (1997: 278) specifies
that, in applicative constructions:

thematically peripheral objects are treated in a more core or direct object

manner, and in terms of discourse, they often have higher relative topical-
ity in applicative constructions as compared to when they occur in non-
applicative constructions.

Gyeli forms applicatives both from intransitive (66) and transitive (67) verbs,
which seems to be the typical case in Bantu languages, according to Polinsky
(2013).

(66) nyùmbɔ ‘smell (v.i.)’ > nyùmb-ɛlɛ ‘smell sth.’

swásɔ ‘dry (v.i.))’ > swás-ɛlɛ ‘dry sth.’
bédɔ ‘go up’ > béd-ɛlɛ ‘mount sth.’
lúndɔ ‘fill oneself’ > lúnd-ɛlɛ ‘fill sth.’
sɔ́’ɔ̀ ‘continue’ > sɔ́s-ɛlɛ ‘continue with sth.’
jímbɛ ‘get lost’ > jímb-ɛlɛ ‘lose sth.’
bámɔ ‘scold (v.i.)’ > bám-ɛlɛ ‘scold sb.’
dyũ̂ ‘be hot’ > dyúng-ɛlɛ ‘heat sth.’

Further, Polinsky (2013) distinguishes applicative constructions in terms of the

semantic role of the applied object, pointing out that Bantu languages typically

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licence benefactive and other semantic roles. This is also true for Gyeli. Bene-
factive contexts usually arise with applicatives formed from transitive verbs, for
instance as shown in (67) for gyámbɔ ‘prepare’. In these cases, a second object is
added which often takes the role of a benefactive or an instrumental.
(67) lúmɛ ‘send’ > lúm-ɛlɛ ‘send to sb.’
gyámbɔ ‘prepare’ > gyámb-ɛlɛ ‘prepare for sb.’
dyúwɔ ‘hear, perceive’ > dyúw-ɛlɛ ‘listen’
vísɔ ‘cover’ > vís-ɛlɛ ‘cover sth.’
kfùbɛ ‘provoke’ > kfùb-ɛlɛ ‘provoke sb.’
vídɛ ‘turn sth.’ > víd-ɛlɛ ‘turn sth.’
Applicatives which are derived from intransitive verbs typically do not have
a benefactive reading. In fact, they differ significantly in the distribution of se-
mantic roles across arguments from applicatives that are derived from transitive
verbs. The subject of the intransitive verb, which has the role of an undergoer,
is expressed as the object in the applicative form, as shown in (68). In many of
these instances, the applicative forms have a causative meaning.
(68) vásɛ ‘rise (dough)’ > vás-ɛlɛ ‘make (dough) rise’
vè’è ‘try on clothes’ > vè’-ɛlɛ ‘make sb. try clothes on’
kɔ́sɛ ‘cough’ > kɔ́s-ɛlɛ ‘make cough’
In contemporary speech, the applicative and the causative seem to be merging
into one category, with the applicative most likely becoming lost, given its lower
frequency in comparison to the causative. It is rare that a verb has both an ap-
plicative and a causative form. In my database, I found only five instances where
a verb takes both -ɛsɛ and -ɛlɛ. In the majority of cases, a verb has a causative,
but no applicative form.
It is not surprising that these two categories are merging since, semantically,
there is some overlap between them. For instance, the applicative form nyíngɛlɛ
‘insert’, derived from nyî ‘enter’, may be viewed as adding an applied object to
the underived verb form. On the other hand, semantically, it can also be thought
of as a causative context in the sense of ‘making sth. enter’. The same is true for
dyû ‘be hot’ which has an applicative form dyúng-ɛlɛ ‘heat sth.’ Again, an object
is added to an otherwise intransitive verb, resulting in a reading of ‘applying
heat to sth.’ At the same time, semantically, it can also be thought of as ‘make
sth. hot’.25
25
Bostoen & Mundeke (2011) report a similar syncretism of applicative and causative for Mbuun
(Bantu B87). According to them, however, the syncretism in Mbuun is based on phonological
rather than semantic grounds.

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Just like the causative, the applicative extension has a periphrastic alternative
to convey a same or similar meaning, as shown in (69).

(69) mɛ́ gyá gyá mpá’à wɔ̂

mɛ-H gyâ-H gyá mpá’à w-ɔ̂
1sg-prs sing-r ∅7.song ∅3.side 3-2sg.poss
‘I sing a song for you.’

4.2.4.5 Autocausative middle voice -ɛga/-aga

The extension -ɛga/-aga appears 28 times in the verb database, which means
that 7.4% of the verbs allow this extension. Further, there are four verbs with this
extension which have no synchronic underived form.
In contrast to other extensions, this derivation has two variant suffixes: -ɛga
and -aga, with each verb being specified for one or the other. The choice for one
of the two suffix forms seems to be lexically specified rather than depending on
phonological rules. Even though there is a tendency that -aga is used after the
glide /j/ (〈y〉 in orthography) as well as after /m/ or /mb/, there are also a few cases
where -ɛga appears after these consonants. Given that their form is very similar
while the function is the same, I consider these two suffixes as belonging to the
same category. It is possible that the form -aga has its origin in the neighboring
language Mabi where the suffix is used productively for passive formation. This,
however, does not explain why -ɛga is used for some and -aga for other verbs and
how the existing distribution comes about. In terms of frequency, -ɛga is found
more often than its variant -aga, the latter appearing only nine times in contrast
to -ɛga with 19 times.
The suffix variants -ɛga and -aga constitute one of two middle voice categories
in Gyeli. I distinguish, in terms of terminology, the autocausative middle voice
extension -ɛga/-aga from the “positional” middle voice suffix -ɔwɔ, discussed in
§4.2.4.6. Unlike valency-increasing extensions, such as the applicative or caus-
ative, the middle voice constitutes a category “intermediate in transitivity be-
tween one-participant and two-participant events”, as defined by Kemmer (1993:
3).26 In Gyeli, the autocausative middle voice typically denotes one-participant
events. It requires only one argument (the subject), having a valency decreas-
ing effect. The autocausative, as exemplified in (70), is accordingly intransitive,

26
Note that Kemmer (1993) primarily defines the middle voice as a semantic category which, in
some languages, receives formal marking. I deviate from this notion in that I consider middle
voice categories in Gyeli as formal categories which map onto certain functions.

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4 Morphology

derived from transitive verbs. Semantically, the subject of autocausative verbs in-
corporates the roles of both agent and undergoer, while syntactically the agent
remains under-specified. Often, a certain self-causation is implied in such events
which I translate as ‘by itself’.
(70) vìdɛ ‘turn (v.t.)’ > vìd-ɛga ‘turn (by itself)’
wàwɛ ‘spread sth.’ > wàw-ɛga ‘spread (by itself)’
jìna ‘dive’ > jìn-ɛga ‘sink (intr), melt (intr)’
kfúdɛ ‘cover sth.’ > kfúd-ɛga ‘cover (by itself)’
lɛ̀ ndo ‘flow’ > lɛ̀ nd-ɛga ‘flow (by itself)
lɛ́gɛ ‘singe’ > lɛ́g-ɛga ‘singe (by itself)
tfúmbɔ ‘wrinkle sth.’ > tfúmb-aga ‘get wrinkled (by itself)’
líyɔ ‘clear land’ > líy-aga ‘clear (by itself)’
Cross-linguistically, there seems to be a strong relation between middle voice
and reflexive constructions. Kemmer (1993), for example, demonstrates that mid-
dle marking often evolves from reflexive constructions. Speakers indeed tend to
translate autocausative middle voice forms with a French reflexive construction
using se, for example tfúmb-aga ‘get wrinkled (by itself)’ would be translated as se
plier in French. Nevertheless, I argue that the autocausative in Gyeli constitutes a
basic system which is not derived from reflexive constructions. This view is par-
allel to Maldonado’s (2009) observation on South American languages, where
middle voice also constitutes a basic system independent of reflexives.
In comparison to the autocausative suffix, Bantu reflexives are canonically ex-
pressed by an affix preceding the stem, which Meeussen (1967: 109) calls an “infix”
and reconstructs as *-í̧- (-jí̧-? -jí̧i-̧ ?) for Proto-Bantu. Such a prefix is not found
in Gyeli. Reflexivity in Gyeli is rather expressed by object pronouns plus mɛ́dɛ̀
‘self’ as in (71) or, in other cases, verbs carry reflexive meaning lexically as in síya
‘wash (oneself)’.
(71) mɛ́ nyɛ́ mɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ̀
mɛ-H nyɛ̂-H mɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ̀
1sg-prs see-r 1sg.obj self
‘I see myself.’
Given these constructions which differ formally very much from the autocaus-
ative, there is no obvious reason to assume that they are related or even that the
autocausative has evolved from the reflexive. On the other hand, the autocausa-
tive is structurally more similar to the passive in Mabi, which has the extension
-aga or may even be related to the passive extension -a(a) in Gyeli itself. This
relationship is discussed in more detail in §4.2.4.2

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

4.2.4.6 Positional middle voice -ɔwɔ

The extension -ɔwɔ constitutes the second type of middle voice category in Gyeli.
-ɔwɔ is the least frequent verb extension in Gyeli with a total of 15 occurrences, 11
of which are part of the 377-verb database while four have not been considered
for this database, as they were discovered later in the project. Out of the 11 oc-
currences within the database, only six (1.6%) are used productively in the sense
that they have synchronically an underived verb form.
I label this category as ‘positional middle voice’ since almost all verbs with
this extension describe the event of assuming a position, as illustrated in (72).27

(72) kɛ̀ lɛ ‘hang sth.’ > kɛ̀ l-ɔwɔ ‘assume a hanging position’
kfúdɛ ‘cover sth.’ > kfúd-ɔwɔ ‘lie down by covering head with
arms’
kwádɔ ‘twist sth.’ > kwád-ɔwɔ ‘assume a crooked position’
ngwáwɔ ‘bend sth.’ > ngwáng-ɔwɔ ‘bend (v.i.)’
pwásɔ ‘flatten sth.’ > pwás-ɔwɔ ‘assume a flattened position,
stretch out’

The same is true for verbs of this ending which do not seem to have a synchronic
underived form, as exemplified in (73).

(73) bál-ɔwɔ ‘bend down’

kwàng-ɔwɔ ‘lie down on side’
gyí-ɔwɔ ‘lean back’
pwàngy-ɔwɔ ‘lie down stretched out (French: s’allonger)’
sɛ̀ ngy-ɔwɔ ‘assume inclined position’

Schadeberg (2003: 75) uses the term “positional” for a stative category that
talks about ‘assuming a position’ or ‘being in a position’. He reconstructs °-am-
as the positional extension for Proto-Bantu which differs significantly in the seg-
mental material -ɔwɔ in Gyeli. Nevertheless, both forms seem to carry the same
meaning.
Schadeberg (2003: 76) does not consider the derivation °-am- in PB as middle
voice. He mentions, however, that this extension is known to have become a pas-
sive suffix in certain Bantu languages of zone C. For languages such as Gyeli and
Mabi, it seems that passive forms are more related to the autocausative middle
voice category, as described in §4.2.4.5 and §4.2.4.2.

27
The one known exception to posture reference is the verb bwèd-ɔwɔ ‘be tasty/sweet’.

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4 Morphology

A few positional forms can further be derived to passive forms by substituting

the two final vowels /ɔ/ by the passive vowel /a/, as shown in (74).28

(74) bál-ɔwɔ ‘bend down’ → bál-awa ‘be bent down’

pwàs-ɔwɔ ‘stretch out’ → pwás-awa ‘be stretched out’

The two middle voice categories, the autocausative and the positional, differ
not only in their extension forms, but also in their distribution of admissible sub-
jects, and in their semantics. Subjects of the positional middle voice are typically
human, at least animate, while the autocausative allows both animate and inan-
imate subjects. Very often, however, subjects of autocausative verb forms are
inanimate, given that they incorporate the role of an undergoer, which for many
transitive verbs such as kfúdɛ ‘cover’ or lɛ́gɛ ‘singe’ is typically inanimate.
In terms of semantics, the agent in autocausative forms is underspecified, im-
plying a certain self-causation which is possibly more metaphorical than real.
For instance, when using the form wàw-ɛga ‘spread (by itself)’ with a subject
such as ‘seeds’, this is generally understood as ‘the seeds spread by themselves’.
In reality, they are probably spread by the wind or some other agent such as an-
imals which is not salient enough to deserve mentioning. Thus, the subject can
be treated as the agent, even though this might not be the case in the world. In
contrast, the agent of positional verb forms is always identical with the subject.
A verb can have both middle voice forms. Given the low frequency of forms
of both middle voice categories, there are not many examples, but one is the
verb kwádɔ ‘twist’ which has both the autocausative kwád-ɛga ‘get twisted, twist
by itself’ and the positional kwád-ɔwɔ ‘assume a twisted, curved position’. The
autocausative typically has an inanimate subject, for instance a rope or a net,
while the positional form has a human subject. Further, this verb has a passive
form kwád-a ‘be twisted’. Table 4.9 shows the whole range of possible agent
specifications in Gyeli.

4.2.4.7 Expansions
Expansions, in contrast to extensions, are not productive. They are low in fre-
quency and do not have an obvious core function. Gyeli has three expansion
suffixes which I will discuss in turn.

28
Passive forms of the positional middle voice were not given for all positional verb forms. Given
that passive forms are generally restricted and less frequent than logically possible, it seems
that the same is true for passives of positional forms rather than assuming that these are gaps
in the data, which in particular instances might be the case.

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

Table 4.9: Scale of decreasing expression of agentivity

Transitive → Positional → Autocausative → Passive

two participants agent=sbj agent=sbj implied agent=non-sbj
kwádɔ kwádɔwɔ kwádɛga kwáda
‘twist sth.’ ‘assume twisted position’ ‘get twisted’ ‘be twisted’

The expansion suffix -kɛ or its weakened form -gɛ is found ten times in the
database as clearly derived from another verb form that is presently used in the
language. There are another five verbs in the database with this ending, all of
which are transitive, but which do not have an underived intransitive form.
The addition of this suffix has different effects on different verbs. In most in-
stances, the suffix -kɛ is valency increasing, turning an intransitive verb into a
transitive one, as shown in (75).29

(75) bwà ‘become big’ > bɔ̀ -kɛ ‘make sth. big’
kàgɔ ‘promise (v.i.)’ > kà-gɛ ‘promise (v.t.)’
lṹã̀ ‘whistle’ > lɔ̃́n-gɛ ‘whistle sth.’
tɛ́’ɛ̀ ‘be soft’ > tɛ́-gɛ ‘soften sth.’
tɔ̀ à ‘boil (v.i.)’ > tɔ̀ -kɛ ‘boil sth.’
bô ‘lie down (v.i.)’ > bú-gɛ ‘lie sth. down’
In at least one case, the inverse happens and the expansion -kɛ serves as a
valency decreasing suffix, as in (76).

(76) bvúɔ̀ ‘break sth.’ → bvú-kɛ ‘break (v.i.)’

For the majority of instances where the suffix -kɛ has a valency increasing ef-
fect, this is semantically linked to a causative meaning, for instance in examples
such as bɔ̀ -kɛ ‘make big’ or tɛ́-gɛ ‘soften sth.’. The -kɛ expansion is, however, dis-
tinct from the standard causative -ɛsɛ, and not an allomorph, as some verb roots
can take either suffix. For instance, the verb jíyɛ ‘burn (v.i.)’, as shown in (77),
allows -kɛ as a valency-increasing expansion. Also, the causative form jí-g-ɛsɛ is
found with the figurative meaning ‘make sb. angry’.
29
Some verbs with a sequence of /wa/ or /ua/ in their underived form change to /ɔ/ in the derived
form, as with bwà ‘become big’ changing to bɔ̀ kɛ ‘make big’. Whether this change happens is
lexically specified and not a general phonological rule since there are verbs with the same
sequences which do not change to /ɔ/, for example bwà ‘be born’ having the derived form
bwà-lɛ ‘be born’.

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4 Morphology

(77) jíyɛ ‘burn (v.i.)’ > jí-gɛ ‘burn (v.t.)’

> jí-g-ɛsɛ ‘make sb. angry’
dvùɔ̀ ‘hurt (v.i.)’ > dvù-gɛ ‘hurt (v.t.)’
> dvù-g-ɛsɛ ‘make sb. hurt’
An alternative analysis to the suffixes -kɛ/gɛ and -lɛ would be to assume an
expansion -ɛ which takes different epenthetic vowels /g/ and /l/, as described in
§3.2.1. Under this view, /g/ in jíg-ɛ ‘burn sth.’ would be treated as a root-final
epenthetic consonant. Given the tendency for a distinct causative function with
the expansion -kɛ/gɛ, which is not found with -lɛ, I analyze -gɛ/kɛ and -lɛ as
distinct expansion morphemes rather than assuming one expansion -ɛ with dif-
ferent epenthetic consonants.
Another non-productive suffix is -lɛ, which has only 6 derived forms in the
database. -lɛ is a frequent ending of disyllabic verbs, however; 21 underived di-
syllabic verbs end in this syllable. It is, however, uncertain whether this is a
phonologically wide-spread syllable in verbs or whether historically there was a
productive extension morpheme -lɛ.
As with the suffix -kɛ/gɛ, it is difficult to pinpoint -lɛ’s function. Often, it seems
to be valency-increasing, transitivizing an intransitive verb form, as in (78).

(78) vû ‘leave’ > vú-lɛ ‘get rid of sth.’

jí(yɔ) ‘sit, live’ > jí-lɛ ‘seat sb.’
tɛ́-bɔ ‘rise’ > tɛ́-lɛ ‘place sth. upright’
In other cases, however, the -lɛ suffix more seems to have a passivizing func-
tion, as in (79). Usually, passivization is achieved by the passive morpheme -a. In
these two cases, however, no such form is available and rather the -lɛ suffix is
used.

(79) bwà ‘give birth’ > bwà-lɛ ‘be born’

tìnɔ ‘harvest tubers’ > tì-lɛ ‘be harvested’
Given these different uses of -lɛ, it is not possible to provide a unified category
label for this expansion.
Finally, another frequent suffix is the expansion -wɔ/bɔ, used with disyllabic
verbs. With only two derived forms and eight verbs without a corresponding base
form, the database provides few examples. This, again, makes it difficult to make
generalizations about its function. It is tempting to assume a reversive category
when considering (80).

(80) jì ‘open sth.’ > jì-bɔ ‘close sth.’

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

Other examples, however, do not support this hypothesis, but rather suggest
that in some cases at least, -bɔ/wɔ has a detransitivizing effect, as in (81).30
(81) sɔ̀ -lɛ ‘hide sth.’ > swà-wɔ ‘hide (v.i.)’
tɛ́-lɛ ‘place sth.’ > tɛ́-bɔ ‘rise’
láà ‘tell sth.’ > là-wɔ ‘speak’

4.2.5 Zero-derivation
Zero-derivation is found in only a few domains. Almost all postpositions are
zero-derived from nouns, as shown in Table 4.10.31 Postpositions and their source
noun do not differ in form, but in their morphosyntactic behavior and distribu-
tion, as explained in §3.10.2.2.
Table 4.10: Derivation of postpositions

Lexeme Postposition Nominal source

sí ‘under, down’ ‘ground’
dyúwɔ̀ ‘up, on top’ ‘sky’
tɛ́mɔ́ ‘between’ ‘middle’
písɛ̀ ‘behind’ ‘behind, back (n.)’
sɔ̂ ‘in front, before’ ‘front (n.)’

In the absence of any derivational marking, one might object that it is diffi-
cult to pinpoint the grammaticalization path from noun to postposition or vice
versa. The phenomenon that locative adpositions are derived from body-part and
environmental landmark nouns, however, has been observed by, for instance,
Kießling et al. (2008: 215) for African languages and Bowden (1992) for Oceanic
languages. It is rather noteworthy that, in Gyeli, these expressions are grammat-
icalized as postpositions instead of prepositions, as would be expected for Bantu
languages (Dryer 2013a).
Another potential case of zero-derivation includes the quantifier bvùbvù ‘many’
and its nominal counterpart bvúbvù ‘multitude’ (cl. 9). In this case, however, there
is a difference in the tonal pattern. Since this is the only example, it is not clear,
however, if the tonal difference marks derivation or happened by chance. It is
further not clear whether the noun is the source or the derived form.
30
In the two first cases, it is hard to specify which form is the derived and which is the underived
form since both verbs have an expansion morpheme, but there is no monosyllabic form without
a derivation morpheme.
31
The only unclear case is the postposition dé ‘in’ for which a possible nominal source is syn-
chronically not known.
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4 Morphology

4.2.6 Compounding
In comparison to derivation, compounding is a less productive word formation
strategy. Gyeli has two types of compound nouns which differ in their derivation
source and complexity. Most compounds are formed from a nominalized verb
and its nominal complement. A few compounds are derived from two underived
nouns. Both types are discussed in the following sections.

4.2.6.1 Deverbal noun-noun compounds

The most productive type of compounding is comprised of a nominalized verbal
root and a noun, as illustrated in (82). Most nominal compounds semantically
designate an agent, as shown in (83). Accordingly, the verbal root is nominalized
as a deverbal noun of gender 1/2, as described in §4.2.1.1.32

(82) [Ndeverbal + N]N

The noun that follows the nominalized verb is the verb’s direct argument that
cannot be omitted, as the nominalized verb of these constructions on its own is
ungrammatical. The complement noun, however, is “not necessarily [an object]
in the traditional syntactic sense” (Schadeberg 2003). The tonal pattern of a de-
verbal compound, as illustrated in (83), differs from the patterns found in a verb
phrase between verb and object, as discussed in §6.2.2 and §7.2.1.2. In a VP, the
noun class prefix of the nominal argument takes an object-linking H tone and
the final vowel of the verb takes an H tone in realis categories. In compounds, all
these TBUs surface with an L tone.

(83) a. mbòmɛ̀ -màpɔ̂ ‘messenger’

< bòmɛ ‘bark, announce’ + ma-pɔ̂ ‘news’
b. ntsíɛ̀ -bènyàgà ‘butcher’
< tsíɛ̀ ‘cut’ + be-nyàgà ‘cows’
c. nlɔ́lɛ̀ -mìnkɔ̀ lɛ́ ‘weaver, tailor’
< lɔ̂ ‘sew, weave’ + mi-nkɔ̀ lɛ́ ‘threads’
d. ngyàgɛ̀ sɛ̀ -bèsâ ‘vendor, merchant’
< gyàg-ɛsɛ ‘make buy’ + be-sâ ‘things’
e. mbwálɛ̀ sɛ̀ -bùdì ‘midwife’
< bwà(l)-ɛsɛ ‘make give birth’ + b-ùdì ‘people’
32
A more detailed discussion of compounding in Bantu, especially in Bemba, is provided in Bas-
ciano et al. (2011).

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

f. nlímbɔ́-màmbɔ̀ ‘connoisseur, educated person’

< límbo ‘know’ + ma-mbɔ̀ ‘things’
g. nsálɛ̀ -mànkɛ̂̃ ‘farmer’ < sá-lɛ ‘do (v.t.)’ + ma-nkɛ̂̃ ‘fields’

The tonal difference between objects in a VP and complement nouns in a com-

pound can be explained by the compounds’ lexicalization history. Rather than
stemming from a nominalized VP, these compounds have their origin in a noun
+ noun attributive construction, as discussed in §5.5, whose first constituent is a
deverbal agentive noun. This is in line with Schadeberg (2003: 87) who points out
that compound “nouns may originate from a genitival (connective) [attributive]
construction,” which then becomes lexicalized as a noun, as shown in (84).

(84) °mbòmɛ̀ wà màpɔ̂ > mbòmɛ̀ ∅ màpɔ̂ > mbòmɛ̀ -màpɔ̂

m-bòmɛ̀ wà ma-pɔ̂
n1-announce 1:att ma6-news
‘messenger [lit. announcer of news → news-announcer]’

Even in many synchronic attributive constructions, the attributive marker can

optionally be omitted, as discussed in §5.5.1.1. In deverbal compounds, the omis-
sion of the attributive marker is no longer optional, but has become lexicalized.
This lexicalization path explains why the prefix of the complement has an L tone
rather than an object-linking H tone. Since the preceding attributive marker wà
has an L tone, the following prefix surfaces as L as well (in contrast to the plu-
ral version shown in (85)). Another piece of evidence for lexicalization from an
attributive construction comes from the plural formation of these compounds
explained below.
There are two types of compounds, which differ in the number value of the
argument nominal. In (83), all argument nouns are plural, marked by the plural
noun class prefixes in bold. The number of the argument nominal has an impact
on the plural formation of the compound noun. If the argument noun has a plural
prefix, as in (83), its plural counterpart does not constitute a compound noun,
but a noun + noun attributive construction. (85) shows the plural forms of the
examples in (83). They are comprised of the plural nominalized verb, the plural
argument noun and an attributive marker agreeing with the first noun that links
the two constituents.33
33
I represent the noun class prefix of the nominalized verb as toneless which will take its surface
tone from its syntactic environment. While the CV- noun class prefix of the second constituent
is underlyingly toneless as well, it surfaces with an H tone which it acquires through high tone
spreading from the preceding attributive marker.

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4 Morphology

(85) a. ba-bòmɛ̀ bá má-pɔ̂ ‘messengers’

b. ba-tsíɛ̀ bá bé-nyàgà ‘butchers’
c. ba-lɔ́lɛ̀ bá mí-nkɔ́lɛ̀ ‘weavers, tailors’
d. ba-gyàgɛ̀ sɛ̀ bá bé-sâ ‘vendors, merchants’
e. ba-bwálɛ̀ sɛ̀ bá b-ùdì ‘midwives’
f. ba-límbɔ́ bá má-mbɔ̀ ‘connoisseurs, educated people’
g. ba-sálɛ̀ bá má-nkɛ̂̃ ‘farmers’

The structural difference between singular compound nouns and their non-com-
pound plural counterparts is due to their different stages in lexicalization. As de-
scribed in §5.5.1.1, attributive markers can be omitted from noun + noun construc-
tions under certain morphophonological and semantic conditions. Two plural
noun constituents and a CV- shape noun class prefix on the second constituent,
however, inhibit the omission of the attributive marker, explaining why the sin-
gular form is more lexicalized than its plural counterpart.
The second and less frequent type of deverbal compounds has a singular or
transnumeral argument noun, as illustrated in (86).

(86) a. nkẽ̀-nlô ‘gecko’34

< kẽ̀ ‘shave’ + nlô ‘head’
b. mbúlɔ̀ -mã̂ ‘fisherman’
< búlɔ ‘fish (v.)’ + mã̂ ‘sea’

In these cases, the plural counterpart remains a compound as well, as shown in

(87). Rather than transforming into a noun + noun attributive construction, the
compound only takes a plural noun class prefix for the nominalized verb while
the second constituent remains unchanged. It thus appears that compounds with
singular second constituents are more lexicalized than those with plural second
constituents.

(87) a. ba-nkẽ̀-nlô ‘geckos’

b. ba-búlɔ̀ -mã̂ ‘fishermen’

As mentioned above, most compounds of the [VN] type constitute agent nouns.
The only exception to this pattern I found is given in (88). Though it is still in
gender 1/2, it lacks the nasal prefix in the singular.

34
It is believed that geckos eat people’s hair while they are sleeping.

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

(88) tsíɛ̀ -sámɛ̀ , ba-tsíɛ̀ -sámɛ̀ ‘circumcision’

< tsíɛ̀ ‘cut’ + nsámbɔ̀ ‘penis’

Having a singular second constituent, the plural form remains a compound noun.
The phonologically changed form of the argument nominal suggests that this
compound is further along the lexicalization path.

4.2.6.2 Underived noun-noun compounds

The second category of nominal compounds take the structure of noun + noun
compounds. They differ from deverbal compounds in that their constituents are
not derived. The most common lexical items involved in [NN] compounds in-
clude mwánɔ̀ ‘child’ as a diminutive marker, as shown in (89). Semantically, the
diminutive can refer both to the small size of a referent or a small amount.

(89) a. mwánɔ̀ -mùdã̂ ‘girl’ mwánɔ̀ ‘child’ + mùdã̂ ‘woman’

b. mwánɔ̀ -mùdũ̂ ‘boy’ < mwánɔ̀ ‘child’ + mùdũ̂ ‘man’
c. mwánɔ̀ -nlàwɔ́ ‘twig’ < mwánɔ̀ ‘child’ + nlàwɔ́ ‘branch’
d. mwánɔ̀ -sâ ‘little something’ < mwánɔ̀ ‘child’ + sâ ‘thing’

Pluralization of such compounds requires both constituents to occur in their

plural form, as shown in (90).

(90) a. bwánɔ̀ -bùdã̂ ‘girls’

b. bwánɔ̀ -bùdũ̂ ‘boys’
c. bwánɔ̀ -mìnlàwɔ́ ‘twigs’
d. bwánɔ̀ -besâ ‘little things’

In diminutive compounds, the second constituent serves as the syntactic and

semantic head. As such, agreement targets agree with the second constituent and
not with the first, as shown in (91).

(91) a. bwánɔ̀ -békúmbé bé bà njí nà byɔ̂ bé tɛ́lɛ́

b-wánɔ̀ -be-kúmbé bé ba njì-H nà by-ɔ̂ be-H tɛ́lɛ-H
ba2-child-be8-tin 8:att 2.pst1 come-r com 8-obj 8-prs stand-r
màbé
mà-bé
here-8
‘The few tin roofs that they brought stand here.’

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4 Morphology

b. * bwánɔ̀ -békúmbé bá bà njí nà bɔ̂ bá tɛ́lɛ́

b-wánɔ̀ -be-kúmbé bá ba njì-H nà b-ɔ̂ ba-H tɛ́lɛ-H
ba2-child-be8-tin 2:att 2.pst1 come-r com 2-obj 2-prs stand-r
màbá
mà-bá
here-2
‘The few tin roofs that they brought stand here.’
Underived noun-noun compounds other than diminutives seem to describe an
inherent property, such as gender or size, as shown in (92). As with deverbal [NN]
compounds, these compounds appear to originate in attributive constructions.
(92) a. sɔ́-mùdã̂ ‘female friend’ < sɔ́ ‘friend’ + mùdã̂ ‘woman’
b. kfúbɔ̀ -dyá ‘tall chicken’ < kfúbɔ̀ ‘chicken’ + dyá ‘length’
There seems to be a lexicalization scale from attributive constructions which re-
quire the attributive marker, as described in §5.5, those which optionally omit the
attributive marker, and finally those constructions which have lexicalized sepa-
rately as compounds without the attributive marker, as in (92). (93) shows cor-
responding attributive constructions. I only view the latter type as compounds.
Since examples with such a meaning contrast are hard to find, examples of these
compounds are few in number.
(93) a. sɔ́ wà m-ùdã̂
∅1.friend 1:att n1-woman
‘the friend of the woman’
b. kfúbɔ̀ wà dyá
∅1.chicken 1:att ∅1.length
‘the remote chicken’
Impressionistically, [NN] compounds in (89) differ structurally from the dimin-
utive compounds in (92) with respect to their headedness. In the diminutives, the
semantic and syntactic head is the second constituent, while in the other com-
pounds, the first constituent functions as the head. The left-headed pattern might
be expected from the compounds’ origin in the noun + noun attributive construc-
tion. Given the limitation of examples, it is not possible at this point to explain
how diminutives developed to be right-headed.
I conclude this chapter with a note on another derivation type common across
Bantu languages, namely noun-to-noun derivation. As Schadeberg (2003: 82) de-
scribes, noun-to-noun derivation is commonly achieved by shifting nouns to dif-
ferent genders. I have not observed this in my Gyeli data. Instead, Gyeli has

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 4.2 Derivation and compounding

different lexical stems or diminutive compounds with mwánɔ̀ ‘child’ §5.5.1.4 to

encode size differences that may be expressed by different genders in other Bantu
languages.

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5 The noun phrase
5.1 Introduction
Noun phrases can be viewed in relation to their syntactic status within a clause as
well as to their internal structure. The status of a noun phrase within a sentence
relates to its function as an argument (or else, for example as an adjunct) in
relation to a predicate. The internal structure relates to questions such as “What
elements do noun phrases contain?” and “What is the order of these elements in
a noun phrase?”

The noun phrase on the sentence level

This latter perspective is usually assumed when defining the term “noun phrase”.
A definition depends, at least to some extent, on the function that is attributed
to the noun phrase. Andrews (2007: 132) points out that there are three ways to
think of functions of the noun phrase, namely in terms of its pragmatic, semantic,
or grammatical functions.
Pragmatic functions relate to information structure and include core notions
such as “topic” and “focus”. Information structure will be discussed in §7.3 since,
first, information structure has to be seen on a phrase or even discourse level.
Second, focused or topicalized elements of a phrase exceed noun phrases; for
instance, verbs can also be the topic or focus of a sentence.
Semantic roles are imposed on noun phrases by predicates that create a certain
situation and imply certain ways in which noun phrases participate as actors in
this situation. They are called “arguments” to the predicate. Andrews (2007: 135)
gives the example of the verbal element kill that requires a participant that takes
over the role of the killer and one that is the killed. Traditionally, there are general
classes of semantic roles such as agent, patient, recipient, experiencer and many
more.1
In terms of their grammatical functions, Dryer (2007b: 151) defines noun phrases
as “syntactic constituents which serve as arguments of verbs”. They express core
1
See Jackendoff (1990), Andrews (2007), and Levin & Hovav (2005) for further readings on se-
mantic roles.
5 The noun phrase

grammatical relations such as “subject” and “object”. Classes of semantic roles

relate in a systematic way to grammatical roles. Thus, very often, agents are the
subjects of a sentence while patients are found in the object position.
These different grammatical relations can be expressed in different ways across
languages. Andrews (2007: 141) posits “three basic techniques which languages
use to code syntactic functions: order and arrangement, np-marking, and cross-
referencing”. These different coding strategies will be discussed in detail in §7.
It is important to make the distinction between semantic and grammatical
functions of noun phrases and be aware of their relation. In this grammatical
description of Gyeli, I adopt, however, an approach that focuses on a grammatical
rather than a semantic description.

The internal structure of noun phrases

Having introduced the main functions of noun phrases on a sentence level as dis-
cussed in the literature, I now turn to noun phrases’ internal constituency. Rijk-
hoff (2002: 23) points out that noun phrases vary in terms of their constituency
and complexity, both within and across languages.2 Dryer (2007b: 151) distin-
guishes different types of noun phrases for a typological discussion of noun
phrases across languages, ranging from simple to more complex noun phrases:
(i) simple noun phrases, which contain only pronouns or nouns plus simple mod-
ifiers such as articles, adjectives, demonstratives, or numerals, (ii) complex noun
phrases, which contain more complex sorts of modifiers such as genitive or pos-
sessive modifiers and relative clauses, and (iii) various types of noun phrases
which lack a head noun.
Noun phrases in Gyeli can be zero-expressed, which is possible for subject
noun phrases (§7.2.1.1), while the subject is cross-referenced through agreement
on the stamp marker or copula in the predicate.
Simple noun phrases include pronouns (§3.6). Pronouns can occur bare in all
types of noun phrases: subject, object, and oblique. Pronouns can combine with
the contrastive suffix -gà (§4.1.2.4) and be followed by three modifiers, as shown
in (1).

(1) a. pro mɛ́dɛ́ ‘self’

b. pro -ɔ́(nɛ́)gá ‘other’
c. pro -ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all’
2
He further states that spoken languages (such as Gyeli) seem to be grammatically less complex
than written languages, a claim that does not hold for Gyeli, which seems to be just as complex
as neighboring Bantu languages that are taught at school.

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 5.1 Introduction

Simple noun phrases also consist of bare nouns.3 Gyeli does not have arti-
cles and bare nouns can occur in subject, object, and oblique noun phrases. Bare
nouns can combine in simple noun phrases with elements discussed in §3.8. Gyeli
is a head-initial language and almost all modifiers, both agreeing and invariable,
follow the noun. There are two exceptions, however: the negative polarity item
tɔ̀ ‘any’ (§3.8.4 and nyá ‘big’ always precede the noun. If a simple noun phrase
includes more than one postnominal modifier, the order of the modifiers is freely
variable,4 and there does not seem to be a particular modifier that is closer to the
noun than others. The reason for this could be that multiple modifiers in simple
noun phrases are highly dispreferred. Tests on modifier combinations in a sim-
ple noun phrase all stem from grammaticality judgment tests in elicitations. In
natural texts, however, the only instance were two modifiers where combined in
a noun phrase is given in (2).

(2) bèsâ bíndɛ̀ byɛ́sɛ̀

be-sâ bí-ndɛ̀ by-ɛ́sɛ̀
be8-thing 8-ana 8-all
‘all these things’

Other simple noun phrases that include two modifiers (or elements that are
treated like modifiers) are complex cardinal numerals which contain an underly-
ing multiplication operation, as in (3).

(3) a. b-ùdì [mà-wúmɔ̀ má-báà]

ba2-person ma6-ten 6-two
‘twenty people’
b. * [mà-wúmɔ̀ má-báà] b-ùdì
ma6-ten 6-two ba2-person
‘twenty people’

The structure of (3a) is [N [N + Num]MOD ]NP . While mawúmɔ̀ ‘10s’ is a noun itself,
in this construction, the entire complex numeral behaves like one postnominal
modifier, without agreeing with the head noun bùdì ‘people’. It is not possible
for the numeral np to precede the quantified head noun, as shown in (3b).
Complex noun phrases in Gyeli include distributive constructions and noun +
noun attributive constructions. Also noun phrases including relative clauses fall
3
A detailed discussion of how referents of bare nouns in Gyeli are tracked is provided in Grimm
(To appear).
4
It may be that a change in order results in a slightly different reading in terms of emphasis on
one or the other modifier, but this was not clear from my data.

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5 The noun phrase

in the category of complex noun phrases, according to Dryer (2007b). As they

constitute a type of subordination, they are discussed in §8.2.1. In the remainder
of this chapter, I first outline the gender and agreement system of Gyeli. I then
discuss complex noun phrases and conclude with a note on the semantic category
of numerals.

5.2 The gender and agreement system

As a typical feature of a Bantu language, Gyeli has a relatively elaborate gender
and agreement system. In the literature, this is often referred to as “noun class” or
“concord” systems, depending on the authors’ preferences and research tradition.
Authors differ substantially in their definition of key notions such as “noun class”
and “gender”. Often, these terms are used interchangeably as in Heine (1982: 190):

A noun class or gender system is said to be present if the nouns of a given

language are divided into classes by means of concordial agreement mark-
ers.

Aikhenvald (2003: 19), for instance, notices the widespread interchangeable

use of “noun class” and “gender” and opts for adopting “noun class” as the generic
term for both noun class and gender, while the term “gender” should be restricted
to noun categorization systems that are sex-based, i.e. which make a distinction
between grammatical feminine versus masculine. In that, she deviates from Cor-
bett (1991), who uses the term “gender” for all agreement-based noun classifica-
tion systems, both sex-based and non-sex-based systems alike.
Some authors, for instance Medjo Mvé (2011: 85), establish gender systems
solely based on pairings of noun class prefixes rather than by agreement classes.
This method artificially inflates the system since there are more pairings of noun
class forms than agreement classes. In light of such terminological confusion, I
will first clarify the terminology I use before moving on to the description of the
Gyeli system. I distinguish three terms: “agreement class”, “gender”, and “noun
prefix class”, based on Güldemann & Fiedler (2019) in their straightforward ap-
proach to analyze noun categorization in a consistent way that facilitates cross-
linguistic comparison.5 Prefixes that mark agreement are called “agreement pre-
fixes”, while prefixes that fall into the category of noun prefix classes are called
“noun prefixes”.

5
Güldemann & Fiedler (2019) use the term “nominal form class” for the category that I call “noun
prefix class”.

290
 5.2 The gender and agreement system

Agreement class
According to Güldemann (2000: 13), agreement class is defined by “regular mor-
phological processes on the parts of speech that are controlled by a particular
noun in a given utterance”. An agreement class thus consists of “a set of noun
forms that share an identical behavior across all agreement contexts of a given
system” (Güldemann & Fiedler 2019: 98). Following Corbett (1991), the parts of
speech that agree with a noun are called “agreement targets”, while the noun
that controls agreement on depending parts of speech is called “agreement trig-
ger”. I label agreement classes in Gyeli by Arabic numbers, following the Bantuist
tradition.
Agreement classes often conflate several grammatical features, such as gender
and number. This is also true for Gyeli where the majority of nouns trigger one
agreement pattern in the singular and a different pattern in the plural. There is
also a transnumeral gender that lacks this singular/plural pairing and only has
one agreement class.
I take Güldemann & Fiedler’s (2019: 98) approach, in contrast to Corbett (1991),
who point out that it is of “no concern whether noun forms of one agreement
class are of the same gender, number or any other feature”. In Gyeli, for instance,
most noun forms in agreement class 8 take a be- prefix and encode plurality,
serving as the counterpart to the singular agreement class 7. There are, however,
some exceptions where the noun form does not take the be- prefix, does not en-
code plural, but singular, and does not pair with agreement class 7, but agreement
class 6. Nevertheless, because the agreement pattern is the same on all targets,
this noun form still belongs to agreement class 8.

Gender
Gender cannot be established by solely investigating the noun itself and poten-
tially its changing affixes in the singular and the plural. Rather, the gender of
a noun is exclusively established by agreement phenomena. The term “gender”
is widely discussed in the literature, especially by Corbett (1991: 1). He defines
“gender” as “classes of nouns reflected in the behavior of associated words”, cit-
ing Hockett (1958: 231). Corbett (1991: 45) more specifically views “gender” as a
“set of nouns which take the same agreements (typically a singular-plural pair)”.
Güldemann (2000: 13) emphasizes that nouns are assigned to a nominal category
“according to some feature that is conceptually inherent to a given noun” and
that “noun gender refers to a more abstract item of the lexicon”. As mentioned
above, it is cross-linguistically frequent, especially in Bantu languages, that gen-
der is conflated with number. Güldemann & Fiedler (2019: 98) point out that,

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5 The noun phrase

analytically, gender classes “are derived by abstracting from all other agreement
features”, such as number. I label genders in Gyeli by their pairing of agreement
classes, as discussed below. For instance, the noun -ùdì ‘person’ inherently be-
longs to the class of nouns that triggers agreement class 1 in its singular form
and agreement class 2 for the plural. It therefore belongs to gender 1/2.
The difference between agreement class and gender can be illustrated with an
example from Gyeli.6 A nominal root such as -kɔ́ndyì ‘hand’ comes in two forms,
namely as le-kɔ́ndyì in the singular and ma-kɔ́ndyì in the plural. The first triggers
agreement of class 5, i.e. all dependent parts of speech will show the agreement
pattern which belongs to this agreement class, while the latter triggers class 6
agreement on all agreement targets. Thus, the nominal lexeme -kɔ́ndyì belongs
to gender 5/6 which is a pairing of agreement classes 5 and 6.

Noun prefix class

In many cases, the noun prefix reflects the agreement class that the noun trig-
gers. For instance, the noun prefix le- in le-kɔ́ndyì ‘hand’, is identical in form with
most agreement targets such as subject marking, demonstratives, or the attribu-
tive marker (as shown in Table 5.2). There are, however, also noun prefix classes
which do not map onto their respective agreement classes. One example is the
noun prefix class that is marked by a nasal N-. This noun prefix class is found
both in agreement classes 1 and 3. At the same time, there are nouns of agree-
ment classes 1, 3, 7, 8, and 9 that do not take any noun prefix at all. Unlike for
genders and agreement classes, I refer to noun prefix classes not by numbering,
but by the form of their prefix. Since gender is determined only by agreement,
noun prefix classes are not decisive in establishing gender or agreement classes.
Noun prefix classes therefore relate to prefix marking on the noun but do not
necessarily index agreement class affiliation.

5.2.1 Agreement targets of the noun

Gyeli has a range of agreement targets, both within the noun phrase and noun
phrase externally, as listed in Table 5.1. Each of the agreement targets is described
in detail according to their part of speech in Chapter 3, while agreement forms
are listed in Table 5.2.

6
The provided example is parallel to one that Güldemann (2000: 13) quotes from Nichols (1992:
125) on Luganda.

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 5.2 The gender and agreement system

Table 5.1: Agreement targets

Noun phrase internal Agreement taregts with agreement prefix

Object pronouns
Possessor pronouns
Anaphoric markers
-vúdũ̂ ‘one’
-fúsì ‘different’
-ɛ́sɛ̀ ‘all’
-ɔ́(nɛ́)gá ‘other’
Numerals ‘2’ through ‘5’
Genitive marker ngá
nyá ‘big’
Agreement targets with free agreement morpheme
Subject pronouns
Demonstratives
Attributive markers
Noun phrase external stamp marker
Copula

5.2.2 Agreement classes

Gyeli has nine agreement classes that are reflected in the morphosyntactic behav-
ior of their agreement targets. These agreement targets and their agreement pat-
terns are listed in Table 5.2. Parts of speech that agree with a head noun in gender
(and number) mark agreement either by free agreement morphemes or by agree-
ment prefixes. Free agreement morphemes in Gyeli include the subject-tense-
aspect-mood-polarity marker (stamp),7 a copula, subject pronouns, demonstra-
tives,8 and attributive markers (§3.8.3.2), which typically link two nouns in a pos-
sessive construction and also indicate an embedding relation between a relative
clause and the modified noun phrase.
Parts of speech that mark agreement through prefixes include object and pos-
sessor pronouns, anaphoric markers, nominal modifiers, the numerals ‘1’ through
7
Subject marking is achieved by the subject-tense-aspect-mood-polarity (stamp) marker. Its
forms are represented without tones because the surface tone depends on the tense-mood
category (§3.9.1) it encodes.
8
Demonstratives have two patterns with a distinction for proximal versus distal. In Table 5.2,
only the proximal demonstratives are shown as representatives of the whole paradigm.

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5 The noun phrase

‘5’, and the genitive marker, which only take agreement prefixes in plural agree-
ment classes.
Table 5.2: Agreement forms and their target parts of speech

agr class 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Monomorphemic agreement words
stamp a/nyɛ/nu ba wu mi le ma yi bi nyi
cop àà/nùù báà wúù míì léè máà yíì béè nyíì
sbj nyɛ̀ bá wú mí lí má yí bé nyì
dem nû bâ wɔ̂ mî lê mâ yî bî nyî
att wà bá wá mí lé má yá bí nyá
Agreement prefixes
obj nyɛ̂ b-ɔ̂ w-ɔ̂ my-ɔ̂ l-ɔ̂ m-ɔ̂ y-ɔ̂ by-ɔ̂ ny-ɔ̂
poss w- b- w- mí- l- m- y- bí- ny-
ana nú- bá- wɔ́- mí- lé- má- yí- bí- nyí-
mod(-C) m- bà- m/∅- mì- lè- mà- ∅- bì- m/∅-
mod(-V) w/n- b- w- my- l- m- y- by- ny-
num, gen - bá- - mí- - má- - bí- -

Nominal modifiers are grouped into those whose stem is consonant-initial

(mod-C) and those that are vowel-initial (mod-V), as this generally influences
the shape of the agreement prefix. Strictly speaking, however, one would need
to split the nominal modifier category up into four subtypes, one type for each
of its four members (§3.8.1), since each nominal modifier differs slightly in its
agreement pattern in one or two agreement classes. For simplicity, I present two
broader patterns in Table 5.2, merging different agreement prefix forms in agree-
ment classes 1, 3, and 9 for mod-C and mod-V, and show the details of agreement
prefixes with different nominal modifiers in §4.1.1.3.
Agreement classes differ in size. Table 5.3 shows the distribution of the individ-
ual agreement classes in terms of frequency in a database of 875 nominal lexemes.
The noun database stems from elicitation with the SIL comparative African 1700
word list by Roberts & Snider (2006) and from texts and other elicitations.
Table 5.3 reflects the agreement class distribution in a total of 1678 nominal
forms. Assuming that each agreement class neatly pairs with a singular or plural
counterpart, respectively, this would only provide 837 nominal lexemes, in con-
trast to 875 lexemes in the database. The discrepancy is explained by the fact that

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 5.2 The gender and agreement system

Table 5.3: Size of agreement classes

agr class Frequency

1 164 9.8%
2 162 9.6%
3 170 10.1%
4 167 9.9%
5 137 8.2%
6 241 14.4%
7 306 18.2%
8 288 17.2%
9 43 2.6%
Total 1678

agreement classes do not always have a singular or plural counterpart, but there
are also transnumeral classes.9 It is thus worthwhile not only to show the size of
the various genders as provided in §5.2.4, but also to give a general impression
of agreement class size.
The agreement class with most members is class 7, followed by classes 8 and
then 6. Agreement classes 1, 2, 3, and 4 are about equally numerous in members.
The smallest agreement class is class 9 with only 43 members.

5.2.3 Noun prefix classes

Gyeli has seven major formal noun prefix classes, as defined by and labelled ac-
cording to their prefix, and a minor noun prefix class “bw” which only occurs
once in the noun database. Table 5.4 shows how the different noun prefix classes
map onto the agreement classes. The noun prefix class “N”, for example, which
is characterized by a nasal prefix covering the homorganic nasals /m/-, /n/-, and
/ŋ/-, is found both in agreement classes 1 and 3. The prefixless class “∅” occurs in
agreement classes 1, 3, 7, 8, and 9. In contrast, noun prefix classes with a CV- pre-
fix, namely “ba”, “mi”, “le”, “ma”, and “be” only map onto one agreement class.10
In glosses, I distinguish noun prefix classes and agreement classes. Head nouns

9
51 nouns in the database have no singular counterpart, while only 21 have no plural form.
10
Only CV- prefixes are syllabic. Nasal prefixes do not constitute syllables, as described in §2.3.
As such, they do not serve as tone bearing units.

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5 The noun phrase

Table 5.4: Noun prefix classes and their corresponding agreement

classes

Noun agr class Example

prefix
class
N 1 m-ùdì ‘person’
3 n-vɛ̀ wɔ̀ ‘breath’
ba, (b-) 2 ba-kálɛ́ ‘sisters’, b-ùdì ‘people’
∅ 1 kálɛ́ ‘sister’
3 mbɛ̀ ‘drum’
7 síngì ‘cat’
8 bwã̂ ‘medicine’
9 tsĩ ́ ‘neck’
mi 4 mi-vɛ̀ wɔ̀ ‘breaths’
le, (d-, j-) 5 le-máá ‘cheek’, d-úú ‘nose’, j-áwɛ̀ ‘goliath frog’
ma, (m-) 6 ma-máá ‘cheeks’, m-úú ‘noses’, m-áwɛ̀ ‘goliath frogs’
be 8 be-síngì ‘cats’
(bw) 8 bw-álɛ̀ ‘canoe’

are thus glossed for their noun prefix class and their agreement class. For in-
stance, le-máá is represented as “le5-cheek” and síngì as ‘∅7.cat’.
Just like agreement classes, the distribution of nouns across different noun
prefix classes is not equal. Table 5.5 shows the size of each noun prefix class in
the second column, based on the 875-noun database.11 For instance, there are 26
nouns in the “N” noun prefix class which is only 1.5% of the total of 1678 noun
forms, making the “N” class the smallest of all major noun prefix classes.12 The
largest noun prefix class is “∅” with 660 noun forms, which equals 39.3% of the
total noun forms, followed by the “be” class with 284 (16.9%) and the “ma” class
with 241 (14.1%) occurrences. I consider noun prefix class “bw” as a minor noun
prefix class because it has only one occurrence in the database, namely bw-álɛ̀
‘canoe’ with its plural form m-álɛ̀ .

11
The total number is higher than 875 because most lexemes also have a plural form. Since some
lexemes, however, lack a form in the singular or plural, the total is not simply double the
amount of 875.
12
In fact, deverbal nouns in gender 1/2, as discussed in §4.2.1, provide the majority of members in
noun prefix class “N”, together with other human relational nouns and a few body part terms.

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 5.2 The gender and agreement system

Table 5.5: Frequency of noun prefix classes across agreement classes

Noun prefix class Frequency agr class Frequency % of agr class

N 26 1.5% 1 23 14%
3 3 1.8%
ba, (b-) 162 9.6% 2 162 100%
∅ 660 39.3% 1 141 86%
3 167 98.2%
7 306 100%
8 3 1%
9 43 100%
mi 167 9.9% 4 167 100%
le, (d-, j-) 137 8.2% 5 137 100%
ma, (m-) 241 14.4% 6 241 100%
be 284 16.9% 8 284 98.6%
(bw) 1 .06% 8 1 0.4%
Total 1678

The right columns in Table 5.5 illustrate the noun prefix classes’ relation to
agreement classes. It first lists the agreement classes that occur with the differ-
ent noun prefix classes. For instance, noun prefix class “N” includes nouns from
agreement classes 1 and 3. The next column specifies that 23 of the 26 nouns in
noun prefix class “N” come from agreement class 1, while only three come from
agreement class 3. The last column then indicates the percentage of these num-
bers in relation to the agreement class. Thus, the 23 nouns in noun prefix class
“N” constitute only 14% of its agreement class 1. (The other 86% of agreement
class 1 nouns are found in noun prefix class “∅”.)
There are three types of relations between noun and agreement classes. First,
in noun prefix classes “ba”, “mi”, “le”, and “ma”, the members of a noun prefix
class and an agreement class overlap entirely: the noun prefix class only con-
tains nouns from one agreement class and all nouns of that agreement class are
found in this noun prefix class. Second, a certain agreement class is only found
in one noun prefix class, but the noun prefix class also includes nouns from other
agreement classes. This is the case for nouns of agreement classes 7 and 9, which
have all their members in noun prefix class ∅. And third, an agreement class has
nouns in several noun prefix classes. Thus, nouns of agreement classes 1 and 3
occur in both noun prefix classes “N” and “∅”, and agreement class 8 members
occur in noun prefix classes “∅”, “be”, and “bw”.

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5 The noun phrase

5.2.3.1 Phonologically conditioned variants

The “ba”, “le”, and “ma” noun prefix classes have a variant which is phonologi-
cally conditioned in all cases. The vowel in their prefix is deleted if it precedes
a vowel-initial stem. Thus, as (4) shows for agreement classes 2 and 6, the noun
prefix takes a CV shape when it precedes a consonant-initial stem.

(4) CV-prefix
a. bà-mbámbɛ́ ‘ancestors’, cl. 2
b. bà-nyúã̀ ‘snakes’, cl. 2
c. mà-lɛ́ndí ‘palm trees’, cl. 6
d. mà-gyɛ́ ‘teeth’, cl. 6

If the stem is vowel-initial or starts with a labial glide, however, the prefix vowel
is omitted and only the prefix consonant surfaces, as shown in (5).

(5) C-prefix
a. b-ùdũ̂ ‘men’, cl. 2
b. b-wánɔ̀ ‘children’, cl. 2
c. m-ɛ́ndì ‘courtyards’, cl. 6
d. m-ù ‘ovens’, cl. 6

In the “le” class, there is further a consonantal change from /l/ to /d/. (6) pro-
vides examples of the CV- prefix when the stem is consonant initial.

(6) CV-prefix
a. le-lɛ́ndí ‘palm tree’, cl. 5
b. le-gyɛ́ ‘tooth’, cl. 5
c. le-bɛ́lɛ̀ ‘breast’, cl. 5
d. le-kúndí ‘mat’, cl. 5

When the stem is vowel-initial, the prefix vowel is deleted and /l/ becomes /d/,
as shown in (7). The variants for vowel-initial stems are marked in parentheses
while the general name of the noun prefix class is marked in bold in Table 5.4.

(7) C-prefix
a. d-ísì ‘eye’, cl. 5
b. d-ù ‘oven’, cl. 5

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c. d-ɛ́ndì ‘courtyard’, cl.5

d. d-á ‘crab’, cl. 5
There are three exceptions where one would expect /d/ as a prefix, but instead
the prefix surfaces as /j/, as shown in (8).
(8) C-prefix
a. j-ínɔ̀ ‘name’, cl. 5
b. j-ímbɔ́ ‘raffia palm’, cl. 5
c. j-áwɛ̀ ‘goliath frog (Conraua goliath)’, cl.5

5.2.3.2 Noun prefix class alternations in agreement classes 1 and 3

Agreement classes 1 and 3 show two patterns in terms of their noun prefix classes.
Either they take a nasal prefix from noun prefix class “N” or they lack a prefix
altogether. This variation, in contrast to noun prefix classes “ba”, “mi”, “le”, “ma”,
and “be”, is not phonologically conditioned, but lexically specified.
Twenty-three (14%) of the nouns in agreement class 1 have a nasal noun prefix
while 141 (86%) lack a noun prefix and thus belong to the noun prefix class “∅”. In
agreement class 3, almost all nouns belong to the “∅” noun prefix class with 167
nouns lacking a prefix and only three having a nasal prefix. Sixty-three (44.7%)
nouns of agreement class 1 belonging to noun prefix class “∅” start with a non-
nasal consonant. Examples are given in (9).13
(9) a. sã́ > ba-sã́ ‘father’
b. kálɛ́ > ba-kálɛ́ ‘sister’
c. kó > ba-kó ‘uncle (mother’s brother)’
d. sɔ́ > ba-sɔ́ ‘friend’
e. kúmá > ba-kúmá ‘chief’
f. tsídí > ba-tsídí ‘animal’
g. kfúbɔ̀ > ba-kfúbɔ̀ ‘chicken’
h. kímì > ba-kímì ‘monkey (generic)’
i. fû > ba-fû ‘fish’
j. kù > ba-kù ‘rat’
k. wàà > ba-wàà ‘chimpanzee’
l. púndí > ba-púndí ‘colobus monkey’
13
Semantically, more than 37% of nouns in class 1 that have a initial consonant and no noun
prefix are loanwords; the others designate social relations and animals.

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The other 55.3% of nouns of the “∅” noun prefix class in agreement class 1 start
with a nasal consonant; in agreement class 3, almost all nouns of the “∅” noun
prefix class start with a nasal. I analyze the nasal as part of the stem when the
nasal consonant is retained in plural formation, as illustrated in (10).14

(10) No prefix (nasal retainment)

a. ntɛ̀ mbɔ́ > ba-ntɛ̀ mbɔ́ ‘younger sibling’, cl. 1/2
b. njɔ́’ɔ̀ > ba-njɔ́’ɔ̀ ‘elephant’, cl. 1/2
c. mbámbɛ́ > ba-mbámbɛ́ ‘ancestor’, cl. 1/2
d. mámɛ́ > ba-mámɛ́ ‘aunt (father’s sister)’, cl. 1/2
e. nlô > mi-nlô ‘head’, cl. 3/4
f. nkùzɔ́ > mi-nkùzɔ́ ‘widow/er’, cl. 3/4
g. mpàgó > mi-mpàgó ‘road’, cl. 3/4
h. mbvû > mi-mbvû ‘year’, cl. 3/4

Some nouns such as in (11), however, lose the nasal and replace it simply with
the corresponding plural noun prefix. In these cases, the nasal is considered as
a nasal noun prefix. The latter pattern is much less frequent. (10) and (11) show
examples of both nasals /n/ and /m/ for classes 1 and 3. For class 3, however, no
nasal retainment was found with the nasal /m/.

(11) N-prefix (no nasal retainment)

a. n-túmbà > ba-túmbà ‘older brother’, cl. 1/2
b. n-tì > ba-tì ‘in-law’, cl. 1/2
c. n-gyɛ̂̃ > ba-gyɛ̂̃ ‘stranger’, cl. 1/2
d. n-jíbí > ba-jíbí ‘thief’, cl. 1/2
e. m-ùdã̂ > b-ùdã̂ ‘woman’, cl. 1/2
f. m-ùdì > b-ùdì ‘person’, cl. 1/2
g. m-ùdũ̂ > b-ùdũ̂ ‘man’, cl. 1/2
h. m-wánɔ̀ > b-wánɔ̀ ‘child’, cl. 1/2
i. m-bwálɛ̀ > ba-bwálɛ̀ ‘parent’, cl. 1/2

14
Frozen noun prefixes are found in agreement classes 1, 3, and 9, and possibly also in a former
class 10. Class 10, however, got lost and class 9 now pairs with class 6. Synchronically, I do not
consider these frozen nasals as (double) prefixes. Frozen nasal noun prefixes are also known
from other languages, for instance from the Grassfield language Oku as described by Blood
(1999: 3).

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 5.2 The gender and agreement system

j. n-sùnɛ́ > mi-sùnɛ́ ‘calf’, cl. 3/4

k. n-vɛ̀ wɔ̀ > mi-vɛ̀ wɔ̀ ‘breath’, cl. 3/4

Whether the nasal is retained in the plural form is lexically specified and not
phonologically predictable. For instance, the lexemes ntɛ̀ mbɔ́ ‘younger sibling’
and n-túmbà ‘older brother’ are very similar in their phonological structure. The
nasal precedes a voiceless plosive /t/, syllable structure and length are similar.
Nevertheless, one retains the nasal while the other does not. Further, in terms of
semantics, both lexemes express kinship relations as many other nouns in both
patterns do. Thus, there does not seem to be an obvious semantic rule that assigns
noun prefix patterns.
Whether a noun stem starts with a nasal or a non-nasal consonant is also
lexically specified and not predictable from the noun’s phonological shape. Many
examples in (9) without a noun prefix (and initial nasal consonant), for instance,
have a velar /k/ as stem-initial consonant while many examples in (10) and (11)
show an NC-cluster where C is a labial or alveolar obstruent. This may raise the
question whether the occurrence of a nasal in the first place is conditioned by
features of the consonant in an NC-cluster or a stem-initial position, i.e. by its
place of articulation. This hypothesis, however, can be ruled out on the basis of
counter-examples. Thus, /k/, for instance, can appear without a preceding nasal
as in kfúbɔ̀ ‘chicken’ or with a preceding nasal as in the near minimal pair nkùzɔ́
‘widow/er’. The same is true for alveolar fricatives as in sã́ ‘father’ without and
nsá ‘shore’ with a nasal.
Historically, the stem-initial nasal was most likely a noun prefix which got
frozen onto the nominal root in most Gyeli nouns of classes 1, 3 and also 9 (which
I will discuss below). This is also assumed by Hyman (2003: 50), who points out
that “when a stem appears to begin with NC, the nasal may have originally been
a prefix.”
In Gyeli, this phenomenon is not restricted to nouns that start with a prenasal-
ized consonant, but is also found for nasals that precede a vowel and are not
part of a NC cluster. For instance, mámɛ́ ‘aunt’ forms its plural with a CV- shape
prefix ba-mámɛ́, the initial nasal being part of the stem (instead of *m-ámɛ́ > *b-
ámɛ́). In contrast, m-ùdì ‘person’ treats the nasal as a prefix that gets replaced by
a class 2 prefix in the plural b-ùdì ‘persons’. Again, it seems to be specified in the
lexicon whether a nasal preceding a vowel is part of the nominal stem or a nasal
noun prefix.
Synchronically, only a few nouns still have a nasal “N” prefix: 14% of the nouns
in agreement class 1 (which is 22.7% of all nouns in class 1 that start with a nasal)
and 1.8% of the nouns in agreement class 3. In most nouns, the nasal is now part of

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the nominal stem, which also occurs then in corresponding plural forms. Nouns
of class 9, in contrast to those of classes 1 and 3, always treat initial nasals as part
of the stem rather than a nasal prefix. About three quarters of class 9 nouns have
a stem-initial NC cluster, which is retained in plural formation.

5.2.3.3 Noun prefix class pairings

Nouns differ in their singular/plural pairing patterns at the level of noun prefix
class marking from the pairing patterns at the agreement class level. As Figure 5.1
shows, Gyeli has five major patterns of singular and plural pairings, three minor
patterns represented by dashed lines, and one major transnumeral “ma”-class.

sg trans pl
N- ba-

∅- mi-

le- ma-

(bw-) be-

Figure 5.1: Noun prefix class pairings

Although the number of major noun prefix class pairings, including the transnu-
meral category, and the number of major genders is equal, the patterns in which
noun prefix classes and agreement classes pair are substantially different. (For
comparison, see §5.2.4.)15
Table 5.6 shows the frequency of each noun prefix class pairing. Just as noun
prefix classes by themselves differ significantly in size, so do their pairings. For
instance, while the smaller noun prefix class pairings such as “∅”-/“ma”- or the
transnumeral noun prefix class “ma”- each cover only a little more than 4% of
the noun database, the largest noun prefix class pairing, “∅”-/“be”-, constitutes a
third of all noun prefix class pairings. In addition to the 37 nouns in the transnu-
meral “ma”-class, there are another 35 nouns that lack a singular or plural form.
These are subsumed under “minor transnumerals”. Their distribution is further
specified in Table 5.7.
15
For both noun and agreement classes, the decision on what constitutes a major versus a minor
class is based on frequency. I consider all classes as major if they represent 4% or more nouns
of the database.

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 5.2 The gender and agreement system

Table 5.6: Frequency of noun prefix class pairings

Noun prefix class pairing Frequency

N-/ba 23 2.6%
N-/mi- 3 0.3%
∅/ba- 139 15.9%
∅/mi- 165 18.9%
∅/ma- 40 4.6%
∅/be- 296 33.8%
le-/ma- 136 15.6%
(bw-/ma-) 1 0.1%
ma- 37 4.2%
(Minor transnumerals) 35 4%
Total 875

5.2.4 The Gyeli gender system

The nine agreement classes in Gyeli form six major genders, as illustrated in
Figure 5.2. The major genders are pairings of agreement classes 1/2, 3/4, 5/6, 7/8,
and 9/6. Further, the language has one major transnumeral gender, which only
involves agreement class 6 without a singular-plural pairing.16 There are other
transnumeral nouns outside of gender 6 which do not have a counterpart in the
singular or plural. Based on their low frequency, however, they are discussed as
inquorate genders in §5.2.5, together with other low-frequency genders such as
7/6 or 3/6.
Corbett (2013) states that the way nouns are assigned to a gender can be either
strictly semantic, predominantly semantic, or based on a combination of seman-
tic and formal criteria. In strictly semantic systems, the affiliation of a noun to a
gender can be deduced from its meaning. Predominantly semantic systems have
more complex assignment rules and therefore the semantic grounds on which
affiliation to a gender is based are less clear. Corbett (2013: 2) notes that in these
languages, “for at least some nouns there is no longer a principle for assignment
which is still “live” for current speakers”. Formal criteria, both phonological and
morphological, can account for noun assignment to a gender in some languages,
16
The lack of a counterpart in the singular or plural ties in with mass and/or abstract nouns and
countability and is discussed in §3.1.3.

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5 The noun phrase

sg trans pl
1 2

3 4

5 6

7 8

6
Figure 5.2: Major genders in Gyeli

but there are no gender assignment systems that are entirely form-based. Instead,
formal criteria occur in combination with semantic assignment criteria (Corbett
2013: 13).
For Bantu languages, Corbett (2013: map 32) states that gender is typically
assigned on both semantic and morphological grounds. In Gyeli, semantic af-
filiation of a noun to a certain gender is often opaque and semantic principles
governing gender assignment are much less clear-cut, at least synchronically.
One cannot say, for instance, that nouns designating humans belong by default
to gender 1/2, which is the typical “human” gender in Bantu languages. It is true
that a large part of gender 1/2 comprises humans, but words for humans are also
found in almost all the other genders. The same is true for animals, body parts,
tools, plants, and other semantic fields. Not one of them is exclusively found in
one gender, but spread across several genders.17
There are, however, some tendencies in the mapping of nouns from different
semantic fields onto the various genders, which are based on frequency. Thus,
even though human nouns are found in many genders, they are most frequently
and thus most typically found in gender 1/2. Most liquids are uncountable and
are found in the transnumeral gender 6. Another tendency in gender assignment

17
Contini-Morava (2000: 3) claims in her cognitive grammar approach to Swahili that “[n]oun
classes [are] semantic in origin but [...] have lost much of their semantic coherence over time”.
In order to verify whether this claim applies to Gyeli as well, much more data would be required
which exceeds the limits of this grammar.

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 5.2 The gender and agreement system

concerns loanwords, which are most frequently found in gender 1/2 and less often
in gender 7/8.
The various genders differ in size, i.e. the number of members they have. Ta-
ble 5.7 shows the distribution of the 875 lexemes in the nominal database across
different genders, distinguishing major and inquorate genders.
Table 5.7: Frequency of genders

Gender Frequency
1/2 162 18.5%
3/4 165 18.9%
5/6 136 15.5%
Major genders
7/8 270 30.9%
9/6 40 4.6%
6 37 4.3%
7/6 24 2.7%
7 13 1.5%
8 12 1.4%
9 3 0.3%
3/6 2 0.2%
Inquorate genders 8/6 2 0.2%
8/8 2 0.2%
4 2 0.2%
1 2 0.2%
3 2 0.2%
5 1 0.1%
Total 875

The largest gender is gender 7/8 with over 30% of the nouns in the database,
followed by genders 3/4 and 1/2. The major genders with the least members are
genders 9/6 and the transnumeral gender 6. The pairing of agreement classes 7
and 6 constitutes the largest inquorate gender, representing 2.7% of the lexemes
in the noun database. Other inquorate genders with more than 1% are the transnu-
meral genders 7 and 8 while all other exceptional patterns are only represented
between one and three times in the noun database.
In the following, I discuss each gender in turn, including the semantic fields
of the nouns in a given gender and examples of these. In order to determine

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the semantic field of a noun, I coded nominal entries according to the database
Haspelmath & Tadmor (2009) use in their world loanword typology. The authors
distinguish 24 categories differentiating, for instance, “the physical world”, “kin-
ship”, “animals”, “body”, “food and drink”, “clothing”, “house”, “vegetation”, “tech-
nology”, and “time”.18

5.2.4.1 Gender 1/2

Gender 1/2 is a fairly large gender with regard to the number of nouns that are
assigned to it with 162 members out of 875 nominal lexical entries. This gender
is traditionally referred to as the “human” gender in Bantu studies, but seems
to have been extended to an “animate” gender in Gyeli. Only about 30% of the
nouns do refer to humans (if one excludes agentive deverbal nouns). Most of
these human nouns designate kinship and a few social relations, as shown in
(12) and (13). In comparison to other genders containing human nouns, however,
gender 1/2 contains the vast majority.

(12) Kin relations

a. sã́/ba-sã́ ‘father’
b. nyã̂/ba-nyã̂ ‘mother’
c. n-túmbà/ba-túmbà ‘older male relative’
d. ntɛ̀ mbɔ́/ba-ntɛ̀ mbɔ́ ‘younger sibling’
e. kálɛ́/ba-kálɛ́ ‘older sister’
(13) Social relations
a. sɔ́/ba-sɔ́ ‘friend’
b. n-gyɛ̂̃ /ba-gyɛ̂̃ ‘stranger’
c. kfúmá/ba-kfúmá ‘chief’
d. mbúmbù/ba-mbúmbù ‘person with the same name’
e. ngã̂ngã̂/ba-ngã̂ngã̂ ‘healer’

39% of the gender’s nouns belong to the semantic field of animals, both bigger
and smaller, as illustrated in (14).

(14) Animals
a. tsídí/ba-tsídí ‘animal, meat’
b. kímì/ba-kímì ‘monkey’
18
For a complete list of all categories and their affiliated lexemes as well as their coding, see
Haspelmath & Tadmor (2009: 22-34).

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 5.2 The gender and agreement system

c. nyû/ba-nyû ‘bee’
d. fû/ba-fû ‘fish’
e. nyúà/ba-nyúà ‘snake’

The remaining 30% cover a variety of semantic fields such as “food”, “clothing”,
“house”, “vegetation”, or “modern world”. It is remarkable that at least more than
a third of them constitute loanwords that are borrowed especially from English
and French as shown in (15). They designate most often recently introduced items
in the area of clothing, food, and the modern world.

(15) Loanwords
a. sɔ́tì/ba-sɔ́tì ‘trousers (< English: shorts)’
b. fàrínì/ba-fàrínì ‘flour (< French: farine)’
c. mɔ̀ nɛ́/ba-mɔ̀ nɛ́ ‘money’
d. màtèlà/ba-màtèlà ‘mattress (< French: matelas)’
e. ngóvìnà/ba-ngóvìnà ‘government’

Finally, the absence of a semantic field may be remarkable as well. While “body”
nouns19 are found with a relatively high percentage in all other genders, they
are virtually absent in gender 1/2. So far, I have found only three instances, all
of which designate humans that have a health condition, such as njímí/ba-njímí
‘blind person’, búɔ̀ /ba-búɔ̀ ‘mute person’, and nɔ́ɔ́/ba-nɔ́ɔ́ ‘deaf person’. Body parts,
however, are completely absent in this gender.

5.2.4.2 Gender 3/4

Gender 3/4 is about the same size as gender 1/2 with 165 members out of 875
nominal lexemes. In terms of the meaning of its nouns, the gender is more di-
verse concerning the semantic fields it covers. The biggest part of its vocabulary
belongs to the field of body parts with about 27%, examples of which are given
in (16).

(16) Body
a. nlô/mi-nlô ‘head’
b. d-ìsì/m-ìsì ‘eye’
c. nyùmbù/mi-nyùmbù ‘mouth’
19
The semantic field “body” not only contains body parts, but also body functions, health and
disease vocabulary, and terms related to life cycles.

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5 The noun phrase

d. mɔ̀ /mi-mɔ̀ ‘stomach’

e. n-sùnɛ̀ /mi-sùnɛ̀ ‘calf’

Examples in (17) represent the next biggest semantic field in gender 3/4 with
about 14% of nouns designating objects in the “physical world”.

(17) Physical world

a. nsá/mi-nsá ‘shore’
b. nkìyɔ́/mi-nkìyɔ́ ‘wave’
c. mpá/mi-mpá ‘island’
d. nsɛ́/mi-nsɛ́ ‘sand’
e. nkúdɛ́/mi-nkúdɛ́ ‘cloud’

Further, a relatively large part (11%) of the lexicon in gender 3/4 designates what
the Loanword Database labels as “basic actions/technology”, as exemplified in
(18).

(18) Technology
a. ntúmɛ́/mi-ntúmɛ́ ‘walking stick’
b. ntúmò/mi-ntúmò ‘knife’
c. nkwɛ̌/mi-nkwɛ̌ ‘basket’
d. nkúnkúmbɛ́/mi-nkúnkúmbɛ́ ‘bow’
e. nkwálá/mi-nkwálá ‘machete’

Animals are also represented in this gender with more than 8%; (19) gives exam-
ples of some of them.

(19) Animals
a. ntsã̂ntsúgɛ́/mi-ntsã̂ntsúgɛ́ ‘dragonfly’
b. nsĩ/̂ mi-nsĩ̂ ‘African linsang’
c. nkâ/mi-nkâ ‘colobus monkey’
d. nkwúlɔ́/mi-nkwúlɔ́ ‘cricket’
e. mbúlɔ̀ /mi-mbúlɔ̀ ‘locust’

Nevertheless, the remaining 40% of nouns cover a wide range of semantic fields
including “food”, “kin”, “house”, “vegetation”, “language”, and “time”, as illus-
trated in (20), just to name a few.

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 5.2 The gender and agreement system

(20) Others
a. nkwànɔ̀ /mi-nkwànɔ̀ ‘honey’
b. mbàmbà/mi-mbàmbà ‘co-wife’
c. mbɛ̂/mi-mbɛ̂ ‘door’
d. mpìngá/mi-mpìngá ‘cassava’
e. nlã̂/mi-nlã̂ ‘story’
f. mbvû/mi-mbvû ‘year’

5.2.4.3 Gender 5/6

Gender 5/6 is slightly smaller than genders 3/4 and 1/2 with 136 members. Like
gender 3/4, it contains many body parts (21), namely 33%. The assignment of a
body part noun to gender 3/4 or 5/6 seems to be arbitrary since no semantic or
form-based pattern is obviously discernible.

(21) Body
a. d-úú/m-úú ‘nose’
b. le-lɔ̂/ma-lɔ̂ ‘ear’
c. le-nkɛ́dɛ́/ma-nkɛ́dɛ́ ‘hip’
d. le-tɔ́lɛ̀ /ma-tɔ́lɛ̀ ‘navel’
e. le-bɛ́lɛ̀ /ma-bɛ́lɛ̀ ‘breast’

Further, gender 5/6 contains roughly 19% animal nouns. Judging from examples
such as in (22), size or habitat of an animal seem not to determine its gender
affiliation since quite a range of different animals are found in this gender.

(22) Animals
a. le-bóndó/ma-bóndó ‘frog’
b. d-á/m-á ‘crab’
c. le-bwǐ/ma-bwǐ ‘hyena’
d. le-kénó/ma-kénó ‘duiker’
e. j-áwɛ̀ /m-áwɛ̀ ‘goliath frog’

Humans are also found in this gender which, according to the Loanword Database,
are spread over various semantic fields such as “kin”, “social relations”, “religion”,
and “body” (for the “defective” or sick humans), as exemplified in (23). Taking
these different categories together, human nouns make up 9% of gender 5/6.

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(23) Humans
a. le-wǎ/ma-wǎ ‘twin’
b. le-wányɛ̀ /ma-wányɛ̀ ‘young man’
c. le-kàgà/ma-kàgà ‘bewitched woman’
d. le-tɔ́ndí/ma-tɔ́ndí ‘lover’
e. le-bùɔ́/ma-bùɔ́ ‘cripple’
Further, gender 5/6 includes a small number of nouns belonging to the domain
of “house” and the “physical world” with about 7% each and exemplified in (24)
and (25) respectively.
(24) House
a. le-wùdɛ̀ /ma-wùdɛ̀ ‘cooking stone’
b. d-ù/m-ù ‘oven’
c. d-ɛ́ndɛ̀ /m-ɛ́ndɛ̀ ‘courtyard’
d. d-úgó/m-úgó ‘toilet’
e. le-yímbálî/ma-yímbálî ‘entrance’
(25) Physical world
a. le-nángá/ma-nángá ‘star’
b. le-bàdà/ma-bàdà ‘ground’
c. le-kɔ́/ma-kɔ́ ‘stone’
d. le-lɔ̀ ɔ́/ma-lɔ̀ ɔ́ ‘dew’
e. le-tɔ́/ma-tɔ́ ‘drop’
The remaining quarter of gender 5/6 nouns is spread across semantic fields such
as “vegetation”, “technology”, “quantity”, “time”, “language”, and “hunting”. (26)
gives a few examples.
(26) Other
a. le-lɛ́ndɛ́/ma-lɛ́ndɛ́ ‘palm tree’
b. le-kúndí/ma-kúndí ‘mat’
c. le-wúmɔ̀ /ma-wúmɔ̀ ‘ten’
d. le-wùlá/ma-wùlá ‘hour, time’
e. le-kɛ́lɛ́/ma-kɛ́lɛ́ ‘language’
f. le-lámbɔ̀ /ma-lámbɔ̀ ‘trap’
Finally, gender 5/6 contains a number of deverbal nouns which are discussed in
§4.2.1.

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5.2.4.4 Gender 7/8

Gender 7/8a is the largest gender in terms of its affiliated nouns with 270 mem-
bers. “Body” (27) and “animal” (28) nouns constitute the majority with both
around 20%.

(27) Body
a. vìnɔ́/be-vìnɔ́ ‘finger’
b. dò/be-dò ‘thigh’
c. sɛ́/be-sɛ́ ‘liver’
d. kúdɛ́/be-kúdɛ́ ‘skin’
e. gímù/be-gímù ‘tongue’
(28) Animals
a. nɔ̀ nɛ́/be-nɔ̀ nɛ́ ‘bird’
b. tàwɔ̀ /be-tàwɔ̀ ‘goat’
c. mgbɛ̀ mgbɛ̀ mɛ̀ /be-mgbɛ̀ mgbɛ̀ mɛ̀ ‘lion’
d. sɛ́’ɛ̀ /be-sɛ́’ɛ̀ ‘baboon’
e. síngì/be-síngì ‘cat’

Around 10% each is taken up by clothing vocabulary as in (29) and “food” terms
as exemplified in (30).

(29) Clothes
a. zíngɔ́/be-zíngɔ́ ‘short dress’
b. túnɛ̀ /be-túnɛ̀ ‘scarf for carrying babies’
c. kàbà/be-kàbà ‘long dress’
d. tsílì/be-tsílì ‘long skirt’
e. póòlì/be-póòlì ‘hat’
(30) Food
a. kálá/be-kálá ‘spice’
b. kwàndɔ̀ /be-kwàndɔ̀ ‘plantain’
c. dísì/be-dísì ‘bowl’
d. ngùɔ́/be-ngùɔ́ ‘sugar cane’
e. búɔ̀ /be-búɔ̀ ‘mortar’

Another semantic field that is represented in gender 7/8 is “vegetation” as in (31),

however, only with around 6%.

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5 The noun phrase

(31) Vegetation
a. mpànyè/be-mpànyè ‘bamboo’
b. lé/be-lé ‘tree’
c. làwɔ́/be-làwɔ́ ‘branch’
d. dùwá/be-dùwá ‘thorn’
e. kókó/be-kókó ‘mushroom’

As in other genders as well, there is a proportion of nouns that belongs to a

wide diversity of semantic fields. In gender 7/8, around a third of its member
nouns constitute such a semantic diversity. Nouns of semantic fields that are
represented with less than 5% cover semantic domains such as (in decreasing
frequency) “language”, “physical world”, “technology”, “house”, “hunting”, “time”,
“social/political relations”, “spatial relations”, and more. An example of each is
provided in (32).

(32) Other
a. bã̂/be-bã̂ ‘word’
b. nkúdɛ́/be-nkúdɛ́ ‘fog’
c. tṹũ̀/be-tṹũ̀ ‘axe’
d. pìmáá/be-pìmáá ‘wall’
e. bwímɔ̀ /be-bwímɔ̀ ‘net hunt’
f. mɛ́nɔ́/be-mɛ́nɔ́ ‘day’
g. túmbɔ́/be-túmbɔ́ ‘country’
h. dyá/be-dyá ‘distance’

Finally, gender 7/8 also has a few loanwords. This is remarkable because usually
loanwords are found in gender 1/2. Gender 7/8 seems to be the only other gender
that also takes a few borrowed nouns, as listed in (33). Compared to gender 1/2,
loanwords are, however, much less numerous in gender 7/8.

(33) Loanwords
a. sɔ́bì/be-sɔ́bì ‘soap’
b. fùláwà/be-fùláwà ‘flower’
c. súbì/be-súbì ‘soup’

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 5.2 The gender and agreement system

There is no obvious semantic or formal pattern that assigns loanwords to gen-

der 7/8 instead of to the default gender for loanwords, which is gender 1/2. For-
mally, for instance, sɔ́bì ‘soap’ (gender 7/8) constitutes a minimal pair with the
loanword sɔ́tì ‘trousers’ of gender 1/2. Both nouns belong, according to Haspel-
math & Tadmor (2009), semantically to the field of “clothing and grooming”. An-
other example concerns trisyllabic nouns which start both with /f/ and have the
same tonal pattern L H L: fùláwà ‘flower’ belongs to gender 7/8 while fàrínì ‘flour’
belongs to gender 1/2. Gender 7/8 has about 10% food vocabulary, so it cannot be
the case that fàrínì ‘flour’ is not assigned to this gender because it would not fit
in semantically. In return, gender 1/2 has some (although few) nouns designating
“vegetation”, so again it cannot be on semantic grounds that fùláwà ‘flower’ is
not assigned to the default loanword gender 1/2. One determining factor could
be the donor language. It seems that all loanwords in gender 7/8 have an English
origin. So far, I have not come across any French loanwords in this gender. In
contrast, loanwords in gender 1/2 may come from both English and French. The
question still remains then why some English loan nouns are assigned to gender
7/8, while the majority goes into gender 1/2.

5.2.4.5 Gender 9/6

Gender 9/6 is the smallest of the major genders with only 40 members in the
database of 875 nominal lexemes. Historically, Gyeli has lost agreement class
10, which agreement class 9 would pair with in most other Bantu languages. In-
stead, Gyeli class 9 pairs synchronically with class 6. In comparison to inquorate
genders (§5.2.5), gender 9/6 has, however, still a significant number (> 4%) of
members. Even more importantly, agreement class 9 always pairs with agree-
ment class 6, while agreement classes that occur in inquorate genders pair with
other classes more often than they do in major genders.
Semantically, a large part of gender 9/6 nouns (about 29%) belong to the field
of “body” nouns. Examples are given in (34).

(34) Body
a. nyúlɛ̂/ma-nyúlɛ̂ ‘body’
b. mbɔ̀ mbɔ́/ma-mbɔ̀ mbɔ́ ‘face’
c. mbvṹɔ̀̃ /ma-mbvṹɔ̀̃ ‘hair’
d. tsĩ/́ ma-tsĩ ́ ‘neck’
e. ndzílíkɔ̂̃ /ma-ndzílíkɔ̂̃ ‘elbow’

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5 The noun phrase

Further, a relatively big part (14%) of gender 9/6 nouns belongs to the semantic
field of “language and speech” as illustrated in (35).

(35) Language
a. ngɔ̀ mɔ̀ /ma-ngɔ̀ mɔ̀ ‘little drum (tam tam)’
b. pɔ́/ma-pɔ́ ‘news’
c. tsĩ/̂ ma-tsĩ̂ ‘voice’
d. mpàálé/ma-mpàálé ‘message’

Both the physical world and “house” vocabulary is represented with about 9%
each and exemplified in (36) and (37) respectively.

(36) Physical world

a. mbí’ìlì/ma-mbí’ìlì ‘charcoal’
b. sí/ma-sí ‘ground’
c. pfùdí/ma-pfùdí ‘mold’
(37) House
a. ndáwɔ̀ /ma-ndáwɔ̀ ‘house’
b. ntábò/ma-ntábò ‘washing place’
c. ngɛ̂̃ /ma-ngɛ̂̃ ‘garden’

The remaining 40% of nouns belong to semantic fields such as “food”, “technol-
ogy”, “motion”, “spatial relations”, “law”, “religion”, and more. Some examples
representing the listed semantic domains are given in (38).

(38) Others
a. ndzà/ma-ndzà ‘hunger’
b. nkábɛ́/ma-nkábɛ́ ‘paddle’
c. ndzì/ma-ndzì ‘path’
d. nkwàló/ma-nkwàló ‘edge’
e. mpìndá/ma-mpìndá ‘prohibition’
f. nkwɛ́lɛ̀ /ma-nkwɛ́lɛ̀ ‘witchcraft’

5.2.4.6 Gender 6
The transnumeral gender 6 is the smallest of the major genders with only 37
members (4.3% of nouns in the database). Semantically, it mostly includes liquid
mass nouns, as exemplified in (39).

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 5.2 The gender and agreement system

(39) a. ma-jíwɔ́ ‘water’

b. ma-wã̂ ‘fat’
c. ma-nyɔ́ɔ̀ ‘drink, wine’
d. ma-nyálɛ̀ ‘urine’
e. ma-dyúmù ‘sperm’

Other instances of nouns in this gender cover deverbal eventive nouns, as shown
in (40).

(40) a. ma-dìlá ‘funeral’ < dìlɛ ‘bury’

b. ma-dígà ‘vision’ < dígɛ ‘watch’
c. ma-bwálɛ́ ‘birth’ < bwálɛ ‘be born’

5.2.5 Inquorate genders

Inquorate genders are those which have so few members (i.e. less than 4% of the
nominal lexemes in the database) that I prefer to treat them as exceptions rather
than full-fledged genders in order not to artificially inflate the gender system.
Inquorate genders in Gyeli contain the same agreement classes as major genders.
Just their pairing is exceptional. For instance, agreement class 7 usually pairs
with agreement class 8. In some exceptions, however, agreement class 7 pairs
with class 6 and thus does not belong to the same gender as gender 7/8. Instead,
it will be called gender 7/6. Inquorate genders in Gyeli are listed in Table 5.7 and
will be discussed in order of decreasing member numbers.

Gender 7/6
The inquorate gender 7/6 has 24 members in the nominal database. It covers
widely diverse semantic fields such as “body”, “vegetation”, “social relations”, “an-
imals”, “hunting”, and “possession”. (41) provides some examples.

(41) a. bɛ̀ /ma-bɛ̀ ‘shoulder’

b. ntúà/ma-ntúà ‘mango’
c. kwádɔ́/ma-kwádɔ́ ‘village’
d. yílì/ma-yílì ‘viper’
e. wáádɔ́/ma-wáádɔ́ ‘net (for hunting)’
f. mbúlá/ma-mbúlá ‘debt’

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5 The noun phrase

It is likely that nouns in this minor gender stem from various classes, but they are
difficult to trace back since there are no matching Proto-Bantu reconstructions.
Only bɛ̀ ‘shoulder’, out of all 7/6 nouns, can be reconstructed as *-bègà according
to Guthrie (1967: 154), and belonged to gender 5/6 (Meeussen 1967: 101). Other
nouns such as ‘debt’ or ‘mango’ do not occur in Meeussen’s and Guthrie’s re-
constructions, while kwádɔ́ ‘village’ in Gyeli does not seem to have any relation
with the Proto-Bantu reconstructions in Guthrie (1971: 27). Likewise, it is then
not clear whether the singular class of a noun has switched agreement classes or
the plural class or whether both scenarios hold for different nouns.

Gender 7
The transnumeral gender, which only contains the singular agreement class 7,
is represented with 13 members in the noun database. It contains a few abstract
nouns that lack a plural, as illustrated in (42).

(42) a. sɔ́nì ‘shame’

b. mɛ̀ vâ ‘pride’
c. sɔ̀ mɔ̀ nɛ̀ ‘complaint’
d. ngɔ̀ ngɔ̀ lɛ̀ ‘sadness’
e. pɔ́nɛ́ ‘truth’
f. ngwámɛ́ ‘danger’

Other nouns that only have a singular form in agreement class 7 are country
names, as shown in (43).

(43) a. fàlà ‘France’

b. ngyàmànɛ̀ ‘Germany’
c. ìtálíyɛ̀ n ‘Italy’

Gender 8
There are also 12 nouns in the database which only have a form in agreement
class 8, but no singular or plural counterpart. Like with the transnumeral gender
7, they include abstract nouns, as listed in (44).

(44) a. be-bɛ̂̃ ɛ̀̃ ‘beauty’

b. be-síyá ‘imitation’
c. be-jíì ‘anger’

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 5.2 The gender and agreement system

d. be-kílì ‘attention, cunning’

Other nouns of this gender are inherently singular (e.g. as a mass noun or a
singular occurrence in the world) and lack a plural form, as it is the case with
the examples in (45).

(45) a. vìyɔ́ ‘fire’

b. vísɔ́ ‘sun’

Gender 9
Agreement class 9 also constitutes a transnumeral gender with three members.
They are listed in (46).

(46) a. ngwɛ́lɛ̀ ‘witchcraft’

b. mpà’à ‘vapor, fog’
c. bvúbvù ‘multitude’

Gender 3/6
Many exceptional agreement class pairings only occur a couple of times in the
database. This is the case with the pairing of agreement classes 3 and 6. The only
two examples that I found are shown in (47).

(47) a. m-bɔ́/mà-bɔ́ ‘arm’

b. n-ákɔ́/m-ákɔ́ ‘earwax’

This lexeme -bɔ́ ‘arm’ may be reconstructed to Proto-Bantu *-bóko ‘arm’ which
belonged to gender 15/6 according to Meeussen (1967: 102).20

20
Other nouns that Meeussen (1967: 102) classifies as gender 15/6 nouns, such as ‘leg’, ‘knee’, or
‘ear’, do not have any reflexes in synchronic Gyeli. Since many of them constitute body parts,
this is, however, not surprising. Wilkins (1996), for instance, shows that especially body parts,
or “parts of a person” terminology, as he labels it, are subject to semantic change that follows
cross-linguistically natural tendencies. Therefore, synchronic noun stems of body parts may
have an entirely different shape than the reconstructed Proto-Bantu forms. In any case, it is
not possible to say that historic class 15 nouns merged systematically with class 3.

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5 The noun phrase

Gender 8/6
Agreement class 8 has a few singular nouns. While the plural nouns of agreement
class 8 all belong to noun prefix class “be”, the singular members of agreement
class 8 do not take a prefix.21 Historically, agreement class 8 nouns that do not
take a prefix have probably merged from a former class 14 as the root beginning
with bw- or b- suggests. This would also be in line with the plural pairing with
class 6 since Meeussen (1967: 100) points out that class 14 in Proto-Bantu formed
its plural with class 6. Pairings of class 8/6 are very rare in Gyeli. I only found
two examples which are given in (48).

(48) a. bwã̂/ma-bwã̂ ‘medicine’

b. bw-álɛ̀ /m-álɛ̀ ‘canoe’

Gender 8/8
There are two other examples where the singular variant of agreement class 8
pairs with the plural class 8, as shown in (49). Although the agreement targets
of this gender always have the agreement pattern of class 8, I do not view this
gender as transnumeral. The reason for this is that there are two distinct noun
forms for singular and plural. In this, they differ from transnumeral genders, such
as gender 6, which has no singular/plural opposition in its nominal forms.

(49) a. bvùlɛ́/be-bvùlɛ́ ‘night’

b. bírɛ̀ lɛ̀ /be-bírɛ̀ lɛ̀ ‘smoke’

Other exceptional transnumeral genders

Except for agreement class 2, all agreement classes show instances where they
lack either a singular or plural counterpart. For classes 1, 3, 4, and 5, this is very
rare with only one or two examples each. (50) shows the two examples found for
agreement class 4.

(50) a. mi-ngyɛ̌ ‘hunting rats (digging out their dens)’

b. my-ɛ́ ‘fur’

Instances where agreement class 1 does not have a plural form concern proper
names of countries/continents that are inherently singular, as shown in (51).
21
There is one exception where a singular agreement class 8 noun takes a prefix of the shape
bw-, a remnant of a former class 14. Since this is the only example, however, I do not list “bw”
as a noun prefix class on its own.

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 5.3 Distributive numerals with reduplication

(51) a. kàmɛ̀ rún ‘Cameroon’

b. àfríkà ‘Africa’

There are also two examples of agreement class 3 nouns that do not take a plural
form in class 4. These are listed in (52).

(52) a. bíwɔ̀ ‘bad luck’

b. mbvú ‘white/grey hair’

Agreement class 5 only has one member that lacks a plural counterpart, as shown
in (53).

(53) dyúwɔ̀ ‘sky’

5.3 Distributive numerals with reduplication

Distributives are series of reduplicated numerals. They serve the purpose of dis-
ambiguating sentences, such as in (54), which can have either a collective or a
distributive reading.

(54) Finn and Riley ate two apples.

In the collective reading, two apples altogether were shared between Finn and
Riley whereas in a distributive interpretation, Finn ate two apples and Riley ate
two apples. In English, such sentences can be disambiguated by the use of ‘each’:
‘Finn and Riley ate two apples each.’
Some languages systematically disambiguate such cases. For those languages,
the most common means is reduplication of numerals. Gil (2013a) explains this
common strategy by its iconic motivation. According to him, copies of the nu-
meral correspond to multiple sets of entities.
Gyeli also uses the reduplication strategy in order to express distributive nu-
merals. Although reduplication is a common strategy for distributive expression
in the languages of the world, Rubino (2013) states that, “[t]he phonological na-
ture of the reduplicated material varies from language to language and construc-
tion to construction”. Borchardt (2011: 118) shows that the Benue-Congo language
Ikaan, for instance, uses several types of reduplication in order to express dis-
tributives. These range from full reduplications including the agreement markers
to full root reduplications excluding agreement markers and partial root redupli-
cations.

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5 The noun phrase

In Gyeli, distributive numerals only display one kind of reduplication, namely

full reduplication. The numeral, based on its cardinal form, is entirely copied,
including its agreement prefixes, if required, and tones, as shown in (55).

(55) bwánɔ̀ bà dé mímbàngá mímbáà mímbáà

b-wánɔ̀ ba dè-H mí-mbàngá mí-mbáà mí-mbáà
ba2-child 2.pst1 eat-r mi4-nut 4-two 4-two
‘The children ate two nuts each.’

Just like cardinal numerals (§3.8.1.6), distributive numerals agree with the head
noun in its agreement class if the specific numeral takes an agreement marker.
The distributives that take agreement markers are exactly the same as the cardi-
nals that do, namely ‘2’ through ‘5’. For those modifier numerals that do not take
any agreement prefixes (‘6’ through ‘9’), they are entirely reduplicated, just with-
out prefixes. Nominal nouns as well as complex numerals involving noun phrases
and/or coordination are also fully reduplicated as one would expect from their
cardinal form. Table 5.8 lists Gyeli distributives using the noun mbàngá ‘nut’ of
gender 3/4 as an example.
Table 5.8: Distributive numerals

Examples of distributive numerals Gloss

mbàngá mvúdũ̂ mvúdũ̂ ‘one nut each’
mi-mbàngá mí-mbáà mí-mbáà ‘two nuts each’
mi-mbàngá mí-nláálɛ̀ mí-nláálɛ̀ ‘three nuts each’
mi-mbàngá mí-nã̂ mí-nã̂ ‘four nuts each’
mi-mbàngá mí-ntánɛ̀ mí-ntánɛ̀ ‘five nuts each’
mi-mbàngá ntùɔ́ ntùɔ́ ‘six nuts each’
mi-mbàngá mpúɛ̀ rɛ́ mpúɛ̀ rɛ́ ‘seven nuts each’
mi-mbàngá lɔ̀ mbì lɔ̀ mbì ‘eight nuts each’
mi-mbàngá rèbvùá rèbvùá ‘nine nuts each’
mi-mbàngá le-wúmɔ̀ le-wúmɔ̀ ‘ten nuts each’
mi-mbàngá le-wúmɔ̀ ná mí-báà le-wúmɔ̀ ná mí-báà ‘twelve nuts each’
mi-mbàngá ma-wúmɔ̀ má-báà ma-wúmɔ̀ má-báà ‘twenty nuts each’
mi-mbàngá bwúyà bwúyà ‘a hundred nuts each’
mi-mbàngá tɔ́dyínì tɔ́dyínì ‘a thousand nuts each’

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 5.4 Distributive construction with náà

5.4 Distributive construction with náà

In order to express distributivity over individuals, a (countable) noun is iterated
while náà is inserted to link the two nouns. náà is only used in this context
and formally resembles the adverb nâ ‘still, again’, which, however, has a short
vowel instead of a long one. The quantified noun can occur both in the singular
and in the plural, as shown in (56). The use of plural nouns, as in (56b), implies a
distribution over a set of entities.
(56) a. m-ùdì náà m-ùdì
n1-person by n1-person
‘each person’
b. b-ùdì náà b-ùdì
ba2-person by ba2-person
‘each (set of) people’
Quantification by nominal iteration in the sense of ‘each’ only works for count-
able nouns. Thus, neither liquid mass nouns nor granular aggregates in their sin-
gular form allow for iterated quantification as shown in (57). Granular aggregates
in their plural form, however, can enter such a construction that then gives the
reading of ‘each set of entities of x’ as in (57c).
(57) a. * màjíwɔ́ náà màjíwɔ́
ma-jíwɔ́ náà ma-jíwɔ́
ma6-water by ma6-water
‘each water’
b. * ndísì náà ndísì
ndísì náà ndísì
∅3.rice by ∅3.rice
‘each rice’
c. mìndísì náà mìndísì
mi-ndísì náà mi-ndísì
mi4-rice by mi4-rice
‘each set of packages of rice’

5.5 Attributive constructions

In his comparative study on Bantu attributive constructions, Van de Velde (2013)
defines a “canonical” attributive construction as a dependency relation between

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5 The noun phrase

two nominal constituents. It is also known as “associative” or “genitive construc-

tion” in the Bantu literature. Since in Gyeli these constructions are, however, not
confined to genitive contexts, I prefer to call them “attributive constructions”.
Van de Velde (2013) describes the canonical attributive construction as head
(r1) - relator (rel) - dependent (r2), where the relator (attributive marker)
links the head noun (r1) to the dependent noun (r2). He illustrates this with an
example from Kagulu (Bantu G12, Tanzania), cited from Petzell (2008: 86) in (58).

(58) Kagulu (Bantu G12)

m-ejir1 g-arel mu-nyur2
6-water vi-att 3-salt
‘salt water’

Van de Velde (2013) further points out that Bantu languages are heterogeneous
with respect to the way they express attributive possession structurally. There is
a huge variation in terms of, for instance, the shape of the attributive marker
despite its canonical shape of agr-a. Also, the dependent constituent, which
is typically a noun, can belong to another part of speech. This is the case for
Gyeli. In terms of frequency, the dependent constituent is mostly a noun. It can,
however, also belong to the category of adjectives, verbs, or interrogative words.
While the part of speech of the dependent constituent may belong to various cat-
egories, the head of the construction seems always to be a noun. In the following,
I will present the different construction types, organized by the part of speech of
the dependent constituent.

5.5.1 Noun + noun

Noun + noun attributive constructions in Gyeli typically express attributive pos-
session. This core meaning, however, is extended to other semantic properties
of a noun, e.g. quantification (‘a lot of cats’) and location (‘front of the house’).
I will discuss the different domains of attributive constructions in turn, starting
with the core meaning of possession.
Before turning to the different attributive constructions in Gyeli, however, I
will first explore a general formal issue: the optional omission of the attributive
marker. The central element of an attributive construction is the linking element,
the attributive marker (§3.8.3.2 ), which gives the construction its name. Often,
however, the attributive marker can be omitted, while in some cases, it is oblig-
atory.

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

5.5.1.1 Optional omission of the attributive marker

In Gyeli, the attributive marker can in many cases be omitted optionally (which
seems to be the default case) as shown in (59). In special cases, however, the
attributive marker is obligatory, as in (60).22

(59) mínɔ̀ (má) básɔ́

m-ínɔ̀ má ba-sɔ́
ma6-name 6:att ba2-friend
‘the friends’ names’

(60) jínɔ̀ lé sɔ́

j-ínɔ̀ lé sɔ́
le5-name 5:att ∅1.friend
‘the friend’s name’

This phenomenon cannot be based on free variation, but must be conditioned by

some (set of) rules since speakers are consistent in their judgments of optional
omission or obligatory presence of the attributive.
The question is then what conditions are at play in the presence or absence
of the attributive marker. It seems that multiple factors determine whether the
attributive marker has to appear, including (i) phonological factors where a de-
pendent noun that has a CV- shape noun prefix favors omission of the attributive
and (ii) semantic factors concerning the relation between the two nouns. In the
following, I will go through a number of possible determining factors and point
out to what extent they influence the occurrence of an attributive marker. I will
start out with phonological factors, then move on to morphological, and finally
to semantic factors.
The H tone of an attributive marker spreads on to a CV- noun prefix of the
dependent noun, as shown in (61) and discussed in §2.4.2.1. One could assume
that if the H tone of the attributive marker spreads to the otherwise L tone prefix
of the dependent noun, the tonal process might mark the dependency relation
and an overt attributive marker is not necessary, as in (61a). In contrast, agree-
ment classes that have an L tone attributive marker, where no H tone spreading
occurs, might determine the obligatory use of the attributive, as would seem to
be the case in (61b).

22
The attributive markers in parentheses are optional while those without brackets cannot be
omitted, but must obligatorily appear.

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5 The noun phrase

(61) a. mìnlô (mí) bátsídí

mi-nlô mí ba-tsídí
mi4-head 4:att ba2-animal
‘the heads of the animals’
b. nlô wà tsídí
nlô wà tsídí
∅3.head 3:att ∅1.animal
‘the head of the animal’

This turns out not to be the case, however. (62) counter-exemplifies the tonal
hypothesis because in (62a), there is no high tone spreading, but the use of the
attributive marker is still optional, while in (62b) there is high tone spreading,
but the use of the attributive marker is still obligatory.

(62) a. mpáà (wà) nlàmbɔ́

m-páà wà nlàmbɔ́
n1-president 1:att ∅3.country
‘president of the country’
b. bàpáà bá nlàmbɔ́
ba-páà bá nlàmbɔ́
ba2-president 2:att ∅3.country
‘presidents of the country’

In terms of syllable length, there is a tendency for monosyllabic dependent

nouns to require an attributive marker rather than allowing for its omission, as
in (63), compared to disyllabic dependent nouns in (64). A bit more than half of
the elicited attributive constructions with monosyllabic dependent nouns behave
this way.

(63) a. sɔ́ wà ntí

sɔ́ wà n-tí
∅1.friend 1:att n1-in.law
‘the friend of the in-law’
b. bàsɔ́ bá ntí
ba-sɔ́ bá n-tí
ba2-friend 2:att n1-in.law
‘the friends of the in-law’

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

(64) a. sɔ́ (wà) bàtí

sɔ́ wà ba-tí
∅1.friend 1:att ba2-in.law
‘the friend of the in-laws’
b. bàsɔ́ (bá) bátí
ba-sɔ́ bá ba-tí
ba2-friend 2:att ba2-in.law
‘friends of the in-laws’

There are, however, many exceptions, as in (65), where the dependent noun is
monosyllabic, but the use of the attributive marker is still optional.

(65) a. ndzí (nyà) nsɛ́

ndzí nyà nsɛ́
∅9.path 9:att ∅3.sand
‘path of sand’
b. jìnɔ́ (lé) ntí
j-ìnɔ́ lé n-tí
le5-name 5:att n3-in.law
‘the name of the in-law’

At the same time, these examples concerning syllable length could also re-
late to number morphology. Monosyllabic nouns are almost exclusively singular
while plural nouns are almost exclusively at least disyllabic. So the question is
whether a possible conditioning factor relates to syllable length, number mor-
phology, or agreement class affiliation, as I discuss in the following.
Another factor that could determine the obligatory presence of the attributive
marker is the number of the dependent noun. If the dependent noun occurs in
the singular, the attributive occurrence is often (more than 50% of the elicited
examples) obligatory as exemplified in (66a). In fact, out of all cases where the
attributive marker is obligatory, more than 75% have a singular dependent noun.
In contrast, if the dependent noun is plural, as in (66b), the use of the attributive
marker is mostly optional.

(66) a. ndzí nyà táwɔ̀

ndzí nyà táwɔ̀
∅9.path 9:att ∅7.goat
‘path of the goat’

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5 The noun phrase

b. ndzí (nyà) bètáwɔ̀

ndzí nyà be-táwɔ̀
∅9.path 9:att be8-goat
‘path of the goats’
Again, there are examples, such as in (67), where the inverse is the case.
(67) a. jìnɔ́ (lé) dá’á
j-ìnɔ́ lé d-á’á
le5-name 5:att le5-crab
‘name of the crab’
b. jìnɔ́ lé má’á
j-ìnɔ́ lé m-á’á
le5-name 5:att ma6-crab
‘name of the crabs’
Another hypothesis could be that attributive marker optionality is conditioned
by gender or agreement class and depends on the gender or noun prefix class of
the head noun or the dependent noun. This is in fact the case in many closely
related languages, as described by Henson (2007) for Kol (A832),23 by Beavon
(2006) for Njyem (A84)24 and by Heath (2003) for Makaa (A83).25 For Gyeli, how-
ever, this does not seem to be the case for either the head or the dependent noun.
Changing the noun prefix class of the head noun in (68) allows both optional
omission of the attributive marker, as in (68a), and obligatory use of the attribu-
tive marker, as in (68b).
(68) a. sɔ́ (wà) ngyɛ̃̂
sɔ́ wà n-gyɛ̂̃
∅1.friend 1:att n1-stranger
‘friend of the stranger’
b. ndzí nyà ngyɛ̃̂
ndzí nyà n-gyɛ̂̃
∅9.path 9:att n1-stranger
‘path of the stranger’
23
Henson (2007: 113) points out for Kol that “[f]or most singular nouns, the ‘basic’ associative
marker is either zero or a tonal marker”.
24
Beavon (2006: 118) shows that head nouns of classes 1, 9, and 10 in Njyem occur without “as-
sociative” markers.
25
As in Njyem, head nouns of classes 1, 9, and 10 in Makaa do not occur with an associative
marker and are therefore zero-marked in noun + noun constructions according to Heath (2003:
341).

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

The same is true for the dependent noun in (69). (69a) shows a case where the
attributive can be omitted, while it is obligatory in (69b).

(69) a. sɔ́ (wà) mùdã̂

sɔ́ wà m-ùdã̂
∅1.friend 1:att n1-woman
‘friend of the woman’
b. sɔ́ wà nkwànò
sɔ́ wà nkwànò
∅1.friend 1:att ∅3.honey
‘friend of honey’ (= somebody who likes honey)

Attributive marker omission also does not depend on whether the head noun
and the dependent noun belong to the same noun prefix class. In (70), all con-
stituents belong to noun prefix class ∅ and agreement class 7. In (70a), the use of
the attributive is obligatory, while in (70b), its use is optional.

(70) a. vɛ́ɛ̀lá yá yí
vɛ́ɛ̀lá yá yí
∅7.decoration 7:att ∅7.wood
‘decoration of the wood’
b. vɛ́ɛ̀lá (yá) táwɔ̀
vɛ́ɛ̀lá yá táwɔ̀
∅7.decoration 7:att ∅7.goat
‘decoration of the goat’

There is a tendency to omit the attributive marker when the dependent noun
has a syllabic noun prefix as seen, for instance, in (61a) or (64a). This is true for
more than 80% of the elicited attributive construction examples.
Further, at the intersection of phonology and morphology, there is a tendency
to avoid successive identical CV morphemes, i.e. when the attributive marker
and the following noun prefix have the same CV pattern as in (71). In more than
90% of these cases, speakers prefer to omit the attributive.

(71) a. bàsɔ́ (bá) bátí

ba-sɔ́ bá ba-tí
ba2-friend 2:att ba2-in.law
‘the friends of the in-laws’

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5 The noun phrase

b. jìnɔ́ (lé) lékǎ

j-ìnɔ́ lé le-kǎ
le5-name 5:att le5-clan
‘the name of the clan’

Nevertheless, there are again counterexamples, as shown in (72).

(72) màdyû má mákǎ

ma-dyû má ma-kǎ
ma6-fever 6:att ma6-clan
‘the fevers of the clans’

Semantics may also have an impact: it seems that the attributive marker can
be omitted when the relation between the two nouns is an identity relation as
with names in (73) and colors in (74).

(73) kwádɔ́ (yá) Ngòló

∅7.village 7:att ∅3.pn
‘the village of Ngolo’

(74) nsínó (wá) nábèbè

∅3.color 3:att red
‘the color red’

Also numeral head nouns are always followed by an optional attributive marker,
as shown in (75).

(75) a. lèwúmɔ̀ (lé) básɔ́

le-wúmɔ̀ lé ba-sɔ́
le5-ten 5:att ba2-friend
‘ten friends’
b. bwúyà (yá) básɔ́
bwúyà yá ba-sɔ́
∅7.hundred 7:att ba2-friend
‘hundred friends’
c. tɔ́gyínì (wà) bàsɔ́
tɔ́gyínì wà ba-sɔ́
∅1.thousand 1:att ba2-friend
‘thousand friends’

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

As explained in §4.2.6.2, the absence of the attributive marker in some noun

+ noun constructions may be analyzed as lexicalized compounds. This becomes
clear in noun + noun constructions that oppose a variant with an attributive
marker to one without, as in (76) and (77).

(76) a. sɔ́ wà mùdã̂

sɔ́ wà m-ùdã̂
∅1.friend 1:att n1-woman
‘the friend of the woman’
b. sɔ́-mùdã̂
sɔ́-m-ùdã̂
∅1.friend-n1-woman
‘the female friend’

(77) a. kfúbɔ̀ wà dyá

kfúbɔ̀ wà dyá
∅1.chicken 1:att ∅7.length
‘the chicken that is far away’
b. kfúbɔ̀ -dyá
kfúbɔ̀ -dyá
∅1.chicken-∅7.length
‘the tall chicken’

There is a difference in the semantic relation between the two nouns. The
noun + noun constructions that require the attributive marker, as in (76a) and
(77a), mark attributive possession. In contrast, their counterparts without the at-
tributive marker, as in (76b) and (77b), denote attribution of a property. In cases
where there is a clear meaning difference between two nouns with and with-
out the attributive marker, I analyze the ones without the attributive marker as
noun-noun compounds (§4.2.6.2).
A final factor that I consider here concerns prototypicality of use, relating to
the most frequent and natural way two nouns are linked. In (78), for instance, it
seems that speakers naturally think of a country usually having only one presi-
dent. In this case (78a), the attributive marker can be omitted. If, however, speak-
ers talk about several presidents, as in (78a), for instance historically successive
presidents, this is a more specific usage, which requires the attributive marker.

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5 The noun phrase

(78) a. mpáà (wà) nlàmbɔ́

m-páà wà nlàmbɔ́
n1-president 1:att ∅3.country
‘president of the country’
b. bàpáà bá nlàmbɔ́
ba-páà bá nlàmbɔ́
ba2-president 2:att ∅3.country
‘presidents of the country’

5.5.1.2 Nominal possessives

Having discussed the optional omission and obligatory presence of the attribu-
tive marker in noun + noun constructions, I will, for reasons of simplicity, not
indicate anymore whether the attributive is optional or not. I now turn to seman-
tically different noun + noun constructions. The core meaning of these is that of
attributive possession. Examples of possessive noun + noun constructions are
given in (79) with the head noun occurring in different noun prefix classes. The
head noun expresses the possessee while the dependent noun expresses the pos-
sessor.
(79) a. mùdã̂ wà mùdì
m-ùdã̂ wà m-ùdì
n1-woman 1:att n1-person
‘the person’s wife’
b. bùdã̂ bá mùdì
b-ùdã̂ bá m-ùdì
ba2-woman 2:att n1-person
‘the person’s wives’
c. dìsí lé mùdì
d-ìsí lé m-ùdì
le5-eye 5:att n1-person
‘the person’s eye’
d. mísì má mùdì
m-ísì má m-ùdì
ma6-eye 6:att n1-person
‘the person’s eyes’
Gyeli has a split genitive system with two distinct noun + noun linker para-
digms: the attributive marker (§3.8.3.2) and the genitive marker (§3.8.2.1). The

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

genitive marker is used when the dependent noun is a proper name, while the
attributive marker is used everywhere else, as further explained below.
Interestingly, the language does not have a typical possessive classification
system, which most usually distinguishes grammatically between alienable and
inalienable possession. Nichols & Bickel (2013) explain that this type of posses-
sive classification is based on properties of the possessee. Typically, inalienable
possessions concern kinship relations and body parts, while alienable posses-
sions can be separated from the owner, for instance materials (axe, spear) or
food items (mango, bread). According to the WALS map on possessive classifi-
cation by Nichols & Bickel (2013), some Niger-Congo languages, such as Gbeya
Bossangoa (Central African Republic), Lango and Luganda (Uganda), or Luvale
(Angola), have two possessive classes with an alienable/inalienable distinction.
Gyeli does not make a grammatical distinction between alienable and inalien-
able possession as shown in (80). No matter whether the possessee is a kin (80a),
body part (80b), or material possession (80c), the attributive marker always agrees
in class with the head noun (possessee).
(80) a. nyã̂ wà mwánɔ̀
nyã̂ wà m-wánɔ̀
∅1.mother 1:att n1-child
‘the child’s mother’
b. d-úú lé mwánɔ̀
d-úú lé m-wánɔ̀
le5-nose 5:att n1-child
‘the child’s nose’
c. nkwálá wá mwánɔ̀
nkwálá wá m-wánɔ̀
∅3.machete 3:att n1-child
‘the child’s machete’
In Gyeli, the genitive split is conditioned by the type of possessor noun, dis-
tinguishing common nouns and proper names. If the possessor is expressed by a
proper name, the genitive marker (§3.8.2.1) is used, as in (81a). If a common noun
is used for the possessor instead, as in a parallel construction in (81b), the two
nouns are linked by an attributive marker.
(81) a. mùdû ngá Nándtùngù
m-ùdû ngá Nándtùngù
n1-man gen ∅1.pn
‘Nandtoungou’s husband’

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5 The noun phrase

b. mùdũ̂ wà mùdã̂
m-ùdũ̂ wà m-ùdã̂
n1-man 1:att n1-woman
‘the woman’s husband’
c. màkwámɔ́ má-ngá Nándtùngù
ma-kwámɔ́ má-ngá Nándtùngù
ma6-bag 6-gen ∅1.pn
‘Nandtoungou’s bags’

The genitive marker only takes an agreement prefix if the possessee head noun
occurs in a plural form, as in (81c). Therefore, the genitive marker is conditioned
both by the head noun’s grammatical number and the dependent noun’s status
as common or proper noun. The dependent possessor noun determines whether
an attributive or a genitive marker is used. The possessee head noun determines
number/agreement class marking.

5.5.1.3 Properties
A semantic subcategory of possession are those noun + noun constructions that
express a property of the head noun such as ‘old’, ‘beautiful’, or ‘strong’. These
properties are expressed by nouns in Gyeli; examples are given in (82).

(82) a. sɔ́ wà ntúlɛ́

sɔ́ wà ntúlɛ́
∅1.friend 1:att ∅3.oldness
‘old friend’
b. bùdã̂ bá bébɛ̃ ́
b-ùdã̂ bá be-bɛ̃́
ba2-woman 2:att be8-beauty
‘beautiful women’
c. mùdì wà ngvùlɛ́
m-ùdì wà ngvùlɛ́
n1-person 1:att ∅9.strength
‘strong person’

The property noun + noun constructions differ structurally from nominal pos-
sessives in the role of the head noun. While in nominal possessive constructions
the head noun is the possessee, in property noun + noun constructions, the head
noun is rather the possessor in the unmarked case following a pattern ‘a man

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

of strength’. The order of head and dependent noun can, however, be reversed
while the basic meaning remains the same, as in (83).

(83) a. mùdũ̂ wà tílì

m-ùdũ̂ wà tílì
n1-man 1:att ∅7.smallness
‘small man’
b. tílì yá mùdũ̂
tílì yá m-ùdũ̂
∅7.smallness 7:att n1-man
‘small man/smallness of man’

(83a) exhibits the unmarked order, which can literally be translated as ‘man of
smallness’. (83b) is ambiguous because it can either mean ‘the smallness of the
man’, referring to size, or it can refer to the man himself in the sense of ‘a midget
of a man’. The reversal in the second sense seems to have pragmatic functions
of irony or emphasis.

5.5.1.4 Nominal quantifiers

Another use of the canonical noun + noun construction concerns expression of
quantification. Some quantifiers in Gyeli are nouns and combine with the noun
that they quantify as the head of the construction. Nominal quantifiers include
numerals and non-numeral modifiers such as ‘many’, ‘few’, ‘a certain’, ‘some’,
and partitive quantifiers such as ‘half’. Only a few quantifiers in Gyeli make a
distinction between countable and non-countable nouns, by restricting the com-
bination of certain quantified nouns with certain quantifier nouns. This is the
case, for instance, with mwánɔ̀ ‘little/few’, as I will show below.

5.5.1.4.1 Numerals
Some monomorphemic numerals in Gyeli constitute nouns. As discussed in §5.7
on enumeratives, these are the bases of the system, namely le-wúmɔ̀ ‘10’ (cl. 5),
bwúyà ‘100’ (cl. 7), and tɔ́dyínì ‘1000’ (cl. 1). Being nouns themselves, they do not
agree with the noun they quantify. Instead, they can become the head of a noun
+ noun attributive construction, as shown in (84). The two nouns are linked by
an attributive marker that can optionally be omitted.

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5 The noun phrase

(84) a. lèwúmɔ̀ (lé) básɔ́

le-wúmɔ̀ lé ba-sɔ́
le5-ten 5:att ba2-friend
‘ten friends’
b. bwúyà (yá) básɔ́
bwúyà yá ba-sɔ́
∅7.hundred 7:att ba2-friend
‘hundred friends’
c. tɔ́dyínì (wà) bàsɔ́
tɔ́dyínì wà ba-sɔ́
∅1.thousand 1:att ba2-friend
‘thousand friends’

The noun + noun construction with an attributive marker is the preferred op-
tion to express nominal cardinals, which speakers would judge as “good Gyeli”.
Nevertheless, speakers sometimes adopt the structure of non-nominal cardinals
so that the numeral noun follows the quantified noun, as in (85). The two nouns
are then juxtaposed without any attributive marker, thus copying the syntactic
structure of noun + modifier numeral noun phrases (§3.8.1.6).

(85) a. bà-sɔ́ lè-wúmɔ̀

ba2-friend le5-ten
‘ten friends’
b. bà-sɔ́ bwúyà
ba2-friend ∅7.hundred
‘hundred friends’
c. bà-sɔ́ tɔ́dyínì
ba2-friend ∅1.thousand
‘thousand friends’

5.5.1.4.2 bvúbvù nyà ‘many, lots of’

Many quantifiers in Gyeli are expressed by a noun + noun attributive construc-
tion. In these cases, a quantifying noun serves as the head of the construction,
and the quantified noun is linked by an attributive marker that agrees with the
head noun, as in (86).

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

(86) bvúbvù nyà bùdì

bvúbvù nyà b-ùdì
∅9.multitude 9:att ba2-people
‘many people’

bvúbvù ‘multitude’ is used for both countable and non-countable nouns. (87)
provides examples of quantified nouns that semantically belong to liquids or
granular aggregates and that typically are not countable.

(87) a. bvúbvù nyà màjíwɔ́

bvúbvù nyà ma-jíwɔ́
∅9.multitude 9:att ma6-water
‘lots of water’
b. bvúbvù nyà ndísì
bvúbvù nyà ndísì
∅9.multitude 9:att ∅3.rice
‘lots of rice’
c. bvúbvù nyà mìnsɛ́
bvúbvù nyà mi-nsɛ́
∅9.multitude 9:att mi4-sand
‘lots of (types of) sand’

Depending on the context, the quantification of mass nouns with bvúbvù ‘many,
lots’ can also yield a type interpretation, as in (87c), where it is ambiguous whether
the speaker refers to a lot of sand or several types of sand.

5.5.1.4.3 mwánɔ̀ ‘a few, little’

The counterpart of bvúbvù ‘many, lots’ is mwánɔ̀ and its plural form bwánɔ̀ ‘few,
little’. The primary lexical meaning of mwánɔ̀ /bwánɔ̀ is ‘child/children’. In an at-
tributive construction with a (countable) noun, however, it serves as a quantifier
with a meaning of ‘a few’, as shown in (88a).

(88) a. bwánɔ̀ bá bákɔ́bɛ̀

b-wánɔ̀ bá ba-kɔ́bɛ̀
ba2-small 2:att ba2-cup
‘a few cups’

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5 The noun phrase

b. bwánɔ̀ -bákɔ́bɛ̀
b-wánɔ̀ -ba-kɔ́bɛ̀
ba2-small-ba2-cup
‘small cups’

In contrast, in (88b), the two nouns form a compound (§4.2.6.2) without the
attributive marker and bwánɔ̀ ‘child’ expresses the meaning of ‘small (in size)’. It
thus productively serves as a diminutive marker and is, in fact, the only diminu-
tive strategy in the language.
In some cases with countable nouns, however, the attributive marker can be
omitted without resulting in a diminutive. Instead, mwánɔ̀ /bwánɔ̀ serves as a
quantifier, as in (89). In these cases, I do not view the attributive-less construction
as a compound.

(89) a. bwánɔ̀ bá mántúà

b-wánɔ̀ bá ma-ntúà
ba2-small 2:att ma6-mango
‘a few mangoes’
b. bwánɔ̀ mántúà
b-wánɔ̀ ma-ntúà
ba2-small ma6-mango
‘a few mangoes’

When asked what they would say for ‘small mangoes’, speakers state that they
prefer the use of the adjective píyɔ̀ ‘small’ for mangoes, as in (90). It is not clear
what semantically selects for either píyɔ̀ or mwánɔ̀ when talking about smallness
in size.

(90) màntúà má píyɔ̀

ma-ntúà má píyɔ̀
ma6-mango 6:att small
‘small mangoes’

In contrast to bvúbvù ‘many, lots’, mwánɔ̀ /bwánɔ̀ ‘a few, little’ is sensitive to

countability distinctions. With countable nouns, the plural form bwánɔ̀ is obliga-
torily used, as in (88a), since the quantified noun can only appear in the plural as
the meaning of ‘few’ is inherently plural. For uncountable nouns, however, the
singular form mwánɔ̀ ‘little’ is used with a singular non-countable noun, as in
(91).

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

(91) a. mwánɔ̀ nsɛ́

m-wánɔ̀ nsɛ́
n1-small ∅3.sand
‘a little bit of sand’
b. m-wánɔ̀ ndísì
n1-small ∅3.rice
‘a little bit of rice’
c. * m-wánɔ̀ wà nsɛ́
n1-small 1:att ∅3.sand
‘a little bit of sand’

While attributive-less constructions with quantified count nouns get a dimin-

utive reading, referring to small size, with non-count nouns, mwánɔ̀ does not
serve as a diminutive, but as a quantifier. The quantifier construction that re-
quires the attributive marker with count nouns is prohibited with non-count
nouns, as shown in (91c).
It is possible to use the plural form of uncountable nouns, for those that have a
singular/plural pairing, as shown in (92).26 In these cases, the quantifying noun
has to take the plural form as well. Still, in contrast to countable nouns, these
constructions never take an attributive marker. The semantic difference between
singular and plural forms of mass nouns such as ‘sand’ or ‘rice’ is that the plural
form always gets a type-reading, involving several entities of the quantified mass
noun. It seems, however, context dependent whether quantification is over the
non-count noun (e.g. several entities containing a little bit of sand) or whether
quantification is over the amount of entities (e.g. a few entities of sand).

(92) a. bwánɔ̀ mìnsɛ́

b-wánɔ̀ mi-nsɛ́
ba2-small mi4-sand
‘a few entities of sand or entities with a little bit of sand each’
b. bwánɔ̀ mìndísì
b-wánɔ̀ mi-ndísì
ba2-small mi4-rice
‘a few entities of rice or entities with a little bit of rice each’

26
Uncountable nouns cannot be quantified with numerals. They differ, however, with respect to
the type of gender affiliation and number behavior of the noun. Liquids generally occur in the
transnumeral gender 6, while granular aggregates often have a singular/plural pairing.

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5 The noun phrase

In contrast to granular aggregates such as ‘rice’ or ‘sand’, which are uncount-

able but have a singular and a plural form, liquids are assigned to the transnu-
meral gender 6 without a singular/plural opposition in the nominal form. They
behave morphosyntactically differently because, unlike in (92), the transnumeral
class 6 does not allow the plural form of the quantifier noun, but requires its sin-
gular form, as shown in (93). This is remarkable since agreement class 6 is by
default a plural class with respect to number marking.27

(93) a. m-wánɔ̀ mà-jíwɔ́

n1-small ma6-water
‘little water’
b. * b-wánɔ̀ mà-jíwɔ́
ba2-small ma6-water
‘little water’

5.5.1.4.4 njìmɔ̀ wá ‘a certain, some’

Gyeli does not make any further distinctions in terms of approximate quanti-
ties other than ‘many’ and ‘a few’, i.e. additional quantifiers such as ‘a couple’
or ‘several’ do not exist. There is a means, however, to express unspecificity of
both entity and number: njìmɔ̀ wá ‘a certain, some’ (translated as quelconque
in Cameroonian French). Using this quantifier expresses that the entity is not
known or specified and also its number or amount remains unspecified.
njìmɔ̀ wá is used with both singular and plural nouns, as in (94), as well as
countable and uncountable nouns, as in (95). In contrast to mwánɔ̀ /bwánɔ̀ ‘a few,
little’, which agrees in number with the quantified noun, njìmɔ̀ wá is invariable.

(94) a. njìmɔ̀ wá mùdì

njìmɔ̀ wá m-ùdì
∅3.certain 3:att n1-person
‘a certain person’
b. njìmɔ̀ wá bùdì
njìmɔ̀ wá b-ùdì
∅3.certain 3:att ba2-people
‘certain people’

27
Liquid mass nouns in Gyeli show an interesting difference to Mabi, the closest relative of Gyeli,
since in Mabi, ‘a little bit of water’ is expressed with the plural form of the quantifying noun
as bwá májíwɔ́.

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

(95) a. njìmɔ̀ wá màjíwɔ́

njìmɔ̀ wá mà-jíwɔ́
∅3.certain 3:att ma6-water
‘certain water’
b. njìmɔ̀ wá mínsɛ́
njìmɔ̀ wá mi-nsɛ́
∅3.certain 3:att mi4-sand
‘certain (types of) sand’

5.5.1.4.5 bímbú yá ‘a quantity of’

Another quantifier that expresses unspecificity is bímbú yá ‘a quantity of’. In
contrast to njìmɔ̀ wá ‘a certain’, the entity is not unknown, but its number or
amount is unspecified.
Just as the attributive construction with bvúbvù ‘many, lot’, here too, the quan-
tifying noun serves as head in the noun + noun construction and links the quan-
tified noun with an attributive marker that agrees with the head noun, as in (96).
Also, both countable and uncountable nouns can be used with bímbú yá, i.e. this
quantifier is not sensitive to a mass/count distinction.

(96) a. bímbú yá bùdì

bímbú yá b-ùdì
∅7.quantity 7:att ba2-people
‘a certain quantity of people (some people)’
b. bímbú yá màjíwɔ́
bímbú yá ma-jíwɔ́
∅7.quantity 7:att ma6-water
‘a certain quantity of water (some water)’

The unspecific noun quantifier can be made more specific in combination with
another quantifier such as bvúbvù ‘many’ and mwánɔ̀ /bwánɔ̀ ‘few’, as shown in
(97). Just like unspecific uses of bímbú ‘quantity’, as in (96), these constructions
are not sensitive to a mass/count distinction, unlike mwánɔ̀ /bwánɔ̀ ‘a few’.

(97) a. mwánɔ̀ bímbú yá bùdì

m-wánɔ̀ bímbú yá b-ùdì
n1-small ∅7.quantity 7:att ba2-people
‘a small quantity of people’

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5 The noun phrase

b. mwánɔ̀ bímbú yá ndísì

m-wánɔ̀ bímbú yá ndísì
n1-small ∅7.quantity 7:att ∅3.rice
‘a small quantity of rice’

5.5.1.4.6 tsílɛ̀ yá ‘half of’

Gyeli only has few proportionality quantifiers, one of which is tsílɛ̀ yá ‘half of’.
This quantifying noun is semantically sensitive to a mass/count distinction con-
cerning plural nouns in so far as countable nouns usually come as material enti-
ties that can be split in half. tsílɛ̀ ‘half’ refers to material halves rather than half
in terms of number, as in (98a). If ‘half’ is meant in a numerical sense, this has
to be made explicit with countable nouns by adding tã̂ yá ‘number of’ to the
construction, as in (98b).

(98) a. tsílɛ̀ yá bùdì

tsílɛ̀ yá b-ùdì
∅7.half 7:att ba2-people
‘the half of people (their bodies)’
b. tsílɛ̀ yá tã̂ yá bùdì
tsílɛ̀ yá tã̂ yá b-ùdì
∅7.half 7:att ∅7.number 7:att ba2-people
‘half of the people (their number)’

This distinction does not have to be made, however, for liquid mass nouns
where there is only one reading for ‘half of the water’, as in (99).

(99) tsílɛ̀ yá májíwɔ̀

tsílɛ̀ yá ma-jíwɔ̀
∅7.half 7:att ma6-water
‘half of the water’

Other proportionality quantifiers such as ‘a quarter’ or ‘a third’ do not exist in

Gyeli, but one could further subdivide ‘a half’ by saying ‘a certain part of half’,
as in (100).

(100) njìmɔ̀ wá mpá’à wá tsílɛ̀

njìmɔ̀ wá mpá’à wá tsílɛ̀
∅3.certain 3:att ∅3.part 3:att ∅7.half
‘a certain part of half’

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

5.5.1.5 Nominal locatives

Another function of noun + noun constructions is to express location more specif-
ically than just with the locative preposition ɛ́, as discussed in §3.10.1.1. Examples
(101) through (107) list (rather exhaustively) the different locative noun + noun
constructions.

(101) on top/over
(ɛ́) dy-úwɔ̀ lé ndáwɔ̀
loc le5-top 5:att ∅9.house
‘on top/over the house’
(102) under
(ɛ́) sí yá ndáwɔ̀
loc ∅7.ground 7:att ∅9.house
‘under the house’
(103) behind
(ɛ́) písɛ̀ yá ndáwɔ̀
loc ∅7.behind 7:att ∅9.house
‘behind the house’
(104) in front
(ɛ́) (mbɔ́mbɔ́) sɔ̀ yá ndáwɔ̀
loc ∅9.face ∅7.front 7:att ∅9.house
‘in front of the house’
(105) next to
(ɛ́) ngwálɔ̀ yá ndáwɔ̀
loc ∅7.side 7:att ∅9.house
‘next to the house’
(106) opposite
(ɛ́) mwádèkã́ yá ndáwɔ̀
loc ∅7.other.side 7:att ∅9.house
‘opposite of the house’
(107) in the middle
(ɛ́) títímɔ́ yá ndáwɔ̀
loc ∅7.middle 7:att ∅9.house
‘in the middle of the house’

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5 The noun phrase

Wilkins (1996) notes that there is a cross-linguistic tendency to express many

specific locatives with body part nouns. Gyeli only makes limited use of this
strategy to express location. mbɔ́mbɔ́ ‘face’ for ‘front’ is the only instance. Instead,
Gyeli extensively uses landmark nouns such as dyúwɔ̀ ‘top’, which is also the
word for ‘sky’, or sí ‘ground’. Also písɛ̀ ‘back/behind’ differs from the body part
‘back’, which is nkɔ̃̂ . Some of these locative nouns can also be used postnominally
as adpositions (§3.10.2.2).

5.5.2 Noun + adjective

Adjectives (§3.3) enter an attributive construction when combined with a noun,
as shown for adjectives of value in (108) and (109). Both examples show the
change in number/class of the head noun while the adjective is invariable in
terms of gender and number.

(108) a. mwánɔ̀ wà mpà

m-wánɔ̀ wà mpà
n1-child 1:att good
‘good child’
b. bwánɔ̀ bá mpà
b-wánɔ̀ bá mpà
ba2-child 2:att good
‘good children’
(109) a. mwánɔ̀ wà bíwɔ̀
m-wánɔ̀ wà bíwɔ̀
n1-child 1:att bad
‘bad child’
b. bwánɔ̀ bá bíwɔ̀
b-wánɔ̀ bá bíwɔ̀
ba2-child 2:att bad
‘bad children’

These constructions are parallel to noun + noun constructions of properties, as

described in §5.5.1.3. The head noun is, so to speak, the possessor of a property
which is expressed either by a dependent noun or by an adjective. The same is
true for properties describing size, as in (110), or colors, as in (111).

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

(110) a. mwánɔ̀ wà píyɔ̀

m-wánɔ̀ wà píyɔ̀
n1-child 1:att small
‘small child’
b. mwánɔ̀ wà nɛ́nɛ̀
m-wánɔ̀ wà nɛ́nɛ̀
n1-child 1:att big
‘big child’
(111) a. nsɛ́ wá nábèbè
∅3.sand 3:att red
‘red sand’
b. nsɛ́ wá návyûvyû
∅3.sand 3:att black
‘black sand’

5.5.3 Noun + verb

Less frequently, verbs can also be used in a noun + attributive construction, as
in (112). Van de Velde (2013: 224) describes such constructions as deviations from
the canonical dependent constituent, which are apparently found frequently in
other Bantu languages such as Mongo or Ruwund.
(112) sá yá dè
∅7.thing 7:att eat
‘something to eat’

5.5.4 Noun + adverb

Adverbs can also function as the dependent constituent in attributive construc-
tions, as shown for temporal adverbs in (113).
(113) a. bèdéwɔ̀ bé tɛ́ɛ̀
be-déwɔ̀ bé tɛ́ɛ̀
be8-food 8:att now
‘the food [that is being had] now’
b. nlã̂ wá nàkùgúù
nlã̂ wá nàkùgúù
∅3.story 3:att yesterday
‘yesterday’s story.’

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5 The noun phrase

5.5.5 Noun + interrogative

Gyeli has different types of noun + interrogative constructions where the inter-
rogative serves different purposes, modifying different entities. On the one hand,
the interrogative can modify to the head noun that is the topic of the question,
as in ‘which man?’ or ‘how many men?’. On the other hand, the head noun is
used to form other complex interrogative constructions púù yá gyí? ‘why’, which
literally means ‘what reason?’. In the following, I will outline constructions with
vɛ́ ‘which’ and níyɛ̀ ‘how many’ and finally turn to constructions involving púù
‘cause’.

5.5.5.1 Selection interrogative vɛ́ ‘which’

The selection interrogative word vɛ́ ‘which’ is used as a second constituent in an
attributive construction, as shown in Table 5.9.
Table 5.9: Interrogative word ‘which’ in the different agreement classes

agr class Noun att marker interr Translation

1 m-ùdì wà vɛ́ ‘which person?’
2 b-ùdì bá vɛ́ ‘which people?’
3 nkwě wá vɛ́ ‘which basket?’
4 mi-nkwě mí vɛ́ ‘which baskets?’
5 le-lá lé vɛ́ ‘which fish trap?’
6 ma-má má vɛ́ ‘which fish traps?’
7 síngì yá vɛ́ ‘which cat?’
8 be-síngì bé vɛ́ ‘which cats?’
9 ndáwɔ̀ nyà vɛ́ ‘which house?’

Further, vɛ́ ‘which’ is part of an interrogative phrase that is used to ask for a
point in time. The head noun of these constructions specifies time units for the
expected answer, as shown in (114).

(114) a. wùlà yá vɛ́

∅7.hour 7:att which
‘when [lit. which hour]’
b. d-ùwɔ̀ lé vɛ́
le5-day 5:att which
‘when [lit. which day]’

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

Speakers use either one of the two depending on what the expected answer
would provide as a time frame, i.e. based on whether the temporal information is
about a day or rather about a particular time that is measured in hours or related
to a part of the day, for instance morning or night.
Interrogative constructions with vɛ́ ‘which’ can also function as “type” inter-
rogative constructions. In this usage, they are more complex and include two
attributives, as shown in (115).

(115) lèkà lé kálàdɛ̀ yá vɛ́

le-kà lé kálàdɛ̀ yá vɛ́
le5-kind 5:att ∅7.book 7:att which
‘which kind of book?’

5.5.5.2 níyɛ̀ ‘how many’

The interrogative word níyɛ̀ ‘how many’ behaves similarly to vɛ́ ‘which’. Seman-
tically, however, the use of ‘how many’ is restricted to plural noun prefix classes,
which are listed in Table 5.10.
Table 5.10: Interrogative word ‘how many’ in the different agreement
classes

agr class Noun Attributive Interrogative Translation

2 b-ùdì bá níyɛ̀ ‘how many people?’
4 mì-nkwě mí níyɛ̀ ‘how many baskets?’
6 mà-má má níyɛ̀ ‘how many fish traps?’
8 bè-síngì bé níyɛ̀ ‘how many cats?’

níyɛ̀ ‘how many’ can also be used when asking for a period of time, as shown
in (116).

(116) a. à kɛ́ [màwùlà máláálɛ̀ ]

a kɛ̀ -H ma-wùlà má-láálɛ̀
1.pst1 go-r ma6-hour 6-three
‘I walked for three hours’
b. à kɛ́ màwùlà má níyɛ̀
à kɛ̀ -H ma-wùlà má níyɛ̀
1.pst1 go-r ma6-hour 6:att how.many
‘For how many hours did he walk?’

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5 The noun phrase

5.5.5.3 púù ‘cause’

púù ‘cause’ is used as a head noun in noun + interrogative constructions. The
second constituent that púù ‘cause’ is the head of is another invariable interrog-
ative word, namely either nzá ‘who’, gyí ‘what’, or vɛ́ ‘which’. Different types of
questions are formed with púù, ranging from causal and purpose questions to
benefactives, as shown in (117).28

(117) a. púù yá gyí

∅7.cause 7:att what
‘why [lit. what cause]’
b. púù yá vɛ́
∅7.cause 7:att which
‘why [lit. which cause]’
c. púù ngá nzá
∅7.cause gen who
‘for whom’

In order to express a question related to purpose or reason, the interrogative

gyí ‘what’ is used as second constituent, as shown in (118).

(118) púù yá gyí wɛ́ gyàgá kálàdɛ̀ yî

púù yá gyí wɛ-H gyàga-H kálàdɛ̀ yî
∅7.cause 7:att what 2sg-prs buy-r ∅7.book 7.dem.prox
‘Why do you buy this book?’

gyí can also be substituted by vɛ́ ‘which’ for the same question, as shown in
(119). The use of gyí, however, as in (118), is preferred. This might be because
‘which’ is a selection interrogative and thus ‘(for) which cause’ could imply that
the addressee had to choose from a set of reasons. In contrast, ‘(for) what cause’
asks about a type of reason.

(119) púù yá vɛ́ wɛ́ gyàgá kálàdɛ̀ yî

púù yá vɛ́ wɛ-H gyàga-H kálàdɛ̀ yî
∅7.cause 7:att which 2sg-prs buy-r ∅7.book 7.dem.prox
‘Why do you buy this book?’
28
The genitive marker in (117c) (§3.8.2.1) belongs to a paradigm that is distinct from attributive
markers (§3.8.3.2). It is used with proper names in the second constituent or in interrogative
constructions where a proper name is expected as an answer.

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

púù in interrogative constructions also frequently has a benefactive meaning

and speakers spontaneously translate púù yá as ‘for’. Typically, the benefactor is
human and so the interrogative nzá ‘who’ is then used as second constituent, as
shown in (120). Further, since the expected answer likely entails a proper name,
the question ‘for whom’ always has to be formed with the genitive marker ngá
rather than an attributive marker.

(120) púù ngá nzá wɛ́ gyámbɔ́ bédéwɔ̀

púù ngá nzá wɛ-H gyámbɔ-H H-be-déwɔ̀
∅7.cause gen who 2sg-prs cook-r obj.link-be8-food
‘For whom do you cook food?’

Finally, more complex interrogative constructions can be formed with a double

attributive construction, as in (121). In this example, púù ‘cause’ serves again as
head noun of an attributive construction, while its dependent constituent b-ùdì
‘people’ is at the same time the head of a second attributive construction with
the interrogative word níyɛ̀ ‘how many’ as second constituent.

(121) púù yá b-ùdì bá níyɛ̀ wɛ́ gyámbɔ́

púù yá b-ùdì bá níyɛ̀ wɛ-H gyámbɔ-H
∅7.cause 7:att ba2-person 2:att how.many 2sg-prs cook-r
bédéwɔ̀
H-be-déwɔ̀
obj.link-be8-food
‘For how many people do you cook food?’

5.5.6 Noun + numeral: ordinal numerals

Ordinal numerals differ from cardinals in that they do not assign an attributive
quantification to a noun. Their function is rather to rank the noun within a given
set (‘first’, ‘second’, ‘third’, and so on), as discussed in Borchardt (2011: 111) for
Ikaan (Benue-Congo). Stolz & Veselinova (2013) state that ordinals can morpho-
logically be analyzed in a “derivational dependence” to cardinals, while Green-
berg (1978: 288) points out that ordinals usually have a higher degree of overt
marking than cardinals.
In Gyeli, ordinals generally take the numeral root that is also found in cardi-
nals and enumeratives, as shown in Table 5.11. In contrast to enumeratives and
cardinals, however, ordinal numerals never take plural agreement prefixes, as I
explain below. Ordinal numerals are syntactically more marked since they enter
an attributive construction with the ranked noun as the head.

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5 The noun phrase

Table 5.11: Ordinal numerals

Ranked noun + att Ordinal numeral Translation

kùsì wà m-vúdũ̂ or mà-tálá ‘the first parrot’
kùsì wà m-báà ‘the second parrot’
kùsì wà n-láálɛ̀ ‘the third parrot’
kùsì wà nã̂ ‘the fourth parrot’
kùsì wà n-tánɛ̀ ‘the fifth parrot’
kùsì wà ntùɔ́ ‘the sixth parrot’
kùsì wà mpúɛ̀ rɛ́ ‘the seventh parrot’
kùsì wà lɔ̀ mbì ‘the eighth parrot’
kùsì wà rèbvùá ‘the ninth parrot’
kùsì wà le-wúmɔ̀ ‘the tenth parrot’
kùsì wà le-wúmɔ̀ ná vúdũ̂ ‘the eleventh parrot’
kùsì wà ma-wúmɔ̀ má-báà ‘the twentieth parrot’
kùsì wà bwúyà ‘the hundredth parrot’
kùsì wà tɔ́dyínì ‘the thousandth parrot’

While ordinal roots generally have the same form as cardinals, there is one
exception. For ‘first’, there are two options to express this ordinal. Either it can
take the shape found also in the cardinal roots, namely -vúdũ̂, or it can take a
suppletive form ma-tálá ‘beginning’.
Naturally, ordinals always occur with a singular noun since an ordinal depicts
one rank among a set of entities. Thus, all ordinals that require an agreement
prefix take an agreement prefix in the singular. In contrast to enumeratives, the
plural agreeing ordinal numerals ‘2’ through ‘5’ do not take the class 8 prefix bí-
as default agreement nor a prefix that agrees with the modified noun as cardi-
nals, but they take a nasal prefix.29 The nasal prefix is always found with the
ordinals for ‘second’, ‘third’, and ‘fifth’ and is not conditioned by the agreement
class affiliation of the ranked noun. Examples contrasting ordinal and cardinal
constructions of this type are given in (122) through (124).

(122) a. síngì yá m-báà

∅7.cat 7:att ord-two
‘the second cat’
29
The nasal does not surface in -nã̂ since this root starts with a nasal itself so that the prefix
nasal gets assimilated, as in (124).

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 5.5 Attributive constructions

b. bè-síngì bé-báà
be8-cat 8-two
‘two cats’

(123) a. mbɛ̂ wá n-láálɛ̀

∅3.door 3:att ord-three
‘the third door’
b. mì-mbɛ̂ mí-láálɛ̀
mi4-door 4-three
‘three door’

(124) a. lè-kí lé nã̂

le5-egg 5:att four
‘the fourth egg’
b. mà-kí má-nã̂
ma6-egg 6-four
‘four eggs’

The numeral -vúdũ̂ ‘1’ forms an exception in that the occurrence of the initial
nasal is constrained by the agreement class affiliation of the head noun. As shown
in (125), agreement classes 1, 3, and 9 of the head noun trigger the nasal prefix
m-, while the other singular classes 5 and 7 do not take a prefix. This pattern is
similar to the prefixation behavior of -vúdũ̂ ‘one’ as a cardinal numeral (§3.8.1.1),
but differs from it in class 5 where the cardinal takes the prefix lè- and the ordinal
a zero prefix.

(125) a. sɔ́ wà m-vúdũ̂

∅1.friend 1:att 1-one
‘the first friend’
b. mbɛ̂ wá m-vúdũ̂
∅3.door 3:att 3-one
‘the first door’
c. lè-kí lé vúdũ̂
le5-egg 5:att one
‘the first egg’
d. sâ yá vúdũ̂
∅7.thing 7:att one
‘the first thing’

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5 The noun phrase

e. ntɛ́mò nyà m-vúdũ̂

∅9.dream 9:att 9-one
‘the first dream’

Numerals that are invariable as cardinals (§3.8.5.1) also occur with their stem
only as ordinals, as shown in (126).

(126) a. sɔ́ wà ntùɔ́

∅1.friend 1:att six
‘the sixth friend’
b. bà-sɔ́ ntùɔ́
ba2-friend six
‘six friends’

Nominal numerals function just like other noun + noun attributive construc-
tions, as shown in (127). In comparison to the cardinal use of these numerals
(§5.5.1.4), the order of head and dependent noun is reversed, with the numeral
noun appearing as the dependent noun in ordinal constructions.

(127) a. ntɛ́mò nyà lè-wúmɔ̀

∅9.dream 9:att le5-ten
‘the tenth dream’
b. lè-wúmɔ̀ lé má-ntɛ́mò
le5-ten 5:att ma6-dream
‘ten dreams’

5.6 Noun phrase coordination

Noun phrases are coordinated by means of the comitative marker nà (§3.10.1.2).
Coordinated noun phrases can be symmetric in the parts of speech they contain,
as in (128), which links two phrases with a bare noun.

(128) m-ùdû nà m-ùdã̂

n1-man com n1-woman
‘man and woman’

Noun phrase coordination can be asymmetric in terms of the parts of speech

both constituents contain. In (129), for instance, a pronoun and a bare noun are
coordinated.

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 5.6 Noun phrase coordination

(129) bá nà m-ùdã̂
2.sbj com n1-woman
‘they and the woman’

Noun phrase coordination can also be asymmetric with respect to the com-
plexity of each constituent. In (130), the first noun phrase constitutes a bare noun,
while the second constituent is a noun plus modifier.

(130) m-ùdã̂ nà m-wánɔ̀ w-ɛ̂

n1-woman com n1-child 1-poss.3sg
‘the woman and her child’

5.6.1 Agreement resolution in coordinated noun phrases

In Gyeli, nouns from different genders can be coordinated. Since the subject
has to be marked through the mostly obligatory stamp marker (§3.9.1), a pre-
verbal clitic, this creates a conflict in terms of number and gender agreement
that is solved differently in different Bantu languages, as discussed by Downing
& Marten (2019: 283). In Gyeli, the basic agreement resolution strategy is seman-
tic, distinguishing between human and inanimate classes of nouns. Human noun
conjuncts are generally referenced with a class 2 stamp marker (ba). Inanimate
nouns can further be divided into a default class 8 (be) and a more specific class 6
(ma), which can resolve agreement conflicts for semantically typical nouns such
as fruit or liquids, as shown in Table 5.12.
Table 5.12: Animacy hierarchy in agreement resolution

ba (cl. 2) < be (cl. 8) < ma (cl. 6)

humans animals fruit
animals things liquids

When combining nouns from different animacy categories, for instance hu-
mans and things, the agreement resolution is pragmatically driven, usually by
favoring the agreement marker for the more prominent conjunct, which is the
one that ranks higher on the animacy hierarchy. As I will show below in the ex-
amples, there is, however, room for ambiguity and choice. For instance, animals
can be indexed both with the ba class, underlining their animate status, and the
be class, assigning animals to things. Also, if a conjunct that ranks lower on the

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5 The noun phrase

animacy hierarchy is contextually more salient, it is permissible to use the lower

ranking agreement marker.
Coordinated noun phrases with humans of various genders always resolve
agreement conflicts with the class 2 stamp marker ba, as shown in (131), which
coordinates two human referents, one of agreement class 2 and one of agreement
class 4. This is true no matter the order in which the two conjuncts appear.

(131) a. bùdũ̂ nà mìntàngànɛ̀ bá kwɛ̂

b-ùdũ̂ nà mi-ntàngànɛ̀ ba-H kwɛ̂
ba2-man com mi4-white.person 2-prs fall
‘The men and the white people fall.’
b. mìntàngànɛ̀ nà bùdũ̂ bá kwɛ̂
mi-ntàngànɛ̀ nà b-ùdũ̂ ba-H kwɛ̂
mi4-white.person com ba2-man 2-prs fall
‘The white people and the men fall.’

Agreement conflicts in Gyeli are never resolved phonologically or syntacti-

cally. For instance, (132) shows that syntactic-based partial agreement with either
the first or second conjunct is not allowed.

(132) a. * mìntàngànɛ̀ nà bùdũ̂ mí kwɛ̂

mi-ntàngànɛ̀ ̂
nà b-ùdũ mi-H kwɛ̂
mi4-white.person com ba2-man 4-prs fall
‘The white people and the men fall.’
b. * bùdũ̂ nà mìntàngànɛ̀ mí kwɛ̂
b-údũ̂ nà mi-ntàngànɛ̀ mi-H kwɛ̂
ba2-man com mi4-white.person 4-prs fall
‘The men and the white people fall.’

Coordinated noun phrases with animals in both conjuncts can either resolve
the agreement conflict with the default human/animate stamp marker ba of class
2 or with the default marker for things, be, for class 8. The order of the two
conjuncts does not matter. Agreement with class 4 is never allowed, parallel to
(132).

(133) a. mìnkùmbò nà bèsíngì bá kwê

mi-nkùmbò nà be-síngì ba-H kwê
mi4-crocodile com be8-cat 2-prs fall
‘The crocodiles and the cats fall.’

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 5.6 Noun phrase coordination

b. mìnkùmbò nà bèsíngì bé kwê

mi-nkùmbò nà be-síngì be-H kwê
mi4-crocodile com be8-cat 8-prs fall
‘The crocodiles and the cats fall.’
(134) shows two things. First, coordinated noun phrases with two singular
conjuncts always require a plural class verbal subject marker. A singular stamp
marker is never allowed, as shown in (134c), no matter in which order the two
conjuncts occur. Second, if the nouns of the two conjuncts belong to different
animate categories, namely humans and animals, just like (133), the semantic de-
fault agreement marker can either be chosen from the human/animate class 2
or the inanimate class 8. The choice between the two seems to correlate with
pragmatic salience of either one of the conjuncts.
(134) a. mùdũ̂ nà síngì bá kwê
m-ùdũ̂ nà síngì ba-H kwê
n1.man com ∅.7.cat 2-prs fall
‘The man and the cat fall.’
b. mùdũ̂ nà síngì bé kwê
m-ùdũ̂ nà síngì be-H kwê
n1.man com ∅.7.cat 8-prs fall
‘The man and the cat fall.’
c. * mùdũ̂ nà síngì á/yí kwê
̂
m-ùdũ nà síngì a-H/yi-H kwê
n1.man com ∅.7.cat 1-prs/7-prs fall
‘The man and the cat fall.’
Some combinations of inanimate things allow for a choice between default
markers be of class 8 and ma of class 6, as in (135). This is the case if one of the
conjuncts is a noun that is semantically typical for gender 5/6 or 6, such as fruit
and liquids.
(135) a. mìnkwě nà mànjù má kwê
mi-nkwě nà ma-njù ma-H kwê
mi4-basket com ma6-sweet.banana 6-prs fall
‘The baskets and the sweet bananas fall.’
b. mìnkwě nà mànjù bé kwê
mi-nkwě nà ma-njù be-H kwê
mi4-basket com ma6-sweet.banana 8-prs fall
‘The baskets and the sweet bananas fall.’

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5 The noun phrase

I have not come across agreement resolution with class 4 mi.

5.6.2 Coordinated complex numerals

Just like the structure of simple noun phrases is usually restricted to a maximum
of two modifiers, and even this is a rare occurrence in natural text (§5.1), the
structure of noun phrases that are coordinated is generally fairly simple. One ex-
ception to this is complex numerals, especially in cardinal numeral constructions
that involve a quantified head noun.
In cardinal numerals involving coordination, such as ‘12’ (10 + 2), there are
different options as to where the quantified noun can appear in the construction.
First, the quantified noun can appear as the dependent noun in an attributive
construction. The nominal numeral, namely the arithmetic base ‘10’, serves as
the head. Interestingly, the addend ‘2’ occurs as the second conjunct with the
dependent noun and not with the numeral noun, as shown in (136). As such, it
agrees with the first conjunct, namely the quantified noun, as in (136b), and not
with the numeral base.

(136) a. [lè-wúmɔ̀ lé [b-ùdì nà vúdũ̂]]

le5-ten 5:att ba2-person com one
‘eleven people’
b. [lè-wúmɔ̀ lé [b-ùdì nà bá-báà]]
le5-ten 5:att ba2-person com 2-two
‘twelve people’

Second, the coordinated numeral in its entirety behaves like one modifier and
follows the quantified noun, as shown in (137). As for agreement of the second
conjunct in the coordinated numeral, the addend ‘2’ agrees with the quantified
numeral and not with the first conjunct le-wúmɔ̀ ‘10’, as shown in (137a).

(137) a. [b-ùdì [lè-wúmɔ̀ nà vúdũ̂]]

ba2-person le5-ten com one
‘eleven people’
b. [b-ùdì [lè-wúmɔ̀ nà bá-báà]]
ba2-person le5-ten com 2-two
‘twelve people’

For even more complex numerals containing multiple arithmetic operations

and thus a combination of numeral noun phrases (multiplication) and coordina-
tion (addition), the quantified noun is preferably integrated into the least complex

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 5.7 On the semantic category of numerals

additive constituent. If, for instance, the first constituent in an addition coordina-
tion constitutes a base while the second constituent consists of a multiplication
operation and thus a noun + numeral noun phrase, the quantified noun will en-
ter the first constituent, as in (138a). If the first constituent is a product while the
other is not, the quantified noun will enter the second constituent, as in (138b).
If both constituents are complex, the quantified noun precedes the whole con-
struction, as in (138c). Having the quantified numeral in the initial position is
an option in any case. Every construction in (138) involves the coordination of
an attributive noun + noun construction and a simple noun phrase containing a
bare noun and numeral modifier.

(138) a. [[bwúyà yá b-ùdì] nà [mà-wúmɔ̀ má-tánɛ̀ ]]

∅7.hundred 7:att ba2-person com ma6-ten 6-five
‘one hundred fifty people’
b. [[mà-wúmɔ̀ má-báà] nà [b-ùdì bá-báà]]
ma6-ten 6-two com ba2-person 2-two
‘twenty-two people’
c. [b-ùdì [[bì-bwúyà bé-tánɛ̀ ] nà [mà-wúmɔ̀ má-nã̂]]]
ba2-person be8-hundred 8-five com ma6-ten 6-four
‘five hundred forty people’

One could investigate very complex numeral constructions and the noun they
quantify more thoroughly, but this seems rather artificial since numerals, at least
very complex ones, are rarely used and many speakers do not master them.

5.7 On the semantic category of numerals

In this section, I discuss the various parts of speech that numerals are distributed
over. I also explain the mathematical structures used in forming complex nu-
merals after providing some ethnographic notes on number use among the Bag-
yeli. An in-depth account of Gyeli numerals and their documentation is given in
Grimm (2020).

5.7.1 Ethnographic notes on number use among the Bagyeli

Generally, the use of numerals varies widely among speakers in that speakers
show varying competence in number use. This most likely correlates with both
degree of education and regular involvement in situations where number knowl-
edge is required, for instance regular day labor. Speakers who have never been

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5 The noun phrase

to school and/or who mostly stay in the Gyeli community without closer interac-
tion with the farming Bantu neighbor communities show a limited competence in
counting and numeral use. Many speakers cannot count further than ‘10’, some-
times even that only with difficulties. Also, estimation tasks indicating the rough
number of given entities seem to be difficult. Thus, many speakers cannot give
an estimate of, for instance, the number of wooden sticks needed for making a
fish trap, which is about 40 sticks. The Bagyeli generally do not know their age
and their age judgements often seem far from reality. Exact numbers do not play
any role in the traditional Bagyeli lives. Of course, the Bagyeli today have to deal
with money, but even there counting is not really required since bank notes seem
not to be seen as a series that can be counted, but rather as individual bank notes
which have their different names and values.30
The Bagyeli, however, who have had at least basic schooling and/or are in a
professional relationship with Bantu farmers do not have any problems count-
ing even to higher numbers. In comparison to other Gyeli villages, this is very
often the case in Ngolo, the language community this grammar is based on. It
seems that, in the Bulu contact region, schooling is better than in other regions.
This is why the children here get longer and/or more regular schooling than
Bagyeli children in other language contact areas. Further, some men are (spo-
radically) working on the nearby palm oil and rubber plantations with Bantu
farmers where they have more contact with numbers in terms of measurements,
monetary value, and time. Therefore, numeral competence is comparatively high
in Ngolo in contrast to, for instance, the village Bibira in the coastal Mabi region.

5.7.2 Arithmetic structure of the Gyeli numeral system

One typical use of numerals is counting. If counting is abstract and not referring
explicitly to a certain entity, the numerals used are called enumeratives. They
occur without any noun, in contrast to other numeral series such as cardinals
(§3.8.1.1, 3.8.1.6, and §5.6), ordinals (§5.5.6), or distributives (§5.3).
Numeral systems have an internal structure, and I will explain the structure of
the Gyeli numeral system on the basis of enumeratives, even though this is also
true for other numeral series, especially for the cardinals. Morphologically, one
can distinguish simple from complex numerals. Simple numerals are also called
“atoms” or “basic numerals” in the literature, and denote those numerals that are
30
Nevertheless, the Bagyeli are just as competent in comparative number estimation tasks as
people with a higher/literate educational background. In tasks that do not ask for the exact or
rough number of some given entities, but that rather ask whether ‘one heap has more than the
other’, the Bagyeli can definitely tell which one of two units contains more dots (Mous, p.c.).

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 5.7 Enumeratives

monomorphemic, i.e. they cannot be split up into further numeric elements (Bor-
chardt 2011: 25). According to Greenberg (1978: 255), every numeral system has
such numerals that “receive simple lexical representation”. Gyeli simple numer-
als are listed in Table 5.13, opposing them to Mabi, the language that Gyeli is
most closely related to.31
Functionally, simple numerals can be further subdivided in terms of their role
in the formation of complex numerals. The majority of simple numerals serve as
an argument that linearly changes within a sequence of a mathematic operation.
For instance, the English numerals ‘21’ through ‘29’ are expressed via an addi-
tion sequence where the second argument changes linearly from ‘twenty-one’
to ‘twenty-two’ to ‘twenty-three’ and so on. A stable argument such as ‘twenty’
is a “regular reference point in series of the same arithmetic operation”, and is
commonly referred to as a “base” (Borchardt 2011: 23).
The functional distinction of these two types of arguments in an arithmetic op-
eration that helps to form complex numerals is also reflected in the morphosyn-
tactic behavior of numeral words. Thus, bases in Gyeli, namely ‘10’, ‘100’, and
‘1000’, are nouns (§5.5.1.4), while the other simple numerals are not. The numer-
als ‘2’ through ‘5’ are clearly agreeing modifiers (§3.8.1.6), which take agreement
prefixes. ‘1’ also agrees with the head noun, but exhibits a different agreement
pattern than the numerals ‘2’ through ‘5’ (§3.8.1.1). The numerals ‘6’ through ‘9’
(§3.8.5.1) are invariable, but occur in the same position as agreeing numerals.
Enumeratives invariably take the same form since they do not agree with any
head noun but occur on their own. Nevertheless, the simple numerals ‘2’ through
‘5’ require a prefix even as enumeratives, as shown in Table 5.13. They take the
class 8 bí- agreement marker as a default plural prefix (since any number higher
than ‘1’ is inherently plural). In contrast, ‘1’ and the numerals ‘6’ through ‘9’ do
not take any prefix as enumeratives. The other simple numerals, i.e. the bases,
are nouns. They have a singular/plural counterpart each and belong to differ-
ent genders. While le-wúmɔ̀ ‘10’ of gender 5/6 occurs with its noun prefix le- of
class 5 in the singular, multiples of ‘10’ take the prefix ma- of agreement class
6. The other two nominal numerals are without noun prefixes in the singular.
bwúyà ‘100’ belongs to gender 7/8, forming the plural with the be- prefix of class
8. tɔ́dyíní ‘1000’ is part of gender 1/2 with the plural form taking the ba- prefix
for multiples of ‘1000’. Only the singular forms of nominal numerals occur as
monomorphemic numerals. Multiples of nominal numerals, which require the
plural form, only occur in complex numerals.
31
Prefixes that occur without tonal marking in the table are underlyingly toneless, as expected
for noun prefixes, as opposed to agreement prefixes (§4.1.1.2).

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5 The noun phrase

Table 5.13: Simple enumeratives in Gyeli and Mabi

Gyeli Mabi
‘1’ vúdũ̂ wúrɛ̀
‘2’ bí-báà bá
‘3’ bí-láálɛ̀ bí-lá
‘4’ bí-nã̂ bí-ná
‘5’ bí-tánɛ̀ bí-tán
‘6’ ntùɔ́ ntùɔ́
‘7’ mpúɛ̀ rɛ́ mbúɛ̀ rɛ́
‘8’ lɔ̀ mbì lɔ̀ mbì
‘9’ rèbvùá rèbvùá
‘10’ le-wúmɔ̀ wúm
‘100’ bwúyà búyà
‘1000’ tɔ́dyínì tɔ́gínì

In contrast to monomorphemic numerals, complex numerals contain two or

more numeric elements. Based on the way different numeric elements are com-
bined, Gyeli numerals form a decimal system: complex numerals are formed in
reference to ‘10’ or bases that are multiples of ‘10’. According to the World Atlas
of Language Structures (Comrie 2013), decimals are the most widespread bases
in the numeral systems of the world. While in West Africa many vigesimal sys-
tems occur in Niger-Congo languages, especially Benue-Congo, Bantu languages
typically have decimal systems. Gyeli is no exception.
Functionally, Gyeli uses two types of arithmetic operations in order to form
complex numerals: addition and multiplication, as illustrated in Table 5.14. The
different operations are reflected in different grammatical constructions. While
addition operations are expressed by coordination, multiplication operations con-
stitute noun phrases made of a nominal noun (the base) and an agreeing or in-
variable simple numeral.
Numeric elements used in these operations are ordered according to language
specific rules. In Gyeli, higher numeric elements occur first, the lower numeric
elements second. Speaking in mathematical terms, multiplicands precede multi-
pliers, and augends precede addends.32 In the following, I will explain both the
ordering of arithmetic operations and numeric elements.
32
The constituents of a multiplication process are called multiplicands and multipliers. The mul-
tiplicand is the number that is multiplied by another number. This other number is called the

358
 5.7 Enumeratives

Table 5.14: Complex enumeratives in Gyeli

Addition → Coordination Multiplication → Noun phrase

‘11’ le-wúmɔ̀ nà vúdũ̂ ‘20’ ma-wúmɔ̀ má-báà
‘12’ le-wúmɔ̀ nà bí-báà ‘30’ ma-wúmɔ̀ má-láálɛ̀
‘13’ le-wúmɔ̀ nà bí-láálɛ̀ ‘40’ ma-wúmɔ̀ má-nã̂
‘14’ le-wúmɔ̀ nà bí-nã̂ ‘50’ ma-wúmɔ̀ má-tánɛ̀
‘15’ le-wúmɔ̀ nà bí-tánɛ̀ ‘60’ ma-wúmɔ̀ ntùɔ́
‘16’ le-wúmɔ̀ nà ntùɔ́ ‘70’ ma-wúmɔ̀ mpúɛ̀ rɛ́
‘17’ le-wúmɔ̀ nà mpúɛ̀ rɛ́ ‘80’ ma-wúmɔ̀ lɔ̀ mbì
‘18’ le-wúmɔ̀ nà lɔ̀ mbì ‘90’ ma-wúmɔ̀ rèbvùá
‘19’ le-wúmɔ̀ nà rèbvùá ‘200’ be-bwúyà bí-báà
‘2000’ ba-tɔ́dyínì bá-báà

The primary operation is addition. Starting out with the lowest base ‘10’, the
first complex numeral is ‘11’, expressed as ‘10 + 1’ followed by ‘10 + 2’ and so
on. This addition sequence continues as long as the addend is smaller than the
augend, i.e. the base. As soon as the addend would be identical or higher in its
numeric value, the base gets multiplied and thus the augend is formed by a mul-
tiplication operation. This rule holds as long as the multiplier is smaller than the
multiplicand. If the multiplier were to be identical or higher in its numeric value
than the multiplicand, the next higher base is used instead. The highest base
used is tɔ́dyínì ‘1000’. Even though logically higher bases would be possible, they
are not used and not part of the language. If higher numerals than multiples of
thousands need to be used, for instance in a monetary context, speakers switch
to French. In any case, these are amounts of money the Bagyeli do not interact
with.
Both addition and multiplication operations can be combined in one numeral,
making the numeral even more complex. Multiplication occurs along with addi-
tion in one numeral in order to form an additive constituent (either an augend
or an addend) by a product. Multiplication processes linearly precede addition
up to ‘100’. This correlates with the rule that the augend has a higher numeric
value than the addend. In Table 5.15, the augend is formed by multiplication and
the numeric value of the product is higher than that of the addend.

multiplier. Likewise, addition operations comprise two arguments which form a sum. An au-
gend is the one that another number is added to while the added number is called an addend.

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5 The noun phrase

Table 5.15: Multiplication as augend (up to ‘100’)

Augend Addend
Multiplicand Multiplier
ma-wúmɔ̀ má-báà nà bí-láálɛ̀ ‘23’ (10 x 2 + 3)
ma-wúmɔ̀ má-tánɛ̀ nà lɔ̀ mbì ‘58’ (10 x 5 + 8)
ma-wúmɔ̀ mpúɛ̀ rɛ nà bí-nã̂ ‘74’ (10 x 7 + 4)
ma-wúmɔ̀ rèbvùá nà vúdũ̂ ‘91’ (10 x 9 + 1)

This situation changes once the multiplier becomes higher than the multiplicand
so that the next higher base is used instead. This is the case for the numerals
between ‘101’ and ‘199’ and between ‘1001’ through ‘1999’. Then the augend is
simply expressed by the next higher base bwúyà ‘100’ or tɔ́dyínì ‘1000’, while the
addend may be more complex, including, for instance, a product, as shown in
Table 5.16.
Table 5.16: Multiplication as addend

Augend Addend
Multiplicand Multiplier
bwúyà nà ma-wúmɔ̀ má-báà ‘120’ (100 + 10 x 2)
bwúyà nà ma-wúmɔ̀ ntùɔ́ ‘160’ (100 + 10 x 6)
tɔ́dyínì nà ma-wúmɔ̀ má-tánɛ̀ ‘1050’ (1000 + 10 x 5)
tɔ́dyínì nà be-bwúyà bí-tánɛ̀ ‘1500’ (1000 + 100 x 5)

The higher the base, the more complex the numeral can become. Probably the
most complex numeral in Gyeli would include four additive constituents, three
of which would be formed by a product, namely the multiples of the three Gyeli
bases, as shown in (139).33 Logically, even with these three bases, numerals could
be more complex, for instance going into the hundred thousands. As I mentioned
above, however, their use would be highly artificial since there is no use in Gyeli
culture for such high numerals, and most speakers would not be able to form
such high numerals in Gyeli.

33
This example has been constructed with several “numeral-fluent” Gyeli and Mabi speakers.

360
 5.7 Enumeratives

(139) bàtɔ́dyínì bátánɛ̀ nà bèbwúyà bébáà nà màwúmɔ̀ máláálɛ̀

ba-tɔ́dyínì bá-tánɛ̀ nà be-bwúyà bí-báà nà ma-wúmɔ̀ má-láálɛ̀
ba2-thousand 2-five com be8-hundred 7-two com ma6-ten 6-three
nà lɔ̀ mbì
nà lɔ̀ mbì
com eight
‘5238 ((1000 x 5) + (100 x 2) + (10 x 3) + 8)’

Finally, multiple arithmetic operations in a Gyeli numeral do not always have

to comprise a combination of multiplication and addition. It is also possible to
have multiple addition processes in a numeral without involving any multipli-
cation, as shown in Table 5.17. The inverse, however, where a Gyeli numeral
consists of multiple multiplication operations without involving addition is not
possible.
Table 5.17: Multiple addition operations

Addition only
bwúyà nà le-wúmɔ̀ nà bí-báà ‘112’ (100 + 10 + 2)
tɔ́dyínì nà le-wúmɔ̀ nà bí-báà ‘1012’ (100 + 10 + 2)
tɔ́dyínì nà bwúyà ná le-wúmɔ̀ nà bí-báà ‘1112’ (1000 + 100 + 10 + 2)

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6 The verbal complex
6.1 Introduction
In this chapter, I describe the verbal complex and its encoding of the grammatical
categories of tense, aspect, mood, and negation. Gyeli has two main verbal con-
struction types: (i) those with a single verb, which I call simple predicates, and
(ii) those with two or three verbs, which I call complex predicates. There are two
subcategories of complex predicates. One is formed with a single stamp marker
(§3.9.1), an auxiliary verb, and one or two non-finite verbs. The other involves the
stamp marker and a finite form of bɛ̀ ‘be’, which is followed by another stamp
marker and a finite verb form. I present simple predicates in §6.2 and complex
predicates in §6.3.
Simple predicates occur significantly more frequently than complex predicates,
as shown in Figure 6.1 for the 214 simple verbal clauses (§7) in the corpus. Com-
plex predicates can be subdivided into those that occur with a single stamp
marker and those that have a double stamp marker. The complex predicates with
a single stamp marker take an auxiliary and either one or two non-finite main
verbs (§6.3.1 and §6.3.2). The constructions with only one main verb constitute
roughly three quarters of complex predicate constructions in the corpus. Com-
plex predicates with a double stamp marker are formed by two constituents: (i)
a stamp marker followed by an inflected form of bɛ̀ ‘be’ and (ii) a second stamp
marker that is identical in its reference to the first one and followed by another
inflected verb form (§6.3.4).
The expression of grammatical categories such as tense, aspect, mood, and
negation is achieved through multiple strategies for both simple and complex
predicates, such as tonal patterns, morphological marking, and periphrastic struc-
tures including auxiliaries. Marking of tense and mood is more interdependent
than aspect or negation marking: tense and mood categories form an interlock-
ing system, as they are conjointly marked by tonal patterns. I therefore refer to
them as “tense-mood (TM) categories”. The different verbal predicate structure
types do not straightforwardly map onto specific grammatical categories. Instead,
simple and complex predicates both encode a range of tense, mood, aspect, and
negation categories. There are, however, certain tendencies in the distribution
6 The verbal complex

total (214)

simple predicates (158) complex predicates (56)

single stamp double stamp

auxiliary constructions (55) auxiliary construction (1)

one non-finite verb (42) two non-finite verbs (13)

Figure 6.1: Distribution of predicate types in simple verbal clauses

of grammatical categories across predicate types. For instance, tense-mood cate-

gories are mainly encoded through simple predicates, whereas aspect and nega-
tion categories are primarily found in complex predicates.
The discussion in this section is organized according to verbal predicate type,
as opposed to semantic category. Before proceeding with that analysis, I define
the terminology I use for broad grammatical categories such as tense, mood,
negation, aspect, and negation and provide a general discussion of their encoding
in Gyeli.

Tense
Grammatical tense, and its relation to aspect, has been extensively discussed in
the literature. Comrie (1985: 9), for instance, defines tense as “grammaticalised
expression of location in time”. Dahl (1985: 25) notes more precisely that “[non-
relative] tenses are typically deictic categories, in that they relate time points to
the moment of speech. Aspects, on the other hand, are non-deictic categories”.
As Comrie (1976: 5) explains, “[a]spect is not concerned with relating the time
of the situation to any other time-point, but rather with the internal temporal
constituency of the one situation”. Or, as Timberlake (2007: 315) puts it: “aspect
locates events (and measures their progress or change or results or liminality) in
relation to an internal time”.
Gyeli is a “tense language”, since tense (and mood) marking is in several re-
spects more prominent than aspect marking. First, aspect marking is not oblig-
atory, whereas tense and mood are obligatorily marked. Second, no aspect cat-
egory is present in every tense. Instead, most aspect categories are restricted
to a specific tense-mood category in which they can occur. And third, aspect

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 6.1 Introduction

markers do not occur in negative polarity, whereas tense markers do. Negation
marking depends on different tense-mood distinctions. For example, the present
category has a specific negation marking strategy while the future and the
past each use different negation lexemes. These are, however, determined by
the tense-mood categories and not by aspectual categories. Tense categories are
discussed in detail in §6.2.1.

Mood and modality

The term “grammatical mood”, as discussed by Nuyts (2016), has come to refer
to a heterogeneous set of distinctions: (i) grammatical coding of modal mean-
ings through the verb, (ii) the distinction between basic sentence types and their
related illocutionary categories, and (iii) the distinction between indicative and
subjunctive or between realis and irrealis.
The challenge of adopting the term mood is assuaged by the form-based ap-
proach taken in this grammar, since it is not necessary to specify how Gyeli en-
codes the general (and unclear) category of mood, but rather to examine forms
and their interpretations, wherein mood simply designates a class of related types
of interpretations.
Mood and modality in Gyeli are expressed through various construction types,
differing in their structural complexity. The distinctions among sentences associ-
ated with different illocutionary categories are encoded by different basic tonal
patterns for indicative vs. imperative or subjunctive. The distinction between re-
alis and irrealis is encoded through additional syntactic tone patterns. Finally,
grammatical coding of fine-grained modal meanings is achieved with auxiliaries
and/or combinations of tense categories (future) or other mood distinctions (sub-
junctive).
I will refer to mood throughout this chapter as pertaining only to grammatical
tense-mood categories whereas the term modality will pertain to the more spe-
cific semantic categories, such as possibility or ability. Table 6.1 gives an overview
of the expression of different types of modality.
The mood distinction between realis and irrealis is presented in §6.2.1, while
modality categories are described in §6.3.2.

Aspect
Tense and aspect are often referred to as an interlocking system. It sometimes
can be hard to distinguish whether a given form expresses tense or aspect since,
in many languages, forms may express both at the same time. For this reason,

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6 The verbal complex

Table 6.1: Modality expression and mood

Type Mood category

Ability/dynamic (can) expressed by realis → realis H tone
Deontic (must) expressed by realis → realis H tone
Possibility expressed by irrealis (fut) → no realis H tone
Bouletic expressed by irrealis (sbjv) → no realis H tone

some authors (Dahl 1985; Bybee et al. 1994) prefer to investigate so-called “gram-
types”, i.e. categories such as “future”, “past”, “perfective”, and “imperfective”,
without attempting to group these grams into higher categories, such as tense or
aspect. In my account of Gyeli tense-mood-aspect categories, I will also consider
gram-type-like categories, based on their formal commonalities. I represent these
categories with small capitals, for instance progressive or habitual.
Tense-mood and aspect marking are for the most part differentiated formally.
While tense-mood is mainly expressed tonally (and obligatorily) on the stamp
marker and verb, aspect marking is achieved through (optional) segmental mate-
rial, mainly auxiliary verbs. Aspect marking is also significantly less frequent in
the corpus (122 occurrences), compared to utterances with tense-mood marking
only (369 occurrences).
Gyeli has eight aspect markers, which are presented in Table 6.2. The table
contains information on the morphosyntactic status of each aspect marker, the
tonal pattern of its stamp marker, its form, its tense-mood restriction, and its
function that is used in glossing examples and texts.
Table 6.2 reveals that aspect marking is structurally diverse. While most as-
pect categories are encoded by a true auxiliary (§3.2.2.3) in a complex predicate
construction (§6.3.1), other aspect marking strategies are achieved through ex-
panded simple predicates, which are morphologically complex, but not syntacti-
cally complex (§6.2.3).
Only grammaticalized markers are counted here as grammatical aspect mark-
ers (§3.2.2.3 and §6.3.1). There are, however, also non-grammaticalized semi-aux-
iliaries which can carry aspectual meaning, such as kɛ̀ ‘go’, which can have an
altrilocal meaning (i.e. the event takes place at a different location than the ut-
terance) or sílɛ ‘finish’, which can lend itself to a non-complete accomplishment
reading (§6.3.2). Aspect categories are discussed both in simple predicates (§6.2.3)
and complex predicates (§6.3.1).

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 6.1 Introduction

Table 6.2: Distribution of aspect markers across morphological and syn-

tactic constructions

stamp Auxiliary form Restrictions Function

yà nzíí special pattern 1 prog.pres
yà nzɛ́ɛ́ special pattern 1 prog.sub
yà, yáà nzí pst1, pst2 prog
True auxiliary
yá lɔ́ prs retro
mɛ̀ , yá múà ‘be’ special pattern 2 prosp
yà, yáà bwàá ‘have’ pst1, pst2 prf
Stem reduplication yá STEM-copy prs hab
Postverbal particle yà mɔ̀/-Ṽ́Ṽ̀ pst1 compl

Negation
Gyeli uses different negation markers and strategies for different grammatical
categories and clausal constructions, as summarized in Table 6.3. The table also
shows the frequency of each negation marker in the corpus.
Table 6.3: Negation markers

Negation marker Status Distribution Frequency

Standard negation
-lɛ negation suffix Present 23 59.0%
sàlɛ́/pálɛ́ true auxiliary Past tenses 4 10.3%
kálɛ̀ true auxiliary Future 3 7.7%
Non-standard clausal negation
dúù ‘must not’ modal semi-auxiliary Subjunctive, present 2 5.1%
tí true auxiliary Imperative, infinitive, 7 17.9%
present (PCF focus)
Total 39

I distinguish standard from non-standard negation, following Miestamo (2005:

1) in his definition of standard negation being “the basic way(s) a language has

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6 The verbal complex

for negating declarative verbal main clauses”. In Gyeli, standard negation dif-
fers not only in the form of negation markers across tense categories, but also
in the negation markers’ morphosyntactic status. While negation in the past
tenses and the future is syntactically marked by true auxiliaries, present nega-
tion is achieved morphologically through a suffix that attaches to the finite main
verb. Non-standard clausal negation comprises two negation markers, a modal
semi-auxiliary, and a true auxiliary, all of which are used in different tense-mood
categories, sentence types, and information structure constructions, as outlined
in detail in §6.2.3 and §6.3.1.

6.2 Simple verbal predicates

Simple verbal predicates consist of the stamp marker (as discussed in §3.9.1) and
a finite main verb:1

stamp - Verbfinite

The combined tonal patterns of the stamp marker and the verb instantiate tense-
mood categories, as further discussed in §6.2.1. (1) shows that simple predicates
can encode further grammatical information: subpattern I pertains to a verb-final
H tone that attaches to the verb in certain tense-mood categories if the verb is
in non-phrase-final position. The presence or absence of the grammatical H tone
correlates with a realis/irrealis mood distinction.

(1) Simple predicates: stamp Verb → Tense-Mood

Subpattern I: stamp Verb(-H) → Realis/Irrealis
(Subpattern II: stamp Verb-Suffix/Clitic → Aspect, Negation)

Subpattern II includes expanded simple predicates that are morphologically com-

plex in that they involve a verbal suffix (§4.1.2.3) or verbal clitic (§3.9.2.1) encod-
ing certain aspect and negation categories on the finite verb. Valency changing
derivational suffixes, as described in §4.2.4, do not fall into this category as they
are not inflectional, i.e. their occurrence is not restricted to finite verbs. (2) shows
that both the negation and the derivational reciprocal suffix attach to the finite
verb of the sentence.

1
The finite verb can take an inflectional suffix or postverbal clitic in accordance with its proper-
ties as a finite verb. This finite verb inflection, however, does not change the overall structure
of simple verbal predicates.

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 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

(2) a. bá dyúlɛ́
ba-H dyû-lɛ
2-prs kill-neg
‘They do not kill.’
b. bá dyúwàlà
ba-H dyû(w)-ala
2-prs kill-recip
‘They kill each other.’
In complex predicates with true auxiliaries, however, the negation suffix cannot
attach to the main verb, whereas derivational suffixes can, as shown in (3).2
(3) a. * ba nzí dyúlɛ̀
ba prs.prog dyû-lɛ
2 kill-neg
‘They are not killing.’
b. bà nzí dyúwàlà
ba nzí dyû(w)-ala
2-prs kill-recip
‘They are killing each other.’
Another argument for verb derivational suffixes and inflectional morphology
belonging to different categories comes from their distribution: aspect and nega-
tion markers are in complementary distribution and cannot co-occur, as shown
in (4). Although (4a) and (4b) would be ungrammatical no matter what since they
have a conflict in their tense categories (-lɛ negates the present and mɔ̀ occurs
only in past tenses), (4c) illustrates that the co-occurrence of aspect and negation
in a complex predicate is ungrammatical even within the same tense category.
(4) a. * bá dyúlɛ́ mɔ̀
ba-H dyû-lɛ mɔ̀
2-prs kill-neg compl
‘They have not killed.’
b. * bá dyú mɔ́lɛ́
ba-H dyû-H mɔ̀ -lɛ
2-prs kill-r compl-neg
‘They have not killed.’
2
The tonal pattern on the stamp marker changes with true auxiliaries, as discussed in §6.3.1.
This is accounted for in the example: the ungrammaticality does not derive from the tonal
pattern but from the morphology.

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6 The verbal complex

c. * bà sàlɛ́ dyû mɔ̀

ba sàlɛ́ dyû mɔ̀
2 neg.pst kill compl
‘They have not killed.’

In contrast, derivational suffixes can combine with negation marking on finite

verbs across different tenses, as illustrated in (5a), with the derivational suffix
preceding the negation suffix. If the lexical verb is not the finite verb, as in (5b),
then negation is encoded by the finite verb auxiliary, while the derivational suffix
still attaches to the non-finite lexical verb.

(5) a. bá dyúwálálɛ́
ba-H dyû(w)-ala-lɛ
2-prs kill-recip-neg
‘They do not kill each other.’
b. bà sàlɛ́ dyúwàlà
ba sàlɛ́ dyú(w)-ala
2 neg.pst kill-recip
‘They did not kill each other.’

The remainder of this section is organized as follows: I first present the most
basic simple predicates, which consist only of the stamp marker and the finite
verb (§6.2.1). I then outline simple predicate subpattern I, which involves the
presence or absence of a realis-marking H tone (§6.2.2) before I turn to discussing
subpattern II, involving morphologically expanded simple predicates (§6.2.3).

6.2.1 Basic simple predicates

A remarkable feature of Gyeli is that tense-mood distinctions are entirely ex-
pressed through tone, lacking any segmental material (except for vowel lengthen-
ing in some tense-mood categories).3 Consider the surface forms of the minimal
pair in (6).

(6) a. mɛ́ dè
mɛ-H dè
1sg-prs eat
‘I eat.’
3
Although tone also plays a central role in TAM marking in other northwestern Bantu lan-
guages, there is usually some segmental marking in those languages as well. Compare, for
instance, Makasso (2012) for Basaa (A43) and Beavon (1991) for Kɔɔzime (A842).

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 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

b. mɛ̀ dé
mɛ dé
1sg.pst1 ate
‘I ate.’

In the present in (6a), the stamp marker has an H tone while the tone on the
verb stem is L. In contrast, in (6b), the past form is characterized by an L tone
on the stamp marker and an H tone on the verb. Form patterns thus arise from
the tonal combinations of the stamp marker and the simple finite predicate.4
Gyeli exploits all tonal possibilities of the language in tense-mood encoding,
including three different tonal patterns on verb stems and four on stamp markers,
as shown in (7). These patterns surface when the predicate is in phrase-final
position.5

(7) a. Verb tones: L, H, HL

b. stamp tones: L, H, HL, LH

The combination of the verb and stamp marker tonal patterns instantiates seven
categories that mainly encode tense and mood, to varying degrees (the inchoat-
ive category also carries some aspectual meaning). While mood encoding is most
obvious for the tenseless imperative and subjunctive categories, the other cat-
egories also inherently belong to the realis or irrealis category, as explained in
§6.2.2.
As Table 6.4 shows, the verb tone patterns express basic meaning distinctions:
an L verb tone indicates non-past tense-mood categories, an H tone indicates
past tense-mood categories, and an HL pattern on the verb encodes tenseless
categories. Tonal patterns on the stamp marker then reflect more fine-grained
subcategories.6 While tonal patterns in a specific category are the same across
persons, there is an exception in the future, which generally is characterized by
an HL tone on a long stamp marker vowel. For the first and second person singu-
lar and the stamp marker of agreement class 1, however, the long vowel has an
LL tone pattern. There are further exceptions regarding the stamp marker tone

4
Tonal patterns of the stamp marker are different in some categories of complex predicates that
use a true auxiliary, as described in §6.3.1.
5
The verb tone pattern changes in some tense-mood categories that take a grammatical H tone
when the verb is not in phrase-final position. This is discussed in §6.2.2.
6
The stamp marker of the imperative category is marked in parentheses in Table 6.4, since the
first person plural is the only agreement class in which the stamp marker appears, as described
in §6.2.1.6.

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6 The verbal complex

in some grammatical categories: the stamp marker is different in the morpho-

logically marked present negation with -lɛ (§6.2.3.1) and in complex predicates
that contain the progressive markers nzíí or nzɛ́ɛ́ (§6.3.1.1), the prospective
auxiliary múà ‘be almost’ (§6.3.1.3), or the negation marker tí when it is used in
present main clauses (§6.3.1.7).
Table 6.4: Tonal patterns of tense-mood categories

Basic TM stamp Verb Verb Gloss

distinction category Stem Tone
prs yá dè ‘we eat’
non-pst inch yàá dè L ‘we are at the beginning of eating’
fut yáà/mɛ̀ɛ̀ dè ‘we/I will eat’
pst1 yà dé ‘we ate (recently)’
pst H
pst2 yáà dé ‘we ate (a long time ago)’
imp (yá) dê ‘let’s eat!’
tenseless HL
sbjv yá déè ‘may we eat’

The tenseless categories imperative and subjunctive7 differ from one an-
other not only in their final vowel length, but also in the underlying tonal pro-
cess which pertains to the presence or absence of High Tone Spreading (HTS)
in trisyllabic verb forms. While no hts occurs in imperatives where the penul-
timate syllable in trisyllabic verbs surfaces as L, hts occurs in subjunctives in
the same phonological environment. Thus, the penultimate syllable in trisyllabic
verbs surfaces as H, as shown in Table 6.5. In contrast to the imperative, the sub-
junctive further shows phonetic variation of the final long vowel. This vowel
may occur with a glottal stop, as indicated by the apostrophe in, for instance,
á dé’è ‘may he eat’, or as a pharyngealized vowel. All these forms occur in free
variation. In fast speech, there is a tendency for the vowel to be lengthened, but
not pharyngealized or glottalized.
As described in §2.4.1, verb stems have one, two, or three syllables, of which
only the first syllable is specified for tone. In contrast, second and third sylla-
bles are underlyingly toneless. The verb dè ‘eat’ used as an example in Table 6.4

7
These categories are form-identical to monosyllabic HL stems and monosyllabic HL stems
with a long vowel, respectively. For instance, nyɛ̂ ‘see’ encodes both the non-finite form and
the imperative form, and ntã́ã̀ ‘climb over’ encodes both the non-finite and the subjunctive
form.

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 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

thus only represents one tonal-phonological set of verbs, namely the monosyl-
labic ones specified with an L tone. The tonal rules that apply to the other tonal-
phonological verb sets are described in §2.4.2.2. Table 6.5 further provides an
overview of the tonal patterns for different phonological verb types in the differ-
ent tense-mood categories.8
Table 6.5: Verb tone patterns in different TM categories by phonologi-
cal verb set

TM L verb HL verb L ∅ verb H ∅ verb L ∅ ∅ verb H ∅ ∅ verb

category kɛ̀ ‘go’ nyɛ̂ ‘see’ gyàga ‘buy’ gyíbɔ ‘call’ vìdɛga ‘turn’ lúmɛlɛ ‘send’
prs kɛ̀ nyɛ̂ gyàgà gyíbɔ̀ vìdɛ̀ gà lúmɛ̀ lɛ̀
inch kɛ̀ nyɛ̂ gyàgà gyíbɔ̀ vìdɛ̀ gà lúmɛ̀ lɛ̀
fut kɛ̀ nyɛ̂ gyàgà gyíbɔ̀ vìdɛ̀ gà lúmɛ̀ lɛ̀
pst1 kɛ́ nyɛ́ gyàgá gyíbɔ́ vìdɛ́gá lúmɛ́lɛ́
pst2 kɛ́ nyɛ́ gyàgá gyíbɔ́ vìdɛ́gá lúmɛ́lɛ́
imp kɛ̂ nyɛ̂ gyàgâ gyíbɔ̂ vìdɛ̀ gâ lúmɛ̀ lɛ̂
sbjv kɛ́ɛ̀ nyɛ́ɛ̀ gyàgáà gyíbɔ́ɔ̀ vìdɛ́gáà lúmɛ́lɛ́ɛ̀

Looking at the occurrence of the different tense-mood categories in the Gyeli

corpus, it becomes clear that the categories are not evenly distributed. Table 6.6
shows the frequency of each tense-mood category expressed through simple
predicates in the corpus. It also specifies the mood category to which each tense-
mood category belongs (§6.2.2).
There are 369 instances of simple predicates in the corpus. The vast majority
(58.8%) are encoded for the present category. While past1 and future are still
relatively frequent, the other tense-mood categories occur rarely. In the follow-
ing sections, I discuss each tense-mood category with respect to its meaning and
usage.

6.2.1.1 Present
The present is the most frequent tense-mood category in the corpus for all text
genres and can be viewed as the default tense-mood category in narratives. For
example, in the autobiographical narrative presented in Appendix B.1, the narra-
tor switches to the present in the tenth intonation phrase, despite having started
out in the past 1.
8
Monosyllabic HL verb stems with a long vowel, such as láà ‘tell’, are form-identical in their
non-finite, imperative, and subjunctive forms.

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6 The verbal complex

Table 6.6: Frequency of tense-mood categories in the corpus

Basic distinction TM category Mood Frequency

prs realis 217 58.8%
non-pst inch realis 5 1.4%
fut irrealis 40 10.8%
pst1 realis 69 18.7%
pst
pst2 realis 8 2.2%
imp irrealis 13 3.5%
other
sbjv irrealis 17 4.6%
Total 369

In out-of-the-blue contexts, the present primarily relates to a time that is

identical to speech time. Thus, the sentence in (8) is set at the time of utterance.

(8) mɛ́ gyámbɔ́ bédéwɔ̀

mɛ-H gyámbɔ-H H-be-déwɔ̀
1sg-prs cook-r obj.link-be8-food
‘I cook food.’

Within a specific context requiring common ground for the speech act partici-
pants, however, the sentence in (8) can alternatively relate to a time that follows
speech time. The present can thus be used to refer to future events as well as
present ones. It is hard to delimit how far into the future the present may refer,
and does not seem to be categorically bounded by, for instance, time of day or
even periods of multiple days. Especially when temporal adverbs or other means
of time reference are used, as in (9),9 the grammatical present form can extend
into at least several days in the future.

(9) mɛ́ kɛ́ jì ɛ́ Ngòló sɔ́ndɔ̀ nɔ́nɛ́gá

mɛ-H kɛ̀ -H jì ɛ́ Ngòló sɔ́ndɔ̀ n-ɔ́nɛ́gá
1sg-prs go-r stay loc ∅7.pn ∅1.week 1-other
‘I will stay in Ngolo next week.’

9
The speaker was not in Ngolo when he uttered this sentence. The verb kɛ̀ ‘go’ has an altrilocal
meaning, as described in §6.3.2, and is not a grammatical means of marking future tense.

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 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

The present tense form can also be used for imperative meanings, as in (10).
Formally, the present in (10a) is clearly distinct from the imperative pattern in
(10b) in terms of the presence or absence of the stamp marker, the tonal pattern
on the verb, and the realis-marking H tone in the present (see §6.2.2), which is
absent in the imperative.

(10) a. bwáá láá bɔ̂

bwáa-H láà-H b-ɔ̂
2pl-prs tell-r 2-obj
‘You tell them!’
b. láà ngá bɔ̂
láà nga-H b-ɔ̂
tell.imp pl-obj.link 2-obj
‘Tell them!’

The present is further used in generic contexts or for states that persist, as in
(11). Here, the speaker talks about a general problem that applies to the time of
utterance but also extends to an unbounded time both before and after.

(11) yá tfúgá nà ngùndyá mpángì

ya-H tfúga-H nà ngùndyá mpángì
1pl-prs suffer-r com ∅9.raffia ∅7.bamboo
‘We suffer from the straw, the bamboo [that is used for thatched roofs].’

While the present tense-mood category seems to be easily applied to the time
at and after speech time, it extends less easily to time before the utterance. Thus,
the sentence in (8) cannot be interpreted, under any circumstances, as having
happened already. This correlates with the macro-distinction between non-past
and past tense-mood categories.

6.2.1.2 Inchoative
The inchoative form refers to the entry into a state or to the beginning of an
event. In the literature, the inchoative is generally assumed to be an aspectual
category, which may differ in flavor depending on the language: the inchoative
has been observed as part of the viewpoint aspectual system—aspect1 in Sasse’s
(2002) terms—for example by Melchert (1980) and Wichaya (2013), who gives an
example for Fengshun Hakka in (12).

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6 The verbal complex

(12) Fengshun Hakka; Sinitic (Wichaya 2013: 50)

Nai11 min11 phak55 liau42
1sg understand inch
‘I have understood.’

The inchoative has also been related to the Aktionsart of a verb (Sasse’s as-
pect2 ) by, for instance, Botne (1983), Klein (1995), and Talmy (2007). An example
is given for Russian in (13).

(13) Russian; Slavic (Braginsky 2008: 226)

zvezda za-sverkalaPRF na nebe
star inch-twinkled on sky
‘The star started twinkling in the sky.’

The Gyeli inchoative both shifts the viewpoint to the beginning of a situation
and locates the situation temporally at speech time (or narration time in the case
of story-telling). This is clearly the case when opposing the inchoative with
other aspectual categories (see §6.3.1) in elicitation, as in (14).

(14) a. mɛ̀ ɛ́ dè
mɛ̀ ɛ́ dè
1sg.inch eat
‘I’m beginning to eat.’
b. mɛ̀ nzíí dè
mɛ nzíí dè
1sg prog.prs eat
‘I’m eating.’
c. mɛ̀ múà dè
mɛ múà dè
1sg prosp eat
‘I’m about to eat.’

Speakers describe that, in (14a), the focus is on the starting point of the action:
the person is just taking the first few bites of her meal. In contrast, (14b) em-
phasizes the ongoing character of the eating event, without specifying the exact
point within the action (beginning, middle, or end). Also the prospective aspect,
shown in (14c), differs in that the person is about to take the first bites, but has
not actually started eating yet.

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 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

The example in (15) is taken from natural text and can be similarly interpreted.
It is at the moment when the woman arrives at the river bank that she breaks
out in tears, and the activity of crying is (theoretically) unbounded.

(15) ndɛ̀ náà pámò lébũ̂ àá gyì

ndɛ̀ náà pámo H-le-bũ ̂ àá gyì
like.this arrive obj.link-le5-river.bank 1.inch cry
‘Having arrived like this [without the child] at the river bank, she starts
to cry.’

Activities—in terms of Vendler’s (1967) classification of Aktionsarten—can also

be accompanied by temporal adjuncts specifying the duration of the event, as
shown in (16).

(16) àá bámálá tɔ́bá mpfùmɔ̀ nà pámò mɛ́nɔ́

àá bámala-H tɔ́bá mpfùmɔ̀ nà pámo mɛ́nɔ́
1.inch scold-r since ∅3.midnight conj arrive ∅7.morning
‘He is starting to scold [now] at midnight and [it] will continue until the
morning.’

The inchoative is also compatible with a perfective reading and can be used
with punctual events, as shown in (17).

(17) pílɔ̀ àá pándɛ̀ àà kfùmàlà bédéwɔ̀ bè sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀

pílɔ̀ àá pándɛ àà kfùmala bédéwɔ̀ be sílɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃
when 1.inch arrive 1.fut find obj.link-be8-food 8 finish.compl
‘When he has arrived, he will find that the food is finished.’

6.2.1.3 Future
The future category primarily relates to a time some point after speech time.
Often, it is accompanied by temporal adverbials, as in (18), where Nzambi tells
the mice that they will eat the bones of the burned bodies the next day.

(18) àà nàmɛ́nɔ́ bwáà dè, nàmɛ́nɔ́

àà nàmɛ́nɔ́ bwáà dè nàmɛ́nɔ́
excl tomorrow 2pl.fut eat tomorrow
‘Ah, tomorrow you will eat, tomorrow.’

The future category can also relate to intended acts, as in (19).

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6 The verbal complex

(19) pílɔ̀ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ nyá mùdì mɛ̀ ɛ̀ tɛ̀ lɛ̀ mùdà ndáwɔ̀
pílɔ̀ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ nyá m-ùdì mɛ̀ ɛ̀ tɛ̀ lɛ mùdà ndáwɔ̀
when 1sg.fut be big n1-person 1sg.fut place great ∅9.house
‘When I grow up, I will build a great house.’

The future may also be used for promises, as in (20).

(20) mɛ́ kàgɛ́ wɛ̂ nâ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ njì nàmɛ́nɔ́

mɛ-H kàgɛ-H wɛ̂ nâ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ njì nàmɛ́nɔ́
1sg-prs promise-r 2sg.obj comp 1sg.fut come tomorrow
‘I promise you that I will come tomorrow.’

Apart from temporal reference, the future also expresses modal possibility,
as in (21). The sentence in this example has two readings. In the first, the speaker
is convinced that the bag will break; thus, a more temporal reading is implied. In
the alternative reading, the speaker is understood to be expressing uncertainty,
merely presenting the possibility that the bag might break.

(21) ká wɛ́ kíyá lékɔ́’ɔ̀ kwámɔ́ dè kwámɔ́ nyíì búlɛ̀

ká wɛ-H kíya-H H-le-kɔ́’ɔ̀ kwámɔ́ dè kwámɔ́ nyíì búlɛ
if 2sg-prs put-r obj.link-le5-stone ∅9.bag loc ∅9.bag 9.fut break
‘If you put the stone into the bag, the bag will/might break.’

Another example is given in (22), in which a possibility reading (with a universal

time reference) is intended.

(22) ndí wɛ́ lèmbó nâ mbvúndá nyíì bvúdà nà mbvúndá

ndí wɛ-H lèmbo-H nâ mbvúndá nyíì bvúda nà mbvúndá
but 2sg-prs know-r comp ∅9.trouble 9.fut fight com ∅9.trouble
‘But you know that violence will create more violence.’

6.2.1.4 Recent past (pst1)

Gyeli distinguishes two past tense forms: the recent past (pst1) and the re-
mote past (pst2). The choice in using either one of the two past categories may
depend more on subjective, attitudinal factors than on an objective deictic time
reference. The recent past is the default past category. It refers to situations
that happened before speech time, as in (23), where a more precise time is fur-
ther specified by a temporal adverb.

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 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

(23) mɛ̀ gyámbɔ́ bédéwɔ̀ nàkùgúù

mɛ gyámbɔ-H H-be-déwɔ̀ nàkùgúù
1sg.pst1 cook-r obj.link-be8-food yesterday
‘I cooked food yesterday.’
According to Nurse (2008: 22), many Bantu languages distinguish past tense
categories such as hesternal and hodiernal past based on objective time intervals,
namely days. This, however, is not the case in Gyeli. Thus, when a phrase is lack-
ing further time specification, as in (24), it is not inferrable at what time precisely
the event has transpired. The event in this sentence (visiting the Ngumba) could,
based on context, be understood to have occurred earlier the same day, the day
before, the week before, or even a year before speech time.
(24) mɛ̀ bɛ́ ngyɛ̃̂ Ngvùmbɔ̀
mɛ bɛ̀ -H n-gyɛ̂̃ Ngvùmbɔ̀
1sg.pst1 be-r n1-guest ∅7.pn
‘I was a guest of the Ngumba.’
Temporal proximity is not based on objectively measurable parameters, but
rather relates to the speaker’s attitude towards the situation and, potentially, its
impact on speech time. Thus, different situations that have the same temporal
distance may be judged differently and therefore coded variously as recent past
or remote past. For instance, speakers may use the recent past when reporting
that they ate out with good friends the day before. In contrast, they may use the
remote past to refer to their last meal at the same temporal distance (the day
before) if they have not eaten anything since then, because not eating in 24 hours
would be considered a long time.
The recent past is also used in story-telling to set the scene, as in (25). Even
though this autobiographical event took place many years before the telling of
the story (Appendix B.1), the temporal distance is not important to the speaker
at this point. Therefore, he uses the default past category.
(25) yɔ́ɔ̀ ngã̀ nû à bɛ́ ngã̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ ngã̀ nû a bɛ̀ -H ngã̂
so ∅1.healer 1.dem.prox 1.pst1 be-r ∅1.healer
‘So, this healer was a healer.’

6.2.1.5 Remote past (pst2)

The remote past category is the more marked past form, and it occurs signifi-
cantly less frequently in the corpus. It refers to events that have happened rela-

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6 The verbal complex

tively distantly in the past, where this notion of distance is based on the speaker’s
attitude rather than on objective deictic parameters. It can also have a pluperfect
interpretation, although a following event at a later point in time need not be
explicitly expressed. A hint for a pluperfect reading of the remote past comes
from translations into French, whereby a phrase such as mɛ́ɛ̀ dé ‘I ate (a long
time ago)’ is generally translated by speakers with the French pluperfect j’avais
mangé ‘I had eaten’.
The sentence in (26) illustrates both the subjective time distance to the event
and the pluperfect interpretation. In this example, the chief of Ngolo talks about
the dangers of the Bagyeli’s lifestyle and points to a scar on his face that he got
from a machete. By using the remote past, he expresses his attitude towards
the injuring event as being temporally far away, but also implies that, in the
meantime, things have changed again.
(26) mɛ́ bvú nâ nkwálá wúù tfùndɛ́ mɛ̂ vâ
mɛ-H bvû-H nâ nkwálá wúù tfùndɛ-H mɛ̂ vâ
1sg-prs think-r comp ∅3.machete 3.pst2 miss-r 1sg.obj here
‘I think that the machete had missed [injured] me here [and, since then,
the wound has completely healed and only left a scar].’
The same is true for his statement in (27). Here, he talks about the former set-
tlement before the current village of Ngolo was built. Again, it is not objectively
inferrable whether the speaker had settled in the former village when he was a
child or a young man or even only two years ago. Using the remote past, how-
ever, shows that in terms of relevance to the present situation, settling in the old
village is rather remote.
(27) ɛ́ pɛ̀ mɛ́ɛ̀ tɛ́
ɛ́ pɛ̀ mɛ́ɛ̀ tɛ̂-H
loc over.there 1sg.pst2 found-pst
‘I had originally settled over there [and since then I moved to the new
place].’
Presumably, the remote past is used in (28) rather than the recent past in
order to stress the fact that the speaker in this folktale is too late to save his child,
since it has already been devoured.
(28) wɛ́ɛ̀ dé mwánɔ̀ nɔ́ɔ̀
wɛ́ɛ̀ dè-H m-wánɔ̀ nɔ́ɔ̀
2.pst2 eat-r n1-child no
‘You have eaten the child, haven’t you?’

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 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

The tense generally used in narratives is the present. The remote past is,
however, also found in narrations, such as the Nzambi folktale, when the narra-
tor occasionally switches from present to past, as seen in (29), where the three
sentences appear in the same order in the story. (29a) starts out in the present,
(29b) shows a temporal rupture using the remote past, and in (29c), the speaker
switches back to the general present.

(29) a. yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí wà núú nìyɛ̀

yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí wà núú nìyɛ
so ∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.dist return
‘So that Nzambi returns [home].’
b. ɛ́kɛ̀ ! Nzàmbí wà nú áà sàlɛ́ bɛ̀ nà bã̂ líná-á
ɛ́kɛ̀ ! Nzàmbí wà nú áà sàlɛ́ bɛ̀ nà bã̂ líná
excl ∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.dist 1.pst2 neg.pst be com ∅7.word when
pámò
a-H pámo
1-prs arrive
‘Oh! That Nzambi had no words when he arrived.’
c. nyɛ̀ nâ álè
nyɛ nâ álè
1 comp allez[French]
‘He [says]: “Allez! [Ok]”.’

It seems that the use of the remote past is intended to sporadically relocate
the story in time and emphasize that this (fictional) story happened a very long
time ago. At the same time, the narrator can use the remote past as a means to
distance himself from the story and comment about it. While the general chain
of events is told in the present, the narrator’s comments about the state of the
character are realized in a different tense-mood category, the remote past in
this case.

6.2.1.6 Imperative
The category of imperative is characterized by an HL tonal pattern on its ulti-
mate syllable. For semantic/pragmatic reasons, the imperative category is re-
stricted with respect to the grammatical persons with which it can combine,
yielding three subgroups: (i) singular forms that have no stamp marker, but only
the bare imperative verb form, (ii) plural forms which have no stamp marker
either, but a plural particle following the imperative verb form, and (iii) what

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6 The verbal complex

I label as “cohortative” forms, which are almost identical to plural imperatives,

with the exception that a first person plural stamp marker with an H tone pre-
cedes the verb form. These are schematized in (30). As they all have the same
verb tone pattern as well as the same negation strategy with tí (see §6.3.1.7), they
are unified under a single category.
(30) a. 2sg: [∅ Verb.imp]
b. 2pl: [∅ Verb.imp plural]
c. 1pl: [stamp Verb.imp plural]
In the following, I provide examples of each subcategory.
For second persons, the imperative expresses requests, demands, and orders.
(31) provides examples of singular imperative forms, translated with an exclama-
tion mark. The examples cover all syllable lengths and tonal patterns found for
verbs.
(31) a. dê ‘eat (sg.)!’
b. nyɛ̂ ‘see (sg.)!’
c. gyàgâ ‘buy (sg.)!’
d. gyámbɔ̂ ‘cook (sg.)!’
e. vìdɛ́gâ ‘turn (sg.)!’
f. lúmɛ́lɛ̂ ‘send (sg.)!’
In the corpus, imperative occurrences are rare, as they are pragmatically re-
stricted to direct communicative interactions between speech act participants, as
in (32).
(32) bímbú lɛ́ mámbòngò mâ wɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́ dígɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́
bímbú lɛ́ ma-mbòngò mâ wɛ mɛ́dɛ́ dígɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́
∅5.amount 5:att ma6-plant 6.dem.prox 2sg self look.imp self
‘The number of these plants, take a look yourself.’
In narratives, they occur in the form of reported direct speech, as in (33), where
the imperative form is, in fact, the indicator of reported discourse through a
switch of the deictic perspective.
(33) bàmbɛ́ kɛ̂ jíì mbúmbù mwánɔ̀ sá yí dè
bàmbɛ́ kɛ̂ jíì mbúmbù m-wánɔ̀ sá yí dè
sorry go.imp ask ∅1.namesake n1-child ∅7.thing 7:att eat
‘Excuse me, go and ask [my] namesake [the other Nzambi] for a little to
eat.’

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 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

If the addressee of an order consists of more than one person, the plural par-
ticle ga, or its variant nga, is used, following the imperative verb form, as in
(34).

(34) a. dê gà
dê ga
eat.imp pl
‘Eat (pl.)!’
b. gyàgâ gà
gyàgâ ga
buy.imp pl
‘Buy (pl.)!’
c. vìdɛ̀ gâ gà
vìdɛ̀ gâ ga
turn.imp pl
‘Turn (pl.)!’

Plural imperatives are less frequent than their singular counterparts in the
corpus. Examples are given in (35) and (36).

(35) nyáà ngà sílɛ́ nyî ndáwɔ̀ dé tù

nyáà ngà sílɛ́-H nyî ndáwɔ̀ dé tù
shit.imp pl finish-r enter ∅9.house loc inside
‘Piss off, everybody go into the house!’

(36) sílɛ̂ ngà nyî vâ

sílɛ̂ ngà nyî vâ
finish.imp pl enter here
‘Enter all here.’

The cohortative describes a wish or invitation directed towards the first person
plural and can be translated with English ‘let’s’. Examples are given in (37).

(37) a. yá dê gà
ya-H dè-HL ga
1pl-prs eat-imp pl
‘Let’s eat!’

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6 The verbal complex

b. yá gyàgâ gà
ya-H gyàga-HL ga
1pl-prs buy-imp pl
‘Let’s buy [sth.]!’
c. yá vìdɛ́gâ gà
ya-H vìdɛga-HL ga
1pl-prs turn-imp pl
‘Let’s turn around!’

6.2.1.7 Subjunctive
Examples of the subjunctive category in Gyeli are given in (38), in this case with
the agreement class 1 stamp marker. As outlined in §6.2.1, the final long vowel
may also be glottalized or pharyngealized, as in (39).

(38) a. á déè ‘May he eat!’

b. á nyɛ́ɛ̀ ‘May he see!’
c. á gyàgáà ‘May he buy!’
d. á gyámbɔ́ɔ̀ ‘May he cook!’
e. á vìdɛ́gáà ‘May he turn!’
f. á gyíkɛ́sɛ́ɛ̀ ‘May he teach!’

The subjunctive in Gyeli is often (but not exclusively) used in subordinate

clauses to express (i) wishes or advice (39a), (ii) obligations (39b), or (iii) prohibi-
tions (39c).

(39) a. á lã́ã́ mɛ̂ nâ mɛ́ vɛ́’ɛ̀ bwánɔ̀ bèfùmbí

a-H lã́ã̀-H mɛ̂ nâ mɛ-H vɛ́’ɛ̀ b-wánɔ̀ be-fùmbí
1-prs tell-r 1sg.obj comp 1sg-prs give.sbjv ba2-child be8-orange
‘He tells me that I should give the children oranges.’
b. yíì mpìnàgà nâ wɛ́ kɛ́’ɛ̀ sùkúlì
yíì mpìnàgà nâ wɛ-H kɛ́’ɛ̀ sùkúlì
7 ∅3.obligation comp 2sg-prs go.sbjv ∅7.school
‘It’s an obligation that you go to school.’
c. yíì mpìndá nâ wɛ́ jíwɔ́ ’ɔ̀ bésâ
yíì mpìndá nâ wɛ-H jíwɔ́’ɔ̀ H-be-sâ
7 ∅9.prohibition comp 2sg-prs steal.sbjv obj.link-be8-thing
‘It’s forbidden that you steal things.’

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 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

The subjunctive is also used to express a goal, as in (40), where the verb dyùù
‘kill’, which is marked for the subjunctive, is part of a purpose clause.
(40) á lèmbó nâ bùdì báà bà múà búɛ̀ lɛ̀ nâ bá
a-H lèmbo-H nâ b-ùdì báà ba múà búɛlɛ̀ nâ ba-H
1-prs know-r comp ba2-person 2.dem.prox 2 prosp fish comp 2-prs
dyúù nyɛ̂
dyùù nyɛ̀
kill.sbjv 1.obj
‘He knows that these people are about to fish [look for him] in order to
kill him.’
The subjunctive can further be used in a consecutive context, as in (41), which
lacks an animate entity that could have wishes or intentions. When translating
these phrases, speakers consistently assign the French verb vouloir ‘want’ to the
inanimate entity.
(41) ká yí nyí mɛ̂ mbɔ̀ mpángì yí kùgá nâ
ká yi-H nyî-H mɛ̂ m-bɔ̀ mpángì yi-H kùga-H nâ
when 7-prs enter-r 1sg n3-arm ∅7.bamboo 7-prs can-r comp
nyíì wɛ̀ mbɔ̀
nyíì wɛ̀ m-bɔ̀
enter.sbjv 2sg n3-arm
‘When it goes into my arm . . . the bamboo can sting your arm.’
The subjunctive expresses bouletic modality, as in (42), which concerns the
speaker’s desire in relation to what is necessary or possible. Other types of modal-
ity, e.g. deontic or dynamic, are encoded by semi-auxiliaries in complex predi-
cates §6.3.2.
(42) mɛ́ làwɔ́ náà màndáwɔ̀ má zì má kùgáà
mɛ-H làwɔ-H nâ ma-ndáwɔ̀ má zì ma-H kùgáà
1sg-prs say-r comp ma6-house 6:att ∅7.tin 6-prs be.enough.sbjv
mɛ̂ vâ
mɛ̀ vâ
1sg.obj here
‘I say that there ought to be enough tin (roofed) houses here for me.’
While most subjunctive forms occur in a subordinate complement clause in-
volving the complementizer nâ (§8.2.2.1), subjunctive forms can also occur in
subordinate clauses without the complementizer nâ, as in (43).

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6 The verbal complex

(43) yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ́ wúmbɛ́ mándáwɔ̀ má zì má tɛ́wɔ́ ’ɔ̀

yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H H-ma-ndáwɔ̀ má zì ma-H tɛ́wɔ̀ ɔ̀
so 1sg-prs want-r obj.link-ma6-house 6:att ∅7.tin 6-prs put.sbjv
mɛ̂ vâ ndá zì
mɛ̂ vâ ndá zì
1sg.obj here att[Bulu] ∅7.tin[Bulu]
‘So I want tin (roofed) houses be put here for me, of tin.’

There are a few examples where the subjunctive is not restricted to a sub-
ordinate clause, but can occur in the main clause, as in (44). This construction
marks a politely phrased order or invitation.

(44) bɛ̀ yá njíì bíyɛ̀ kfùmàlà

bɛ̀ ya-H njì bíyɛ̀ kfùmala
2pl-prs come.sbjv 1pl.obj find
‘You (pl.) may come to meet us.’

The subjunctive has its own negator dúù (§6.3.1.8).

6.2.2 The realis-marking H tone

The basic simple predicate structure carries further grammatical information
through the presence or absence of a grammatical H tone that attaches to the
right of verb stems in certain tense-mood categories when the finite verb is not
in phrase-final position (see subpattern I stamp - V(-H) in §6.2). It is inherent
to each tense-mood category if the H tone will attach to the finite verb or not.
The presence of the H tone correlates with realis categories, while its absence
indicates irrealis categories, as shown in Table 6.7. The present tense is split
between its affirmative constructions, which belong to the realis category, while
their negative counterparts cluster with the irrealis mood.
(45) provides examples for all realis-marking tense-mood categories, where the
grammatical H tone is marked in bold. The H tone that appears on the following
noun is a distinct syntactic tone rather than a phonologically conditioned surface
form (§7.2.1.2).10
10
Grammatical verb-final H tones seem to be recurrent in Bantu languages, but have not yet
found a unitary and transparent explanation. The term “metatony” is frequently used in the
context of verb-final H tone phenomena (Dimmendaal 1995; Angenot 1971; Hyman & Lionnet
2012; Schadeberg 1995; Hadermann 2005; Costa & Kula 2008; Makasso 2012; Nurse 2008). The
origins and functions assigned to metatonic H tones in the literature differ, however, consid-
erably across diverse Bantu languages.

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 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

Table 6.7: Distribution of realis and irrealis categories

H tone presence H tone absence

→ Realis → Irrealis
present future
inchoative imperative
recent past subjunctive
remote past present negation

(45) a. mɛ́ wúmbɛ́ békwàndɔ̀

mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H H-be-kwàndɔ̀
1sg-prs want-r obj.link-be8-plantain
‘I want plantains.’
b. mɛ̀ ɛ́ wúmbɛ́ békwàndɔ̀
mɛ̀ ɛ́ wúmbɛ-H H-be-kwàndɔ̀
1sg.inch want-r obj.link-be8-plantain
‘I’m beginning to want plantains.’
c. mɛ̀ wúmbɛ́ békwàndɔ̀
mɛ wúmbɛ-H H-be-kwàndɔ̀
1sg.pst1 want-r obj.link-be8-plantain
‘I wanted plantains (recently).’
d. mɛ́ɛ̀ wúmbɛ́ békwàndɔ̀
mɛ́ɛ̀ wúmbɛ-H H-be-kwàndɔ̀
1sg.pst2 want-r obj.link-be8-plantain
‘I wanted plantains (a long time ago).’

While the tonal change from a phrase-final L to a non-phrase final H tone is

obvious in the non-past categories present and inchoative, such a change is
less clear in the two past categories, recent and remote. These categories are
specified for a final H tone in verb-final positions, thereby collapsing both tense
and mood marking in non-phrase final position. In terms of glossing examples,
I mark phrase-final H tones on past verbs as ‘pst’, as in (46a). In non-phrase
final position, however, H tones in past categories are marked as ‘r’, as in (46b),
emphasizing the mood distinction.

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6 The verbal complex

(46) a. mɛ̀ gyámbɔ́

mɛ gyámbɔ-H
1sg.pst1 cook-pst
‘I cooked.’
b. mɛ̀ gyámbɔ́ békwàndɔ̀
mɛ gyámbɔ-H H-be-kwàndɔ̀
1sg.pst1 cook-r obj.link-be8-plantain
‘I cooked plantains.’

Examples of the irrealis tense-mood categories are given in (47). The finite
verbs in these sentences do not take the grammatical H tone; they are only in-
flected for their tense-mood category as basic simple predicates (6.2.1).11

(47) a. mɛ̀ ɛ̀ gyámbɔ̀ békwàndɔ̀

mɛ̀ ɛ̀ gyámbɔ H-be-kwàndɔ̀
1sg.fut cook obj.link-be8-plantain
‘I will/might cook plantains.’
b. gyámbɔ̂ békwàndɔ̀
gyámbô H-be-kwàndɔ̀
cook.imp obj.link-be8-plantain
‘Cook (sg.) plantains!’
c. mɛ́ wúmbɛ́ nâ wɛ́ gyámbɔ́ ɔ̀ békwàndɔ̀
mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H nâ wɛ-H gyámbɔ́ɔ̀ H-be-kwàndɔ̀
1sg-prs want-r comp 2sg-prs cook.sbjv obj.link-be8-plantain
‘I want you to cook plantains.’

In the realis categories that do take the grammatical H tone, all parts of speech
that follow the verb trigger the appearance of the H tone, as (48) shows. Thus,
the decisive criterion is not a restriction to certain parts of speech, but rather a
prohibition of the verb being intonation phrase final.

11
The second person plural and the cohortative in the imperative category have the same tonal
pattern on the verb as (47b), but the tonal structure of the object noun is different due to the
postverbal plural particle. As this concerns, however, the syntactic H tone rather than the
realis-marking grammatical H tone, this phenomenon is discussed in §7.2.1.2.

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 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

(48) a. mɛ́ gyámbɔ̀ ‘I cook.’

b. mɛ́ gyámbɔ́ bé-kwàndɔ̀ ‘I cook plantains.’ n
c. mɛ́ gyámbɔ́ byɔ̂ ‘I cook it.’ pro
d. mɛ́ gyámbɔ́ ndáà ‘I cook today.’ adv
e. mɛ́ gyámbɔ́ ɛ́ kìsíní dé tù ‘I cook in the kitchen.’ prep
f. mɛ́ gyámbɔ́ nà wɔ́mbɛ̀ lɛ̀ ‘I cook and sweep.’ conj

As shown in (48), the phrase-final verb gyámbɔ ‘cook’ surfaces with an L tone. If
it is, however, followed by a noun, pronoun, adverb, preposition, or conjunction,
the verb takes a final H tone. The same is true for complex predicates, as illus-
trated in (49). Again, if the verb wúmbɛ ‘want’ occurs phrase finally, it surfaces
with an L tone. If it is followed by another element, however, in this case the
non-finite main verb gyámbɔ ‘cook’, it takes a final H tone.

(49) a. bá wúmbɛ̀ ‘They want [something].’

b. bá wúmbɛ́ gyámbɔ̀ ‘They want to cook.’ v

It is, however, only the finite verb that undergoes tonal change. If a second,
non-finite verb is not intonation phrase-final, it keeps its default tones, as shown
in (50). In this example, the modal verb wúmbɛ ‘want’ takes the grammatical H
tone that indicates the realis category. The final tone on gyámbɔ ‘cook’ surfaces
as L.

(50) bá wúmbɛ́ gyámbɔ̀ békwàndɔ̀

ba-H wúmbɛ-H gyámbɔ H-be-kwàndɔ̀
2-prs want-r cook obj.link-be8-plantain
‘They want to cook plantains.’

6.2.3 Expanded simple predicates

Simple predicates can be expanded, making them morphologically more complex
through the addition of inflectional verbal suffixes or particles, as described in
§6.2 under subpattern II. This morphological expansion includes the negation
suffix -lɛ (§6.2.3.1), stem reduplication expressing habitual (§6.2.3.2), and the
postverbal particle mɔ encoding completive (§6.2.3.3).12

12
There are other verbal suffixes used in verbal derivation (§4.2.4) that bring about a valency
change. These are, however, not treated here as morphologically complex predicates–although
they are considered as such by, for instance, Butt (2010: 51) on morphological causativization—
due to their differing morphosyntactic behavior in Gyeli (§6.2.)

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6 The verbal complex

6.2.3.1 Negation with -lɛ in the present

In the present tense-mood category, the verbal suffix -lɛ is used in negation.
I consider this suffix to be toneless since its surface tones depend on the verb
stem’s tonal specification. Negation with -lɛ shows structural and paradigmatic
asymmetry in the sense of Miestamo’s (2007): the verb stem takes it own tonal
pattern under negation, the stamp marker differs from its positive counterpart
in some person categories, and the realis-marking H tone is absent, which marks
present negation as an irrealis category. I first discuss the tonal pattern of the
negated verb, then I describe the patterns of the stamp marker, and finally the
relation between present negation and the mood category.
The tonally specified first TBU of a verb stem (§2.4.1) determines the tonal
pattern of a verb negated with the suffix -lɛ. In monosyllabic verb stems, the stem
always changes to an H tone, which then also spreads to the negation suffix. (51)
gives examples of verb stems with underlying L tones and (52) gives examples of
monosyllabic verb stems whose tones surface as HL in their uninflected form.

(51) L→H
a. dè ‘eat’ > dé-lɛ́
b. kɛ̀ ‘go’ > kɛ́-lɛ́

(52) HL → H
a. nyɛ̂ ‘see’ > nyɛ́-lɛ́
b. pɛ̂ ‘choose’ > pɛ́-lɛ́

For disyllabic verbs, the determining factor for the negated surface form is the
first syllable’s tonal specification. If the tonal pattern of a disyllabic verb is H Ø,
the H tone spreads to the second, underlyingly toneless mora of the verb and
also to the negation suffix, as in (53).

(53) H Ø → H H
a. síndya ‘change’ > síndyá-lɛ́
b. símɛ ‘respect’ > símɛ́-lɛ́
c. dzímbɛ ‘get lost’ > dzímbɛ́-lɛ́
d. ngwáwɔ ‘bend’ > ngwáwɔ́-lɛ́

The same is true for trisyllabic verbs where the first mora is specified H and the
two following morphemes are toneless. (54) shows that, again, the H tone from
the first mora spreads to the right, all the way to the negation suffix.

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 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

(54) HØØ→HHH
a. gyíkɛsɛ ‘teach’ > gyíkɛ́sɛ́-lɛ́
b. líyɛlɛ ‘show’ > líyɛ́lɛ́-lɛ́
c. lúmɛlɛ ‘send’ > lúmɛ́lɛ́-lɛ́
d. súmɛlɛ ‘greet’ > súmɛ́lɛ́-lɛ́

The process changes if the first mora of a bi- or trisyllabic verb is specified with
an L tone. In these cases, the tone on the first mora undergoes a featural change
from L to H. This, however, does not affect the following toneless extension and
negation suffix morphemes. These all surface as L, as shown in (55) for disyllabic
verbs and in (56) for trisyllabic verbs.

(55) LØ→HL
a. gyàga ‘buy’ > gyágà-lɛ̀
b. vɔ̀wa ‘wake up’ > vɔ́wà-lɛ̀
c. lùnga ‘grow’ > lúngà-lɛ̀
d. tsìlɔ ‘write’ > tsílɔ̀ -lɛ̀

(56) LØØ→HLL
a. kfùbala ‘move’ > kfúbàlà-lɛ̀
b. vìdɛga ‘turn’ > vídɛ̀ gà-lɛ̀
c. kàmbala ‘defend’ > kámbàlà-lɛ̀
d. jìnɛsɛ ‘make sth. sink’ > jínèsɛ̀ -lɛ̀

(57) illustrates the verb tone asymmetries between a basic present form and
its negative counterpart with an L tone verb in (57a) that changes to an H on the
first TBU in the stem in (57b), while the following verbal TBUs stay L.

(57) a. bá gìyɔ̀ .
ba-H gìyɔ
2-prs cry
‘They cry.’
b. bá gíyɔ̀ lɛ̀ .
ba-H gìyɔ-lɛ
2-prs cry-neg
‘They do not cry.’

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6 The verbal complex

c. bá límbɛ̀ .
ba-H límbɛ
2-prs pull
‘They pull.’
d. bá límbɛ́lɛ́.
ba-H límbɛ-lɛ
2-prs pull-neg
‘They do not pull.’

In contrast, verb stems that are lexically specified with an H tone on the first
TBU, as in (57c), stay H and spread that H tone across the following TBUs, in-
cluding the negation suffix, as in (57d). This pattern also constitutes a structural
asymmetry, since the basic simple predicate in the positive present surfaces as
L.
As a default, the stamp marker under present negation has the same pattern
as the non-negated form, as shown for the agreement class 2 stamp marker in
(57). As with future non-negated stamp markers, however, there are a few ex-
ceptions in certain grammatical person categories. The stamp markers for first
and second person singular as well as for class 1 take a special shape with a long
vowel and rising LH pattern, as shown in (58) for the first person singular and
the agreement class 1 stamp marker.

(58) a. mɛ́ gìyɔ̀

mɛ-H gìyɔ
1sg-prs cry
‘I cry.’
b. mɛ̀ ɛ́ gíyɔ̀ lɛ̀
mɛ̀ ɛ́ gìyɔ-lɛ
1sg.neg.prs cry-neg
‘I do not cry.’
c. á límbɛ̀
a-H límbɛ
1-prs pull
‘S/he pulls.’
d. àá límbɛ́lɛ́
àá límbɛ-lɛ
1.neg.prs pull-neg
‘S/he does not pull.’

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 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

Other examples of present negation from natural texts are provided in (59) and
(60).

(59) má dvúmɔ́ lɛ́ mbvú mbì mbvû

ma-H dvúmɔ́-lɛ́ mbvú mbì mbvû
6-prs produce-neg ∅3.year like[Kwasio] ∅3.year
‘They [the palm trees] don’t produce [fruit] every year.’

(60) mɛ̀ ɛ́ jílɛ́ wɛ̂ bvúbvû

mɛ̀ ɛ́ jí-lɛ́ wɛ̂ bvúbvû
1sg.prs.neg ask-neg 2sg.obj much
‘I don’t ask you for much.’

Negation of non-verbal existential constructions (§7.1) is achieved through ver-

bal present negation, using the verb bɛ̀ ‘be’, as in (61).

(61) a. bùdì bá bɛ́lɛ́

b-ùdì ba-H bɛ̀ -lɛ
ba2-person 2-prs be-neg
‘There are no people.’ / ‘The people are not there.’
b. mùdì nú bɛ́lɛ́
m-ùdì nu-H bɛ̀ -lɛ
n1-person 1-prs be-neg
‘Nobody is there.’ / ‘The person is not there.’

As outlined in §3.9.1, agreement class 1 has alternate stamp forms. Although

their distribution is not exactly understood, it seems that there is a preference
to use the form nú in the negation of existential clauses, as in (61b). Unlike the
agreement class 1 negation stamp marker àá, however, nú clusters with the de-
fault stamp forms, carrying an H tone.
Although the present category is a realis mood characterized by a grammat-
ical H tone on the verb in non-phrase final position, the realis-marking H tone
is absent in present negation. Even if the negated verb appears in non-phrase
final position, its tonal pattern does not change from the pattern outlined above
for negated forms, as shown in (62).

(62) a. á gyágá békáládɛ̀

a-H gyàga-H H-be-káládɛ̀
1-prs buy-r obj.link-be8-book
‘He buys books.’

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6 The verbal complex

b. àá gyágàlɛ̀ békáládɛ̀
àá gyàga-lɛ H-be-káládɛ̀
1.prs.neg buy-neg obj.link-be8-book
‘He does not buy books.’
c. á dé mántúà
a-H dè-H H-ma-ntúà
1-prs eat-r obj.link-ma6-mango
‘He eats mangoes.’
d. àá délɛ́ mántúà
àá dè-lɛ H-ma-ntúà
1.prs.neg eat-neg obj.link-ma6-mango
‘He does not eat mangoes.’

Since the negated verb in (62d) surfaces with an H tone, one could assume that
the H tone has merged with the realis-marking H tone. Since verbs of the pattern
in (62b) do not take a verb-final H tone, however, I treat all negated verb forms in
the present as having their own, fixed tonal pattern that lacks the grammatical
H tone. The negated present thus belongs to the irrealis mood, which constitutes
a paradigmatic asymmetry in comparison to the positive present.

6.2.3.2 Habitual aspect by verb reduplication

Another expanded simple predicate construction involves verb stem reduplica-
tion, expressing habitual aspect, as in (63). The habitual relates to events that
occur regularly or usually.

(63) mɛ́ nyùlɛ̀ nyùlɛ̀

mɛ-H nyùlɛ-nyulɛ
1sg-prs drink-drink
‘I often drink.’

The reduplicated stem follows the original stem in the form of a suffix as op-
posed to constituting an independent word. Evidence for this comes from the
duplicate’s tonal pattern. First, the duplicate is underlyingly toneless, while the
original stem is specified for its first TBU. (64) shows that pándɛ ‘arrive’ carries
its lexical H tone on the first TBU in the stem, but this lexical H tone does not ap-
pear on the toneless duplicate, which might even lose more features of the stem,
such as vowel length and nasalization, as shown in (67).

394
 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

(64) mɛ́ pándɛ̀ pàndɛ̀

mɛ-H pándɛ-pandɛ
1sg-prs arrive-arrive
‘I often arrive.’

Second, if a grammatical (or syntactic) H tone attaches to the right of the verb,
it spreads across all toneless TBUs, just like in verbal extension suffixes (§4.2.4),
including the second and third syllables of the original stem, as shown in (65)
and (66).

(65) mɛ́ dílɛ́sɛ́dílɛ́sɛ́ bwánɔ̀

mɛ-H dílɛsɛ-dilɛsɛ-H b-wánɔ̀
1sg-prs feed-feed-r ba2-child
‘I often give food to the children.’

(66) mɛ́ gyámbɔ́ gyámbɔ́ bédéwɔ̀

mɛ-H gyámbɔ-gyambɔ-H H-be-déwɔ̀
1sg-prs prepare-prepare-r obj.link-8-food
‘I regularly prepare food.’

Although the habitual aspect appeared to me to be very frequent in the con-

versations that I observed, it is barely found in the corpus. From elicitation, how-
ever, it is clear that the habitual is restricted to the present and subjunctive
categories. An example of a subjunctive occurrence is given in (67) with tã́ã̀-ta
‘tell often’.

(67) bàmpámbó bá líyɛ̀ lìyɛ̀ nâ yá tã́ã̀tà

ba-mpámbó ba-H líyɛ-liyɛ nâ ya-H tã́ã̀-ta
ba2-ancestor 2-prs leave-leave comp 1pl-prs tell.sbjv-tell
békàndá bé tè
H-be-kàndá bé tè
obj.link-be8-proverbs 8:att there
‘The ancestors leave [the proverbs to us], so that we tell the proverbs
there.’

The tonal marking of the subjunctive is on the original stem, while the duplicate
is underlyingly toneless. The duplicate further loses vowel length and nasaliza-
tion.

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6 The verbal complex

6.2.3.3 Absolute completive aspect mɔ̀

The verbal particle mɔ̀ (§3.9.2) expresses absolute completive aspect.13 Histor-
ically, it probably stems from a serial verb construction, which Nurse (2008: 67)
views as a Niger-Congo derivative from -mala > -ma ‘finish’ and which is found
in many northwestern Bantu languages, e.g., Maande (A46), Himba (B30), Yanzi
(B85), and Nyanga (D43) (Nurse 2008: 100). mɔ̀ has an assimilated variant that
merges with the preceding verb vowel, while adding length, nasality, and an HL
tone pattern to it, as in (68b).

(68) a. mɛ̀ lùngá mɔ̀

mɛ̀ lùngá mɔ̀
1sg grow compl
‘I have (already) grown up.’
b. mɛ̀ lùngã́ã̀
mɛ̀ lùngã́ã̀
1sg grow.compl
‘I have (already) grown up.’

The absolute completive is restricted to the recent past.14 In the corpus,

17 occurrences of the absolute completive have the uncontracted form and
twelve have the contracted form. In sum, the absolute completive is the most
frequent aspect marker with 23.8% of all aspect markers in the corpus.
The absolute completive mostly occurs with eventive verbs, as illustrated
in (69) through (71).

(69) mínɔ̀ má bùdì mà kɛ̃́ɛ̃̀ máà vé

m-ínɔ̀ má b-ùdì ma kɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ máà vé
ma6-name 6:att ba2-person 6.pst1 go.compl 6.ID where
‘The people’s names have gone, where are they? [strangers come once,
but do not return again]’

13
This category might be similar to what has been called a “iamitive” by Olsson (2013) for South-
east Asian languages. Dahl & Wälchli (2016) suggest that the iamitive category differs from the
prefect in that it allows combination with statives, which is also the case in Gyeli. They note
that iamitive forms are often grammaticalized from expressions for ‘already’. This is different
in Gyeli, where the grammaticalization path more likely involves a verbal source (‘finish’).
14
Unlike other aspectual categories, such as the past progressive form nzí or the perfect form
bwàà, which allow both past tense-mood categories, the use of pst2 is prohibited for the
absolute completive.

396
 6.2 Simple verbal predicates

(70) bon mpɔ̀ ngɔ̀ sílɛ̃́ɛ̃̀

bon mpɔ̀ ngɔ̀ sílɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃
OK[French] ∅7.generation finish.compl
‘OK, the generation has been wiped out.’

(71) wɛ̀ dyúwɔ́ mɔ̀

wɛ dyúwɔ-H mɔ̀
2sg.pst1 hear-r compl
‘Have you understood?’

Although stative verbs rarely take this aspect marker, it is still possible, as (72)
shows.15

(72) wɛ̀ lèmbṍõ̀ sâ bányá màmbò nâ ká

wɛ lèmbṍõ̀ sâ H-ba-nyá m-àmbò nâ ká
2sg.pst1 know.compl do obj.link-ba2-important ma6-thing comp if
mɛ́ lúmɔ́ wɛ̂ nláà nâ
mɛ-H lúmɔ-H wɛ̂ nláà nâ
1sg-prs send-r 2sg.obj ∅3.message comp
‘You know to do the right thing so that, if I send you the message [ask
you for help] that. . .’

All of these examples have in common that the aspect marker conveys a mean-
ing of completeness. They are usually translated into French as déjà ‘already’ by
speakers. In (69), the people have completely left, in (70), the generation has com-
pletely been wiped out, and in (71), the process of understanding has to be com-
plete in order to count as understanding. (73) shows how the absolute comple-
tive compares to other aspect categories that relate to notions of completeness
or perfectiveness, such as the perfect bwàà (§6.3.1.4) and the semi-auxiliary sílɛ
‘finish’, which has a non-complete accomplishment reading (§6.3.2).

(73) a. mɛ̀ lá mɔ̀ kálàdɛ̀ yíndɛ̀

mɛ lâ-H mɔ̀ kálàdɛ̀ yí-ndɛ̀
1sg.pst1 read-r compl ∅7.book 7-ana
‘I have read this book [entirely, all of it].’

15
Another explanation for this particular occurrence of mɔ̀ with lèmbɔ ‘know’ could be that this
verb rather has an eventive character, along the lines of ‘coming to understand’. The restricted
corpus, however, does not clarify this.

397
6 The verbal complex

b. mɛ̀ sílɛ́ lâ kálàdɛ̀ yíndɛ̀

mɛ sílɛ-H lâ kálàdɛ̀ yí-ndɛ̀
1sg.pst1 finish-r read ∅7.book 7-ana
‘I’m done reading this book. [but not necessarily the whole book]’
c. mɛ̀ bwàá lâ kálàdɛ̀ yí-ndɛ̀
mɛ bwàà-H lâ kálàdɛ̀ yí-ndɛ̀
1sg have-r read ∅7.book 7-ana
‘I have read this book [more general/experiential].’
The example compares different aspect meanings in the situation of reading a
book. If mɔ̀ is used, the interpretation is that the book has been read entirely.
Therefore, I call this aspect category absolute completive. In comparison, the
semi-auxiliary sílɛ ‘finish’, also carries a completive meaning in that the person
has finished reading the book. The use of sílɛ, however, does not entail that the
book has been read in its entirety, just that the subject has stopped reading (parts
of) it. Therefore, I label this aspect non-complete accomplishment. The per-
fect use in (73c) suggests a more general and maybe experiential reading. In
this way, the perfect has some semantic overlap with the absolute comple-
tive, since experiential meaning is also expressed by mɔ̀ , as shown in (74).
(74) wɛ̀ làdɔ́ mɔ̀ nà káliyâ
wɛ làdtɔ-H mɔ̀ nà káliyâ
2sg.pst1 meet-r compl com ∅1.sister:1sg.poss
‘Have you (already, ever) met my sister?’
Finally, the absolute completive is used in more figurative and idiomatic
ways. In (75), for instance, Nzambi’s wife states that she is starving, using the
absolute completive for wɛ̀ ‘die’, even though, obviously, she is still alive.
(75) nyɛ̀ náà mùdì wã́ã̀ mɛ̀ wɛ̃́ɛ̃̀ nà nzà
nyɛ náà m-ùdì w-ã́ã̀ mɛ wɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ nà nzà
1 comp n1-person 1-poss.1sg 1sg die.compl com ∅9.hunger
‘She [said]: “My person, I’m dead hungry”.’
In the same way, speakers use the absolute completive in situations of an-
nouncing their departure, as in (76), although, literally, they have not left yet.
(76) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kí nâ bon mɛ̀ nìyɛ́ mɔ̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kì-H nâ bon mɛ nìyɛ-H mɔ̀
so ∅1.pn say-r comp good[French] 1sg.pst1 return-H compl
‘So Nzambi says: “Good, I am returning home”.’

398
 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

I consider the absolute completive to indicate the realis mood, since the
finite verb always surfaces with a final H tone, which is characteristic of this
mood category (§6.2.1 and §6.2.2). In comparison to other simple predicate con-
structions, the verb in the absolute completive never appears phrase finally,
since the absolute completive marker mɔ̀ behaves as a post-verbal element. In
(77a), the grammatical H tone thus appears on the final vowel of gyámbɔ ‘cook’.

(77) a. mɛ̀ gyámbɔ́ mɔ̀ bédéwɔ̀

mɛ gyámbɔ-H mɔ̀ H-be-déwɔ̀
1sg cook-r compl obj.link-be8-food
‘I have cooked the food.’
b. mɛ̀ gyámbɔ̃́ɔ̃̀ bédéwɔ̀
mɛ gyámbɔ̃́ɔ̀̃ H-be-déwɔ̀
1sg cook:R:PRF obj.link-be8-food
‘I have cooked the food.’

The more grammaticalized variant in (77b) also carries the H tone. Here, the verb
and the completive marker mɔ̀ have fused, resulting in a long final vowel that
is nasalized and that reflects the tonal pattern of the mɔ̀ variant: first the gram-
matical H tone and then the L tone of the postverbal aspect marker, surfacing as
a long HL vowel.

6.3 Complex verbal predicates

According to Butt (2010: 50), “the term complex predicate refers to any construc-
tion in which two or more predicational elements each contribute to a joint pred-
ication”. In Gyeli, there are two types of complex predicates. I refer to the first
type as complex predicates with a single stamp marker, which include the stamp
marker, a finite auxiliary verb, and at least one non-finite lexical verb, as the
template in (78a) shows. Maximally, two non-finite verbs can occur in a complex
predicate, as discussed in §6.3.3. The adverb and pronominal object that appear
in square brackets in the template are not part of the verbal predicate, but they
can occur between the finite and the main verb. I consider the second type to
be a complex predicate construction with a double stamp marker, which has a
template as in (78b).

(78) Complex predicate types

a. Complex predicates with a single stamp
stamp – Auxiliary verb – [Adverb/pronominal object] – Verb – (Verb)

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6 The verbal complex

b. Complex predicates with a double stamp

stampi – (Auxiliary) – bɛ̀ ‘be’ – stampi – Auxiliary/Verbfinite – (Verb)
Single stamp predicates can further be subdivided into those that take only
one non-finite verb and those that take two. (79) gives an example of a minimal
single stamp predicate with the verbal predicate in brackets.
(79) mɛ̀ gà [mɛ́ lígɛ́ dè] mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀
mɛ-gà mɛ-H lígɛ-H dè m-wánɔ̀ w-ɔ́ɔ̀
1-contr 1sg-prs stay-r eat ma1-child 1-poss.2sg
‘As of me, I stay and eat your child.’
An example of a single stamp predicate with the maximal number of non-finite
verbs is provided in (80).
(80) áh gyí [wɛ́ lɔ́ njì gyɛ́sɔ̀ ]
áh gyí wɛ-H lɔ́ njì gyɛ́sɔ
excl what 2sg-prs retro come look.for
‘Ah, what have you just come to look for?’
Elements that are external to the single stamp predicate, but which occur be-
tween the finite and the non-finite verb, such as adverbs, sentential modifiers,
and object pronouns, always directly follow the finite verb form, as in (81).
(81) [wɛ́ yànɛ́ ná gyàgà] ndísì
wɛ-H yànɛ-H ná gyàga ndísì
2sg-prs must-H again buy ∅3.rice
‘You must again buy rice.’
If a sentential modifier is used in a three-verb single stamp predicate, as in
the combination of modal and aspectual auxiliaries in (82), the modifier will still
appear after the first, inflected auxiliary. It has not been observed to appear after
the second auxiliary.
(82) bí bɔ́gà [yá wúmbɛ́ ndáà pã̂ nyɛ̂ ] sâ bá
bí bɔ́-gà ya-H wúmbɛ-H ndáà pã ̂ nyɛ̂ sâ ba-H
1pl.sbj 2-other 1pl-prs want-r also prior see ∅7.thing 2-prs
gyíbɔ́ ngyùlɛ̀ wá kùrã̂
gyíbɔ-H ngyùlɛ̀ wá kùrã̂
call-r ∅3.light 3:att ∅7.electricity
‘We others, we also want to first see the thing they call the light of
electricity.’

400
 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

The same is true for fronted object pronouns (§7.3.3): the object pronoun will
always appear after the first auxiliary, as in (83), which contains a two-verb con-
struction, and in (84), which contains a three-verb construction.

(83) bùdì [bà sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ mɛ̂ wɛ̀ ] ndáwɔ̀ tù vâ

b-ùdì ba sílɛ̃ɛ̃ ́ ̀ mɛ̂ wɛ̀ ndáwɔ̀ tù vâ
ba2-person 2.pst1 finish.compl 1sg.obj die ∅9.house inside here
‘The people have all died here inside the house.’

(84) [báà sílɛ̀ bî kúmbà lwɔ̃̂ ] mándáwɔ̀

báà sílɛ bî kúmba lwɔ̂̃ H-ma-ndáwɔ̀
2.fut finish 1pl.obj arrange build obj.link-ma6-house
‘They will arrange for us to build houses.’

These examples show that complex predicates in Gyeli are auxiliary-headed.

Anderson (2011b: 9) explains that, in auxiliary-headed languages, the auxiliary
verb serves as the head, while the lexical verb is its dependent, appearing in its
non-finite form. This is illustrated in, for instance, (79), where the auxiliary lígɛ́
‘stay’ carries the realis-marking H tone, while dè ‘eat’ appears in its non-finite
form. The auxiliary occupies “the position in the verb phrase that the lexical verb
would occupy if it appeared alone in an inflected form” (Anderson 2011b: 10). In
Gyeli, this position is directly following the stamp marker and preceding the
lexical verb. This pattern matches Dryer’s (2007c) observation that the auxiliary
(generally) precedes the main verb in VO languages.
Double stamp predicates involve two stamp markers that share a referent.
Each of the stamp markers is followed by a finite verb form. The first verb form al-
ways includes a form of the auxiliary bɛ̀ ‘be’, either finite as in (85a) or non-finite
as in (85b), while the second involves another simple predicate or complex single
stamp predicate. The square brackets indicate the double stamp construction.

(85) a. [mɛ́ɛ̀ bɛ́ mɛ́ gyámbɔ̀ gyàmbɔ̀ ]

mɛ́ɛ̀ bɛ̀ -H mɛ-H gyámbɔ-gyambɔ
1sg.pst2 be 1sg-prs cook-cook
‘I used to cook (a long time ago).’
b. [mɛ̀ nzí bɛ́ mɛ̀ nzí gyámbɔ̀ gyàmbɔ̀ ] à nzí
mɛ nzí bɛ̀ -H mɛ nzí gyámbɔ-gyambɔ a nzí
1sg prog.pst be-r 1sg prog.pst1 prepare-prepare 1 prog.pst

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6 The verbal complex

gyímbɔ̀
gyímbɔ
dance
‘While I was preparing [food], he was dancing.’

Double stamp predicates can be thought of as a combination of a single predi-

cate (or complex predicate with single stamp marker) with another single predi-
cate (or complex predicate with single stamp marker). The two finite verbs usu-
ally differ in their tense-mood encoding, thereby shifting the viewpoint in tem-
poral reference as well as enabling combinations of tense, mood, aspect, and
negation that are excluded in single stamp constructions.
In the remainder of this chapter, I first discuss single stamp predicates. As out-
lined in §3.2.2.3, auxiliaries in Gyeli differ in their degree of grammaticalization.
True auxiliaries are highly grammaticalized and have no synchronic lexical mean-
ing. They are discussed in detail in §6.3.1. In contrast, semi-auxiliaries do have a
lexical meaning, as well as a different distribution from that of true auxiliaries, as
described in §6.3.2. §6.3.3 presents different levels of complexity in single stamp
predicates, namely those that are morphologically and syntactically complex and
those that involve two non-finite verbs. §6.3.4 describes double stamp predicates.

6.3.1 Single stamp predicates with true auxiliaries

Complex predicates with a single stamp construction that use true auxiliaries
(§3.2.2.3) involve grammaticalized auxiliaries that, unlike semi-auxiliaries, are
restricted to certain tense-mood categories. This predicate type differs internally
with respect to the degree of grammaticalization: highly grammaticalized true
auxiliaries have synchronically no lexical meaning, whereas less grammatical-
ized true auxiliaries also maintain a lexical meaning. This distinction is indicated
by an English gloss for the ones with a lexical meaning and a lack thereof for the
ones without lexical meaning. Table 6.8 lists all true auxiliaries that are used in
complex predicates with single stamp constructions. Functionally, these auxil-
iaries encompass those that encode aspect and those that encode negation.
Table 6.8 further indicates the auxiliaries’ restriction to certain tense-mood
categories or special constructions (e.g. subordinate clauses, infinitives). While
most true auxiliaries occur within a tense-mood category that is identical to those
discussed under simple predicates (§6.2.1), there are a four auxiliaries that take a
special pattern.
Special pattern 1 includes the present progressive with nzíí, the subordi-
nate progressive with nzɛ́ɛ́, and the present tense use with tí. This pattern is

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 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

Table 6.8: stamp markers for different aspect markers

stamp example True auxiliary Restrictions Function

yà nzíí special pattern 1 prog.pres
yà nzɛ́ɛ́ special pattern 1 prog.sub
yà, yáà nzí pst1, pst2 prog
Aspect
yá lɔ́ prs retro
mɛ̀ , yá múà ‘be’ special pattern 2 prosp
yà, yáà bwàá ‘have’ pst1, pst2 prf
yà/yáà sàlɛ́/pálɛ́ pst1, pst2 neg
yáà/mɛ̀ ɛ̀ kálɛ̀ fut neg
Negation
yá/∅/ tí imp, inf, neg
yà tí special pattern 1 neg
yá dúù ‘must not’ prs, sbjv neg

characterized by a stamp marker that surfaces with an L tone and a verb with
an H tone. On the surface, this looks identical to the recent past pattern of
simple predicates. Since the auxiliary, however, can never occur phrase finally,
as it always requires a non-finite verb, it is not clear what underlying tone pat-
tern the auxiliary verb has and thus whether it is indeed identical to the recent
past. Given that this (on-the-surface) identical tone pattern occurs in different
predicate construction types and has different functions, while the underlying
tone pattern of the verb is not discernible, I consider the special pattern 1 as dis-
tinct from the recent past. All categories that take the special pattern 1 occur in
present tense (nzíí and tí) or tenseless (nzɛ́ɛ́) contexts. I suggest that, with these
highly grammaticalized auxiliaries, the stamp marker is deprived of the H tone
that surfaces on the stamp markers in simple predicate present. Tense informa-
tion in these complex constructions is thus encoded lexically in the auxiliary, as
in (86).
(86) mɛ̀ nzíí gyámbɔ̀ bédéwɔ̀
mɛ nzíí gyámbɔ H-be-déwɔ̀
1sg prog.prs.r cook obj.link-be8-food
‘I am cooking food.’
To mark the difference between the recent past L tone of the stamp marker,
as in (87), and the absence of the H tone for special pattern 1 in complex pred-
icates, I only gloss the stamp marker in the latter for person. In contrast, the

403
6 The verbal complex

recent past stamp marker is additionally glossed for the tense information it
encodes.
(87) mɛ̀ gyámbɔ́ bédéwɔ̀
mɛ gyámbɔ-H H-be-déwɔ̀
1sg.pst1 cook-r obj.link-be8-food
‘I cooked food.’
Special pattern 2 is only found with the prospective aspect múà. Here, the
tonal pattern of the stamp marker is comparable to that of the future, where
some person categories have an exceptional tonal pattern. The first and second
person singular as well as the agreement class 1 stamp marker are different from
the other agreement classes. The actual shape, however, differs between pro-
spective and future stamp markers. The prospective stamp markers have all
short vowels with an L tone for the exceptional (1sg, 2sg, and 1) person categories
and H tones for the others. In contrast, the future stamp markers have a long
vowel, which has an L tone in the exceptional cases (1sg, 2sg, and 1) and an HL
tone in the others.
Each aspect and negation category also cross-cuts with a mood category. Al-
though there is no way to prove that a realis-marking H tone attaches to the
auxiliary verb, since the auxiliary never occurs phrase finally and therefore its
underlying tone pattern cannot be known, I classify the auxiliaries with a final
H tone as realis mood and those with a final L tone as irrealis mood. This anal-
ysis is based on an assumed parallel behavior between semi-auxiliaries (§6.3.2)
and highly grammaticalized true auxiliaries, which are thought of as mirroring
the mood category of their simple predicate counterparts. As Table 6.9 shows,
this is true for dúù ‘must not’, which belongs to the realis category when it oc-
curs in the present, but to the irrealis category when it occurs in a subjunctive
construction.
While most auxiliaries belong to the realis mood, there are a few irrealis aux-
iliaries characterized by their final L tone: prospective múà, future negative
kálɛ̀ , and subjunctive dúù. Almost all auxiliaries match their simple predicate
counterparts in their mood category.16 The only exception is tí, which is the
negation form of the imperative, infinitive constructions, and certain cases of
the present. While tí clusters with the realis mood, both the imperative and the
present negation with -lɛ (§6.2.3.1) belong to the irrealis category. In the remain-
der of this section, I present each true auxiliary and the grammatical category it
encodes.
16
I consider múà ‘be almost’ is considered to belong to the future category based on its formal
and semantic proximity.

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 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

Table 6.9: Mood categories of aspect markers

Mood True auxiliary TM restriction Function

realis nzíí special pattern 1 prog.pres
nzí pst1, pst2 prog.pst
nzɛ́ɛ́ special pattern 1 prog.sub
lɔ́ prs retro
bwàá ‘have’ pst prf
sàlɛ́/pálɛ́ ‘have’ pst1, pst2 neg.pst
dúù ‘must not’ prs neg
tí special pattern 1 imp, inf, pres
irrealis múà ‘be almost’ special pattern 2 prosp
kálɛ̀ fut neg.fut
dúù ‘have’ sbjv neg

6.3.1.1 Progressive aspect nzíí, nzí, and nzɛ́ɛ́

The progressive aspect category has three suppletive forms for different tense
related categories: nzíí for present, nzí for the general past, i.e. both recent and
remote, and nzɛ́ɛ́ as a tenseless dependent form.17 The progressive forms for the
present and both past tenses are used in main clauses, as shown in (88) with a
temporal adverb in each example, and in most subordinate clauses, as in (92) and
(93).

(88) a. mɛ̀ nzíí gyámbɔ̀ tɛ́ɛ̀

mɛ nzíí gyámbɔ tɛ́ɛ̀
1sg prog.prs.r cook now
‘I’m cooking now.’
b. mɛ̀ nzí gyámbɔ̀ nàkùgúù
mɛ nzí gyámbɔ nàkùgúù
1sg.pst1 prog.pst.r cook yesterday
‘I was cooking yesterday.’

17
The stamp markers of nzíí and nzɛ́ɛ́ take a special tone pattern that does not match the tense-
mood categories of simple predicates, as outlined in §6.3.1.

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6 The verbal complex

c. mɛ́ɛ̀ nzí gyámbɔ̀ mbvũ̂ lã̀

mɛ́ɛ̀ nzí gyámbɔ mbvũ̂ lã̀
1sg.pst2 prog.pst.r cook ∅3.year pass
‘I was cooking last year.’

In contrast, the tenseless progressive auxiliary nzɛ́ɛ́ is a dependent form that

occurs in three environments: (i) in the second constituent of a complex predi-
cate construction with a double stamp marker (§6.3.4), (ii) in a subordinate clause
where nzɛ́ɛ́ is the only marker of subordination (§8.2.3.5), and (iii) in a comple-
ment clauses with nâ (§8.2.2.1). (89) provides an instance of a complex predicate
with a double stamp marker, where the referent of the stamp marker is identical
for both constituents. As nzɛ́ɛ́ is generally not specified for tense, tense-mood
information is encoded in the first constituent, which involves bɛ̀ ‘be’. Although
the first constituent anchors the event in the future, which belongs to the ir-
realis mood, nzɛ́ɛ́ always occurs with a realis-marking H tone, irrespective of
the tense-mood category of the first constituent in a complex predicate (or the
matrix clause).

(89) [mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ [mɛ̀ nzɛ́ɛ́ kɛ̀ ]]

mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ mɛ nzɛ́ɛ́ kɛ̀
1sg.fut be 1sg prog.sub.r go
‘I will be going.’

In contrast to (89), the structure in (90) is not a complex predicate, but a case
of “linkless” subordination. Although, on the surface, both examples look similar,
(90) is not an instance of joint predication, since the two stamp markers refer to
different entities: the second person singular in the first constituent and the first
person singular in the second constituent. Another difference from (89) is that
the finite verb in the first constituent is not the auxiliary bɛ̀ ‘be’. Nevertheless, the
tenseless progressive auxiliary nzɛ́ɛ́ is used in this context, since both predicates
share the same tense specification, anchoring the second constituent temporally
at the time of the first.

(90) ká wɛ́ pámó màwùlà lɔ̀ mbì [wɛ́ kfùmàlà [mɛ̀

ká wɛ-H pámo-H ma-wùlà lɔ̀ mbì wɛ-H kfùmàlà mɛ
if 2sg-prs arrive-r ma6-hour eight 2sg-prs find 1sg.sbj
nzɛ́ɛ́ gyámbɔ̀ ]]
nzɛ́ɛ́ gyámbɔ
prog.sub.r cook
‘If you arrive at eight o’clock, you will find me cooking.’

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 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

nzɛ́ɛ́ also occurs in complement clauses with nâ, as in (91), in places where the
subjunctive would be used instead if the construction were a simple predicate.

(91) mɛ́ sìsɔ́ nâ wɛ̀ nzɛ́ɛ́ gyìmbɔ̀

mɛ-H sìsɔ-H nâ wɛ nzɛ́ɛ́ gyìmbɔ
1sg-prs be.happy-r comp 2sg prog.sub.r dance
‘I’m happy that you are dancing.’

nzɛ́ɛ́ does not, however, occur in every type of subordinate clause. In relative
clauses (§8.2.1), for instance, a tensed form of the progressive auxiliary is used
instead, as in (92).

(92) bá dyúwɔ́ lɛ́kɛ́lɛ̀ [lé wɛ̀ nzíí làwɔ̀ ]rel

ba-H dyúwɔ-H H-lɛ-kɛ́lɛ̀ lé wɛ nzíí làwɔ
2-prs understand obj.link-le5-language 5:att 2sg prog.prs.r speak
‘They understand the language that you are speaking.’

The same is true for conditional clauses (§8.2.3.2), as in (93). The reason for this
is most likely that these types of dependent clauses do not necessarily anchor
the time of the subordinate clause at the same time of the matrix clause, even
though these times can be identical, as in (93). Therefore, the tenseless auxiliary
nzɛ́ɛ́ is prohibited.

(93) [ká kɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃ ś ɔ́ yì nzíí wɛ̂ dyɔ̀ dɛ̀ ]cond wɛ́ yánɛ́ kílɔ̀ wɔ̀
́ ́
ká kɛ̃ɛ̃sɔ́ yi nzíí wɛ̂ dyɔ̀ dɛ wɛ-H yánɛ kílɔwɔ.
if ∅7.peer 7 prog.prs 2sg.obj deceive 2sg-prs must be.vigilant
‘If somebody is deceiving you, you must be vigilant.’

The progressive emphasizes that an event is ongoing, as shown in (94b). In

contrast, the unmarked tense-mood form in (94a) does not give any information
about the internal constituency of the event.

(94) a. mɛ́ dè
mɛ-H dè
1sg-prs eat
‘I eat.’
b. mɛ̀ nzíí dè
mɛ nzíí dè
1sg prog.prs.r eat
‘I’m eating.’

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6 The verbal complex

The progressive in Gyeli is commonly found in questions, as in (95). While

the unmarked, bare tense-mood form is also grammatically correct in questions,
the progressive form is definitely preferred and much more frequent.18

(95) nzá nzíí mɛ̂ nyɛ̂

nzá nzíí mɛ̂ nyɛ̂
who prog.prs 1sg.obj see
‘Who is seeing me?’

Gyeli progressive aspect does not seem to be restricted to any particular verb
classes. Whereas English, for instance, disprefers progressives with verbs ex-
pressing states, in Gyeli all kinds of verbs can occur with the progressive. This
is illustrated in (96) for a stative verb and in (97) for a (desiderative) modal verb.

(96) kó mbúmbù nyɛ̀ nzí lèmbò dyùù bɔ̂ fàmíì bá

kó mbúmbù nyɛ nzí lèmbo dyùù b-ɔ̂ fàmíì bá
excl ∅1.namesake 1.pst1 prog know kill 2-obj ∅1.family 2:att
bùdì ná
b-ùdì ná
ba2-person how
‘Oh namesake, how did you know how to kill them, the family of people?’

(97) mɛ̀ nzí wúmbɛ̀ nâ bwánɔ̀ bã̂ bá bwámóò ɛ́

mɛ nzí wúmbɛ nâ b-wánɔ̀ b-ã̂ ba-H bwámóò ɛ́
1sg.pst1 prog want comp ba2-child 2-poss.1sg 2-prs become.sbjv loc
mpù mìntángánɛ́ békúdɛ́ bé mpâ
mpù mi-ntángánɛ́ H-be-kúdɛ́ bé mpâ
like.this mi4-white.person obj.link-be8-skin 8:att good
‘I wanted my children to get good skin like white people.’

In addition to describing a situation as ongoing and unbounded, the progres-

sive is also used for backgrounding information, as shown in (98), which presents
three chronological utterances by a speaker talking about his mother. The phrase
in (98a) includes the main information, namely that the speaker’s mother is in
another village (and not in Ngolo). He then explains as backgrounding informa-
tion in (98b) that she went there for his brother’s funeral. In (98c), this is supple-
mented with further background information, namely that the brother had died
there.
18
For more information on questions, see §7.4.1.

408
 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

(98) a. nyã́ã̀ wã̂ núú Ntàbɛ̀ tɛ́ndá pɛ̀

nyã́ã̀ w-ã̂ núú Ntàbɛ̀ tɛ́ndá pɛ̀
∅1.mother 1-poss.1sg 1.dem.dist ∅7.pn there
‘My mother is over there in Ntabetenda [name of village].’
b. à nzí kɛ̀ lètsíndɔ́ lé ntùmbà
a nzí kɛ̀ le-tsíndɔ́ lé n-tùmbà
1 prog.pst1 go le5-funeral.ceremony 5:att n1-older.brother
wã̂
w-ã̂
1-poss.1sg
‘She was going to my older brother’s funeral ceremony.’
c. nɔ́gá à nzí wɛ̀ wû
nɔ́-gá a nzí wɛ̀ wû
1-contr 1 prog.pst1 die there
‘As for him, he died over there.’
The phrase in (98c) is a particularly good illustration of the fact that, in these
instances, the progressive form is most likely not concerned with an ongoing
event, since the verb wɛ̀ ‘die’ is typically punctual rather than ongoing.

6.3.1.2 Retrospective aspect lɔ́

The retrospective auxiliary is the counterpart to the prospective (§6.3.1.3) on
the time line, looking back at the endpoint of an event that has just taken place. It
is likely a loan construction from French venir de faire quelque chose ‘just having
done something [lit. come from doing something]’, while the lexeme lɔ́ is a loan-
word from Basaa (A42), with the meaning ‘come’ in Basaa. Although speakers
are aware of the Basaa meaning, lɔ́ does not have any lexical meaning in Gyeli
nor does it occur outside of the retrospective context. I therefore gloss lɔ́ only
with its grammatical category instead of a lexical meaning. The retrospective
auxiliary has only been observed to occur with eventive verbs and animate sub-
jects in the corpus. It is restricted to the present (unlike French, where it can
also be used in other tenses). Accordingly, stamp markers carry the present H
tone, as shown in (99), while the verb lɔ́ always occurs with a realis-marking H
tone.19 Unlike in the prospective, all stamp markers carry the same tone in this
aspect category, as (99a) and (99b) show.
19
Since lɔ́ never occurs phrase finally in Gyeli, there is no proof of any underlying tone. I there-
fore gloss lɔ́ with an H tone also in the underlying form, which inherently carries the realis-
marking grammatical H tone.

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6 The verbal complex

(99) a. á lɔ́ dè
a-H lɔ́ dè
1-prs retro.r eat
‘He has just eaten [Il vient de manger].’
b. bá lɔ́ dè
ba-H lɔ́ dè
2-prs retro.r eat
‘They have just eaten.’

The distance between speech time and the time of the event is typically short.
In (100), for instance, the speech time follows the event of ‘coming to look for’
immediately, while the event has ongoing affects during speech time. The ad-
dressee of the question is still present and is still looking for something.

(100) áh gyí wɛ́ lɔ́ njì gyɛ́sɔ̀

áh gyí wɛ-H lɔ́ njì gyɛ́sɔ
excl what 2sg-prs retro.r come look.for
‘Ah, what have you just come to look for?’

Likewise, in (101), the event that is retrospectively looked at precedes the ut-
terance time by about a few seconds.

(101) yá lɔ́ fwálà nà mɛ́ lɔ́ láwɔ̀

ya-H lɔ́ fwála nà mɛ-H lɔ́ láwɔ
1pl-prs retro.r end com 1sg-prs retro.r speak
‘We have just finished and I have just spoken.’

There are, however, also instances in the corpus where more time has elapsed
between the situation and the utterance. In (102), Nzambi’s wife comes home after
having lost her child and now explains the situation to her husband, namely that
the husband’s friend has taken the child in return for food. She reports that the
friend had said that they don’t work hard enough to earn their food. Between
the situation where the friend said this (the retrospect situation) and the time
of utterance, the wife has left the friend’s home, walked all the way back to her
own home, had cried, and had gotten picked up by her husband. Thus, in this
case, situation and speech time are not at all proximate.

410
 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

(102) yɔ́ɔ̀ á lɔ́ kì náà ɛ́ mpù wɛ̀ ɛ́ gyángyálɛ́

yɔ́ɔ̀ a-H lɔ́ kì náà ɛ́ mpù wɛ̀ ɛ́ gyángya-lɛ́
so 1-prs retro say comp loc like.this 2sg.prs.neg work-neg
bédéwɔ̀
H-be-déwɔ̀
obj.link-be8-food
‘So he just said: “Like this, you don’t work for your food”.’
The retrospective aspect is often viewed as perfect in the literature, and the
example in (102) could be taken as such. As Comrie (1976: 64) states, the perfect
is retrospective in that it establishes “a relation between a state at one time and a
situation at an earlier time”. As shown in this section, the Gyeli retrospective
is different from Comrie’s retrospectivity of the perfect. The Gyeli perfect has
a distinct form, as I show in §6.3.1.4.

6.3.1.3 Prospective aspect múà

The prospective marker múà ‘be almost’ is the only aspect category that be-
longs to the irrealis mood, in Gyeli which is characterized by the absence of a
realis-marking grammatical H tone on the auxiliary verb, as shown in (103). It is
similar to the future irrealis category also in that the stamp markers of the first
and second person singular as well as the class 1 stamp marker show a different
tonal pattern from the other agreement classes, as contrasted between (103a) and
103b.20
(103) a. à múà dè
a múà dè
1 be.almost eat
‘S/he is about to eat.’
b. bá múà dè
ba-H múà dè
2-prs be.almost eat
‘They are about to eat.’
Since the prospective marker múà has a lexical meaning, ‘be almost’, I gloss
múà with its meaning rather than the grammatical category that it encodes. This
is consistent with cases where múà ‘be almost’ occurs in a simple predicate with-
out another finite verb, as in (104).
20
See §6.3.1 for more information on tonal patterns of the stamp marker in complex predicates
with true auxiliaries.

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6 The verbal complex

(104) mɛ̀ múà tísɔ̀ nì

mɛ múà tísɔ̀ nì
1sg be.almost ∅7.town
‘I’m almost in town.’

Due to its inflectional restrictions (§6.3.1), however, I view múà as marking a

grammatical category instead of being a non-grammaticalized semi-auxiliary
(§6.3.2).
Comrie (1976: 64) describes the prospective as an aspect “where a state is re-
lated to some subsequent situation, for instance where someone is in the state
of being about to do something”. Speakers usually translate the use of this as-
pect marker in (103a) into Cameroonian French as Je veux/vais déjà manger ‘I
want/will already eat’. In a detailed description of the situation in (103a), speak-
ers explain that a person would already be sitting at a table with a plate of food,
being in the state of just being about to start eating.
The French modals used in translation also reflect the future orientation of the
Gyeli prospective, similarly to what Matthewson (2012) describes for Gitksan
(Tsimshianic; British Columbia, Canada) modals. This future orientation explains
the affiliation to the irrealis mood. Even though in terms of alternative realities,
it is highly probable that the person in (103a) will indeed engage in the described
event, this is probably not the case for (105).

(105) mɛ̀ múà wɛ̀ nà nzà

mɛ múà wɛ̀ nà nzà
1sg be.almost die com ∅9.hunger
‘I’m about to die from hunger.’

This example shows that the prospected event is not inevitable and at the point
of utterance, it is not certain that it will really happen. The same is true for (106),
where the beating is probable, but not certain.

(106) nyɛ̀ náà à múà wɛ̂ bíyɔ̀ dẽ́

nyɛ nâ a múà wɛ̂ bíyɔ dẽ́
1 comp 1 be.almost 2sg.obj hit today
‘He [says] that he is about to beat you today.’

The prospective does not seem to be restricted to any particular verb classes:
it can occur with both eventive and stative verbs. Further, its subjects can be both
animate and inanimate. The latter is exemplified in (107), where the speaker is
talking about the port that is about to also affect the village of Ngolo.

412
 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

(107) à múà njì lã̀ báà bù mpàgó

a múà njì lã̀ báà bù mpàgó
1 be.almost come pass 2.fut break ∅3.road
‘It [the port] is about to come and pass [by here], they will build the
road.’

6.3.1.4 Perfect aspect bwàà ‘have’

The perfect in Gyeli is expressed by the auxiliary verb bwàà ‘have’. This aspect
category is restricted to the past tense-mood categories and can occur in both
recent and remote past, as shown in (108).

(108) a. mɛ̀ bwàá dè

mɛ bwàà-H dè
1sg.pst1 have-r eat
‘I have eaten (recently).’
b. mɛ́ɛ̀ bwàá dè
mɛ́ɛ̀ bwàà-H dè
1sg.pst2 have-r eat
‘I have eaten (long ago).’

Just like the prospective verb múà, bwàà can occur in simple predicates with-
out another non-finite verb, namely when expressing identity relations, as in
(109).

(109) yɔ́ɔ̀ bàNzàmbí bá tè bà bwàá sɔ́

yɔ́ɔ̀ ba-Nzàmbí bá tè ba bwàà-H sɔ́
so ba2-pn 2:att there 2.pst1 have-r ∅1.friend
‘So, the Nzambis there had been friends.’

The perfect auxiliary verb bwàà is rather rare, both in the corpus and in the
data gathered based on Dahl’s (1985) TMA Questionnaire. It is thus challenging
to delimit a core meaning for this category. At the same time, the perfect seems
to be similar to other aspects, such as the retrospective and absolute com-
pletive, in the sense that the situation has been completed by speech time. In
comparison to the retrospective, however, the emphasis of the perfect is on a
relatively long period of time between the situation and speech time. The Gyeli
perfect is usually translated into Cameroonian French with a perfect construc-
tion and the adverb depuis ‘since’, which gives the meaning of ‘a long time ago’.

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6 The verbal complex

Thus, the phrase in (110) is consistently translated as Il est depuis allé rester comme
ça ‘He has since gone and stayed like that’.21

(110) à bwàá yɛ́ɛ́ kɛ́ jì mpù

a bwàà-H yɛ́ɛ́ kɛ̀ -H jì mpù
1 have-r then go-r stay like.this
‘He [the other Nzambi] has gone and stood like this.’

Also data from the “EUROTYP Perfect Questionnaire” (Dahl 2000) support
the claim that bwàà is used when the situation is temporally distant from speech
time. (111) shows two possible responses to the command ‘Don’t speak so loud,
you will wake up the baby’, in which, in both cases, the person replies that the
baby is already awake. For (111a), in which bwàà is used, speakers explain that
the baby has already woken up a while ago. In contrast, the use of the absolute
completive in (111b) hints at the fact that he has only woken up recently.

(111) a. à bwàá vòwà

a bwàà-H vòwa
1.pst1 have-r wake
‘He has woken up already (a while ago).’
b. à vòwá mɔ̀
a vòwa-H mɔ̀
1.pst1 wake-r compl
‘He has woken up already (recently).’

Given that the perfect can occur in both past 1 and past 2 tense-mood cat-
egories, i.e. temporal distance between situation and speech time can be manip-
ulated, a relatively long temporal distance cannot be the only information that
the perfect encodes. Also, there are examples such as (112), where speech time
and the situation are more proximate.

(112) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kí náà mɛ̀ bwàá wɛ̂ tsíyɛ̀ lèkɛ́lɛ̀ dẽ́
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kì-H náà mɛ bwàà-H wɛ̂ tsíyɛ le-kɛ́lɛ̀ dẽ́
so ∅1.pn say-r comp 1sg.pst1 have-r 2sg.obj cut le5-speech today

21
Despite this translation and a possible implication of anteriority, I do not label bwàà as past
perfect, since this would require an anteriority relation to another thematically connected
event in the past (Lee 2017). This other event in the past, however, is not given either in (110)
or in (111a).

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 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

nâ mɛ́ lígɛ́ dè mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀

nâ mɛ-H lígɛ-H dè m-wánɔ̀ w-ɔ́ɔ̀
comp 1sg-prs stay-r eat n1-child 1-poss.2sg
‘So Nzambi says, “I have cut your word today [I’m not listening to you];
I stay and eat your child”.’

In fact, it seems that the narrator could have instead chosen to use the retro-
spective form here, or the absolute completive (§6.2.3.3). The reason for this
preference of bwàà over other aspect forms in this context is not clear.

6.3.1.5 Negation with sàlɛ́/pálɛ́ in the past

As outlined in §6.1, negation in Gyeli involves different negation markers and
strategies across different tense-mood categories. For both the recent past and
the remote past categories, the negation auxiliary verbs sàlɛ́ and pálɛ́ are used.
These forms seem to be freely interchangeable. Speakers state that they can both
be used in the same context, and, due to a low frequency of both forms in the
corpus, no difference in usage can be seen. In (113), for instance, sàlɛ́ occurs with
the remote past is used.

(113) ɛ́kɛ̀ Nzàmbí wà nú áà sàlɛ́ bɛ̀ nà bã̂ líná-á

ɛ́kɛ̀ Nzàmbí wà nú áà sàlɛ́ bɛ̀ nà bã̂ líná
excl ∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.dist 1.pst2 neg.pst be com ∅7.word when
pámò
a-H pámo
1-prs arrive
‘Oh! That Nzambi had no words as soon as he arrived.’

In (114) and (115), the negation verb occurs with a recent past stamp marker,
which surfaces with an L tone. The stamp markers for both past categories ex-
hibit the same pattern under negation as in non-negated forms (§6.2.1).

(114) a. yà pálɛ́ bɛ̀ nà bùdã̂

ya pálɛ́ bɛ̀ nà b-ùdã̂
1pl.pst1 neg.pst.r be com ba2-woman
‘We did not have any women.’
b. yà bɛ́ nà bùdã̂
ya bɛ̀ -H nà b-ùdã̂
1pl.pst1 be-r com ba2-woman
‘We did not have any women.’

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6 The verbal complex

In (115a), the sentential modifier lìí ‘not yet’ (§7.2.3) is used, which can only oc-
cur in negated clauses. In the positive counterpart in (115b), this sentential modi-
fier cannot occur. Instead, the positive is expressed by the absolute completive
aspect particle mɔ̀ (§6.2.3.3).

(115) a. à pálɛ́ lìí bâ

a pálɛ́ lìí bâ
1.pst1 neg.pst.r not.yet marry
‘He is not yet married.’
b. à bá mɔ̀
a bâ-H mɔ̀
1.pst1 marry-r compl
‘He is already married.’

Both sàlɛ́ and pálɛ́ end in-lɛ, the negation suffix used also in present negation.
Since the meaning of sà- and pá- is unknown synchronically, however, I do not
gloss -lɛ separately as a negation suffix, but treat the whole verb as a negation
auxiliary.
Also, it seems that these negation auxiliaries are more grammaticalized than
present negation suffix -lɛ in terms of their tonal behavior. Unlike the present
negation suffix, which involves special tonal patterns (§6.2.3.1), the past nega-
tion auxiliaries both surface with a final realis-marking H tone, as seen in (114)
through (115).
Negation with sàlɛ́/pálɛ́ is asymmetric with regards to its positive counterpart
in several respects. First, there is a constructional asymmetry in terms of the
predicate structure. The positive clause in (116a) is a simple predicate construc-
tion in which the lexical verb is tonally inflected for the realis mood. In contrast,
the negated counterpart with the auxiliary sàlɛ́ in (116b) is a complex predicate
in which finiteness marking occurs on the auxiliary and not on the lexical verb.

(116) a. mɛ̀ gyámbɔ́ bélɔ̀ lɔ̀

mɛ gyámbɔ-H H-be-lɔ̀ lɔ
1sg.pst cook-r obj.link-be8-duck
‘I cooked ducks.’
b. mɛ̀ sàlɛ́ gyámbɔ̀ bélɔ̀ lɔ̀
mɛ sàlɛ́ gyámbɔ H-be-lɔ̀ lɔ
1sg.pst neg.pst cook obj.link-be8-duck
‘I did not cook ducks.’

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 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

Second, there is a paradigmatic asymmetry: all aspect categories, such as the

progressive in (117a), are lost under negation, as shown in (117b).

(117) a. yà nzí dè mántúà

ya nzí dè H-ma-ntúà
1pl.pst prog.pst eat obj.link-ma6-mango
‘We were eating mangoes.’
b. yà sàlɛ́/pálɛ́ dè mántúà
ya.pst sàlɛ́/pálɛ́ dè H-ma-ntúà
1pl.pst neg.pst eat obj.link-ma6-mango
‘We did not eat mangoes.’

It is impossible to combine negation and aspect markers in a complex predicate

with a single stamp marker. It is also impossible to combine two true auxiliaries,
as in (118a), nor can the progressive past auxiliary nzí take the present nega-
tion suffix -lɛ, as in (118b).

(118) a. * yà sàlɛ́/pálɛ́ nzí/ì dè mántúà

ya.pst sàlɛ́/pálɛ́ nzí/ì dè H-ma-ntúà
1pl.pst neg.pst prog.pst eat obj.link-ma6-mango
‘We were not eating mangoes.’
b. * yà nzílɛ́ dè mántúà
ya.pst nzí-lɛ dè H-ma-ntúà
1pl.pst prog.pst-neg eat obj.link-ma6-mango
‘We were not eating mangoes.’

Aspect and negation can only be combined through complex predicates with a
double stamp construction (§6.3.4).

6.3.1.6 Negation with kálɛ̀ in the future

Negation in the future is achieved through the auxiliary kálɛ̀ . The stamp marker
patterns are identical in the positive and negative future. For the first and sec-
ond person singular and agreement class 1, the stamp marker has a long vowel
with an L tone pattern, as in (119), while all other agreements classes have a long
vowel with an HL pattern, as exemplified in (120).22

22
Square brackets indicate the verbal predicate.

417
6 The verbal complex

(119) a. [mɛ̀ ɛ̀ kálɛ̀ ná bɛ̀ nà] jí ɛ́ vâ

mɛ̀ ɛ̀ kálɛ̀ ná bɛ̀ nà jí ɛ́ vâ
1sg.fut neg.fut still be com ∅7.place loc here
‘I won’t have a place here anymore.’
b. [mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ ná nà] jí ɛ́ vâ
mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ ná nà jí ɛ́ vâ
1sg.fut be still com ∅7.place loc here
‘I will still have a place here.’
Future negation with kálɛ̀ is asymmetric in the same ways that are described
for negation with past sàlɛ́/pálɛ́. There is a constructional asymmetry between
simple predicates in positive and complex predicates in negative future. In con-
trast to the past tenses, however, the future belongs to the irrealis mood, which
lacks the realis-marking H tone on the finite verb. Despite the absence of the
grammatical tone, it is clear from the position of the adverb ná ‘still’ that kálɛ̀ in
(119a) is the finite verb, while bɛ̀ nà in (119b) is finite. The adverb always occurs
after the finite verb (§6.3).
(120) a. ká wɛ́ kíyá lékɔ́’ɔ̀ ɛ́ kwámɔ́ kwámɔ́ [nyíì
ká wɛ-H kíya-H H-le-kɔ́’ɔ̀ ɛ́ kwámɔ́ kwámɔ́ nyíì
if 2sg-prs put-r obj.link-le5-stone loc ∅9.bag ∅9.bag 9.fut
kálɛ̀ búlɛ̀ ]
kálɛ̀ búlɛ
neg.fut break
‘If you put the stone in the bag, the bag will not break.’
b. ká wɛ́ kíyá lékɔ́’ɔ̀ ɛ́ kwámɔ́ kwámɔ́ [nyíì
ká wɛ-H kíya-H H-le-kɔ́’ɔ̀ ɛ́ kwámɔ́ kwámɔ́ nyíì
if 2sg-prs put-r obj.link-le5-stone loc ∅9.bag ∅9.bag 9.fut
búlɛ̀ ]
búlɛ
break
‘If you put the stone in the bag, the bag will break.’
The paradigmatic asymmetry regarding the loss of aspect distinctions under
negation as discussed for past negation in §6.3.1.5 also applies with kálɛ̀ .

6.3.1.7 Negation with tí

There are three subtypes of the negation auxiliary tí with respect to the shape of
the stamp marker: (i) the H tone stamp marker yá precedes tí for the first person

418
 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

plural imperative (cohortative), (ii) the stamp marker is absent when tí is used
for negation with second person imperatives as well as for negation in infinitival
adverbial subordinate clauses (§8.2.3.4), and (iii) the stamp marker takes special
pattern 1, as described in §6.3.1 for other auxiliaries as well, when tí is used as a
negator of a present main clause. Since tí occurs in various tense-mood forms
and construction types, unlike other negation auxiliaries, I gloss tí as neg.23
When tí is used with the first person plural imperative, the stamp marker yá
precedes the negation auxiliary tí with the H tone of the present category, as in
(121a), which has the identical stamp marker tone pattern as in the affirmative
imperative in (121b). In contrast to other tense-mood categories, the imperative
requires a verbal plural marker nga (§3.9.2) that occurs immediately after the
finite verb form.

(121) a. yá tí ngá dè
ya-H tí nga dè
1pl-prs neg.r pl eat
‘Let’s not eat!’
b. yá dê ngà
ya-H dê nga
1pl-prs eat.imp pl
‘Let’s eat!’

In that respect, tí cohortative negation is constructionally asymmetric to its

positive counterpart: in the complex predicate in (121a), the auxiliary is the finite
verb, whereas in the positive simple predicate counterpart, the lexical verb dê
‘eat’ is the finite verb with an imperative tonal pattern on the verb.
Another asymmetry concerns the tonal pattern of the verbal plural marker nga,
which surfaces as H under negation in (121a), but as L in the affirmative in (121b),
a difference which can be explained by the presence or absence of high tone
spreading from the preceding verb. The H tones on nga in (122) have different
origins in the negative and the affirmative, as explained in §7.2.1.2.

(122) a. yá tí ngá gyàgà mántúà

ya-H tí nga gyàga H-ma-ntúà
1pl-prs neg.r pl buy obj.link-ma6-mango
‘Let’s not buy mangoes!’
23
Although the present suffix -lɛ is similarly glossed -neg, the difference between -lɛ and tí is
obvious in glossing through their different morpheme status. -lɛ is glossed as a suffix, whereas
tí is glossed as a free morpheme.

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6 The verbal complex

b. yá gyàgâ ngá màntúà

yá gyàgâ nga-H mántúà
1pl-prs buy.imp pl-obj.link ma6-mango
‘Let’s buy mangoes!’

Negative imperatives addressed to second persons are expressed by the nega-

tion auxiliary tí, but lack the stamp marker. An example for the second person
singular with its affirmative counterpart is given in (123).

(123) a. tí dè mántúà
tí dè H-ma-ntúà
neg.r eat obj.link-ma6-mango
‘Don’t (sg.) eat mangoes!’
b. dê mántúà
dê H-ma-ntúà
eat.imp obj.link-ma6-mango
‘Eat (sg.) mangoes!’

Other lexical examples of the second person singular negation that follow the
structure of (123a) are given in (124), without an object, and in (125), with a fol-
lowing object.

(124) a. tí dè ‘Don’t (sg.) eat!’

b. tí gyàgà ‘Don’t (sg.) buy!’
c. tí nyúlɛ̀ ‘Don’t (sg.) drink!’
d. tí vìdɛ̀ gà ‘Don’t (sg.) turn!’

(125) a. tí dè mántúà! ‘Don’t (sg.) eat mangoes’

b. tí gyàgà mántúà! ‘Don’t (sg.) buy mangoes!’
c. tí nyúlɛ̀ májíwɔ́! ‘Don’t (sg.) drink water!’
d. tí vìdɛ̀ gà wámíyɛ̀ ! ̀ ‘Don’t (sg.) turn fast!’

An example for the second person plural with its affirmative counterpart is
given in (126).

(126) a. tí ngá dè mántúà

tí nga dè H-ma-ntúà
neg.r pl eat obj.link-ma6-mango
‘Don’t (pl.) eat mangoes!’

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 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

b. dê ngá màntúà
dê nga-H ma-ntúà
eat.imp pl-obj.link ma6-mango
‘Eat (pl.) mangoes!’

Other lexical examples of the second person plural negation that follow the
structure of (126a) are given in (127), without an object, and in (128), with a fol-
lowing object.

(127) a. tí ngá dè! ‘Don’t (pl.) eat!’

b. tí ngá gyàgà! ‘Don’t (pl.) buy!’
c. tí ngá nyúlɛ̀ ! ‘Don’t (pl.) drink!’
d. tí ngá vìdègà! ‘Don’t (pl.) turn!’

(128) a. tí ngá dè mántúà! ‘Don’t (pl.) eat mangoes’

b. tí ngá gyàgà mántúà! ‘Don’t (pl.) buy mangoes!’
c. tí ngá nyúlɛ̀ májíwɔ́! ‘Don’t (pl.) drink water!’
d. tí ngá vìdɛ̀ gà wámíyɛ̀ ! ‘Don’t (pl.) turn fast!’

A common use of the negation auxiliary tí concerns the negation of infinitives.

It is characteristic of these constructions that the negated lexical verb appears in
its non-finite form, i.e. without tense-mood or realis H tone marking. Further-
more, the auxiliary tí is not preceded by a stamp marker in these constructions,
as (129) and (130) show.

(129) gbĩ-́ gbĩ-̀ gbĩ-́ gbĩ-̀ gbĩ ́ à múà nà bábɛ̀ tí wúmbɛ̀ wɛ̀
gbĩ-́ gbĩ-̀ gbĩ-́ gbĩ-̀ gbĩ ́ a múà nà bábɛ̀ tí wúmbɛ wɛ̀
ideo:roaming 1 prosp com ∅7.illness neg want-r die
‘[depiction of disease roaming in his body] He was about to be sick, not
wanting to die.’

(130) nà kɛ́ jìí dé tù nà ndzǐ pámò dẽ̂ tí nyɛ̂ nyɛ̂

nà kɛ̀ -H jìí dé tù nà ndzǐ pámò dẽ tí nyɛ̂ nyɛ̂
com go-r ∅7.forest loc inside com ∅9.path arrive today neg see 1.obj
‘And [he] goes in the forest on the path till today, without seeing him
[without being seen].’

The auxiliary verb tí and the infinitive together function as an infinitival subor-
dinate clause (§8.2.3.4), where the subject is supplied from the main clause.

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6 The verbal complex

This negative infinitival construction with bɛ̀ nà ‘be with’ is likely the source
of the prepositional use of tí (§3.10.1). As (131) shows, bɛ̀ nà ‘be with’ can also be
elided, only leaving tí as the preposition ‘without’.
(131) mɛ́ nyúlɛ́ kɔ̀ fí tí (bɛ̀ nà) ngùɔ́
mɛ-H nyúlɛ-H kɔ̀ fí tí bɛ̀ nà ngùɔ́
1sg-prs drink-r ∅7.coffee neg be com ∅7.sugar
‘I drink coffee without (having) sugar.’
tí can also be used for negation in a present main clause, as shown in (132a).
This contrasts with the general present negation with the suffix -lɛ in (132b)
(§6.2.3.1). The choice between standard -lɛ negation and tí negation in present
tense main clauses relates to information structure principles and an immediate-
after-verb focus position (§7.3).
(132) a. mɛ̀ tí dè
mɛ tí dè
1sg neg eat
‘I don’t EAT.’
b. mɛ̀ ɛ́ délɛ́
mɛ̀ ɛ́ dé-lɛ́
1sg.prs.neg eat-neg
‘I DON’T eat.’
In negation with tí, the lexical verb following the auxiliary is in focus position.
In contrast, standard present negation with -lɛ focuses the negation.
Impressionistically, it seems that tí in main clauses is often used in conjunction
with the adverb ná ‘still’, giving a reading of ‘anymore’ under negation. This
might be the case because adverbs modify lexical verbs and the lexical verb is
focused in (133a). When negation is focused, as in (133b), however, the use of
adverbs such as ná ‘still’ is also grammatical.
(133) a. mɛ̀ tí ná dè
mɛ tí ná dè
1sg neg still eat
‘I don’t EAT anymore.’
b. mɛ̀ ɛ́ délɛ́ ná
mɛ̀ ɛ́ dé-lɛ́ ná
1sg.prs.neg eat-neg still
‘I DON’T eat anymore.’

422
 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

tí is the only Gyeli negation marker that frequently undergoes code-switching

with Kwasio in the corpus, as in (134). In Kwasio, the regular correspondence to
Gyeli tí is kí or kílɛ̀ in (135).

(134) mɛ̀ kí bɛ̀ nà tsídí

mɛ kí bɛ̀ nà tsídí
1sg.pst1 neg[Kwasio] be com ∅1.meat
‘I didn’t have any meat.’

The difference between kí and kílɛ̀ in Kwasio might relate to different tense cate-
gories, as in (134), in which kí is located in the past, whereas kílɛ̀ in (135) encodes
the present. If this is the case,24 the Kwasio negation auxiliaries might encode
different tense categories than Gyeli tí: if kí only substituted the form tí in (134),
the tense reading should be present. Speakers are very clear, however, that the
sentence encodes the past. Whether the Gyeli use of Kwasio negation markers
is identical to their use in Kwasio in terms of tense encoding is a question that
cannot be answered here.

(135) bá lã́ pámò vâ tɛ́ɛ̀ bà kwɛ̀ lɔ̃ ɔ́ ̃̀ yɔ̂ kílɛ̀

̀
ba-H lã-H pámo vâ tɛ́ɛ̀ ba kwɛ̀ lɔ̃ɔ̃ ́ ̀ y-ɔ̂ kílɛ̀
2sg-prs pass-r arrive here now 2sg.pst1 cut.compl 7-obj neg[Kwasio]
dyúwɔ̀ tsíyà
dyúwɔ̀ tsíyà
hear ∅1.question
‘They pass and arrive here now, they cut it already without asking [lit.
without hearing a question].’

6.3.1.8 Negation with dúù

The auxiliary dúù ‘should/must not’, although having a lexical meaning, is clas-
sified as a true auxiliary, since it is restricted to the present and subjunctive
categories. In the present, dúù ‘should/must not’ takes a realis-marking H tone,
as in (136a), just as its positive counterpart yánɛ ‘must’ in (136b).25

24
There is very little information on Kwasio, and Woungly’s (1971) description of negation in
Ngumba does not give a concise account of the different functions of ki or kile, but it seems
that, as in Gyeli, both negation markers are found in different tense categories.
25
yánɛ ‘must’ is classified as a modal semi-auxiliary and discussed in §6.3.2, since it does not
seem to have any tense-mood restrictions, unlike dúù ‘must not’.

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6 The verbal complex

(136) a. bé dúú vũ̀ũ̀

be-H dúù-H vũ̀ũ̀
2pl-prs must.not-r worry
‘You (pl.) should/must not worry.’
b. bé yánɛ́ vũ̀ũ̀
be-H yánɛ-H vũ̀ũ̀
2pl-prs must-r worry
‘You (pl.) should/must worry.’
dúù is also used in its subjunctive form in main clauses, as in (137a). The
difference from the present forms in (136) is that dúù ‘should/must not’ lacks
the realis-marking H tone. Its positive counterpart is a subjunctive construction
in (137b) instead of the modal semi-auxiliary construction in (136b).
(137) a. bé dúù kɛ̀ tísɔ̀ nì
be-H dúù kɛ̀ tísɔ̀ nì
2pl-prs must.not.sbjv go ∅7.town
‘You (pl.) may/should not go to town.’
b. bé kɛ́ɛ̀ tísɔ̀ nì
be-H kɛ́ɛ̀ tísɔ̀ nì
2pl-prs go.sbjv ∅7.town
‘You (pl.) may/should go to town.’
Like the positive subjunctive forms, the lexically negative subjunctive form
of dúù ‘should/must not’ is found in complement clauses, as in (138a). The affir-
mative counterpart is given in (138b).
(138) a. bùdì bà wúmbɛ́ nâ bá dúù dyùù nyɛ̂
b-ùdì ba wúmbɛ-H nâ ba-H dúù dyùù nyɛ̂
ba2-person 2.pst1 want-r comp 2-prs must.not.sbjv kill 1.obj
‘The people wanted that he not be killed.’
b. bùdì bà wúmbɛ́ nâ bá dyúù nyɛ̂
b-ùdì ba wúmbɛ-H nâ ba-H dyùù.sbjv nyɛ̂
ba2-person 2.pst1 want-r comp 2-prs kill.sbjv 1.obj
‘The people wanted that he be killed.’
c. bùdì bà sàlɛ́ wúmbɛ̀ nâ bá dyúù nyɛ̂
b-ùdì ba sàlɛ́ wúmbɛ nâ ba-H dyùù nyɛ̂
ba2-person 2.pst1 want-r comp 2-prs must.not.sbjv kill 1.obj
‘The people did not want that he be killed.’

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 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

Rather than the negative subjunctive dúù ‘should/must not’, however, negation
of the matrix clause is generally preferred, as in (138c).

6.3.2 Single stamp predicates with semi-auxiliaries

The formal difference between true auxiliaries and semi-auxiliaries in Gyeli is
discussed in §3.2.2.3. Semi-auxiliary verbs in Gyeli belong to three different se-
mantic verb classes:
1. Aspectual verbs (sílɛ ‘finish’, pã̂ ‘do first’, táalɛ ‘begin’, bàga nà ‘stop’)
2. Deictic motion/posture verbs (kɛ̀ ‘go’, njì ‘come’, lígɛ ‘stay’, lã̀ ‘pass’)
3. Modal verbs (lèmbɔ ‘can/know’, kwàlɛ ‘like’, wúmbɛ ‘want’, yánɛ ‘must’)
I provide examples of each in the remainder of this section.

sílɛ̀ ‘finish’
The semi-auxiliary sílɛ ‘finish’ is used aspectually in complex predicates with a
non-complete accomplishment (nca) reading.26 As explained in §6.2.3.3, sílɛ
‘finish’ implies that somebody has ceased to do an activity, without entailing
that the activity has been carried out to completion (unlike the absolute com-
pletive mɔ̀ ). Thus, the question in (139) is interpreted as concerning whether the
addressee is done sweeping, but not whether he or she has swept everything (the
whole house or yard).
(139) nà wɛ̀ sílɛ́ wɔ̀ mbɛ̀ lɛ̀
nà wɛ sílɛ-H wɔ̀ mbɛlɛ
Q 2sg.pst1 finish-r sweep
‘Have you finished sweeping?’
Besides this non-complete accomplishment implication, one of the core func-
tions of sílɛ̀ is to express distributivity of an event or kind. The description of
palm wine in (140),27 for example, involves many episodes of ‘drinking a palm
tree’, namely coming back every day and harvesting the wine. This does not
mean that there is not a drop of sap left in the palm trees at the end, but that
the speaker will keep harvesting palm wine from the trees until he is done with
these multiple actions. The same is true for (139), where the event of sweeping
is composed of many episodes of moving the broom over the ground.
26
Special thanks to Hana Filip for her advice on aspect category meaning and terminology.
27
The occurrence of semi-auxiliaries as finite or non-finite verbs in complex predicates is ad-
dressed in §6.3.3.

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6 The verbal complex

(140) mɛ̀ nzíí kɛ̀ nà vúlɛ́ lévúdũ̂ nà lèvúdũ̂

mɛ nzíí kɛ̀ nà vúlɛ-H H-le-vúdũ̂ nà le-vúdũ̂
1sg prog.prs go com take.away-r obj.link-le5-one com le5-one
mɛ́ táálɛ́ sílɛ̀ nyùlɛ̀
mɛ-H táálɛ-H sílɛ nyùlɛ
1sg-prs begin-r finish drink
‘I’m taking down [palm trees] one by one, I start to drink [them] up
[make palm wine out of them].’

Under this distributive function, sílɛ ‘finish’ can only be used with plural sub-
jects and only in certain contexts. For example, (141a), where the event distributes
over the different participants is grammatical, whereas (141b), which has a singu-
lar subject, is ungrammatical.

(141) a. bà sílɛ́ kɛ̀

ba sílɛ-H kɛ̀
2.pst1 finish-r go
‘They have all gone.’
b. * à sílɛ́ kɛ̀
a sílɛ-H kɛ̀
1.pst1 finish-r go
‘*He has all gone.’

In this respect, sílɛ ‘finish’ differs from other semi-auxiliaries, which do not
have a distributive function, such as táalɛ ‘start’ in (142), which allows both plural
and singular participants.

(142) a. bà táálɛ́ kɛ̀

ba táalɛ-H kɛ̀
2.pst1 begin-r go
‘They began to walk.’
b. à táálɛ́ kɛ̀
a táalɛ-H kɛ̀
1.pst1 finish-r go
‘He began to walk.’

A singular participant is, however, grammatical even with sílɛ ‘finish’ if there
are several events over which the aspect marker is distributing. (143) shows a

426
 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

coordinated clause where the first constituent is almost identical to the ungram-
matical phrase in (141b). The second constituent adds another event, however,
over which sílɛ can distribute, thereby making (143) acceptable.

(143) áà sílɛ́ kɛ̀ nà dvùwɔ́ dyúwɔ̀

áà sílɛ-H kɛ̀ nà dvùwɔ-H dyúwɔ
1.pst2 finish-r go conj stuff-r ∅7.top
‘He has gone and stuffed the top [with straw],’

Other examples of sílɛ as distributing over individuals are given in (144) and
(145). In (144), Nzambi of the story in Appendix B.2 forces his friend’s entire
family to enter a house. sílɛ ‘finish’ refers to the individual people who have to
enter one after the other.

(144) nyáà ngà sílɛ́ nyî ndáwɔ̀ dé tù

nyáà ngà sílɛ́-H nyî ndáwɔ̀ dé tù
shit.imp pl finish-r enter ∅9.house loc inside
‘Piss off, everybody go into the house!’

In (145), the chief of Ngolo talks about his fruit trees that will be destroyed once
the road for the port passes through their village. Again, sílɛ does not necessar-
ily imply that not a single tree will be left at the end, but rather points to the
distributivity of destroying one tree after the other.

(145) byɛ́sɛ̀ béè sílɛ̀ ntàmànɛ̀

by-ɛ́sɛ̀ béè sílɛ ntàmanɛ
8-all 8.fut finish ruin
‘They will all be ruined.’

pã̂ ‘first’
Although pã̂ is consistently translated into French as d’abord ‘first’, I gloss it as
‘do first’, as it is clearly a semi-auxiliary verb (§3.2.2.3). pã̂ ‘do first’ has a priora-
tive aspectual meaning. It has no tense-mood restrictions, however, in the corpus,
pã̂ never occurs in past tenses. This may have semantic/pragmatic reasons. Ex-
amples for pã̂ in the present are given in (146) and (147).

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6 The verbal complex

(146) yíì pẽ̀’ẽ̀ nyà mwánɔ̀ mùdũ̂ mɛ́ pã́ã́ ná nyɔ̂

yíì pẽ̀’ẽ̀ nyà m-wánɔ̀ m-ùdũ̂ mɛ-H pã́ã̀-H ná ny-ɔ̂
7.ID ∅9.wisdom 9:att n1-child n1-male 1sg-prs do.first-H again 9-obj
vɛ̀
vɛ̀
give
‘This is the wisdom of a boy [every child knows this], I will take revenge
on him.’
(147) wɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́ pã́ lígɛ̀ yá nà nyɛ̀ yá kɛ́ mánkɛ̃̂
wɛ mɛ́dɛ́ pã̂-H lígɛ ya-H nà nyɛ ya-H kɛ̀ -H H-ma-nkɛ̂̃
2sg self do.first-r stay 1pl-prs com 1 1pl-prs go-r obj.link-6-field
‘You stay first, we and her, we go to the field.’

In (148), pã̂ ‘do first’ occurs in the future and therefore lacks the realis-marking
H tone.

(148) bwáà pã́ã̀ ngâ dyà nà pówàlà wû

bwáà pã́ã̀ ngâ dyà nà pówàlà wû
2pl.fut do.first pl sleep com ∅7.calm there
‘You (pl.) will first sleep quietly there.’

pã̂ has also been observed to occur in the imperative form, as in (149).

(149) pã̂ bígɛ̀

pã̂ bígɛ̀ .
do.first.imp develop
‘Go on [speak] first!’

Other semi-auxiliaries that express the start or end point of an event are táalɛ
‘start’ and bàga nà ‘stop doing sth.’, as exemplified in (150) and (151), respectively.

(150) dɔ̃̀ bí yá táálɛ́ bê yàlànɛ̀ àà

dɔ̀̃ bí ya-H táálɛ-H bê yàlanɛ àà
so[French] 1pl.sbj 1pl-prs begin-r 2pl respond[Bulu] excl
‘So we start to respond to you, mhm.’
(151) Tsímbɔ̀ à bàgá nà bâ básìgá
Tsímbɔ̀ a bàga-H nà bâ H-ba-sìgá
∅1.pn 1.pst1 stop-r com smoke obj.link-ba6-cigarette
‘Tsimbo stopped smoking.’

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 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

Deictic motion and location verbs

Deictic motion and location verbs can serve as semi-auxiliaries, as shown in (152)
through (155). The most pervasive motion verbs are kɛ̀ ‘go’ and njì ‘come’. kɛ̀ ‘go’,
as in (152), always has an altrilocal meaning, i.e. the event expressed in the main
verb takes place at a location different from where the speaker is at the point of
utterance.

(152) ngùndyá mɛ́ kɛ́ sɔ́lɛ̀ gà ngùndyá dyúwɔ̀

ngùndyá mɛ-H kɛ̀ -H sɔ́lɛga ngùndyá dyúwɔ̀
∅9.raffia 1sg-prs go-r chop ∅9.raffia on.top
‘The raffia, I go to chop the raffia on top.’

njì ‘come’ naturally constitutes the counterpart to this altrilocal function. Thus,
it expresses that the event of the lexical verb takes place at or towards the location
of the speaker, as shown in (153).

(153) ɛ́ tè wɛ̀ gà wɛ́ njí sâ mbvúndá ɛ́ ndzǐ vâ

ɛ́ tè wɛ̀ -gà wɛ-H njì-H sâ mbvúndá ɛ́ ndzǐ vâ
loc there 2sg-contr 2sg-prs come-r do ∅9.trouble loc ∅9.path here
‘There you, you come to make trouble on the way here.’

lígɛ ‘stay’ also expresses information about the location of an event, namely that
it is the same as the location of the utterance, as in (154).

(154) mɛ̀ gà mɛ́ lígɛ́ dè mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀

mɛ-gà mɛ-H lígɛ-H dè m-wánɔ̀ w-ɔ́ɔ̀
1-contr 1sg-prs stay-r eat n1-child 1-poss.2sg
‘As for me, I stay and eat your child.’

Finally, lã̀ ‘pass’ has also been observed to serve as a semi-auxiliary, as in (155).

(155) bá lã́ pámò vâ tɛ́ɛ̀ bà kwɛ̀ lɔ̃ ɔ́ ̃̀ yɔ̂ kílɛ̀

ba-H lã̀-H pámo vâ tɛ́ɛ̀ ba kwɛ̀ lɔ̃́ɔ̀̃ y-ɔ̂ kílɛ̀
2sg-prs pass-r arrive here now 2sg.pst1 cut.compl 7-obj neg[Kwasio]
dyúwɔ̀ tsíyà
dyúwɔ̀ tsíyà
hear ∅1.question
‘They pass and arrive here now, they cut it already without asking [lit.
without hearing a question].’

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6 The verbal complex

Modal verbs
Modal verbs constitute a third semantic class of semi-auxiliaries in Gyeli. (156)
through (160) provide examples of various modal verbs.

(156) wɛ̀ lèmbṍõ̀ sâ bányá màmbò

wɛ lèmbṍõ̀ sâ H-ba-nyá m-àmbò
2sg.pst1 know.compl do obj.link-ba2-important ma6-thing
‘You can/know to do the important things.’
(157) á kwàlɛ́ ná gyìmbɔ̀ mánzã̀ mɛ́sɛ̀
a-H kwàlɛ-H ná gyìmbɔ H-ma-nzã̀ m-ɛ́sɛ̀
1-prs like-r still dance obj.link-ma6-dance 6-all
‘He still likes to dance all dances.’
(158) [mɛ́ wúmbɛ́ lɛ́ɛ̀] nà bɔ̂
mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H lɛ́ɛ̀ nà bɔ̂
1sg-prs want-r talk[Kwasio] com 2.obj
‘I want to talk with them.’
(159) bí bɔ́gà [yá wúmbɛ́ ndáà pã̂ nyɛ̂ ] sâ bá
bí bɔ́-gà ya-H wúmbɛ-H ndáà pã̂ nyɛ̂ sâ ba-H
1pl.sbj 2-other 1pl-prs want-r also do.first see ∅7.thing 2-prs
gyíbɔ́ ngyùlɛ̀ wá kùrã̂
gyíbɔ-H ngyùlɛ̀ wá kùrã̂
call-r ∅3.light 3:att ∅7.electricity[French]
‘We others, we also want to first see the thing they call the light of
electricity.’
(160) dɔ̃̀ wɛ̀ bùdɛ́ ná bàfû wɛ́ yànɛ́ gyàgà bɔ̂
dɔ̀̃ wɛ bùdɛ-H ná ba-fû wɛ-H yànɛ-H gyàga b-ɔ̂
so[French] 2sg be-r again ba2-fish 2sg-prs must-r buy 2-obj
‘So, you have fish again, you have to buy them.’

Many of the modal semi-auxiliaries are also used in the matrix clause of subor-
dination through the complementizer nâ (§8.2.2.1).

6.3.3 Types of complexity in single stamp predicates

Complex predicates with a single stamp construction can be complex in different
ways. First, they can include morphological complexity through the absolute
completive marker mɔ̀ (§6.2.3.3). Second, they can differ in the number of finite

430
 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

verbs they contain (either one or two). I will discuss both cases in turn, describing
which grammatical categories can combine in complex predicates with a single
stamp marker and which cannot.
The absolute completive marker mɔ̀ occurs not only in simple predicates
but also in complex predicates. Unsurprisingly, mɔ̀ (or its nasal vowel variant at
the end of the verb) occurs on the finite verb, as in (161).

(161) kɛ́ mbúmbù bwánɔ̀ bà sílɛ̃́ɛ̃̀ kɛ̀ vɛ́

kɛ́ mbúmbù b-wánɔ̀ ba sílɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ kɛ̀ vɛ́
excl ∅1.namesake ba2-child 2.pst1 finish.compl go where
‘Ay namesake, where have all the children gone to?’

What is more remarkable is that mɔ̀ can also occur on the first non-finite verb,
as in (162). This is the case when the finite verb is the true auxiliary nzí, which
marks progressive. Other true auxiliary combinations with mɔ̀ are ungrammat-
ical. This includes any combination with negation auxiliaries, since aspect mark-
ing is lost under negation in single stamp constructions.

(162) nkɛ̀ nyì nzí sílɛ̃́ɛ̃̀ bédéwò

nkɛ̀ nyi nzí ́
sílɛ̃ɛ̃ ̀ H-be-déwò.
∅9.field 9 prog.pst finish.compl obj.link-be8-food
‘This field was already running out of food.’

Complex predicates can also vary in their syntactic complexities. Having pre-
sented multiple examples of two-verb complex predicates in §6.3.1 and §6.3.2, I
show constructions with three verbs in the following. Regardless of whether a
complex predicate has one or two non-finite verbs, true auxiliaries can only ap-
pear as the finite verb. An example of a true auxiliary with two non-finite verbs
is given in (163).

(163) bɔ́nɛ́gá [bá lɔ́ sílɛ̀ làwɔ̀ ] nâ bvúlɛ̀ bá ntɛ́gɛ́lɛ́

bɔ́-nɛ́gá ba-H lɔ́ sílɛ làwɔ nâ bvúlɛ̀ ba-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ-H
2-other 2-prs retro finish speak comp ba2.Bulu 2-prs bother-r
bágyɛ̀ lì
H-ba-gyɛ̀ lì
obj.link-ba2-Gyeli
‘The others have just said that the Bulu bother the Bagyeli.’

The same construction is possible with a negation auxiliary, as in (164).

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6 The verbal complex

(164) bɔ́nɛ́gá [bà pálɛ́ sílɛ̀ làwɔ̀ ]

bɔ́-nɛ́gá ba pálɛ́ sílɛ làwɔ
2-other 2.pst1 neg.pst.r finish speak
‘The others have not finished speaking.’
Since semi-auxiliaries have a lexical meaning and are less grammaticalized
(§3.2.2.3), they can occur as either the finite or the non-finite verb in a complex
predicate. In (165), kɛ̀ ‘go’ is the finite first verb, while in (166), it is the non-finite
second verb.
(165) bwánɔ̀ bá kálɛ́ bã̂ bɔ̀ [bá kɛ́ sílɛ̀
b-wánɔ̀ bá kálɛ́ b-ã̂ bɔ̂ ba-H kɛ̀ -H sílɛ
ba2-child 2:att ∅1.older.sister 2-poss.1sg 2.obj 2-prs go-r finish
pándɛ̀ ]
pándɛ
arrive
‘The children of my older sister, they all arrive.’
(166) [mɛ́ pã́ ná kɛ̀ dígɛ̀ ] mùdì wà nû ɛ́
mɛ-H pã̂-H ná kɛ̀ dígɛ m-ùdì wà nû ɛ́
1sg-prs do.first-H again go see n1-person 1:att 1.dem.prox loc
pɛ́ɛ́
pɛ́-ɛ́
over.there.dist
‘I go first again to see this person over there.’
The same distribution applies, for instance, to the semi-auxiliary sílɛ ‘finish’ in
(167) and (168).
(167) ɛ́ vâ mɛ̀ dyùwɔ́ nâ ɛ́ vâ [yíì sílɛ̀ njì búlɛ̀ ]
ɛ́ vâ mɛ dyùwɔ-H nâ ɛ́ vâ yíì sílɛ njì búlɛ
loc here 1sg.pst1 hear-r comp loc here 7.fut finish come destroy
‘Here, I heard that it will all become destroyed here.’
(168) mɛ̀ nzíí kɛ̀ nà vúlɛ̀ lévúdũ̂ nà lèvúdũ̂ [mɛ́
mɛ nzíí kɛ̀ nà vúlɛ H-le-vúdũ̂ nà le-vúdũ̂ mɛ-H
1sg prog.prs go com take.away obj.link-le5-one com le5-one 1sg-prs
táálɛ́ sílɛ̀ nyùlɛ̀ ]
táálɛ-H sílɛ nyùlɛ
begin-r finish drink
‘I’m taking down [palm trees] one by one, I start to drink [them] (=
make palm wine out of them).’

432
 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

Lexical verbs that cannot serve as semi-auxiliaries, such as nyùlɛ ‘drink’ in (168),
can only ever occur as the final non-finite verb in a complex predicate. In contrast,
verbs that serve otherwise as semi-auxiliaries, can also appear for their lexical
meaning in the final non-finite verb position of a complex predicate, as in (169).

(169) [bà nzí kɛ̀ sílɛ̀ ] bédéwɔ̀

ba nzí kɛ̀ sílɛ H-be-déwɔ̀
2.pst1 prog.pst go finish obj.link-be8-food
‘They were coming to finish the food.’

6.3.4 Double stamp predicates with bɛ̀ ‘be’

The second type of complex predicate comprises those that involve two stamp
markers that refer to the same entity and that both precede a finite verb form:

[stampi – bɛ̀ ‘be’]1 – [stampi – V]2

The first constituent, which I also call the bɛ̀ constituent, always involves the
verb bɛ̀ ‘be’. It expresses basic tense-mood and polarity distinctions, while the sec-
ond constituent is specified for tense-mood and/or aspect marking. This complex
predicate type thus allows the combination of tense-mood, aspect, and negation
categories that cannot all be combined in simple predicates or in single stamp
complex constructions. In the following, I will show the different combinatory
possibilities, which include the main combinations of (i) tense-mood with a dif-
ferent tense-mood category, (ii) tense-mood with aspect, and (iii) negation with
aspect. These double stamp constructions are rare in the corpus, but they are
more pervasive in questionnaires such as the “EUROTYP” future and perfect
questionnaires (Dahl 2000), as well as in elicitations.

Combinations of two tense-mood categories

Double stamp constructions can combine different tense-mood categories, shift-
ing the temporal perspective on events. The different temporal perspective (rel-
ative to speech time) is expressed through the tense-mood category of the verb
bɛ̀ ‘be’ in the first constituent. The time of the second constituent, indicated by
square brackets, is then relative to the time anchor of the first constituent. In (170),
for instance, the time perspective is moved to the future in the bɛ̀ constituent.
From this perspective, the present tense of the second constituent expresses
temporal identity to the present in the bɛ̀ constituent.

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6 The verbal complex

(170) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ [mɛ́ gyámbɔ́ bédéwɔ̀ ]pres (fut - prs)

mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ mɛ-H gyámbɔ-H H-be-déwɔ̀
1sg.fut be 1sg-prs cook-r obj.link-be8-food
‘I will be cooking food.’
(171) shows that a change of the tense-mood category in the second constituent
entails a change in the relation between the newly adopted time perspective and
the situation. While the bɛ̀ constituent still anchors the time perspective in the
future, the situation of cooking will have been completed in the remote past.
(171) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ [mɛ́ɛ̀ gyámbɔ́ bédéwɔ̀ ]pst2 (fut - pst2)
mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ mɛ́ɛ̀ gyámbɔ-H H-be-déwɔ̀
1sg.fut be 1sg.pst2 cook-r obj.link-be8-food
‘I will have cooked food.’
In contrast, changing the tense-mood category in the bɛ̀ constituent simply
anchors speech time at that particular reference time. In (172), the second con-
stituent contains inchoative marking. The tense-mood category of the bɛ̀ con-
stituent changes, however. In (172a), it is encoded for future, whereas it is en-
coded for recent past in (172b).
(172) a. àà bɛ̀ [àá gyì]inch nàmɛ́nɔ́ (fut - inch)
àà bɛ̀ àá gyì nàmɛ́nɔ́
1.fut be-pst 1.inch cry tomorrow
‘She will be starting to cry tomorrow.’
b. à bɛ́ [àá gyì]inch nàkùgúù (pst1 - inch)
a bɛ̀ -H àá gyì nàkùgúù
1.pst1 be-pst 1.inch cry yesterday
‘She was starting to cry yesterday.’
Impressionistically, it seems that any two tense-mood categories can be com-
bined. (173), taken from the corpus, shows that even the two past categories can
be combined in double stamp constructions, a combination that might appear
semantically or contextually unlikely.28 Here, the bɛ̀ constituent is encoded for
the remote past, while the second constituent appears in the recent past. The
new time perspective relative to speech time is thus anchored in the remote
past, while the situation happens in the recent past, relative to the new time
anchor.
28
Speakers translate this construction into Cameroonian French as Il était étant couché. . . ‘he
was being lying’.

434
 6.3 Complex verbal predicates

(173) áà bɛ́ [à bó nà màbádò nyúlɛ̀ ]pst1

áà bɛ̀ -H a bô-H nà ma-bádò nyúlɛ̀
1.pst2 be-r 1.pst1 lie-r com ma6-open.wound ∅9.body
‘He was being lying with open wounds on the body.’

Combinations of tense-mood and aspect

Whereas true auxiliaries encoding aspect categories are restricted to certain tense-
mood categories in single stamp constructions (§6.3.1), aspect marking can be
achieved for any tense-mood category in double stamp complex predicates. An-
choring speech time at a certain reference point is done in the bɛ̀ constituent
while aspect marking of the described situation is bound to the second con-
stituent. (174) illustrates this for the progressive aspect, which is anchored in
the future in (174a) and in the inchoative in (174b).29

(174) a. mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ [mɛ̀ nzɛ́ɛ́ dè]prog (fut - prog)

mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ mɛ nzɛ́ɛ́ dè
1sg.fut be 1sg prog.sub eat
‘I will be eating.’
b. mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ̀ [mɛ̀ nzɛ́ɛ́ dè]prog (inch - prog)
mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ̀ mɛ nzɛ́ɛ́ dè
1sg.inch be 1sg prog.sub eat
‘I start to be eating.’

Another example of the progressive in a double stamp construction is given in

(175), showing a combination with the remote past.

(175) áà kɛ́ [à nzɛ́ɛ́ kɛ̀ nà gyìyɔ̀ ]prog (pst2 - prog)

áà kɛ̀ -H a nzɛ́ɛ́ kɛ̀ nà gyìyɔ
1.pst2 go-pst 1 prog.sub go com cry
‘She left crying.’

Other aspect markers, both particles and auxiliary verbs, also occur in the sec-
ond constituent of a double stamp predicate, such as the absolute completive
particle mɔ̀ in (176a) and the prospective auxiliary múà in (176b).

29
The progressive aspect is the only aspect auxiliary that has a suppletive form nzɛ́ɛ́ for depen-
dent constituents (§6.3.1.1), which has to be used in the second constituent instead of nzíí for
the present or nzí for the past categories.

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6 The verbal complex

(176) a. mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ [mɛ̀ lùngá mɔ̀ ]prog (fut - compl)

mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ mɛ lùnga-H mɔ̀
1sg.fut be 1sg grow-r compl
‘I will have grown up.’
b. mɛ́ɛ̀ bɛ́ [mɛ̀ múà dè]prog (pst2 - prosp)
mɛ́ɛ̀ bɛ̀ -H mɛ múà dè
1sg.pst2 be 1sg prosp eat
‘I’m at the beginning of being eating.’

Combinations of negation and aspect

Complex predicates with a double stamp marker also combine negation and as-
pect. Negation marking always appears in the bɛ̀ constituent, which, at the same
time, specifies the reference time, as in (177). Aspect is encoded in the second
constituent.

(177) a. mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́lɛ́ [mɛ̀ nzɛ́ɛ́ dè]prog (prs - prog)

mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́-lɛ mɛ nzɛ́ɛ́ dè
1sg.prs.neg be-neg 1sg prog.sub eat
‘I am not eating.’
b. mɛ̀ sàlɛ́ bɛ̀ [mɛ̀ nzɛ́ɛ́ dè]prog (pst1 - prog)
mɛ sàlɛ́ bɛ̀ mɛ nzɛ́ɛ́ dè
1sg.pst1 neg.pst be 1sg prog.sub eat
‘I was not eating.’
c. mɛɛ̀ ̀ kálɛ̀ bɛ̀ [mɛ̀ nzɛ́ɛ́ dè]prog (fut - prog)
mɛ̀ ɛ̀ kálɛ̀ bɛ̀ mɛ nzɛ́ɛ́ dè
1sg.fut neg.fut be 1sg prog.sub eat
‘I will not be eating.’

Future research is needed to explore the range of possible combinations and

check whether all negation forms can combine with each aspect marker.

436
7 Simple clauses
In this chapter, I describe the different types of simple clauses in Gyeli. The dis-
tinction of simple clause types is based on their internal structure and mainly
concerns different types of predicates. I first outline copula constructions includ-
ing non-verbal and verbal copula elements in §7.1. I then discuss verbal clauses,
grammatical relations, and basic clause types in §7.2 along with sentential modi-
fication. §7.3 is dedicated to information structure phenomena. In §7.4, I discuss
special clause types, including questions, possessor raising, and comparison con-
structions.

7.1 Non-verbal and verbal copula constructions

Gyeli has copula clauses with both non-verbal and verbal copula constructions.
They are typically comprised of a subject, a copula, and a predicate, which is
sometimes called a “copula complement”. There are copula forms in some lan-
guages, such as ni in Swahili in (1), which are clearly non-verbal as they do not
inflect for person, tense, aspect, or mood. In this construction, John is the subject,
ni the copula, and mkubwa ‘big’ the predicate.
(1) John ni m-kubwa
∅1.pn cop 1-big
‘John is big’
In English, the copula in (2) is a verbal element, although the overall clause
structure is the same.
(2) John is big
Dryer (2007a: 225) suggests that, even though the copula is is an inflected form
of the verb be, the verb should not be regarded as the predicate, since tall takes
over the function of a predicate. He notes that:
The verb be is more of a function word than a predicate; its function can be
thought of as combining with nonverbal predicates to form what is syntac-
tically a verbal predicate. (p.225)
7 Simple clauses

Based on the argument that the clauses in (1) and (2) are structurally the same,
while the parts of speech status and morphosyntactic behavior of their copula
elements differ, I treat both non-verbal and verbal copulas in Gyeli within the
same chapter, although in different sections. Another argument for organizing
non-verbal and verbal copulas within the same clause type is that the choice
of either one in Gyeli often depends on the tense, aspect, mood, and polarity
category of the clause. In (3a), a non-verbal copula is used in the present, whereas
a verbal copula, an inflected form of bɛ̀ ‘be’, has to be used in (3b) for its negated
version and in (3c) for the past.

(3) a. lènjù léè nábèbè

le-njù léè nábèbè
le5-banana 5.cop red
‘The banana is red.’
b. lènjù lé bɛ́lɛ́ nábèbè
le-njù le-H bɛ̀ -lɛ nábèbè
le5-banana 5-prs be-neg red
‘The banana is not red.’
c. lènjù lè bɛ́ nábèbè
le-njù le bɛ̀ -H nábèbè
le5-banana 5.pst1 be-r red
‘The banana was red.’

This is in line with Dryer’s (2007a) observation that copula constructions differ
structurally and cross-linguistically in different respects. First, as (3) shows, the
grammatical status of the copula can differ, even within the same language. Ac-
cording to Dryer (2007a: 225-227), non-verbal copulas have cross-linguistically
different morphosyntactic shapes, ranging from words to clitics and affixes.
Second, Dryer points out that there are three types of predicates, namely ad-
jectival, nominal, and locative predicates. Semantically, copula constructions en-
code two different types of relations, which are, according to Curnow (2001: 1-2),
identity relations and classifications, as exemplified in (4).

(4) a. Identity: ‘That man is my father.’

b. Classification: ‘That man is a teacher.’

In Gyeli, both identity and classification relations are expressed by copula con-
structions. Gyeli copula constructions differ in the type of predicate and the type
of copula. The predicate ranges from nominal to locative and adjective/quantifier

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(the equivalent to adjectival predicates in other languages) predicates. Also, de-

monstratives and possessive pronouns can serve as predicates as well as deictic
elements, as I will show for the various copula types below.
Gyeli has six different copula types, three of which are non-verbal and three
verbal, as shown in Table 7.1. The non-verbal copula types can only be used in
affirmative clauses that occur in the present. The most frequent copula in the
corpus is the stamp copula that is expressed by a special stamp form (§3.9.1). It
merges the subject and the copula in one morpheme and constitutes the most fre-
quent of all copula constructions found in the corpus (43.7%). Another non-verbal
copula is the invariable identificational marker wɛ́, which represents 11.6% of the
copular clauses. There are also instances where the copula is zero-expressed. This
construction, however, is only found in elicitations and does not occur in the cor-
pus. All non-verbal copulas are restricted to the present tense-mood category.
If other tense-mood categories are to be encoded, as well as negation, the verbal
copula bɛ̀ ‘be’ is used.
Table 7.1: Copula types

Status Copula element Label Corpus frequency

stamp form stamp copula (cop) 49 43.7%
non-verbal wɛ́ identificational (ID) 13 11.6%
∅-copula 0
bɛ̀ ‘be’ 27 24.1%
verbal múà ‘be almost’ 6 5.4%
bùdɛ́ ‘have’ 17 15.2%
Total 112

Two of the verbal copulas are forms of ‘be’: bɛ̀ and múà. One is the more gen-
eral and more frequent bɛ̀ (24.1% of all copula constructions in the corpus) and
one is múà (5.4%), which is also used as the prospective auxiliary (§6.3.1.3). bùdɛ́
‘have’ is the third verbal copula. It covers 15.2% of all copular constructions and
is mostly used in predicate possession of the present.
I will describe each copula type in the following, providing examples and in-
formation on its distribution. This will also show that not every copula behaves
like a real copula element in every context, i.e. linking a subject to a copula com-
plement. In some cases, some copula elements also take over functions such as
presentational or existential markers that do not require a predicate and thus are
then not strictly speaking copulas in all contexts.

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7.1.1 stamp copula

The stamp copula (cop) takes a special form of the stamp marker that is identical
to the stamp marker of the future tense-mood category, as discussed in §6.2.1.3.
It has a long vowel with a default HL tonal pattern for all agreement classes
and speech act participants, except for the first and second person singular and
agreement class 1 where the long vowel takes an L tone.
The stamp copula occurs in a wide range of predication types, as shown in
detail below. As an element expressing tense and polarity, along with subject
marking, it is restricted to the present tense and affirmative clauses. In other
tense-mood categories and under negation, the stamp copula is replaced by a
verbal clause involving the verb bɛ̀ ‘be’ (§7.1.4).

Predication types
Unlike all other copula types, the stamp copula agrees with the subject in gender,
as discussed in §5.2.1 on agreement targets. The stamp copula can link a nominal
subject to different predication types. In (5), the predicate is nominal, expressing
a classification relation: Ada is a member of the set of teachers.

(5) Àdà àà ngɛ̀ lɛ́nɛ̀ (nominal)

Àdà àà ngɛ̀ lɛ́nɛ̀
∅1.pn 1.cop ∅1.teacher
‘Ada is a teacher.’

(6) and (7) provide examples where the predicate is an adjective (§3.3).

(6) Àdà àà mpà (adjective)

Àdà àà mpà
∅1.pn 1.cop good
‘Ada is good.’

(7) bon mpɔ̀ ngɔ̀ sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ nà béè bànáyɛ̂ yɛ̂

bon mpɔ̀ ngɔ̀ sílɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ nà béè ba-náyɛ̂yɛ̂
good[French] ∅7.generation finish.compl conj 2pl.cop 2-bleached.out
‘Good, the generation has been wiped out, and you are bleached out
[white].’

In (8) and (9), the predicate is a locative noun phrase, either including a postpo-
sition such as dé (§3.10.2) or a noun + noun attributive construction (§5.5.1.5).

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(8) Àdà àà ndáwɔ̀ dé tù (locative)

Àdà áà ndáwɔ̀ dé tù
∅1.pn 1.cop ∅9.house loc inside
‘Ada is inside the house.’
(9) bɔ́nɛ́gá báà ná písɛ̀ yá ndáwɔ̀ (locative)
b-ɔ́nɛ́gá báà ná písɛ̀ yá ndáwɔ̀
2-other 2.cop still ∅7.behind 7:att ∅9.house
‘The others are still behind the house.’
In addition to these predicate types, which Dryer (2007a) views as the most com-
mon ones across languages, the stamp copula in Gyeli can also be used with
locative interrogative words (§3.7.1), as in (10), and with deictic adverbs (§3.4.1),
as in (11).
(10) ɛ́ nà mwánɔ̀ nùù vɛ́ (interrogative)
ɛ́ nà m-wánɔ̀ nùù vɛ́
loc how n1-child 1.cop where
‘What! Where is the child?’
(11) bã́ yɔ́ɔ̀ yíì tè (deictic)
bã́ y-ɔ́ɔ̀ yíì tè
∅7.word 7-poss.2sg 7.cop there
‘ I understand you [lit. Your word is there].’
Also numerals (§3.8.1) and quantifiers (§3.8.5.1) can serve as the copula com-
plement, as in (12).
(12) búdì báà bàbáà/bvùbvù (numeral/quantifier)
b-údì báà ba-báà/bvùbvù
ba2-person 2.cop 2-two/many
‘The people are two/many.’
Finally, the stamp copula can also introduce reported speech in a quotative
index (§8.2.2.3). Thus, in (13), the stamp copula báà serves as quotative index to
the direct reported speech in the copula complement, marked by square brackets.
(13) báà nâ [wɛ̀ sílɛ̂ kɛ̀ sâ sálɛ́] (complement)
báà nâ wɛ sílɛ̂ kɛ̀ sâ sálɛ́
2.cop comp 2sg finish.imp go do ∅7.work
‘They are like, “You, go and finish the work”.’

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stamp copula as the predicate

In the vast majority of cases, the stamp copula functions as element linking the
subject to the predicate. In a few special cases, however, there is no copula com-
plement and the stamp marker serves as predicate, as in (14) and (15), which
represent existential clauses. According to Dryer (2007a: 241):

From a discourse point of view, the primary function of such [existential]

clauses is apparently to introduce into the discourse a participant that is
new to the hearer.

In English, this is often achieved with constructions involving there is or there are.
Creissels (2019) provides a valuable perspective on “inverse-locational predica-
tion”, involving equivalents of English there is constructions. Gyeli, however, be-
longs to the languages that lack inverse-locational predication constructions. In-
stead, Gyeli expresses this type of existential construction with plain-locational
predication constructions, adopting a figure-to-ground perspective.

(14) bèsá bíndɛ̀ byɛ́sɛ̀ béè ndáà

be-sá bí-ndɛ̀ by-ɛ́sɛ̀ béè ndáà
be8-thing 8-ana 8-all 8.cop also
‘There are also all these things. [way of introducing a problem]’

(15) lé [yá wɛ́ nyɛ̂ ]rel [bá gyíbɔ́ ngàlɛ́]rel yíì

lé yá wɛ-H nyɛ̂ ba-H gyíbɔ-H ngàlɛ́ yíì
∅7.tree 7:att 2sg-prs see 2-prs call-r ∅7.tree.species 7.cop
‘There is the tree that you see that they call ngàlɛ́.’

Expression of the subject

As mentioned above, a copula links a subject to a predicate. In the previous exam-
ples, the shape of the subject was some sort of noun phrase. In (10) and (15), the
subject is expressed nominally, whereas the subject noun phrase in (14) is more
complex, including two modifiers. The stamp copula can also encode subject and
copula at the same time and thus can occur on its own, without a nominal noun
phrase, as in (16).

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 7.1 Copula constructions

(16) mɛ̀ ɛ́ lémbòlɛ̀ ɛ́ mpù báà ndáwɔ̀ dé tù

mɛ̀ ɛ́ lémbo-lɛ̀ ɛ́ mpù báà ndáwɔ̀ dé tù
1sg.prs.neg know-neg loc like.this 2.cop ∅9.house loc inside
dénè
dénè
today[Bulu]
‘I don’t know how they are in the house today.’

This construction type is also used in generic ‘it is’ clauses where the subject is
inanimate, but underspecified, as for instance in (17).

(17) yíì mpà yɔ̃ ɔ́ ̃̀ wɛ́ kã́ yɔ̂ dúmbɔ́

yíì mpà yɔ̃ɔ̃ ́ ̀ ̂
wɛ-H kã-H y-ɔ̂ dúmbɔ́
7.cop good ∅7.time 2sg-prs wrap-r 7-obj ∅7.package
‘It is good when you wrap it in a (leaf) package.’

The yíì stamp copula is also used in cleft sentences, as shown in §8.2.1.2.

7.1.2 Identificational marker wɛ́

The identificational marker wɛ́ is invariable and does not agree with the subject.
The marker occurs in two types of constructions. The primary use is as a copula,
linking a subject and a predicate, as in (18).

(18) a. ntɛ́mbɔ́ wã̂ wɛ́ nû

ntɛ́mbɔ́ w-ã̂ wɛ́ nû
∅1.younger.opposite.sex.sibling 1-poss.1sg id 1.dem.prox
‘This is my younger brother/sister.’
b. * ntɛ́mbɔ́ wã̂ àà nû
ntɛ́mbɔ́ w-ã ̂ àà nû
∅1.younger.opposite.sex.sibling 1-poss.1sg 1.cop 1.dem.prox
‘This is my younger brother/sister.’

In contrast to the stamp copula, however, wɛ́ links a subject only to demonstra-
tives and anaphoric markers, while the stamp copula does not link demonstra-
tives nor anaphoric markers. This is why I label wɛ́ as an identificational marker.
As Mikkelsen (2011: 1812) states for English, “[i]dentificational clauses are char-
acterized by having a demonstrative pronoun or demonstrative phrase in the
subject position”. In Gyeli, the demonstrative does not occur in the subject, but
in the predicate position. Nevertheless, I label wɛ́ as an identificational marker,

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since it takes over the same function, namely identifying people, places, and the
location of things. In (18), the speaker identifies his younger brother by using a
deictic demonstrative, at the same time pointing to the person in question. In
(19), the chief of Ngolo talks about a scar on his forehead, identifying its location
and again pointing to it.

(19) mɛ́ bvú nâ bàmó tè yɔ́ɔ̀ wɛ́ yî

mɛ-H bvû-H nâ bàmó tè y-ɔ́ɔ̀ wɛ́ yî
1sg-prs think-r comp ∅7.scar there 7-obj id 7.dem.prox
‘I think, the scar there is this.’

Apart from demonstratives, anaphoric elements may also occur with the iden-
tificational marker wɛ́. This can be the bare anaphoric marker ndɛ́ without agree-
ment prefix (§3.8.1.5), as in (20).

(20) kàndá wɛ́ ndɛ̀

kàndá wɛ́ ndɛ̀
∅7.proverb id ana
‘The story is this.’

Also, the anaphoric marker with an agreement prefix occurs in identificational

constructions, as shown in (21).

(21) bã̂ yã̂ màfwálá wɛ́ yíndɛ̀

bã̂ y-ã̂ ma-fwálá wɛ́ yí-ndɛ̀
∅7.word 7-poss.1sg ma6-end id 7-ana
‘This is my last word.’

The second type of construction where wɛ́ is used is without a predicate. In

(22), the parentheses indicate that the use of the demonstrative is optional. Often,
the demonstrative is not expressed, so that only the subject and wɛ́ surface. In
that sense, wɛ́ is not a real copula here, since it does not link a subject to another
constituent. It has its origin, however, in a copula construction. Environments
where wɛ́ is used phrase finally, i.e. without demonstrative or anaphoric marker,
are usually those where the subject is a personal pronoun as in (22).

(22) nyɛ̀ wɛ́ (nû)

nyɛ wɛ́ (nû)
1.sbj id (1.dem.prox)
‘This is him.’

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 7.1 Copula constructions

Such identificational constructions show a particular structure when they in-

volve a proper name, as in (23). Here, the personal pronoun is followed by the
proper name and the identificational marker wɛ́ occurs phrase finally. They differ
from the above examples in that wɛ́ is not a linking element, but rather functions
as a deictic itself. In this view, it is not surprising that proper name constructions
with wɛ́ do not involve demonstratives or anaphoric markers.

(23) mhm mɛ̀ Nzìwù wɛ̂

mhm mɛ Nzìwù wɛ́
excl 1sg.sbj ∅1.pn id
‘Mhm, I’m Nziwu.’

Finally, wɛ́ is also used in cleft constructions, as shown in (24). The structure of
the identificational clause is parallel to the one in (22) without a demonstrative
predicate, namely nyɛ̀ wɛ́, except that the subject is more complex, specifying
who nyɛ̀ is. The identificational clause is followed by a relative clause which, in
this case, does not have an attributive marker to indicate the relative clause.1

(24) ntɛ́mbɔ̀ wà mùdã̂ wã̂ nyɛ̀ wɛ́ [bùdɛ́ mwánɔ̀

ntɛ́mbɔ̀ wà m-ùdã ̂ w-ã ̂ nyɛ wɛ́ bùdɛ-H m-wánɔ̀
∅1.younger.sibling 1:att n1-woman 1-poss.1sg 1 id have-r n1-child
wà mùdã̂ mvúdũ̂]rel
wà m-ùdã̂ m-vúdũ̂
1:att n1-woman 1-one
‘It’s my wife’s younger sister who has one girl.’

As with all other non-verbal copula types, also wɛ́ is restricted to the present
tense-mood category.

7.1.3 Optional ∅-copula

In a few environments, a copula can be optionally omitted. This, however, seems
to be restricted to semantic relations of identity between the subject and the pred-
icate. Copula omission in Gyeli is grammatically optional and not grammatically
conditioned, even though certain environments seem to favor omission. In all ex-
amples presented below, a copula could also be used. Environments which favor
copula omission often seem to involve possessive predicates, as in (25) and (27).
Both examples differ, however. In (25), the subject is a demonstrative, while the
predicate is a nominal noun phrase, modified by a possessor pronoun.
1
For more information on relative clauses, see §8.2.1.

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7 Simple clauses

(25) nû [mwánɔ̀ wã̂]pred

nû m-wánɔ̀ w-ã
1.dem.prox n1-child 1-1sg.poss
‘This is my child.’

The clause in (25) could also be expressed with a stamp copula, although with
a slightly different meaning, as shown in (26).

(26) núù mwánɔ̀ wã̂

núù m-wánɔ̀ wã̂
1.cop n1-child 1-1sg.poss
‘S/he is my child.’

In contrast to (25), the predicate in (27) is a possessive pronoun, while the

subject is a complex nominal noun phrase, including a demonstrative. Again, it
is possible to use a copula, for instance the stamp copula wúù of agreement class
3, which is deleted in fast speech.

(27) nkwànɔ̀ wɔ̂ [wã̂]pred

nkwànɔ̀ wɔ̂ w-ã̂
∅3.honey 3.dem.prox 3-1sg.poss
‘This honey is mine.’

Since examples of copula omission are rare, the sample is not sufficient to make
any generalizations about the difference between the use of a stamp copula in
contrast to copula omission. It may be a matter of fast and colloquial speech
to omit the copula. It may also be related to information structure. The bare
demonstrative as subject, as in (25), could thus introduce a new topic, while the
stamp copula may suggest that the topic is already known.2
In addition to possessive predicates, a copula can also be omitted in nominal
predication when the subject is a subject pronoun, as in (28).

(28) mɛ̀ [nsálɛ̀ gyàngó]pred

mɛ n-sálɛ̀ gyàngó
1.sbj n1-doer ∅7.hunt
‘I’m a hunter.’
2
It is also possible to use the identificational marker wɛ́ for (25), but in that case, subject and
predicate would need to be reversed, making the predicate mwánɔ̀ wã̂ the subject and nû the
predicate. This construction then differs also in terms of information structure, moving the
demonstrative into the focus position.

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 7.1 Copula constructions

Zero copula constructions always refer to the present tense. If non-verbal pred-
icates are to be expressed in other tense-mood categories, a verbal copula is re-
quired.

7.1.4 Verbal copula bɛ̀ ‘be’

To express copular clauses in other tense-mood categories than the present or to
negate them, the verbal copula bɛ̀ ‘be’ is used. Additionally, bɛ̀ is used in express-
ing predicate possession by adding the comitative marker nà. Each of these uses
is illustrated below.

Tense expression with bɛ̀ ‘be’

The verbal copula bɛ̀ can be used in all tense-mood categories. Even though for
the present tense-mood category, non-verbal copula types are usually used, bɛ̀
can serve also as a copula in the present. This seems to mainly occur when the
nominal subject is focused by an emphatically used object pronoun, as in (29)
and (30).

(29) lûngà yá sã́ wã̂ yɔ̂ bɛ́ yíí

lûngà yá sã́ w-ã̂ y-ɔ̂ bɛ̀ -H yíí
∅7.grave 7:att ∅1.father 1-poss.1sg 7-obj be-r 7.dem.dist
‘My father’s grave is over there.’
(30) ngùndyá tè nyɔ̂ bɛ́ nyî
ngùndyá tè nyɔ̂ bɛ̀ -H nyî
∅9.raffia there 9.obj be-r 9.dem.prox
‘That is raffia there.’

Also, special construction types can trigger the use of bɛ̀ as copula in the
present. For instance, the copula bɛ̀ can occur as the second constituent in a
verbal coordination, as in (31). In order to keep the verbal structure of the first
constituent, and share the first constituent’s subject yí ‘it’, the copula of the sec-
ond constituent is verbal as well.

(31) bon pílì yí báàlá nà bɛ̀ ndɛ̀ náà ndɛ̀ náà ndáà ná
bon pílì yi-H báàla-H nà bɛ̀ ndɛ̀ náà ndɛ̀ náà ndáà ná
good[French] when 7-prs repeat-r com be like.that like.that also still
‘So, when it continues and is still like this and like that. . .’

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7 Simple clauses

Another special construction type in the present where a verbal copula is

chosen over the non-verbal copulas involves sentential modifiers, as illustrated
in (32). Certain sentential modifiers such as kɔ́ɔ̀ ‘still’ require an infinitival con-
struction, as further discussed in §7.2.3.

(32) nà bí bɛ́sɛ̀ kɔ́ɔ̀ kùrã̂ bɛ̀ dé tù

nà bí b-ɛ́sɛ̀ kɔ́ɔ̀ kùrã̂ bɛ̀ dé tù
com 1pl.sbj 2-all still ∅7.electricity be loc inside
‘For all of us, there ought to be electricity inside [the houses].’

Besides these special cases in the present, the verbal copula bɛ̀ is used in other
tense-mood categories. This is shown for the recent past in (33) and (34). (33)
represents a nominal predicate, while (34) gives an example where the predicate
is an interrogative pronoun.

(33) yɔ́ɔ̀ ngã̀ nû à bɛ́ ngã̀

yɔ́ɔ̀ ngã ̀ nû a bɛ̀ -H ngã̂
so ∅1.healer 1.dem.prox 1.pst1 be-r ∅1.healer
‘So, this healer was a healer.’
(34) mà bɛ́ vɛ́
ma bɛ̀ -H vɛ́
6.pst1 be-r where
‘Where were they [the houses]?’

Similarly, bɛ̀ can be used in the remote past, as shown in (35).

(35) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí nɔ́gá núù bɛ́ Nzàmbí wà gyí

yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí nɔ́-gá núù bɛ̀ -H Nzàmbí wà gyí
so ∅1.pn 1-other 1.pst2 be-r ∅1.pn 1:att what
‘So which Nzambi was the other Nzambi?’

Finally, the verbal copula bɛ̀ can even take the absolute completive aspect
marker mà, as shown in (36). This, however, seems to be the only possible combi-
nation of the verbal copula and aspect marking, excluding all other aspect mark-
ers (Table 6.2). Also, it is noteworthy that this construction has been observed
several times with the Mabi version of the completive aspect marker mà as an
instance of code-switching, but has never been noticed with the Gyeli form of
the aspect marker mɔ̀ .

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 7.1 Copula constructions

(36) wú bɛ́ mà bî ndáwɔ̀ dé tù

wú bɛ̀ -H mà bî ndáwɔ̀ dé tù
3 be-r compl[Kwasio] 1pl.obj ∅9.house loc inside
‘[I wish] that it was already in our houses!’

Negation with bɛ̀

bɛ̀ is the only copula type that can be used in negated copula constructions. This
holds for all predication types as well as for all tense-mood categories, including
the present. Thus, the negated form bɛ́lɛ́ is used in the present, for instance
with a nominal predicate, as in (37).
(37) mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́lɛ́ mùdì wà lèkɛ́lɛ̀
mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́-lɛ́ m-ùdì wà le-kɛ́lɛ̀
1sg.prs.neg be-neg n1-person 1:att le5-word
‘I’m not a person of many words.’
The same construction is used with adjectival predicates, as in (38).
(38) nkwànò wú bɛ́lɛ́ mpà
nkwànò wu-H bɛ̀ -lɛ mpà
∅3.honey 3-prs be-neg good
‘The honey is not good.’
Also deictic predicates have been found with a negated copula bɛ́lɛ́, as in (39).
(39) nyɛ̀ nâ mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́lɛ́ wû
nyɛ nâ mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ̀ -lɛ wû
1 comp 1sg.prs.neg be-neg there
‘He [says]: “I’m not there”.’
Finally, there are a few constructions that lack a predicate, parallel to what has
been described for the stamp copula in §7.1.1. In (40), the negated copula ex-
presses a negative existential clause: ‘the person is not there’. While in English,
the use of ‘there’ is obligatory in these constructions, in Gyeli, the occurrence of
the deictic as in (39) is optional. In (40), the deictic does not appear so that the
negated form of ‘be’ serves as predicate in this case.
(40) mùdì nú bɛ́lɛ́
m-ùdì nú bɛ́-lɛ́
n1-person 1.dem.dist be-neg
‘This person is not there.’

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Predicate possession with bɛ̀ nà

The verbal copula bɛ̀ ‘be’ in conjunction with the comitative marker nà express
predicate possession. Typically, the predicate is nominal in these cases. Predicate
possession with bɛ̀ nà can be used in all tense-mood categories. I provide exam-
ples for some of them in (41), namely for the present, the recent past, and the
future.
(41) a. mɛ́ bɛ́ nà nkwànò
mɛ-H bɛ̀ -H nà nkwànò
1sg-prs be-r com ∅3.honey
‘I have honey.’
b. mɛ̀ bɛ́ nà nkwànò
mɛ bɛ̀ -H nà nkwànò
1sg.pst1 be-r com ∅3.honey
‘I had honey.’
c. mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ nà nkwànò
mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ̀ nà nkwànò
1sg.fut be com ∅3.honey
‘I will have honey.’
Encoding of predicate possession in the present is special in that it can also
take other forms to express the meaning of ‘have’. While the verbal copula plus
comitative marker as in (41a) is one option, the copula can also be omitted in the
present so that only the comitative marker surfaces, as in (42).
(42) mɛ́ nà nkwànò
mɛ-H nà nkwànò
1-prs com ∅3.honey
‘I have honey.’
Further, another verbal copula, bùdɛ́, can be used, as discussed in §7.1.6.
bɛ̀ nà can be used for affirmative clauses, but also in negation, thus express-
ing negative possession. Negation of bɛ̀ nà constructions is achieved by regular
negation patterns for the different tense-mood categories. In the present, two
construction types are possible. One involves the negation suffix -lɛ, as in (43).
(43) mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́lɛ́ nà nkwànò
mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ̀ -lɛ nà nkwànò
1sg.prs.neg be-neg com ∅3.honey
‘I don’t have any honey.’

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The second possible negation construction involves the negation particle tí, or,
as in (44), the Mabi form kí, which is often used in code-switching.

(44) mɛ̀ kí bɛ̀ nà tsídí

mɛ kí bɛ̀ nà tsídí
1sg neg[Kwasio] be com ∅1.meat
‘I don’t have any meat.’

Also for past negation, both negation words, sàlɛ́ and pálɛ́ can be used, as (45)
and (46) show. The negation words precede bɛ̀ nà as they would with any other
verb.

(45) ɛ́kɛ̀ ! Nzàmbí wà nú áà sàlɛ́ bɛ̀ nà bã̂ líná-á

ɛ́kɛ̀ ! Nzàmbí wà nú áà sàlɛ́ bɛ̀ nà bã̂ líná
excl ∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.dist 1.pst2 neg.pst be com ∅7.word when
pámò
a-H pámo
1-prs arrive
‘Oh! That Nzambi had no words as soon as he arrived.’
(46) yà pálɛ́ bɛ̀ nà bùdã̂
ya pálɛ́ bɛ̀ nà b-ùdã̂
1pl neg.pst be com ba2-woman
‘We did not have any women.’

Accordingly, negation of predicate possession in the future is achieved with the

future negation word kálɛ̀ , as shown in (47).

(47) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ kálɛ̀ ná bɛ̀ nà jí ɛ́ vâ

mɛ̀ ɛ̀ kálɛ̀ ná bɛ̀ nà jí ɛ́ vâ
1sg.fut neg.fut anymore be com ∅7.place loc here
‘I won’t have a place here anymore.’

7.1.5 Verbal copula múà ‘be almost’

The verbal copula múà seems to be a special variety for expressing copular clauses
in the recent past. As such, its use is very limited as well as its occurrence in
the corpus. While the general verbal copula bɛ̀ occurs 27 times in the corpus (that
is 24.1% of all copula occurrences), múà only appears six times, constituting 5.4%
of the copula occurrences. Also, the use of múà as a copula seems to depend on

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speaker preference. Only one of the speakers chose múà over bɛ̀ , whereas other
speakers only used múà as prospective marker (see §6.3.1.3). Therefore, in all
copular clauses with múà, múà could be replaced by the more general verbal
copula bɛ̀ . Examples from the corpus with múà as copula are given in (48) and
(49).

(48) à múà mɛ́dɛ́ nyá mùdì

a múà mɛ́dɛ́ nyá m-ùdì
1 be.almost self real n1-person
‘He was about to be a real (old) man.’
(49) mɛ̀ múà pɔ́nɛ́ wá yìmbá ntɛ́ wû
mɛ múà pɔ́nɛ́ wá yìmbá ntɛ́ wû
1sg be.almost ∅7.truth 3:att ∅7.age ∅3.size there
‘I was really about the age of this size there [makes a gesture with hand
showing his height].’

múà as a copular verb is, however, more restricted than bɛ̀ in that is can only
occur in the recent past. Also, negation is not possible with múà.

Predicate possession with múà nà

The expression of predicate possession is also possible with múà in conjunction
with the comitative marker nà. Again, this is restricted to the recent past, as
(50) shows.

(50) gbĩ-́ gbĩ-̀ gbĩ-́ gbĩ-̀ gbĩ ́ à múà nà bábɛ̀ tí wúmbɛ̀ wɛ̀
́ ̀ ́ ̀ ́
gbĩ-gbĩ-gbĩ-gbĩ-gbĩ a múà nà bábɛ̀ tí wúmbɛ wɛ̀
ideo:roaming 1 prosp com ∅7.illness neg want-r die
‘[imitation of the disease roaming in his body] He was about to be sick,
not wanting to die.’

múà nà cannot be directly negated, but requires the past negation words sàlɛ́ or
pálɛ́ as in (45) and (46).

7.1.6 Verbal copula bùdɛ́ ‘have’

The verbal copula bùdɛ́ ‘have’ only expresses predicate possession. It is inter-
changeable with bɛ̀ plus comitative marker nà, as (51) shows.

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 7.1 Copula constructions

(51) a. bá bɛ́ nà bvúbvù

ba-H bɛ̀ -H nà bvúbvù
2-prs be-r com lots
‘They have lots.’
b. bá bùdɛ́ bvúbvù
ba-H bùdɛ́ bvúbvù
2-prs have.r lots
‘They have lots.’

The verb bùdɛ́ occurs 17 times in the corpus, which equals 15.2% of all copula
occurrences. Out of 27 instances of bɛ̀ as a copula, 10 occur with the comitative
marker nà. Thus, bɛ̀ nà constructions only constitute 11.2% of the copula construc-
tions and are thus less frequent than predicate possession constructions with
bùdɛ́. Given the relatively few instances in the corpus of both constructions, it is
not yet possible to determine distributional and/or semantic differences. Speak-
ers generally state that both constructions mean the same and both can be used
interchangeably.
bùdɛ́ differs from other verbs including the copula bɛ̀ in its tonal behavior on
the stamp marker. Comparable to, for instance, the future tense-mood cate-
gory, the first and second person singular and the stamp marker of class 1 have
a different tonal pattern, namely an L tone, than the stamp markers of the other
agreement classes, which have an H tone, as in (51b). As to the tonal shape of the
verb bùdɛ́, it always ends in an H tone, which suggests that it belongs to the realis
mood, as discussed in §6.2.2. Since bùdɛ́ never occurs phrase finally, however, it
is not possible to prove that its final TBU is underlyingly L. I therefore gloss the
realis H tone as being inherent to the verb.
The predicates in constructions with bùdɛ́ are all nominal or extended nominal
noun phrases, as examples (52) through (54) show. In (52), the predicate is a noun
modified by a numeral.

(52) mɛ̀ bùdɛ́ bwánɔ̀ bábáà

mɛ̀ bùdɛ́ b-wánɔ̀ bá-báà
1sg.sbj have.r ba2-child 2-two
‘I have two children.’

In (53), the predicate is nominal as well, followed by a comitative construction,

which literally translates as ‘the Bulu has anger with me.’

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(53) pílì wɛ́ kɛ́ nâ wɛ́ kɛ́ tɔ́kɛ̀ mwánɔ̀ sáyà

pílì wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H nâ wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H tɔ́kɛ m-wánɔ̀ sáyà
when 2sg-prs go-r comp 2sg-prs go-r collect n1-child ∅7.thing
bvúlɛ̀ à bùdɛ́ lébvúú nà mɛ̂
bvúlɛ̀ a bùdɛ́ H-le-bvúú nà mɛ̂
ba2.Bulu 1 have.r obj.link-le5-anger com 1sg.obj
‘When you go to go gather a small thing, the Bulu is angry with me.’

bùdɛ́ can also occur in relative clauses, as (54) shows. Here, the relative clause
modifies the object noun phrase mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀. The demonstrative following bùdɛ́
is coreferential with this object noun phrase.

(54) vɛ̂ mɛ̂ sâ mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀ [wà wɛ̀ bùdɛ́ nû]rel

vɛ̂ mɛ̂ sâ m-wánɔ̀ w-ɔ́ɔ̀ wà wɛ bùdɛ́ nû
give.imp 1sg.obj only n1-child 1-poss.2sg 1:att 2sg have.r 1:dem.prox
‘Give me only your child that you have here.’

The distribution of bùdɛ́ seems to be restricted to the present tense-mood cat-

egory. Given the special tonal pattern of the stamp marker, which differs from
the general present tonal pattern, tense-mood category affiliation cannot be de-
termined by the default tonal shape. Speakers consistently translate clauses with
bùdɛ́ with the present. The same is true for the special construction involving
the Kwasio loan form of the absolute completive marker mà. As discussed
in §6.2.3.3, the Gyeli completive marker mɔ̀ /-Ṽ is restricted to the recent past.
In (55), however, it occurs with bùdɛ́ and speakers translate the sentence in the
present into French as Il a déjà une femme.

(55) à bùdɛ́ mà mùdã̂

a bùdɛ́ mà m-ùdã̂
1 have.r compl[Kwasio] n1-woman
‘He already has a wife.’

Two explanations are possible. One could propose that bùdɛ́ does not belong to
the present tense-mood category and constitutes a general exception. As such,
it can combine with the absolute completive marker mà. Semantically, it en-
codes a present perfect reading, comparable to English have got constructions.
Alternately, one could propose that bùdɛ́ belongs to the present tense-mood cat-
egory, despite the special tonal pattern of the stamp marker. The co-occurrence
with mà, which is only expected to occur in the recent past, can be explained
by the potential grammaticalization of mà into an adverb. It is noteworthy that

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 7.2 Verbal clauses and grammatical relations

bùdɛ́ only co-occurs with the Kwasio loan form of mà, but never with its own
absolute completive marker mɔ̀ /-Ṽ. At the same time, speakers consistently
translate mà as déjà ‘already’. It is thus possible that mà functions as an adverb
rather than an aspect marker, which would explain why mà is not restricted to
the recent past.
Finally, bùdɛ́ is also used in the quotative index of reported speech (see §8.2.2.3
for more information), as shown in (56) and (57). Generally, there seems to be a
tendency that bùdɛ́ as a verb in a quotative index indicates some kind of wish or
order, as both examples illustrate.

(56) mɛ́ mɛ̀ bùdɛ́ nâ ɛ́ pɛ̀ ɛ́ wû bèyá

mɛ́ mɛ bùdɛ́ nâ ɛ́ pɛ̀ ɛ́ wû bèya-H
but[French] 1sg have.r comp loc over.there loc there 2pl[Kwasio]-prs
lwɔ̃ ́ kwádɔ́ yã̂ ɛ́ wû
lwɔ̂̃ -H kwádɔ́ y-ã̂ ɛ́ wû
build-r ∅7.village 7-poss.1sg loc there
‘But I say that over there, there you (pl.) ought to build my village over
there.’
(57) mɛ̀ bùdɛ́ nâ á lwɔ́ngɔ́ mɛ̂ màndáwɔ̀
mɛ bùdɛ́ nâ a-H lwɔ́ngɔ-H mɛ̂ ma-ndáwɔ̀
1sg have.r comp 1-prs build[Kwasio]-r 1sg.obj ma6-house
‘I say that she [Nadine] ought to build me houses.’

Having outlined constructions with non-verbal predicates, I now turn to con-

structions with verbal predicates as well as a general discussion of grammatical
relations in Gyeli.

7.2 Verbal clauses and grammatical relations

In this section, I first discuss the different grammatical relations found in Gyeli
before describing basic clause types. I also address sentential modifiers.

7.2.1 Grammatical relations: definitions and diagnostics

In this section, I describe the grammatical relations in Gyeli. In doing so, I fol-
low Dryer (1997) who argues against grammatical relations, such as subject and
object, as cross-linguistic notions, but emphasizes that grammatical relations are

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fundamentally language-specific. I therefore use a range of language specific for-

mal criteria in order to determine the grammatical relations in Gyeli. These in-
clude word order, agreement, and suprasegmental noun phrase marking. Based
on these criteria, I distinguish subjects, objects, and obliques in Gyeli, which I
will discuss in turn. Other criteria to distinguish grammatical roles used in other
languages, for instance relativization as in Japhug (Jacques 2016), do not serve
as additional evidence. Similar to Eton, Bantu A71, (Van de Velde 2008: 301), pas-
sivization has a low text frequency as speakers prefer to use impersonal con-
structions in agreement class 2.3 In addition, passivization is morphologically
restricted (§4.2.4.2): less than a third of the verbs in the database allow for pas-
sivization. Although one may use passivization as an argument for subject and
object roles for the verbs that allow passive morphology, as shown in the exam-
ples in §4.2.4.2, I agree with Van de Velde (2008) in not giving too much weight
to passivization for syntactic argumentation.

7.2.1.1 Subjects
Subjects in Gyeli are formally characterized by their preverbal position in basic
word order, as shown in (58) and (59), and by agreement of the stamp marker, a
preverbal clitic encoding subject agreement and other clause information such
as tense-mood and negation (§3.9.1).

(58) yɔ́ɔ̀ [mùdã̂]SBJ á kɛ̀ (intransitive)

yɔ́ɔ̀ m-ùdã̂ a-H kɛ̀
so n1-woman 1-prs go
‘So the woman goes.’
(59) [Nzàmbí]SBJ à bwã̀ã́ mwánɔ̀ (transitive)
Nzàmbí a ̀
bwãã-H m-wánɔ̀
∅1.pn 1.pst1 give.birth-r n1-child
‘Nzambi has given birth to a child.’

As visible in these two examples, the subject has the same characteristics for
intransitive and transitive verbs, both in terms of word order and agreement
behavior.
The stamp marker, á in (58) and à in (59), is a free grammatical morpheme
rather than a prefix, since it can optionally be omitted in certain contexts (§3.9.1).

3
This is different in many eastern and southern Bantu languages, such as Tswana (Creissels
2007), where passivization is a good diagnostic for establishing grammatical roles.

456
 7.2 Grammatical relations

Still, the stamp marker is a valid diagnostic for subjecthood, since it can always
be added to a nominal subject. The stamp marker as subject agreement marker
suffices as subject expression in cases where the subject noun phrase is zero
expressed (before the verbal predicate in square brackets), as in (60) and (61) for
intransitive and transitive verbs, respectively.

(60) yɔ́ɔ̀ [á kɛ̀ ] (intransitive)

yɔ́ɔ̀ a-H kɛ̀
so 1-prs go
‘So she goes.’
(61) [à bwã̀ã́] mwánɔ̀ (transitive)
a ̀
bwãã-H m-wánɔ̀
1.pst1 give.birth-r n1-child
‘S/he has given birth to a child.’

Another diagnostic is the form of subject pronouns, which differs from non-
subject pronouns (§3.6.1 and 3.6.2), as illustrated in (62) with the subject and
non-subject pronouns for agreement class 6.

(62) a. [má]sbj má kwé mímpìndí (subject)

má ma-H kwè-H H-mi-pìndí
6.sbj 6-prs fall-r obj.link-mi4-unripeness
‘They [the bread fruit] fall unripe.’
b. mɛ́ nyɛ́ [mɔ̂]obj (object)
mɛ-H nyɛ̂-H mɔ̂
1sg-prs see-r 6.obj
‘I see them [the bread fruit].’
c. mɛ́ njí [nà mɔ̂]obl (oblique)
mɛ-H njì-H nà mɔ̂
1sg-prs come-r com 6.obj
‘I bring them [the bread fruit].’

(62a) shows the subject pronoun má, which precedes the stamp marker. In (62b),
the agreement class 6 pronoun is in object position and takes the shape mɔ̂ . This
is the same form as the pronoun takes in obliques with the comitative marker nà,
as in (62c).
Creissels (2005) provides a useful survey of pronominal subject and object
markers and their evolutionary stages in African languages. Following his model

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of three different stages in pronominal markers, Gyeli has both a stage I and a
stage II pronominal marker for subjects. The stage I pronominal marker is the
subject pronoun, as in (62a), which is in complementary distribution with its cor-
responding noun phrase and chosen for discourse structural reasons. In contrast,
the stage II pronominal marker, following Creissels (2005), is the stamp marker,
as in (60), which is obligatory even (in most cases) if a nominal or pronominal sub-
ject noun phrase is present. In contrast to subjects, non-subjects, namely objects
and oblique noun phrases, only have a stage I pronominal marker, as described
below.

7.2.1.2 Objects
While subjects can uncontroversially be recognized as a grammatical relation, it
is more challenging to distinguish objects from obliques. This seems to be par-
ticularly common in northwestern Bantu. For instance, Van de Velde (2008: 287)
only distinguishes subjects from non-subjects in Eton (A71), since “there are no
clear syntactic arguments to define grammatical relations other than subject”.
This corresponds to Schadeberg’s (1995: 179) observation that:

Bantu languages recognize a type of syntactic relationship which is wider

than our traditional category of object, including some but not all of our
category of adjunct.

In Gyeli, however, there are means to distinguish objects from obliques, even
though they differ from the typical diagnostics used in Bantu languages.
Some of the typical object diagnostics for Bantu languages such as object pre-
fixes on the verb or passivization, as suggested by Schadeberg (1995), do not work
in Gyeli. In Gyeli, objects are generally not cross-referenced on verbs. (63) shows
that the verb does not take any object marking prefixes, no matter whether the
object is expressed by a lexical noun phrase, as in (63a), or a pronoun, as in (63b).

(63) a. mɛ́ bìyɔ́ Màmbì S V On

mɛ-H bìyɔ-H Màmbì
1sg-prs beat-r ∅1.pn
‘I beat Mambi.’
b. mɛ́ bìyɔ́ nyɛ̂ S V Opro
mɛ-H bìyɔ-H nyɛ̂
1sg-prs beat-r 1.obj
‘I beat him.’

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 7.2 Grammatical relations

In contrast to preverbal object prefixes, postverbal object marking is more dif-

ficult to analyze. This is because, according to Marten & Kula (2012: 239), postver-
bal object markers
may in fact be normal pronouns, or pronouns in some special position with
respect to the verb, or clitic pronouns with special phonological or morpho-
logical characteristics.
In Gyeli, I consider them “normal” pronouns of Creissels’s (2005) stage I. This pro-
noun paradigm (§3.6.2) is distinct from the subject pronoun (§3.6.1) and the stamp
clitic (§3.9.1) paradigms. It merges, however, object and oblique noun phrase roles
and thus does not qualify as object diagnostic.
Another diagnostic that is often used in determining objects in Bantu is pas-
sivization. In Gyeli, passivization is a rare process that mostly shows up in elicita-
tions, but not in natural speech. I therefore do not consider passivization a good
diagnostic for objecthood, even though simple constructions such as in (64) yield
the expected results. As described in §4.2.4.2, the object of an active construction,
as in (64a), corresponds to the subject of a passive construction, as in (64b), while
the subject of an active construction can optionally be expressed as an oblique
in the passive construction.

(64) a. [bùdì bá]sbj tsìlɔ́ [békálàdɛ̀ ]obj

b-ùdì ba-H tsìlɔ-H H-be-kálàdɛ̀
ba2-person 2-prs write-r obj.link-be8-book
‘People write books.’
b. [bèkálàdɛ̀ bé]sbj tsìlá [(nà bùdì)]obl
be-kálàdɛ̀ be-H tsìl-a-H nà b-ùdì
be8-book 8-prs write-pass-r com ba2-person
‘Books are written (by people).’

Passivization as an object diagnostic in Gyeli is limited, however. First, pas-

sivization is a restricted morphological process, given that the possibility to form
passives is lexically determined by the verb; less than one third of the verbs in the
database allow for passivization. Thus, many verbs that semantically would be
expected to have a passive form do not. Speakers generally prefer active construc-
tions with unspecified agents expressed by the agreement class 2 stamp marker
ba. Second, while passivization might work as a diagnostic for single objects, it
does not for double object constructions. The attempt to passivize both objects
in a double object construction in elicitation proved to be an unnatural process
and yielded dubious results.

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Having ruled out some typical Bantu object diagnostics for Gyeli, I now turn
to the two formal criteria that actually characterize objects in this language.
These include suprasegmental marking of the object noun phrase, which I call
an “object-linking H tone”, and word order. I will discuss both in turn.

The object-linking H tone

Objects in Gyeli are marked by a syntactic H4 tone that attaches to underlyingly
toneless tone bearing units of the object noun, namely to CV- noun class pre-
fixes.5 I gloss this object-linking H tone as “obj.link”. Thus, in (65), the object
receives an H tone, attaching to the noun class prefix, which is underlyingly
toneless.

(65) wɛ̀ nzíí bàlɛ̀ [bébã́ã̀]obj

wɛ nzíí bàlɛ H-be-bã́ã̀
2sg prog.prs keep obj.link-be8-word
‘You are recording the story [lit. you are keeping the words].’

In contrast, in (66), the noun phrase following the verb is not marked with an H
tone, indicating its status as an oblique.

(66) mɛ̀ pàlɛ́ kɛ̀ dyɔ̂ [màfú málálɛ̀ ]obl

mɛ pàlɛ́ kɛ̀ dyɔ̂ ma-fú má-lálɛ̀
1sg neg.pst go sleep ma6-day 6-three
‘I haven’t slept in three days.’

4
Bantu languages are well known for their inflectional melodic tones on verb stems (Odden &
Bickmore 2014), yet tonal alternations that are realized after the verb, entering the syntax of
the broader VP, are less studied. Tone-cases reported for some western Bantu languages, e.g. in
Otjiherero R31 (van der Wal 2015), constitute a famous exception, illustrating that tonal alterna-
tions on the object noun class prefix correlate with object and information structure marking
in a subset of tenses. Other phenomena that possibly include tonal alternations on postverbal
material are the conjoint/disjoint distinction, broadly related to information structure distinc-
tions in eastern Bantu (van der Wal & Hyman 2017), and “metatony” in northwestern Bantu,
e.g. in Abo A42 (Hyman & Lionnet 2012), where immediate-after-verb nominal object prefixes
surface H if they follow verbs ending H. In both cases, however, the tonal alternation of object
nouns originates from and depends on the tonal shape of the preceding verb, which is not the
case in Gyeli.
5
There is one other toneless element that the syntactic object-linking H tone can be realized
on, namely the verbal plural particle nga (§3.9.2.2), which seems to “steal” the object-linking
H tone from the object.

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 7.2 Grammatical relations

Since the appearance of the object-linking H tone is restricted to toneless tone

bearing units, namely CV- noun class prefixes, nominal objects that have no CV-
prefix or pronominal objects are not marked for their object status suprasegmen-
tally. Only a substitution test, substituting a tonally unmarked noun phrase with
a noun that has a CV- noun class prefix, ultimately determines whether the noun
phrase is an object or an oblique. This, however, is subject to further restrictions.
As we will see below, in double object constructions, only the object that is clos-
est to the verb is tonally marked as an object.
In Gyeli, I argue for two distinct tones, a grammatical realis-marking H tone
on the verb (§6.2.2), and an object-linking H tone on the CV- noun class prefix
of an object. While it is possible that the object-linking H tone has its origin in
high tone spreading from the realis-marking H tone on the verb, synchronically,
these two tones are distinct, as (67) shows. The object-linking H tone shows up in
conjunction with the realis-marking H tone, as in (67a), but also if the verb ends
in an L tone, as in (67b). The latter case makes clear that high tone spreading is
not an explanation for the H tone on the object.

(67) a. mɛ́ gyámbɔ́ bélɔ̀ lɔ̀ (with realis H tone)

mɛ-H gyámbɔ-H H-be-lɔ̀ lɔ
1sg-prs cook-r obj.link-be8-duck
‘I cook ducks.’
b. mɛ̀ ɛ̀ gyámbɔ̀ bélɔ̀ lɔ̀ (without realis H tone)
mɛ̀ ɛ̀ gyámbɔ H-be-lɔ̀ lɔ
1sg.fut cook obj.link-be8-duck
‘I will cook ducks.’

Other evidence that the H tone on the object prefix cannot stem from high
tone spreading comes from examples where multiple verbs occur between the
realis-marking H tone and the object H tone, as in (68).

(68) à nzíí tálɛ̀ sɛ́lɔ̀ [béntùgú]obj

a nzíí tálɛ sɛ́lɔ H-be-ntùgú
1 prog.prs.r begin peel obj.link-be8-potato
‘S/he is starting to peel potatoes.’

The same is true when other parts of speech than verbs stand between the finite
verb and the object, as for instance the adverb in (69).

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7 Simple clauses

(69) mɛ́ kwàlɛ́ kɔ́ɔ̀ [bábwálɛ̀ bã́ã̀]obj

mɛ-H kwàlɛ-H kɔ́ɔ̀ H-ba-bwálɛ̀ b-ã́ã̀
1sg-prs love-r always obj.link-ba2-parent 2-1sg.poss
‘I always love my parents.’

Double objects and the linking H tone

The function of the linking H tone is to mark the object that is closest to the verb.
This becomes apparent in constructions involving two objects. As (70) shows, a
verb can be followed by two object noun phrases. Riedel & Marten (2012: 279)
point out that indirect objects generally precede direct objects in Bantu languages.
In Gyeli, however, there is no word order restriction as to which object is closer
to the verb. (70b) illustrates that also the direct object can precede the indirect ob-
ject. Further, there are no formal criteria to distinguish what is generally called
a direct object from an indirect object. Therefore, I will rather refer to multiple
objects as the first object, i.e. the object closer to the verb, and the second object.
The crucial point is that, in Gyeli, the object that is closer to the verb is marked
by the linking H tone, but not the second object.
(70) a. mɛ́ vɛ́ bábwálɛ̀ bèfùmbí S V O1 O2
mɛ-H vɛ̂-H H-ba-bwálɛ̀ be-fùmbí
1sg-prs give-r obj.link-ba2-parent be8-orange
‘I give the parents oranges.’
b. mɛ́ vɛ́ béfùmbí bàbwálɛ̀ S V O 1 O2
mɛ-H vɛ̂-H H-be-fùmbí ba-bwálɛ̀
1sg-prs give-r obj.link-be8-orange ba2-parent
‘I give oranges to the parents.’
Thus, tonally, the second object cannot be distinguished from an oblique noun
phrase, as in (66), where the noun class prefix also surfaces with an L tone. In
order to distinguish objects from obliques, another diagnostic is needed, namely
word order.

Word order
Riedel & Marten (2012: 279) state that:
The clearest way to distinguish adjuncts from objects in Bantu languages
appears to be word order. Bantu languages generally have the word order
S V O X or rather S V IO DO X, where locatives usually follow any objects,
and high adjuncts, such as temporal modifiers, also follow the objects.

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 7.2 Grammatical relations

This generalization broadly applies to Gyeli as well, except that indirect and di-
rect objects cannot be clearly distinguished, as noted above. Thus, it seems more
accurate for Gyeli to suggest a general order of S V O1 O2 Xn . The object slot can
host any number of objects from none to two. Also the oblique position X can be
filled by multiple adjuncts. Within the object slot, the order of the two objects is
free. Similarly, adjuncts are also free in their relative order. Generally, however,
objects are restricted to the object slot and obliques to the final X slot. This word
order ultimately distinguishes objects from obliques and is illustrated in (71).

(71) a. mɛ̀ vɛ́ [bábwálɛ̀ ]obj1 [bèfùmbí]obj2 [màfú málálɛ̀

mɛ vɛ̂-H H-ba-bwálɛ̀ be-fùmbí ma-fú má-lálɛ̀
1sg.pst1 give-r obj.link-ba2-parent be8-orange ma6-day 6-three
dẽ̂]x1 [ɛ́ tísònì]x2
dẽ̂ ɛ́ tísònì
today loc ∅7.town
‘I gave the parents oranges three days ago in town.’
b. mɛ́ vɛ́ [béfùmbí]obj1 [bàbwálɛ̀ ]obj2 [ɛ́ tísònì]x1
mɛ-H vɛ̂-H H-be-fùmbí ba-bwálɛ̀ ɛ́ tísònì
1sg-prs give-r obj.link-be8-orange ba2-parent loc ∅7.town
[màfú málálɛ̀ dẽ̂]x2
ma-fú má-lálɛ̀ dẽ̂
ma6-day 6-three today
‘I gave oranges to the parents in town three days ago.’
c. * mɛ̀ vɛ́ [bábwálɛ̀ ]obj1 [màfú málálɛ̀ dẽ̂]x1
mɛ vɛ̂-H H-ba-bwálɛ̀ ma-fú má-lálɛ̀ dẽ̂
1sg.pst1 give-r obj.link-ba2-parent ma6-day 6-three today
[bèfùmbí]obj2 [ɛ́ tísònì]x2
be-fùmbí ɛ́ tísònì
be8-orange loc ∅7.town
‘I gave the parents three days ago oranges in town.’

In (71a) and (71b), the relative order of objects and obliques is reversed within
the object and oblique slot, respectively. While this is permissible, moving an
oblique into an object position or an object into the oblique slot, mixing objects
and obliques, as in (71c), is prohibited. Thus, word order principles characterize
a second object such as bèfùmbí ‘oranges’ in (71a) as an object in comparison to
the following oblique noun phrase màfú málálɛ̀ ‘three days’. Both noun phrases
carry an L tone on the noun class prefix, since only the first object is marked by

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7 Simple clauses

the object-linking H tone. The second object, however, can be promoted to the
first object position, while the oblique noun phrase can only be reversed in order
with another oblique.

7.2.1.3 Obliques
In the previous section, I explained the formal distinction between objects and
obliques that is related to an object-linking H tone and word order. In this section,
I present different types of obliques, following Dryer & Gensler’s (2013) definition
of “oblique”:

An oblique phrase is a noun phrase or adpositional phrase (prepositional or

postpositional) that functions as an adverbial modifier (or “adjunct”) of the
verb.

(72) provides an example with multiple obliques, all of which represent different
types of oblique phrases. As described in the previous section already, the order
of the oblique phrases can be freely varied, provided that the obliques remain
within the oblique slot and do not move to the objects’ position.

(72) S V O X1 X2 X3
[bùdì bɔ́gà bá]sbj gyámbó [bédéwɔ̀ ]obj [púù
b-ùdì bɔ́-gà ba-H gyámbɔ-H H-be-déwɔ̀ púù
ba2-person 2-other 2pl-prs prepare-r obj.link-be8-food ∅7.reason
yá bwánɔ̀ ]x1 [kìsínì dé tù]x2 [nà màsɔ̀ sí]x3
yá b-wánɔ̀ kìsínì dé tù nà ma-sɔ̀ sí
7:att ba2-child ∅7.kitchen loc inside com ma6-joy
‘Other people prepare food for the children in the kitchen with joy.’

X1 is an instance of a noun + noun construction expressing a benefactive oblique.

X2 constitutes an adpositional noun phrase with the postposition dé, and X3 is a
comitative phrase. I will describe different oblique phrase types in turn.

Bare noun phrases

An oblique can have the structure of a bare noun phrase, i.e. a noun phrase with-
out any adposition or other grammatical marker such as the comitative. A similar
example of a temporal oblique is given in (73) (see also (66)).

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 7.2 Grammatical relations

(73) mɛ̀ gà mɛ́ɛ̀ dyúwɔ́ nzã́ã̀ [dúwɔ̀ lé tè]x

mɛ-gà mɛ́ɛ̀ dyúwɔ-H nzã́ã̀ d-úwɔ̀ lé tè
1sg-contr 1sg.pst2 feel-r ∅7.appetite le5-day 5:att there
‘As for me, I had a craving [for meat] that day.’

Bare noun phrases can also encode other types of obliques, as in (74). Here,
the first oblique, bàgyɛ̃̂ ‘guest’, serves as a secondary predication relating to the
subject. The second oblique is introduced by the associative plural marker and
discussed below.

(74) mɛ́ lɔ́ njì [bàgyɛ̃̂]x1 [bà wɛ̂ ]x2

mɛ-H lɔ́ njì ba-gyɛ̂̃ bà wɛ̂
1sg-prs retro come ba2-guest ap 2sg
‘I just came as a guest to you.’

The oblique nouns in both (66) and (74) can clearly be identified as such, since
they surface with an L tone on their noun class prefix. If they were object argu-
ments, they would surface with an object-linking H tone.

Purpose/benefactive púù yá ‘reason of’

Some nouns are consistently used in obliques. This is, for instance, the case with
púù ‘reason’ that is used in benefactive obliques, as shown in (75).

(75) á gyàgá mántúà [púù yá bwánɔ̀ ]x

a-H gyàga-H H-ma-ntúà púù yá b-wánɔ̀
1-prs buy-r obj.link-ma6-mango ∅7.reason 7:att ba2-child
‘He buys mangoes for the children.’

púù yá obliques also express purpose, as illustrated in (76).

(76) mɛ́ lɔ́ nɔ́ɔ̀ mwánɔ̀ [púù yá mábɔ́’ɔ̀ mâ]x

mɛ-H lɔ́ nɔ́ɔ̀ m-wánɔ̀ púù yá ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀ mâ
1sg-prs retro take n1-child ∅7.reason 7:att ma6-breadfruit 6.dem.prox

‘I have just taken the child in exchange for these breadfruit.’

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7 Simple clauses

Manner/benefactive mpá’à wá ‘side of’

While púù ‘reason’ seems to be the default noun for benefactive obliques, also
mpá’à ‘side’ can be used for this function, as (77) shows.

(77) á gyàgá mántúà [mpá’à wá bwánɔ̀ ]x

a-H gyàga-H H-ma-ntúà mpá’à wá b-wánɔ̀
1-prs buy-r obj.link-ma6-mango ∅3.side 3:att 2ba-child
‘He buys mangoes for the children.’

While speakers state that both nouns can be used interchangeably for bene-
factive obliques, there seems to be a tendency that mpá’à ‘side’ is used if the
benefactor is expressed pronominally, as in (78), even though also pronominal
benefactors are allowed with púù ‘reason’.

(78) á gyàgá mántúà [mpá’à wã̂]x

a-H gyàga-H H-ma-ntúà mpá’à w-ã̂
1-prs buy-r obj.link-ma6-mango ∅3.side 3-poss.1sg
‘He buys mangoes for me.’

Further, mpá’à ‘side’ is used in manner obliques, as in (79).

(79) bí bɔ́ɔ̀ yá bígɛ́ [mpá’à wá vɛ́]x

bí b-ɔ́ɔ̀ ya-H bígɛ-H mpá’à wá vɛ́
1pl.sbj 2-other 1pl-prs develop-r ∅3.side 3:att which
‘How will we others [in contrast to other Gyeli villages] make progress?’

Obliques with the associative plural marker bà

Another type of oblique phrase is introduced by the associative plural marker bà
and its functional extensions (§3.10.1.4) and expresses usually location, as in (80)
and (81).6

(80) bèdéwò béndɛ̀ byɔ̂ mɛ́ lɔ́ njì lɛ́bɛ̀ lɛ̀ bédéwò [bà wɛ̂ ]x
be-déwò bé-ndɛ̀ byɔ̂ mɛ-H lɔ́ njì lɛ́bɛlɛ H-be-déwò bà wɛ̂
be8-food 8-ana 8.obj 1-prs retro come follow be8-food ap 2sg.obj
‘It is that food that I have come to look for at your place.’

6
While associative plurals canonically co-occur with nouns whose referents are typically hu-
man, as stated by Daniel & Moravcsik (2013), the associative plural morpheme bà also extends
to pronouns in Gyeli.

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 7.2 Grammatical relations

(81) mùdì á sɔ́mɔ́nɛ́ mùdã̂ [bà kfúmá wà kwádɔ́]x

m-ùdì a-H sɔ́mɔnɛ-H m-ùdã̂ bà kfúmá wà kwádɔ́
n1-person 1-prs complain-r n1-woman ap ∅1.chief 1:att ∅7.village
‘The person complains about the woman at the chief of the village’s
place.’
The associative plural corresponds to the French preposition chez ‘at’ and is con-
sistently translated as such.

Adpositional obliques
Adpositional obliques express location. They come in two types, namely with (i)
the preposition ɛ́ and (ii) the postposition dé, as described in §3.10.1.1 and 3.10.2.1,
respectively. The oblique including the preposition ɛ́ in (82) refers to some gen-
eral location, corresponding to at in English.
(82) nyàá sùbɔ̀ èsã̂s [ɛ́ dyúwɔ̀ ]x
nyàá sùbɔ èsã̂s ɛ́ dyúwɔ̀
1.inch pour ∅1.fuel loc ∅7.top
‘He starts pouring fuel on top.’
In contrast, the postpositional oblique in (83) rather refers to containment, i.e. a
location inside the locative noun.
(83) bùdì bɛ́sɛ̀ bà nzíí kɛ̀ nà kɛ̀ dẽ́ [bèjìí dé tù]x
b-ùdì b-ɛ́sɛ̀ ba nzíí kɛ̀ nà kɛ̀ dẽ́ be-jìí dé tù
ba2-person 2-all 2 prog.prs go com go today be8-forest loc inside
‘All the people are going into the forest today.’

Locative obliques and the H tone

Noun phrases that appear bare on the surface and express location and/or di-
rection can also serve as obliques. In (84), the verb kɛ̀ ‘go’, which is mostly in-
transitive, is followed by the location oblique mánkɛ̃̂ ‘fields’. I propose that the H
tone on mánkɛ̃̂ ‘fields’ stems from an assimilated locative preposition ɛ́ (§3.10.1.1),
whose H tone survives on the noun class prefix.
(84) wɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́ pã́ lígɛ̀ yá nà nyɛ̀ yá kɛ́ [mánkɛ̃̂ ]obl
wɛ̀ ̂
mɛ́dɛ́ pã-H lígɛ ya-H nà nyɛ ya-H kɛ̀ -H ɛ́?-ma-nkɛ̂̃
2sg.sbj self start-r stay 1pl-prs com 1 1pl-prs go-r loc?-6-field
‘You [Nzambi’s wife], stay first, we and her [the speaker’s wife], we go to
the fields.’

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7 Simple clauses

One might assume that the H tone on mánkɛ̂ ̃ ‘fields’ could also be an object-
linking H tone, since, in Gyeli, the verb kɛ̀ ‘go’ might require a location argument.
This possibility can, however, be excluded on the grounds that the location noun
phrase clearly appears in an oblique position. In (85), the location oblique mánkɛ̃̂
‘fields’ follows another oblique noun phrase. Arguments, however, cannot appear
after obliques.
(85) mùdã̂ kɛ́ [nà nyɛ̀ ]obl [mánkɛ̃̂ ]obl
m-ùdã̂ kɛ̀ -H nà nyɛ̀ ɛ́-ma-nkɛ̂̃
n1-woman go-r com 1.obj loc?-ma6-field
‘The woman [his wife] shall go with him to the fields.’

Comitative obliques
A lot of oblique phrases contain the comitative marker nà ‘and/with’. The notion
“comitative”, as used in the Bantuist tradition, should however, not lead to any
terminological confusion in assuming that it has only the use of accompaniment,
for it shows a broad range of uses, as I will show in the following.
One salient function of comitative obliques is accompaniment, as shown in
(86) and (87). In (86), the intransitive verb njì ‘come’ is followed by the comitative
phrase. This construction of ‘come with’ is systematically used to express ‘bring’
in English.
(86) ɛ́ pɛ̀ nâ á njíyɛ̀ mɛ̂ [nà yɔ̂ ]x
ɛ́ pɛ̀ nâ a-H njíyɛ mɛ̂ nà y-ɔ̂
loc there comp 1-prs come.sbjv 1sg.obj com 7-obj
‘So that she bring me that [food].’
In (87), the comitative oblique nà màbɔ́ɔ̀ ‘with bread fruit’ is the accompaniment
to the verb dè ‘eat’.
(87) nyɛ̀ nâ mɛ́ɛ̀ dé pɔ́nɛ́ [nà màbɔ́’ɔ̀ ]x
nyɛ nâ mɛ́ɛ̀ dè-H pɔ́nɛ́ nà ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀
1 comp 1sg.pst2 eat-r ∅7.truth com ma6-breadfruit
‘He [says]: “I really ate [it] with breadfruit”.’
The comitative oblique phrase can also have an instrumental function, as in (88).
(88) á kɛ́ sɔ́lɛ̀ gà ngùndyá [nà nkwálá]x
a-H kɛ̀ -H sɔ́lɛga ngùndyá nà nkwálá
1-prs go-r chop ∅9.raffia com ∅3.machete
‘He goes to cut the raffia with the machete.’

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 7.2 Grammatical relations

Instrumental meaning can extend to contexts that are expressed by locatives in

English. In (89), the speaker chooses to employ a comitative oblique rather than a
locative oblique with the preposition ɛ́. This gives more of an instrumental than
locative reading.

(89) á kɛ́ jìí dé tù [nà ndzǐ gyâ]x

a-H kɛ̀ -H jìí dé tù nà ndzǐ gyâ
1-prs go-r ∅7.forest loc inside com ∅9.path ∅7.length
‘He goes into the forest using the long path.’

Another function of the oblique phrase is to express the agent role in a passive
construction, as in (90).

(90) lé yí lɛ̀ yá [nà mpɛ̀ wɔ́]x

lé yi-H lɛ̀ ya-H nà mpɛ̀ wɔ́
∅7.tree 7-prs uproot:PASS-r com ∅3.wind
‘The tree is uprooted by the wind.’

This structure is parallel to many verb constructions that synchronically cannot

be transparently recognized as passive forms, since they lack another underived
form, which does not end in -a.7 In these instances, the oblique expresses some
kind of source that is usually encoded by a prepositional phrase with from in
English. In (91), the source of the suffering is the raffia and bamboo.

(91) yá tfúgá [nà ngùndyá mpángì]x

ya-H tfúga-H nà ngùndyá mpángì
1pl-prs suffer-r com ∅9.raffia ∅7.bamboo
‘We suffer from the straw, the bamboo [used for thatched roofs].’

In (92), the source of death is hunger.

(92) mɛ̀ múà wɛ̀ [nà nzà]x

mɛ múà wɛ̀ nà nzà
1sg prosp die com ∅9.hunger
‘I’m about to die from hunger.’

Another example where the comitative oblique expresses the source is given in
(93).

7
See §4.2.4.2 for more information on passive formation.

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7 Simple clauses

(93) nyɛ̀ gà váà nyɛ̀ gá tsíyɛ́ sáà [nà màlɛ́ndí]x màlɛ́ndí máà
nyɛ-gà váà nyɛ-gá tsíyɛ́ sáà nà ma-lɛ́ndí ma-lɛ́ndí máà
1-contr here 1-contr live-r only com 6-palm.tree 6-palm.tree 6:dem
mɔ́gà
mɔ́-gà
6-contr
‘Him here, he lives only from palm trees, these palm trees.’

Certain verbs such as dílɛsɛ ‘feed’ in (94), also require a comitative oblique
phrase rather than taking a noun phrase object. In such instances, one can think
of the comitative’s function either as manner or instrumental.

(94) Màmbì à nzí dílɛ̀ sɛ̀ Àdà [nà ntúà]x

Màmbì a nzí dílɛsɛ Àdà nà ntúà
∅1.pn 1 prog.pst feed ∅1.pn com ∅7.mango
‘Mambi feeds Ada a mango.’

Comitative obliques may encode a stimulus, as in (95) where the snake causes
fear.

(95) Àdà á sàgá [nà nyùà]x

Àdà a-H sàga nà nyùà
∅1.pn 1-prs be.scared-r com ∅1.snake
‘Ada is scared of the snake.’

These sentences provide a few examples of the functional range of comitative

obliques. While they seem to cover the most frequent functions, they most likely
do not constitute an exhaustive list.

7.2.2 Basic word order

Based on the grammatical relations that I established for Gyeli in the previous
section, I now discuss the basic word order in this language. According to Dryer
(2007c: 73–76), basic word order can be identified through a number of criteria,
such as:

1. Frequency

2. Pragmatic neutrality

3. Possible restrictions in distribution

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 7.2 Grammatical relations

For Gyeli, I will mostly consider frequency as determining the basic word order.
Pragmatic neutrality ties in with this factor, since those constructions that are not
pragmatically neutral, i.e. which take over some special topic or focus function,
as discussed in §7.3, are naturally less frequent. As to possible restrictions in
distribution, we will see in Chapter 8 that Gyeli generally keeps the basic word
order of simple, main clauses also in dependent clauses.
Table 7.2 summarizes the frequency of each basic clause type relating to word
order as found in the Gyeli corpus. “Basic clause type” includes all simple, non-
dependent clauses with a verbal predicate. By definition, other clause types are
excluded from this count, namely complex clauses, such as relative clauses and
coordination, and clauses with non-verbal predicates. I also do not consider unfin-
ished sentences that obviously occur in natural speech. Repeated clauses are only
listed once to not artificially enlarge the corpus with one construction type. Sub-
jects and objects include both instances of lexical noun phrases and bare stamp
markers or pronominal objects.
Table 7.2: Word order in simple clauses

S V (Xn ) 105 49.3%

Basic word order S V O (Xn ) 74 34.7%
S V O1 O2 (Xn ) 3 1.4%
∅ V (Xn ) 5 2.3%
Imperatives
∅ V O (Xn ) 3 1.4%
Object fronting 17 8%
Special object position
Left dislocation 6 2.8%
Total 213

As Table 7.2 shows, the most frequent word order patterns in Gyeli are S V
(49.3%) and S V O (34.7%). Intransitive constructions are more frequent than those
containing an object, while double object constructions are rather rare in the
corpus, representing only 1.4% of the basic verbal clauses.8 Every construction
type can be followed by one or more oblique phrases. As outlined in §7.2.1.3,
obliques generally follow the object slot. This is also true for special word order
patterns such as object fronting and left dislocation.
8
Note that “V” generally represents the predicate without specifying whether the predicate is
simple or complex. Thus, “V” may be comprised of 1–3 verbs; complex predicates are discussed
in §6.3.

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7 Simple clauses

Imperatives and special object positions in Table 7.2 list exceptional patterns.
First, imperative forms, except for the first person plural, lack stamp marking.
Therefore, both intransitive and transitive imperative constructions do not con-
tain a subject, while maintaining the general word order of verb before object.
Object positions can be exceptional in various ways. Object fronting and left
dislocation are pragmatically non-neutral constructions and relate to informa-
tion structure. Both are discussed in more detail in §7.3. Object fronting sub-
sumes all instances where a pronominal object precedes the simple verb or part
of a multi-verb construction. In addition to the basic word order criterion of be-
ing pragmatically neutral, object fronting is further restricted in its distribution,
since only pronominal objects can be fronted. As such, object fronting cannot be
considered a basic word order type. The same is true for left dislocation where
the lexical object noun phrase precedes the subject noun phrase (and is then
pronominally taken up again in situ). These construction types are non-basic
due to their low frequency.
Having investigated the basic word order of all grammatical relations, I now
briefly discuss the relation between pairs, namely the order of subject to verb,
verb to object, and object to subject. These dual relations confirm the findings of
a general S V O (X) word order in Gyeli.
Table 7.3 summarizes the relative order of only two grammatical relations. The
first column states the grammatical relations whose order are investigated, fol-
lowed by the total number of occurrences in the corpus. For instance, there are
205 simple verbal clauses which contain a subject and a verb.9 Given that there
are transitive and intransitive simple verbal clauses, this total number changes
for the relation between verb and object, which only has 104 occurrences in the
corpus; subject to object order can be investigated for 101 instances.
In all instances, the subject precedes the verb. In relations between the verb
and the object, there are two options for the relative order. In verb–object re-
lations, the verb canonically precedes the object. This is the case for 77.9% of
all verb–object relations. There are a few exceptions, however, where the object
precedes the verb. This is the case in left dislocation where the nominal object
noun phrase appears even before the subject and in pronominal object fronting.
Due to its low frequency and special pragmatic function in terms of information
structure, O V order should be considered as non-basic. In addition to this, Dryer
(2007c: 80) suggests to identify basic word order based on nominal noun phrases
rather than pronominal ones. The fact that nominal objects cannot be fronted fur-
ther indicates the special, rather than basic, order of O V. Finally, also the relation
9
This number can also be deduced from Table 7.2 where every construction type involves a
subject and an object except for the imperative constructions.

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 7.2 Grammatical relations

Table 7.3: Order of dual grammatical relations

Grammatical relations Word order Frequency

S–V (205) SV 205 100%
VO 81 77.9%
V–O (104)
OV 23 22.1%
SO 95 94.1%
S–O (101)
OS 6 5.9%

between subject and object clearly shows that subjects generally precede objects,
as in 94.1% of all subject–object co-occurrences. Again, the only exception to this
basic order is related to left dislocation.
In the following subsections, I will give examples of the basic word order types,
namely S V, S V O, and S V O1 O2 . Note that obliques have been discussed in
§7.2.1.3 and will not be subject to further investigation here.

7.2.2.1 S V word order

Intransitive S V clauses constitute the most frequent construction type in Gyeli
simple verbal clauses. In the most simple case, as in (96), the clause minimally
consists of a zero expressed subject noun phrase and the simple predicate, which
contains the stamp marker (with subject reference) and a verb.

(96) [∅]S [á vòdà]V

∅ a-H vòda
∅ 1-prs rest
‘She rests.’

S V clauses can be more complex than that. For instance, the subject can be
expressed by a lexical noun phrase and the verb may be accompanied by aspect
marking, which appears postverbally in (97).

(97) [bàNzàmbí bá tè]S [bá jìlɛ́ mà]V

ba-Nzàmbí bá tè ba-H jìlɛ-H mà
2-pn 2:att there 2-prs sit-r compl[Kwasio]
‘The [two] Nzambis there live there already.’

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7 Simple clauses

Also, an S V clause can be expanded by an oblique noun phrase. In (98), the

oblique is a bare locative noun phrase. In addition to the oblique, the verb is also
followed by the sentential modifier sâ ‘only’.10
(98) [∅]S [à tɛ́lɛ́]V sâ [dɛ́ndì témɔ́]X
∅ a tɛ́lɛ-H sâ d-ɛ́ndì témɔ́
∅ 1.pst1 stand-r only le5-courtyard middle
‘He just stood in the middle of the courtyard.’
An S V clause can further increase in complexity through auxiliary construc-
tions (§6.3), as in (99). In this example, the predicate consists of the retrospec-
tive aspectual verb lɔ́ ‘come’ and the non-finite verb njì ‘come’.
(99) [∅]S [mɛ́ lɔ́ njì]V [bàgyɛ̃̂ ]X1 [bà wɛ̂ ]X2
∅ mɛ-H lɔ́ njì ba-gyɛ̂̃ bà wɛ̂
∅ 1sg-prs retro come ba2-stranger ap 2sg
‘I just came as a guest to you.’
Also, the clause contains two oblique noun phrases, a bare noun phrase and one
with associative plural marker bà.

7.2.2.2 S V O word order

S V O word order is found in the corpus in 34.7% of all simple verbal clauses. Just
like S V clauses, their shape also differs in terms of complexity. The clause in (100)
represents a relatively simple case with a lexical subject noun phrase, including
the stamp marker, a simple predicate, and a lexical object noun phrase.
(100) [Màmbì]S [à dé]V [mántúà]O
Màmbì à dè-H H-ma-ntúà
∅1.pn 1.pst1 eat-pst obj.link-ma6-mango
‘Mambi ate mangoes.’
Both subject and object can, however, be also expressed by non-lexical noun
phrases. In (101), the subject is only expressed by the stamp marker and the object
by a pronoun.
(101) [∅]S [bwáá lã́]V [bɔ̂ ]O
∅ bwáa-H lã-H b-ɔ̂
∅ 2pl-prs tell-r 2-obj
‘You tell them!’
10
Sentential modification is discussed in §7.2.3.

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 7.2 Grammatical relations

Unlike zero-expressed nouns, objects have not been observed to be subject to

zero anaphora in simple clauses. Objects can, however, be elided in coordinated
clauses, as discussed in §8.1.1.
(102) represents an example of a complex object noun phrase, containing a
noun + noun attributive construction with a possessor pronoun.

(102) [∅]S [à nzí kɛ̀ ]V [létsíndɔ́ lé

∅ a nzí kɛ̀ H-le-tsíndɔ́ lé
∅ 1 prog.pst1 go obj.link-le5-funeral.ceremony 5:att
ntùmbà wã̂]O
n-tùmbà w-ã̂
n1-older.brother 1-poss.1sg
‘She was going to my older brother’s funeral ceremony.’

S V O clauses can be complex in terms of their predicate. In (103), the verb is

preceded by the progressive aspect auxiliary.

(103) [∅]S [wɛ̀ nzíí bàlɛ̀ ]V [bébã́ã̀]O

∅ wɛ nzíi-H bàlɛ H-be-bã́ã̀
∅ 2sg prog-prs keep obj.link-be8-word
‘You are recording the story [lit. you are keeping the words].’

Finally, S V O clauses can be increased in complexity through the addition of

oblique noun phrases, as with the comitative oblique in (104).

(104) [mɛ̀ gà]S [mɛ́ lígɛ́ dè]V [mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀]O [nà

mɛ̀ -gà mɛ-H lígɛ-H dè m-wánɔ̀ w-ɔ́ɔ̀ nà
1.sbj-contr 1sg-prs stay-r eat n1-child 1-poss.2sg com
màbɔ́’ɔ̀ ]X
ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀
ma6-breadfruit
‘As for me, I stay and eat your child with breadfruit.’

7.2.2.3 S V O O word order

Double object constructions are rather rare in the corpus with only three in-
stances. As discussed in §7.2.1.2, however, each object in a double object con-
struction can occur as first or as second object. This is illustrated in example
(105).

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7 Simple clauses

(105) a. [Àdà]S [á líbɛ́lɛ́]V [Màmbì]O1 [màtúà]O2

Àdà à-H líbɛlɛ-H Màmbì màtúà
∅1.pn 1sg-prs show-r ∅1.pn ∅1.car
‘Ada shows Mambi A/THE CAR.’
b. [Àdà]S [á líbɛ́lɛ́]V [màtúà]O1 [Màmbì]O2
Àdà à-H líbɛlɛ-H màtúà Màmbì
∅1.pn 1-prs show-r ∅1.car ∅1.pn
‘Ada shows MAMBI a/the car.’

Pragmatically, the second object position is the focus position. Thus, the choice
of which object appears first and which second is conditioned by the information
structure of the clause. In (105a), màtúà ‘car’ is in focus, while in (105b) it is the
animate object Màmbì.11
Another example of lexical object noun phrases in both object positions is
given in (106).

(106) a. [∅]S [mɛ̀ vɛ́]V [bábwálɛ̀ ]O1 [bèfùmbí]O2

∅ mɛ vɛ̂-H H-ba-bwálɛ̀ be-fùmbí
∅ 1sg.pst1 give-r obj.link-ba2-parent be8-orange
‘I gave the parents ORANGES.’
b. [∅]S [mɛ́ vɛ́]V [béfùmbí]O1 [bàbwálɛ̀ ]O2
∅ mɛ-H vɛ̂-H H-be-fùmbí ba-bwálɛ̀
∅ 1sg-prs give-r obj.link-be8-orange ba2-parent
‘I gave THE PARENTS oranges.’

Also pronominal objects can occur either in the first or second object position,
depending on which object is in focus. In (107), the lexical object noun phrases
of (106) are replaced by pronouns. Each of them can occur in either the first or
second object position. The second object position is, again, the focus position.

(107) a. [∅]S [mɛ̀ vɛ́]V [bɔ̂ ]O1 [byɔ̂ ]O2

∅ mɛ vɛ̂-H b-ɔ̂ by-ɔ̂
∅ 1sg.pst1 give-r 2-obj 8-obj
‘I gave them [the parents] THEM [the oranges].’
11
I refrain from using the terminology of “direct” and “indirect” objects in Gyeli, since they
cannot be distinguished on formal grounds. As explained in §7.2.1.2, the first object, which is
closer to the verb, receives an object-linking H tone if it has a CV- shape noun class prefix,
whereas the second does not. When changing positions, still the first object will receive the H
tone, but not the second object.

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 7.2 Grammatical relations

b. [∅]S [mɛ́ vɛ́]V [byɔ̂ ]O1 [bɔ̂ ]O2

∅ mɛ-H vɛ̂-H b-yɔ̂ b-ɔ̂
∅ 1sg-prs give-r 8-obj 2-obj
‘I gave THEM [the parents] them [the oranges].’

7.2.3 Sentential modification

Gyeli has a range of sentential modifiers, listed in Table 7.4. They are all mono-
syllabic and clearly not nouns. These modifiers are special instances of adverbs
that, in contrast to adverbs (§3.4), occur in a preverbal position. As such, they
show greater variability in their possible positions. In terms of their function,
they modify the event described by the predicate.
Table 7.4: Sentential modifiers

ndáà ‘also’ 21 37.5%

ná ‘again, still’ 13 23.2%
vɛ̀ɛ̀ ‘only, still’ 8 14.3%
kɔ́ɔ̀ ‘only, still’ 7 12.5%
sâ ‘only, just’ 5 8.9%
lìí ‘not yet’ 2 3.6%
Total 56

Sentential modifiers also play a role in information structure, relating to the

expression in focus and affecting the presuppositions of the sentence. For in-
stance, ndáà ‘also’ as an additive particle is used to “express that the predication
holds for at least one alternative of the expression in focus” (Krifka 1999: 111). In
contrast, exclusive particles such as vɛ̀ ɛ̀, kɔ́ɔ̀, and sâ “presuppose that the predi-
cation holds for the expression in focus, and assert that it does not hold for any
alternative” (Krifka 1999: 111).
ná ‘again, still’ can be used for both verbs and other grammatical relations.
Further, vɛ̀ ɛ̀ and kɔ́ɔ̀ can introduce subordinate clauses, similar to the negation
particle tí, acting as a sequential marker. These constructions are discussed in
§8.2.3.4. Finally, lìí ‘not yet’ not only modifies verbs, but it is a negative polarity
item. As such, it interacts with tense-mood and polarity categories, which goes
beyond just modifying a verb.
The most frequent sentential modifier in the Gyeli corpus is ndáà ‘also’, con-
stituting 37.5% of all sentential modifiers. Table 7.4 lists modifiers in decreasing

477
7 Simple clauses

frequency. Thus, the second most frequent modifier is ná ‘again, still’, which is
translated as encore into French. The modifiers vɛ̀ ɛ̀, kɔ́ɔ̀, and sâ are about equally
frequent. In terms of their semantics, they are difficult to distinguish. They def-
initely have some overlap and speakers often state that one can be used inter-
changeably for the other. Typically, they are translated as either seulement or
toujours into Cameroonian French. Examples of each sentential modifier and its
range of use is given in the following.

ndáà ‘also’
The sentential modifier ndáà ‘also’ generally serves to expand a grammatical
relation in terms of information structure. It generally follows the constituent it
refers to. Thus, in (108), ndáà follows the lexical subject noun phrase, expanding
the subject topic.

(108) The woman ate mangoes.

nà [mwánɔ̀ mùdã̂]S ndáà à nzí dè mántúà
nà m-wánɔ̀ m-ùdã̂ ndáà a nzí dè H-ma-ntúà
com n1-child n1-woman also 1 prog.pst eat obj.link-ma6-mango
‘And the girl also ate mangoes.’

ndáà also occurs directly after verbs, as in (109). In the previous clause, the
speaker stated that the Bulu contest the Bagyeli’s ownership of their village. Now
he expands on what else the Bulu do, namely also bother them.

(109) bvúlɛ̀ bá ntɛ́gɛ́lɛ́ ndáà bíyɛ̀

bvúlɛ̀ ba-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ-H ndáà bíyɛ̀
ba2.Bulu 2-prs bother-r also 1pl.obj
‘The Bulu bother us, too.’

Further, ndáà is used under negation, as in (110).

(110) ká wɛ̀ ɛ́ wúmbɛ́lɛ́ ndáà mɛ́ nɔ̀ ɔ́ nkwɛ̂ wá

ká wɛ̀ ɛ́ wúmbɛ-lɛ́ ndáà mɛ-H nɔ̀ ɔ̀-H nkwɛ̂ wá
if 2sg.prs.neg want-neg also 1sg-prs take-r ∅3.basket 3:att
mábɔ́’ɔ̀
H-ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀
obj.link-ma6-breadfruit
‘If you don’t want [this] either, I take the basket with the breadfruit.’

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 7.2 Grammatical relations

ndáà also occurs phrase finally, as in (111). Here, it modifies the copula comple-
ment kùrã̂ ‘electricity’, which is one of the things, among others, that the Bagyeli
wish to obtain.
(111) yá wúmbɛ́ ndáà náà bí bɔ́gà yá pángɔ́
ya-H wúmbɛ-H ndáà nâ bí b-ɔ́gà ya-H pángɔ-H
1pl-prs want-r also comp 1pl.sbj 2-other 1pl-prs prior[Kwasio]-r
bɛ̀ nà kùrã̂ ndáà
bɛ̀ nà kùrã ̂ ndáà
be com ∅7.electricity also
‘We also want that we others first also have electricity.’

ná ‘again’
The sentential modifier ná is most often translated as encore into Cameroonian
French, but in some contexts also as toujours, roughly translating to ‘still’ and
‘again’ in English. ná mostly occurs directly after the verb. If the clause contains
a complex predicate with an auxiliary, the sentential modifier occurs between
the auxiliary and the main verb, as in (112) with a modal auxiliary and (113) with
an aspectual auxiliary.
(112) wɛ́ yànɛ́ ná gyàgà ndísì
wɛ-H yànɛ-H ná gyàga ndísì
2sg-prs must-H again buy ∅3.rice
‘You must again buy rice.’
(113) mɛ́ pã́ ná kɛ̀ dígɛ̀ mùdì wà nû ɛ́
mɛ-H pã̂-H ná kɛ̀ dígɛ m-ùdì wà nû ɛ́
1sg-prs prior-H again go see n1-person 1:att 1.dem.prox loc
pɛ́ɛ́
pɛ́-ɛ́
over.there.dist
‘I try again and go see this person over there.’
When ná follows negation, as in (114), its meaning is ‘anymore’. Thus, compa-
rable to ndáà under negation, no negative polarity item is required.
(114) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ kálɛ̀ ná bɛ̀ nà jí ɛ́ vâ
mɛ̀ ɛ̀ kálɛ̀ ná bɛ̀ nà jí ɛ́ vâ
1sg.fut neg.fut anymore be com ∅7.place loc here
‘I won’t have a place here anymore.’

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7 Simple clauses

In non-verbal predicates, ná follows the stamp copula, as in (115).

(115) bɔ́nɛ́gá báà ná jìí dé tù

b-ɔ́nɛ́gá báà ná jìí dé tù
2-other 2.cop still ∅7.forest loc inside
‘The others are still in the forest.’

ná further occurs frequently at the end of a phrase. For example, in (116), ná

follows the object rather than the verb. While the modifier could also appear after
the auxiliary, the choice of a phrase-final position in this instance is most likely
related to information structure, making bényámɛ̀ more salient. This, however,
requires further investigation.

(116) ónóò bí bɔ́gà yá pã́ jî bényámɛ̀ ná

ónóò bí b-ɔ́gà ya-H pã̂-H jî H-be-nyámɛ̀ ná
excl 1pl.sbj 2-other 1pl-prs start-r stay obj.link-be8-poor still
‘Ohhh, we others will first still stay poor.’

ná can co-oocur with other sentential modifiers, such as ndáà ‘also’. In this
case, ná follows ndáà, as shown in (117).

(117) bwánɔ̀ bá bùdã̂ bábáà èè nà mwánɔ̀ wà mùdã̂

b-wánɔ̀ bá b-ùdã ̂ bá-báà èè nà m-wánɔ̀ wà m-ùdã̂
ba2-child 2:att ba2-woman 2-two excl com n1-child 1:att n1-woman
nláálɛ̀ ndáà ná
nláálɛ̀ ndáà ná
three also again
‘Two girls, yes, and also again a third girl.’

There are a few cases where ná appears twice in a clause. In (118), the modifiers
occurs after the auxiliary as well as phrase finally.

(118) áà mɛ̀ nzíí ná làwɔ̀ ná

áà mɛ nzíí ná làwɔ ná
yes 1sg prog.prs still talk still
‘Yes, I am still talking.’

Finally, ná can also occur preverbally, as in (119). Here, it follows the subject
wɛ́ ‘you’ (while the other instances of ná in the clause follow the verb.)

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 7.2 Grammatical relations

(119) wɛ́ ná báàlá nà nyɛ́ fí nà wɛ́ ndyándyá

wɛ-H ná báàla-H nà nyɛ̂-H fí nà wɛ-H ndyándya-H
2sg-prs again repeat-r com see-r different com 2sg-prs work-r
ná sálɛ́ ɛ́ pɛ̀ nà wɛ́ kòlá ná mɔ̀ nɛ́
ná sálɛ́ ɛ́ pɛ̀ nà wɛ-H kòla-H ná mɔ̀ nɛ́
again ∅7.work loc over.there com 2sg-prs add-r again ∅1.money
nû
nû
1.dem.prox
‘You repeat [it] again and try something else [find another work] and
you work there again and you add more money.’

Instances of ná following the stamp marker seem to be rather rare, however, at

least rarer than ndáà ‘also’ modifying noun phrases.

vɛ̀ ɛ̀ ‘only, still’

In contrast to ndáà ‘also’ and ná ‘again’, vɛ̀ ɛ̀ ‘only, still’ generally has scope over
the constituents that follow the modifier. This may either be a noun phrase, a
verb, or the whole sentence. At the same time, vɛ̀ ɛ̀ seems to acquire different
meanings in different contexts, as we will see below. Even though it is beyond
the scope of this work to disentangle the entire semantic range of sentential mod-
ifiers, it seems that vɛ̀ ɛ̀ has a restrictive function when it has scope over single
constituents of the sentence. In contrast, when it has scope over the whole sen-
tence, it seems to rather function as a sequential marker connecting subsequent
events and adding a dramaturgic aspect.
In (120) and (121), vɛ̀ ɛ̀ appears phrase initially. In both cases, it has a restrictive
meaning, which can truly be translated as ‘only’ in the sense of ‘nothing but’.

(120) mɛ̀ nyɛ́ kwádɔ́ yî Kúndúkùndù vɛ̀ ɛ̀ màndáwɔ̀

mɛ nyɛ̂-H kwádɔ́ yî Kúndúkùndù vɛ̀ ɛ̀ ma-ndáwɔ̀
1sg.pst1 see-r ∅7.village 7.dem.prox ∅7.pn only ma6-house
má zì mɔ̂ nà mɔ̂
má zì m-ɔ̂ nà m-ɔ̂
6:att ∅7.tin 6-obj com 6-obj
‘I saw this village, Kundukundu. Only tin (roofed) houses, each of them.’

In (120), the vɛ̀ ɛ̀ modifies màndáwɔ̀ má zì ‘tin houses’ (in contrast to houses
with raffia roofs). In (121), it refers to nàmɛ́nɔ́ ‘tomorrow’.

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7 Simple clauses

(121) vɛ̀ ɛ̀ nàmɛ́nɔ́ nàmɛ́nɔ́ nà pámò dẽ̀

vɛ̀ ɛ̀ nàmɛ́nɔ́ nàmɛ́nɔ́ nà pámo dẽ̀
only tomorrow tomorrow com arrive today
‘I only heard promises until today [lit. Only tomorrow, tomorrow, until
today].’

In (122), the modifier also appears phrase initially, but in this instance, it does
not have a restrictive meaning and as such does not seem to modify the subject
noun phrase. Instead, it seems to rather have scope over the whole sentence and
function as a dramatic sequential marker, which is best translated as ‘suddenly’
or ‘unexpectedly’.12

(122) nâ bá dyúù nyɛ̂ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ mùdì nyɛ̂ jã́ã̀sà

nâ ba-H dyúù nyɛ̂ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ m-ùdì nyɛ̂ jã́ã̀sà
comp 2-prs kill.sbjv 1.obj only n1-person 1 disappear
‘That they kill him. Suddenly the person disappears.’

Another instance of a sequential function is given in (123). Here, the Nzambi

story (Appendix B.2) reaches its climax where the protagonist locks his friend’s
family into a house, pours fuel over the house, takes a lighter and lights it. The
phrase in (123) is the last step in this chain of events, the sentential modifier vɛ̀ ɛ̀
serving as a sequential marker that seems to express a dramaturgic effect at the
same time.

(123) vɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ́dɛ̀

vɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ́dɛ
only light
‘Just light [the house].’

vɛ̀ ɛ̀ can also precede adverbs that it modifies in a restrictive sense. This is the
case for both (124) and (125).

(124) ɛ́ vâ màkwɛ̀ lɔ̀ má fúgɛ̀ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ vâ

ɛ́ vâ ma-kwɛ̀ lɔ̀ ma-H fúgɛ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ vâ
loc here ma6-felling 6-prs end only here
‘Here, the felling ends, only here.’

12
In Cameroonian French, vɛ̀ ɛ̀ is still translated as seulement ‘only’, but the meaning of seulement
in this case is far from being clear.

482
 7.2 Grammatical relations

(125) yɔ́ɔ̀ pɔ̀ nɛ̀ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ mpù

yɔ́ɔ̀ pɔ̀ nɛ̀ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ mpù
7.cop ∅7.truth still like.this
‘It is still true like this.’

In some instances, the modifier seems to pick out a whole verb phrase (i.e.
verb plus noun phrase), while actually restricting only the noun phrase. This is
the case in (126) where vɛ̀ ɛ̀ precedes the verb, but in terms of its meaning, it rather
serves as a restriction to the object mímpìndí ‘unripeness’: in contrast to falling
ripe, the palm nuts only fall unripe.

(126) màlɛ́ndí máà vɛ̀ ɛ̀ kwè mímpìndí

ma-lɛ́ndí máà vɛ̀ ɛ̀ kwè H-mi-mpìndí
ma6-palm.tree 6.dem.prox only fall obj.link-mi4-unripeness
‘These palm trees only fall unripe [fruit].’

kɔ́ ɔ̀ ‘still, just’

The sentential modifier kɔ́ɔ̀ has some functional and semantic overlap with both
vɛ̀ ɛ̀ and sâ. Therefore, it is hard to distinguish the functional and semantic range
of these three modifiers. kɔ́ɔ̀ has in common with vɛ̀ ɛ̀ that both can be used as a
sequential marker, which have scope over a whole sentence rather than single
constituents. This is the case, for instance, in (127) where kɔ́ɔ̀ links an event within
a chain of events. Nzambi locks his friend’s family into a house, pours fuel over
the house and the takes a lighter – the following event is introduced with vɛ̀ ɛ̀ as
explained in (123).

(127) kɔ́ ɔ̀ nɔ̀ ɔ̀ brìkɛ̂ wɛ̂

kɔ́ɔ̀ nɔ̀ ɔ̀ brìkɛ̂ w-ɛ̂
just take ∅1.lighter[French] 1-poss.3sg
‘[He] just takes his lighter.’

In (128), the speaker wraps up a conversation by stating that they were three
people who spoke and then finished. As such, kɔ́ɔ̀ again more serves as a sequen-
tial marker rather than a restrictive modifier.

(128) kɔ́ ɔ̀ sílɛ̀

kɔ́ɔ̀ sílɛ
just finish
‘Just finish.’

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7 Simple clauses

As a second function, kɔ́ɔ̀ is also used for restricting information. Thus, the
statement in (129), ‘The woman bought oranges and beans for the children’ is
corrected, noting that only oranges have been bought. In this case, the modifier
precedes the constituent it modifies, namely befùmbí ‘oranges’. As (129a) and
(129b) illustrate, the modifier always precedes the object noun phrase, no matter
whether it occurs as first or second object.

(129) a. tɔ̀ sâ à nzí gyàgà sâ/kɔ́ ɔ̀ béfùmbí bwánɔ̀

tɔ̀ sâ a nzí gyàga sâ/kɔ́ɔ̀ H-be-fùmbí b-wánɔ̀
no 1 prog.pst buy only obj.link-be8-orange ba2-child
‘[The woman bought oranges and beans for the children.—] No, she
bought only oranges for the children.’
b. tɔ̀ sâ à nzí gyàgà b-wánɔ̀ sâ/kɔ́ ɔ̀ bè-fùmbí
tɔ̀ sâ a nzí gyàga b-wánɔ̀ sâ/kɔ́ɔ̀ be-fùmbí
no 1 prog.pst buy ba2-child only be8-orange
‘[The woman bought oranges and beans for the children.—] No, she
bought only oranges for the children.’

What this example also shows is that the modifiers kɔ́ɔ̀ and sâ can be used inter-
changeably in this context, namely whenever kɔ́ɔ̀ expresses restriction. Also (130)
represents such a case. When Nzambi realizes that his family has been killed, he
just cries (and does not do anything else).

(130) Nzàmbí wà nû kɔ́ ɔ̀ kìyà léwê

Nzàmbí wà nû kɔ́ɔ̀ kìya H-le-wê
∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.prox only give obj.link-le5-cry
‘This Nzambi only gives a cry.’

In other contexts, kɔ́ɔ̀ seems to be less restrictive in its function, but expresses
something like ‘just’ or ‘simply’ in English. This is the case in (131), which is
certainly not restrictive, since the Bagyeli state that they also wish for other im-
provements, for instance tin roofs.

(131) nà bí bɛ́sɛ̀ kɔ́ ɔ̀ kùrã̂ bɛ̀ dé tù

nà bí b-ɛ́sɛ̀ kɔ́ɔ̀ kùrã̂ bɛ̀ dé tù
com 1pl.sbj 2-all just ∅7.electricity be loc inside
‘All of us, we just want electricity inside [the houses].’

484
 7.2 Grammatical relations

Another way of translating kɔ́ɔ̀ into Cameroonian French is toujours ‘still’,

which applies in examples such as (132) and (133). In both cases, the function
of kɔ́ɔ̀ is to take up a previous discourse topic and re-introduce it.13

(132) yá mbàà yá mbàà yíì nâ kɔ́ ɔ̀ mpù ɛ́ Nzìwù lɔ́

yá mbàà yá mbàà yíì nâ kɔ́ɔ̀ mpù ɛ́ Nzìwù lɔ́
7:att second 7:att second 7.cop comp still like.this loc ∅1.pn retro
táálɛ̀ làwɔ̀ nâ bon
táálɛ làwɔ nâ bon
begin talk comp good[French]
‘The second, the second thing is that, still, as Nze just began to say that,
good. . .’
(133) yíì pɔ́nɛ́ kɔ́ ɔ̀ lèváá lɛ̀ vúdũ̂ nâ bí bá
yíì pɔ́nɛ́ kɔ́ɔ̀ le-váá lɛ̀ -vúdũ̂ nâ b-í ba-H
7.cop ∅7.truth still le5-thing 5-one comp ba2-non.Bagyeli 2-prs
ntɛ́gɛ́lɛ́ bágyɛ̀ lì
ntɛ́gɛlɛ-H H-ba-gyɛ̀ lì
bother-r obj.link-ba2-Gyeli
‘It is true, still the same thing that the non-Bagyeli bother the Bagyeli.’

Finally, kɔ́ɔ̀ seems to express some kind of irrealis modality, as in (134).

(134) kɔ́ ɔ̀ nyɛ́gà á làwɔ́ ndáà

kɔ́ɔ̀ nyɛ́-gà a-H làwɔ-H ndáà
only 1-contr 1-prs speak-r also
‘If only he would speak, too.’

For a better understanding of the use and semantic range, a much larger corpus
is needed as well as a more systematic investigation of sentential modifiers.

sâ ‘only’
The primary function of the modifier sâ is restrictive, as already seen in (129). sâ
seems to only have scope over single constituents in a clause rather than over
the whole sentence. It immediately precedes the constituent that it modifies. In
(135), for instance, sâ precedes the oblique noun phrase nà màlɛ́ndí ‘from palm
13
An English translation with ‘just’ also seems plausible and the exact difference between ‘just’
and ‘still’ in these contexts is hard to grasp. Speakers, however, make a difference whether
they use seulement ‘only’ or toujours ‘still’ in their translations.

485
7 Simple clauses

trees’. In terms of its meaning, sâ restricts the interpretation to this noun phrase,
i.e. Nzambi only lives from palm trees and no other crops.

(135) nyɛ̀ gà váà nyɛ̀ gá tsíyɛ́ sâ nà màlɛ́ndí màlɛ́ndí máà

nyɛ-gà váà nyɛ-gá tsíyɛ́ sâ nà ma-lɛ́ndí ma-lɛ́ndí máà
1-contr here 1-contr live-r only com 6-palm.tree 6-palm.tree 6:dem
mɔ́gà
mɔ́-gà
6-contr
‘Him here, he lives only from palm trees, these palm trees.’

In (136), the sâ restricts the object interpretation and thus precedes the object
noun phrase mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀ ‘your child’. Nzambi asks his friend’s wife for her child
in return for food. In this example, he restricts the payment for food to her child,
rather than accepting money or other goods in return.

(136) vɛ̂ mɛ̂ sâ mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀ wà wɛ̀ bùdɛ́ nû

vɛ̂ mɛ̂ sâ m-wánɔ̀ w-ɔ́ɔ̀ wà wɛ bùdɛ-H nû
give.imp 1sg.obj only n1-child 1-poss.2sg 1:att 2sg have-r 1:dem.prox
‘Give me only your child that you have here.’

sâ can also modify adverbs, as in (137). The implicit contrast of the restriction
is ‘here’ as opposed to some other place. Thus, the speaker emphasizes that he
stays only in the same place and does not go elsewhere so that his relatives are
encouraged to join him in his village.

(137) ká wɛ́ nyɛ́ mɛ̂ jíì sâ vâ nâ bá nzíyɛ̀ bá

ká wɛ-H nyɛ̂-H mɛ̂ jíì sâ vâ nâ ba-H nzíyɛ̀ ba-H
if 2sg-prs see-r 1sg.obj stay only here comp 2-prs come.sbjv 2-prs
nzíyɛ̀ jìyɔ̀
nzíyɛ̀ jìyɔ
come.sbjv stay
‘When you see me staying only here, so that they come, they come to
stay.’

While sâ is observed in the vast majority of cases to have a restrictive function,

there are, however, non-restrictive uses that convey the sense of ‘just/simply’. In
(138), there is no restriction on the following locative noun phrase, nor on any
other constituent of the phrase.

486
 7.3 Information structure

(138) à tɛ́lɛ́ sâ dɛ́ndì témɔ́

a tɛ́lɛ-H sâ d-ɛ́ndì témɔ́
1.pst1 stand-r just le5-courtyard middle
‘He just stood in the middle of the courtyard.’

lìí ‘not yet’

The least frequently found sentential modifier in the corpus is lìí, which is a neg-
ative polarity item only occurring with past negation words. This is confirmed
by elicitations, given the scarcity of data in the corpus. As such, it is not just
simply an adverb modifying a verb, but also depends on the polarity category.
Therefore, I classify it as a sentential rather than a verbal modifier.
lìí directly follows the negation word. As such, it is the only sentential modifier
whose occurrence is restricted to one position only. In (139), the modifier occurs
between the negation and the main verb.

(139) mɛ̀ pálɛ́ lìí bâ

mɛ pálɛ́ lìí bâ
1sg.pst1 neg.pst yet marry
‘I am not yet married.’

The same is true for (140), which also includes an object, but this does not affect
the position of the modifier.

(140) mɛ̀ pálɛ́ lìí dè mántúà

mɛ pálɛ́ lìí dè H-ma-ntúà
1sg.pst1 neg.pst yet eat obj.link-ma6-mango
‘I have not yet eaten the mangoes.’

lìí has only been observed to occur with the negation word pálɛ́. It is not clear
whether it can occur also with the variant sàlɛ́.

7.3 Information structure

Following Güldemann et al. (2015: 156), information structure

is about how speakers structurally encode propositional content with re-

spect to their assessment of knowledge that is (not) shared by the interlocu-
tors in a particular communicative situation.

487
7 Simple clauses

Topic
I follow Dik (1997: 312) in his definition of topic and topicality who states that
Topicality concerns the status of those entities “about” which information
is to be provided or requested in the discourse. The topicality dimension
concerns the participants in the event structure of the discourse.
Gyeli uses a variety of strategies to express “aboutness”. In order to follow a
current topic in the discourse, not only single clauses in isolation have to be
examined, but also their context in the discourse so that given information can
be distinguished from new or newly requested information. Therefore, I provide
the discourse context of each example either by description or by a sentence in
the example line.

Focus
According to Dik (1997: 326),
The focal information in a linguistic expression is that information which is
relatively the most important or salient in the given communicative setting.
Fiedler et al. (2010: 236) note that this relative importance or salience is expressed
either by “introducing new information into the discourse (information focus),
or by standing in explicit or implicit contrast to a set of comparable alternatives
(contrastive focus)”.
Gyeli has at least three ways of expressing focus, namely a dedicated focus po-
sition that is immediately after the verb, fronting of an object pronoun to achieve
predicate focus (pcf), and cleft constructions in order to express subject focus.
Gyeli uses a range of strategies to package information in clauses and dis-
course. The most important information structure strategies are listed in Ta-
ble 7.5. Both topic and focus can be encoded in-situ, optionally through an ex-

Table 7.5: Basics of Gyeli information structure

Word order Information structure effect

Stop V Ofoc X basic word order
Oi, top S V Opro, i X object left dislocation → object topic
Xtop Stop V O adjunct left dislocation → adjunct topic
Stop Opro Vfoc X object pronoun fronting → predicate focus
It is Sfoc [...]rel cleft construction → subject focus
It is Xfoc [...]rel cleft construction → adjunct focus

488
 7.3 Information structure

panded noun phrase. Left dislocation of object and adjunct noun phrases topical-
izes these constituents. Object fronting puts the predicate into focus. And finally,
cleft constructions are a focus means for subjects and obliques. Since they con-
stitute a subordinate construction, they are discussed in §8.2.1.2.
This list is not exhaustive. For instance, prosodic means seem to be relevant
as well, but this requires further research. Data on information structure stem
both from the questionnaire on information structure (mainly the topic and fo-
cus translation tasks) by Skopeteas et al. (2006) and the Gyeli corpus.14

7.3.1 In-situ positions

Information structure roles can be encoded in-situ through basic word order. Ac-
cording to Güldemann et al. (2015: 159), subjects are often default topics, which
conflate “topicality with the semantic role of intransitive subject/transitive agent,
leaving the scope of assertion over the following material”. He goes on to explain
that this results, in many languages, in a basic linear information structure or-
der template of [[top] [foc]], a generalization that also applies in Gyeli. The
default focus position is immediately after the verb. According to Downing &
Hyman (2014: 793), this is typical for Bantu languages where, “(most) focused
constituents, including WH-elements, occur in the immediate after verb (IAV)
position, while non-focal information commonly occurs in peripheral positions”.

7.3.1.1 In-situ topic

In-situ subjects are either not marked at all, but zero expressed, as illustrated
in §7.2.2, or they are specially marked through an extended pronominal noun
phrase. The latter is the case in (141). In this example, a new topic is introduced.
In the previous sentence, the speaker was talking about the team of linguists who
come to his village. Now he changes the topic to the Bagyeli themselves and how
they react to their visitors.
(141) dɔ̃̀ bí yá táálɛ́ bê yàlànɛ̀ àà
dɔ̀̃ bí ya-H táálɛ-H bê yàlanɛ àà
so[French] 1pl.sbj 1pl-prs begin-r 2pl respond[Bulu] excl
‘[You come to find us here.] So we, we start to respond to you, mhm.’

14
Information structure questionnaires turned out to be less successful for eliciting relevant data,
since speakers strongly preferred to give one-word answers or provide pragmatically neutral
answers. The corpus, however, in combination with the questionnaires, allow some reliable
generalizations on information structure phenomena in Gyeli.

489
7 Simple clauses

Also, a subject pronoun can be used with the sentential modifier ndáà ‘also’,
as in (142). The chief of Ngolo addresses the Ngumba and Mabi speakers among
the visitors. He points out that they as well, in addition to the European people
in the group, also speak French (while he does not).

(142) ɛ̀ sɛ́ béé ndáà bèyá làwɔ́ fàlà

ɛ̀ sɛ́ béé ndáà bèya-H làwɔ-H fàlà
is.it[French] 2pl.sbj also 2pl[Kwasio]-prs speak-r ∅1.French
‘Isn’t it, you, you also speak French.’

Often, the subject pronoun is combined with the contrastive marker -gà, indi-
cating a contrastive topic, as in (143). The speaker talks about non-governmental
organizations and white people who receive money in Europe to help Africans.
Assuming that other people in Africa profit from this money, he now states that
the people in Ngolo also want to receive help for obtaining electricity, where the
marker -gà contrasts the Bagyeli to other African communities.

(143) bí bɔ́ gà yá wúmbɛ́ ndáà pã́ã̀ nyɛ̂ sâ bá

bí bɔ́-gà ya-H wúmbɛ-H ndáà pã́ã̀ nyɛ̂ sâ ba-H
1pl.sbj 2-contr 1pl-prs want-r also start see ∅7.thing 2-prs
gyíbɔ́ ngyùlɛ̀ wá kùrã̂
gyíbɔ-H ngyùlɛ̀ wá kùrã̂
call-r ∅3.light 3:att ∅7.electricity
‘[White people working for NGOs receive money in Europe.] We others,
we also want to first see the thing they call the light of electricity.’

The marker -gà is used in order to contrast a new subject topic from an old one.
For instance, in (144), the speaker talks about the problems the Bagyeli encounter
with the Bulu. He states that, if a Gyeli person goes hunting on terms of equal
sharing with a Bulu person, the Bulu person in turn will deceive him.

(144) wɛ́ kɛ́ nà nyɛ̂ nkɔ̃̀wáká nyɛ̀ gà à nzíí wɛ̂

wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H nà nyɛ̂ nkɔ̃wáká ̀ nyɛ̀ -gà a nzíí wɛ̂
2sg-prs go com 1 equal.sharing 1.sbj-contr 1 prog.prs 2sg.obj
vã́ã̀kɛ́ sâ mpù
vã́ã̀kɛ́ sâ mpù
go[Bulu] do like.this
‘You go with him [the Bulu] equally sharing. As for him, he is going to
treat you like this [tries to trick you].’

490
 7.3 Information structure

This contrast of subject topics is also illustrated in (145). Here, Nzambi offers
his friend’s wife bread fruit in return for her child, specifying the terms of the
deal. She will get the bread fruit, while he will eat her child.
(145) wɛ̀ gà wɛ́ kɛ́ nà mɔ̂ mɛ̀ gà mɛ́ lígɛ́ dè
wɛ̀ -gà wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H nà m-ɔ̂ mɛ̀ -gà mɛ̀ -H lígɛ-H dè
2sg.sbj-contr 2sg-prs go-r com 6-obj 1.sbj-contr 1sg-prs stay-r eat
mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀
m-wánɔ̀ w-ɔ́ɔ̀
n1-child 1-poss.2sg
‘[You take the bread fruit.] As for you, you take them [the bread fruit]
away. As for me, I stay and eat your child.’
A final example for the marker -gà is provided in (146). Again, the speaker
contrasts a new subject topic to an old one. The previous topic was himself where
he says that he asks his friend for help. As for the friend (‘you’), he does not react
in the expected way, but causes trouble.
(146) ɛ́ tè wɛ̀ gà wɛ́ njí sâ mbvúndá ɛ́ ndzǐ
ɛ́ tè wɛ̀ -gà wɛ-H njì-H sâ mbvúndá ɛ́ ndzǐ
loc there 2sg.sbj-contr 2sg-prs come-r do ∅9.trouble loc ∅9.path
vâ
vâ
here
‘[I send you the message and ask you to help me.] There you, you come
to make trouble on the way here.’

7.3.1.2 In-situ focus

Focus in the immediate-after-verb position seems to be the most common focus
strategy in Gyeli for objects and obliques. An example for object focus is given
in (147b), which is a correction of the clause in (147a).
(147) a. mùdã̂ à dé mántúà
m-ùdã ̂ a dè-H H-ma-ntúà
n1-woman 1.pst1 eat-r obj.link-ma6-mango
‘The woman ate the MANGOES.’
b. tɔ̀ sâ à nzí dè ndísì
tɔ̀ sâ a nzí dè ndísì
no 1 prog.pst eat ∅3.rice
‘No, she was eating RICE.’

491
7 Simple clauses

(148) represents an example of in-situ adjunct focus. Here, the oblique noun
phrase lèwùlà lé vɛ́ ‘when’ occurs in-situ. As explained in §7.4.1, such question
noun phrases can also appear phrase initially, but the general focus position is
at the end of a phrase in Gyeli.

(148) áá bíì màndáwɔ̀ má zì yáà mɔ̂ fúàlà bwɛ̂

áá bíì ma-ndáwɔ̀ má zì yáà m-ɔ̂ fúala bwɛ̂
excl 1pl.obj ma6-house 6:att ∅7.tin[Bulu] 1pl.fut 6-obj end receive
lèwùlà lé vɛ́
le-wùlà lé vɛ́
le5-hour 5:att which
‘Ah, us, as for the tin houses, WHEN will we receive them?’

7.3.2 Left dislocation

Left dislocation concerns both object and adjunct noun phrases that can be moved
to the left edge of the sentence either in form of a nominal or pronominal noun
phrase. Left dislocation is limited to noun phrases. In contrast, predicates cannot
be left dislocated, keeping the stamp clitic in-situ.

7.3.2.1 Left dislocation of nominal noun phrases

One means to express topicality is left dislocation. This phenomenon applies
mainly to objects. In nominal object left dislocation, an object noun phrase is
left dislocated in front of the subject and later taken up again in-situ by an object
pronoun. This is illustrated in (149). Previously to this phrase, the chief of Ngolo
talks about how he got injured while cutting raffia for his roof. He then changes
the topic from ‘raffia’ to ‘tin-roofed houses’, which is supposed to prevent future
injuries related to cutting raffia. Note that the left dislocated object noun phrase
usually occurs with a prosodic break, which is indicated by the comma.

(149) áá bíì màndáwɔ̀ má zì, yáà mɔ́ fúàlà bwɛ̂

áá bíì ma-ndáwɔ̀ má zì yáà m-ɔ́ fúala bwɛ̂
excl 1pl.obj ma6-house 6:att ∅7.tin[Bulu] 1pl.fut 6-obj end receive
lèwùlà lé vɛ́
le-wùlà lé vɛ́
le5-hour 5:att which
‘Ah, us, as for the tin houses, when will we receive them?’

492
 7.3 Information structure

The same pattern applies in (150) where the speaker talks about the Bulu peo-
ple. He then changes the topic from the Bulu person to the Gyeli child about
whom he says that the Bulu will beat him.

(150) pílì mwánɔ̀ , bàgyɛ̀ lì àà nyɛ̂ kɛ̀ bíyɔ̀

pílì m-wánɔ̀ ba-gyɛ̀ lì àà nyɛ̂ kɛ̀ bíyɔ
when n1-child ba2-Gyeli 1.fut 1.obj go hit
‘[The Bulu person says that he will quarrel with you [the Gyeli child].]
At times the Gyeli child, he will GO and HIT him.’

While in most cases the left dislocated object is expressed in-situ pronominally,
it can also surface lexically, as shown in (151). The discourse context is the same
as for (149) where the chief of Ngolo talks about his injury and a scar he got on
his forehead. To clarify the source of his scar, he changes the topic to the raffia,
which he cuts up in the trees. In (151), ngùndyá ‘raffia’ is left dislocated before
the subject and the occurs again in its lexical form in-situ.

(151) ngùndyá, mɛ́ kɛ́ sɔ́lɛ̀ gà ngùndyá dyúwɔ̀

ngùndyá mɛ-H kɛ̀ -H sɔ́lɛga ngùndyá dyúwɔ̀
∅9.raffia 1sg-prs go-r chop ∅9.raffia on.top
‘[I think, the machete missed me here [pointing to his forehead].] The
raffia, I go to chop the raffia on top [of the tree].’

Left dislocation is also used in conjunction with the sentential modifier ndáà
‘also’, as in (152).

(152) nà màntúà ndáà, à nzí dè mɔ̂

nà mà-ntúà ndáà a nzí dè m-ɔ̂
com ma6-mango also 1 prog.pst eat 6-obj
‘[The woman ate the oranges.] And she also ate mangoes.’

Left dislocation can also be achieved through pronouns that combine with an
object noun phrase, as in (153). Nzambi’s wife explains to her husbands friend
that their fields are not producing enough food. She then changes the topic from
the problems in food production to the food itself, which she asks the friend for.

(153) bèdéwò béndɛ̀ byɔ̀ mɛ́ lɔ́ njì lɛ́bɛ̀ lɛ̀ bédéwò bà wɛ̂
be-déwò bé-ndɛ̀ b-yɔ̀ mɛ-H lɔ́ njì lɛ́bɛlɛ H-be-déwò bà wɛ̂
be8-food 8-ana 8-obj 1-prs retro come follow be8-food ap 2sg.obj
‘[The field is running out of food.] This food, I have come to look for the
food at your place.’

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7 Simple clauses

7.3.2.2 Left dislocation of pronominal noun phrases

Left dislocation of pronominal objects that, in contrast to nominal left dislocated
objects, are not referenced in-situ again, is often referred to as topicalization.
Thus, in (154), the object pronoun is left dislocated, but does not occur in-situ
after the verb. In this example, the chief of Ngolo talks about his wishes to obtain
houses with tin roofs. He finishes his statements by the summary ‘This I want’,
referring to all the points he brought up about new houses in the village and tin
roofs.

(154) yɔ́ ɔ̀ mɛ́ wúmbɛ́ wû

y-ɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H wû
7-obj 1sg-prs want-r there
‘[ I will build houses in Ngolo, each with a tin roof.] I want THIS there.’

In (155), he similarly talks about a topic, namely a tree that people are going
to take down without even asking for permission. He concludes by summarizing
the general topic of the tree: ‘This I have planted.’

(155) yɔ́ ɔ̀ yɔ́ ɔ̀ mɛ̀ jìlɛ́ mà

y-ɔ́ɔ̀ y-ɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ jìlɛ-H mà
7-obj 7-obj 1sg.pst1 place-r compl[Kwasio]
‘This, this I have placed [there].’

While most instances of topicalization seem to involve a pronominal object,

as in (154) and (155), there are also examples where a lexical object noun phrase
is left dislocated, but not cross-referenced in-situ. This is the case in (156).

(156) nà nákúndɛ̀ kúndɛ̀ ndáà, à bíyɛ́lɛ́

nà nákúndɛ̀ kúndɛ̀ ndáà a bíyɛlɛ-H
conj ∅1.bean also 1.pst1 cook-pst
‘[The woman cooked rice for her child.] And she also cooked beans.’

7.3.3 Object pronoun fronting

The phenomenon of preverbal objects in Benue-Congo languages is extensively
discussed by Güldemann (2007). Following him, I propose that the marked pre-
verbal object position moves the object into an extrafocal position, resulting in-
stead in the predicate being in focus. This hypothesis is supported by the fact that
only pronominal objects can be fronted before the verb, but not lexical objects.

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 7.3 Information structure

Pronouns usually refer to already given information and are thus less salient in
terms of new or contrastive information.
Pronominal objects can be fronted in a way that they occur before a simple
predicate, as in (157). While in a pragmatically more neutral clause the object
pronoun yɔ̂ ‘it’ would occur after the verb, it is here fronted and the predicate
appears phrase finally, making it more salient in terms of information structure.
Nzambi explains to his friend’s wife that her child would be very tender when
one steams it, wrapped in leaves. He then emphasizes that he will EAT the child,
which can be interpreted as an instance of truth value focus, highlighting the
truth of his future deeds.
(157) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ yɔ̂ dè
mɛ̀ ɛ̀ y-ɔ̂ dè
1sg.fut 7-obj eat
‘[This tender child is good when you wrap it in a leaf package.] I will
EAT it [the child].’
If a clause contains a complex predicate with an auxiliary, the pronominal
object under fronting appears between the auxiliary and the main verb, as shown
in (158). The context is the same as in (157). Again, the protagonist of the story
stresses what he is going to do with the child, namely eat it. The verb dè ‘eat’
appears in focus position, since the pronoun nyɛ̂ ‘him’ is defocused.
(158) mɛ́ lígɛ́ nyɛ̂ dè
mɛ-H lígɛ-H nyɛ̂ dè
1sg-prs stay-r 1.obj eat
‘I stay to EAT him [the child].’
A similar example is presented in (159). Again, the predicate is complex with an
aspectual auxiliary verb that is followed by a pronominal object so that the main
verb occurs phrase finally. Here, the speaker explains the troubles the Bagyeli
encounter with their Bulu neighbors.
(159) nyɛ̀ náà à múà wɛ̂ bíyɔ̀
nyɛ nâ a múà wɛ̂ bíyɔ
1 comp 1 prosp 2sg.obj hit
‘He [the Bulu person says] that he is about to BEAT you [the Gyeli
person].’
He reports that the Bulu often threaten to beat the Bagyeli. With the object pro-
noun wɛ̀ ‘you’ in preverbal position, the verb bíyɔ ‘hit’ is in focus position.

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7.4 Special clause types

Having investigated the basic word order in simple clauses as well as special con-
structions relating to information structure, I discuss some special clause types
in this section. These include questions, possessor raising, and comparison con-
structions.

7.4.1 Questions
I distinguish three basic types of questions: (i) polar questions, (ii) leading ques-
tions, and (iii) constituent questions (what is also known as wh- questions for
English). Generally, polar and leading questions occur in basic word order, but
add a question marker either at the beginning or the end of the phrase. Con-
stituent questions, in contrast, are more flexible with respect to the occurrence
of the interrogative. I will discuss each of these types in turn, basing my analysis
both on the question types questionnaire developed by Patin & Riedel (2011) as
well as questions occurring in the Gyeli corpus.

7.4.1.1 Polar questions with nà(nâ)

Polar questions typically entail a yes or no answer.15 They are usually marked
by the question marker nà or nànâ, which grammatically marks a sentence as
a question. The first version is the shorter default form nà, as shown in (160),
which also has a longer emphatic form nànâ, as in (161). Both only occur at the
beginning of a phrase.
(160) nà wɛ̀ nyɛ́ nyɛ̂
nà wɛ nyɛ̂-H nyɛ̂
q 2sg.pst1 see-r 1.obj
‘Did you see him?’
The emphatic question marker nànâ in polar questions pragmatically expresses
insistence or even disbelief. Thus, in (161), the speaker who asks the question
rather expects the addressee to not have seen the person in question and insists
on getting a true answer.
(161) nànâ wɛ̀ nyɛ́ nyɛ̂
nànâ wɛ nyɛ̂-H nyɛ̂
q 2sg.pst1 see-r 1.obj
‘Did you really see him?’
15
Pro-sentence forms as answers to yes/no questions are discussed in §3.7.4.

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 7.4 Special clause types

Prosody does not seem to play a role in terms of indicating a question. There-
fore, question markers are the only means to mark questions clearly as such,
especially in polar questions that do not employ any other question indicating
devices, in contrast to constituent questions, which use interrogatives. Neverthe-
less, the use of question markers is not obligatory, not even in polar questions,
as shown in (162). In this example, it has to be clear from the context, however,
that the sentence is a question. Otherwise, nà as in (160) has to be used.

(162) wɛ̀ nyɛ́ nyɛ̂

wɛ nyɛ̂-H nyɛ̂
2sg.pst1 see-r 1.obj
‘Did you see him?’

In addition to their syntactic function of marking a phrase as a question, ques-

tion markers also have a pragmatic function. In contexts where it is clear that a
phrase is meant as a question and nà is still used, the question marker serves as
marking emphasis. For instance, (160) could also be translated as ‘Did you really
see him?’, just as in (161). Using the longer form nànâ, as in (161), is even more
emphatic and indicates the speakers disbelief: speakers would also translate the
question in (161) as ‘Are you sure that you saw him?’
nà can also co-occur with interrogatives, as shown in (163). nà is not required
to indicate that the sentence is a question, since this is already achieved through
the interrogative construction púù yá gyí ‘why’. It seems, however, that nà here
has an emphasizing function.

(163) nà púù yá gyí wɛ̀ pálɛ́ gyàgà mányâ

nà púù yá gyí wɛ̀ pálɛ́ gyàga H-ma-nyâ
q ∅7.reason 7:att what 2sg.pst1 neg.pst buy obj.link-ma6-milk
‘Why didn’t you buy milk?’

7.4.1.2 Leading questions with ngáà

The question marker ngáà is used for leading questions, i.e. polar questions that
lead the addressee to give a specific yes or no answer, as expected by the speaker.
ngáà roughly corresponds to n’est-ce pas in French and right? or isn’t it? in En-
glish, which are sometimes also referred to as tag questions. I therefore gloss
ngáà as “q(tag)”. Just like the question marker nànâ, ngáà has both a syntactic and
pragmatic function. Syntactically, it encodes question marking. Pragmatically, it
leads the addressee to give an expected answer. In contrast to nà(nâ), ngáà can
occur both at the beginning and the end of a question, as shown in (164). The

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expected answer to the questions in (164) would be ɛ́ɛ̀ ‘yes’ (or a variant thereof,
as shown in §3.7.4).

(164) a. wɛ̀ nyɛ́ nyɛ̂ ngáà

2sg.pst1 see 1.obj q(tag)
‘You saw him, didn’t you/right?’
b. ngáà wɛ̀ nyɛ́ nyɛ̂
q(tag) 2sg.pst1 see 1.obj
‘Right, you saw him?’

ngáà is used in the same form for negated questions, as shown in (165). Here, the
expected answer would be tɔ̀ sâ ‘no’.

(165) a. wɛ̀ nyɛ́lɛ́ nyɛ̂ , ngáà

wɛ nyɛ̂-lɛ nyɛ̂ ngáà
2sg.pst1 see-neg 1.obj q(tag)
‘You didn’t see him, did you?’
b. ngáà, wɛ̀ nyɛ́lɛ́ nyɛ̂
ngáà wɛ nyɛ̂-lɛ nyɛ̂
q(tag) 2sg.pst1 see-neg 1.obj
‘Right, you didn’t see him?’

In contrast to constituent questions, ngáà does not co-occur with nà in the same
question.

7.4.1.3 Constituent questions

Constituent questions are expressed by interrogatives. Subject and object ques-
tions employ the interrogative pronouns nzá ‘who’ for human/animate and gyí
‘what’ for inanimate entities (§3.6.3). Adjunct questions use a range of interrog-
atives such as ɛ́ vɛ́ ‘where’ and oblique noun phrases, such as dúbɔ̀ lé vɛ́ ‘when
[which day]’, wùlà yá vɛ́ ‘when [what time]’ and púù yá gyí ‘why [what rea-
son]’ (§5.5.5). I will discuss the various constituent question types sorted by con-
stituent, starting with subject questions.
Subject interrogative pronouns always occur in-situ, i.e. phrase initially. An
example of a subject question using the human/animate interrogative pronoun
nzá ‘who’ is given in (166).

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 7.4 Special clause types

(166) nzá nzí nyɛ̂ Màmbì SVO

nzá nzí nyɛ̂ Màmbì
who prog.pst see pn
‘Who saw Mambi?’

(167) provides an example for a question asking for an inanimate subject, thus
using gyí ‘what’.

(167) gyí nzí bvúɔ̀ kàsà SVO

gyí nzî ́ bvúɔ̀ kàsà
what prog.pst break ∅7.bridge
‘What broke the bridge?’

As a side note, there seems to be a preference to use the progressive marker

nzí in past questions, even though the meaning is not necessarily progressive.
Questions can also be formed without the progressive marker, as in (168), but
speakers would spontaneously form questions with this aspect marker. They
state that questions without it are also grammatical and apparently mean the
same. nzí therefore most likely also serves another function than progressive,
but this needs further investigation.

(168) gyí bvúɔ́ kàsà SVO

gyí bvúɔ̀ -H kàsà
what break-r ∅7.bridge
‘What broke the bridge?’

Other constituents besides objects have two positional options. Either, inter-
rogatives for objects and adjuncts appear in-situ or are left dislocated to a phrase-
initial position. I will first demonstrate this with object questions.
For object questions, the same interrogative pronouns are used as for subject
questions. In (169), the object interrogative pronoun nzá ‘who’ is left dislocated
to the beginning of the phrase. As (169b) shows, this also holds for negated ques-
tions. Both questions occur in O S V (X) word order.

(169) a. nzá wɛ̀ nzí nyɛ̂ mɛ́nɔ́ yî mákítì

nzá wɛ̀ nzí nyɛ̂ mɛ́nɔ́ yî mákítì
who 2sg prog.pst see ∅7.morning 7.dem.prox ma6.market
‘Who did you see this morning at the market?’

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7 Simple clauses

b. nzá wɛ̀ ɛ́ kwálɛ̀ lɛ̀

nzá wɛ̀ ɛ́ kwàlɛ-lɛ
who 2sg.prs.neg like-neg
‘Who don’t you like?’

Likewise, the inanimate interrogative pronoun gyí ‘what’ can be left dislocated in
object questions, as shown in (170). Again, this also holds for negated questions,
as in (170b).

(170) a. gyí bwáà nzí nyɛ̂ tísɔ̀ nì OSVX

gyí bwáà nzí nyɛ̂ tísɔ̀ nì
what 2pl prog see ∅7.town
‘What did you (pl.) see in town?’
b. gyí wɛ̀ ɛ́ kwálɛ́lɛ́ tísɔ̀ nì dé tù OSVX
gyí wɛ̀ ɛ́ kwàlɛ-lɛ tísɔ̀ nì dé tù
what 2sg.prs.neg like-neg ∅7.town loc inside
‘What don’t you like in town?’
c. gyí Àdà lã́ã́ pá’á wà sã̂ OSVX
gyí Àdà lã́ã̀-H pá’á wà sã̂
what ∅1.pn read-r ∅1.side 1:att ∅1.father
‘What does Ada read for father?’

The object interrogative pronoun can also occur in-situ, as shown in (171) for
both nzá ‘who’ and gyí ‘what’. In terms of its pragmatics, the in-situ position
differs from left dislocation in terms of information structure. The object position
in-situ is the focus position, and thus the object interrogative appears in focus in
(171).

(171) a. wɛ̀ ɛ́ kwálɛ́lɛ́ nzá SVO

wɛ̀ ɛ́ kwálɛ́-lɛ́ nzá
2sg.prs.neg like-neg who
‘WHO don’t you like?’
b. Àdà lã́ã́ gyí pá’á wà sã̂ SVOX
́ ̀
Àdà lãã-H gyí pá’á wà sã̂
∅1.pn read-r what ∅1.side 1:att ∅1.father
‘WHAT does Ada read for father?’

In questions with double objects, the object interrogative can occur in three po-
sitions. In (172), the question asks for the recipient object (which is often referred

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 7.4 Special clause types

to as the direct object, but, as explained in §7.2.1.2, direct and indirect objects can-
not be distinguished on formal grounds in Gyeli). The object interrogative can
appear either in (i) left dislocation at the beginning of the phrase, as in (172a), (ii)
in the first object slot, as in (172b), and (iii) in the second object slot, as in (172c).

(172) a. nzá á vɛ́ béfùmbí O1 S V O2

nzá a-H vɛ̂-H H-be-fùmbí
who 1-prs give-r obj.link-be8-orange
‘Whom does s/he give the oranges?’
b. á vɛ́ nzá bèfùmbí S V O1 O2
a-H vɛ̂-H nzá be-fùmbí
1-prs give-r who be8-orange
‘Whom does s/he give the oranges?’
c. á vɛ́ béfùmbí nzá S V O1 O2
a-H vɛ̂-H H-be-fùmbí nzá
1-prs give-r be8-orange who
‘WHOM does s/he give the oranges?’

The same holds for gyí when asking for the patient object, as illustrated for all
three possible positions in (173).

(173) a. gyí wɛ́ gyíkɛ́sɛ́ bwánɔ̀ O1 S V O2

gyí wɛ-H gyíkɛsɛ-H b-wánɔ̀
what 2sg-prs teach-r ba2-child
‘What do you teach the children?’
b. wɛ́ gyíkɛ́sɛ́ gyí bwánɔ̀ S V O1 O2
wɛ-H gyíkɛsɛ-H gyí b-wánɔ̀
2sg-prs teach-r what ba2-child
‘What do you teach the children?’
c. wɛ́ gyíkɛ́sɛ́ bwánɔ̀ gyí S V O1 O2
wɛ-H gyíkɛsɛ-H b-wánɔ̀ gyí
2sg-prs teach-r ba2-child what
‘WHAT do you teach the children?’

Just like object questions, also adjunct questions can occur both phrase-ini-
tially or in-situ. I demonstrate this for various adjunct questions. In (174), for
instance, the constituent that is asked for is a comitative oblique encoding ac-
companiment. This is expressed by a comitative marker plus an interrogative

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7 Simple clauses

pronoun in the question. The oblique question can occur both phrase initially
and in-situ.

(174) a. nà nzá wɛ̀ ɛ̀ kɛ̀ pɛ̂ XSV

nà nzá wɛ̀ ɛ̀ kɛ̀ pɛ̂
com who 2sg.fut go over.there
‘With whom will you go there?’
b. wɛ̀ ɛ̀ kɛ̀ pɛ̂ nà nzá SVX
wɛ̀ ɛ̀ kɛ̀ pɛ̂ nà nzá
2sg.fut go over.there com who
‘WITH WHOM will you go there?’

The same pattern holds for oblique questions comprised of an associative plural
construction, as in (175).

(175) a. bà nà nzá báà kɛ̀ pɛ̂ XSV

bà nà nzá báà kɛ̀ pɛ̂?
ap com who 2.fut go over.there
‘They and who will go there?’
b. báà kɛ̀ pɛ̂ bà nà nzá SVX
báà kɛ̀ pɛ̂ bà nà nzá̂
2.fut go over.there ap com who
‘They and who will go there?’

Some verbs with reciprocal meaning require the comitative marker nà. They
behave peculiarly in question formation in that they both require an interroga-
tive pronoun in left dislocation and a comitative oblique noun phrase at the end
of the question. The object is taken up again in the oblique phrase by a resump-
tive object pronoun. This is shown in (176).

(176) a. nzá yáà lã́ nà nyɛ̂

nzá yáà lã̂-H nà nyɛ̂
who 1pl.pst2 talk-r com 1.obj
‘Who did we talk to?’
b. nzá wɛ̀ nzí làdtɔ̀ nà nyɛ̂ tísɔ̀ nì
nzá wɛ nzî-H làdtɔ̀ nà nyɛ̂ tísɔ̀ nì
who 2sg prog-pst meet com 1.obj ∅7.town
‘Who did you meet in town?’

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 7.4 Special clause types

Other examples of adjunct questions concern locative questions. Again, as

shown in (177), the locative oblique phrase can occur phrase initially or in-situ,
even though the left dislocated variant seems to be much more frequent, given
its relatively unmarked status.

(177) a. ɛ́ vɛ́ wɛ́ɛ̀ lúmɛ̀ lɛ̀ bwánɔ̀ sùkúlì X1 S V O X2

ɛ́ vɛ́ wɛ́ɛ̀ lúmɛlɛ b-wánɔ̀ sùkúlì
loc where 2sg.fut send ba2-child ∅7.school
‘Where will you send the children to school?’
b. wɛ́ɛ̀ lúmɛ̀ lɛ̀ bwánɔ̀ sùkúlì ɛ́ vɛ́ X1 S V O X2
wɛ́ɛ̀ lúmɛlɛ b-wánɔ̀ sùkúlì ɛ́ vɛ́
2sg.fut send ba2-child ∅7.school loc where
‘WHERE will you send the children to school?’

Temporal questions are also formed with oblique noun phrases. Depending
on the expected time specificity, speakers usually use dúbɔ̀ lé vɛ́ ‘what day’, as
in (178a), or wùlà yá vɛ́ ‘what time’, as in (178b). Again, both examples can occur
phrase initially and in-situ with the in-situ position being the more marked one.

(178) a. dúbɔ̀ lé vɛ́ à nzí pámò XSV

d-úbɔ̀ lé vɛ́ a nzî-H pámò
le5-day 5:att which 1 prog-r arrive
‘When did she arrive [what day]?’
b. à nzí pámò wùlà yá vɛ́ SVX
a nzî-H pámò wùlà yá vɛ́
1 prog-r arrive ∅7.hour 7:att which
‘WHEN did she arrive [what time]?’

Finally, also purpose obliques including púù yá gyí ‘what reason’ are expressed
following the same structure, as (179) shows.

(179) a. púù yá gyí bá gyíbɔ́ nyɛ̂ XSV

púù yá gyí ba-H gyíbɔ-H nyɛ̂
∅7.reason 7:att what 2-prs call-r 1.obj
‘Why do they call him?’
b. bá gyíbɔ́ nyɛ̂ púù yá gyí SVX
ba-H gyíbɔ-H nyɛ̂ púù yá gyí
2-prs call-r 1.obj ∅7.reason 7:att what
‘WHY do they call him?’

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7.4.2 Possessor raising

Possessor raising is a pervasive phenomenon in Gyeli. While I use the term pos-
sessor raising in line with the literature on this topic, I do not imply an analysis of
raising in the syntactic tree, but rather a marked possession construction. Thus,
the possessor can be expressed as the subject or object of a clause, avoiding ad-
nominal possession marking and benefactive obliques. In (180), the possessor is
expressed in the subject.

(180) mɛ́ dvúɔ́ nkû

mɛ-H dvúɔ̀ -H nkû
1sg-prs hurt-r ∅3.foot
‘My foot hurts.’

In most cases, however, the possessor has object status. In (181), for instance,
the possessor mɛ̂ takes the object position, while mbɔ̀ ‘arm’ occurs as a bare
locative oblique noun phrase.

(181) ká yí nyí mɛ̂ mbɔ̀ mpángì yí kùgá nâ

ká yi-H nyî-H mɛ̂ m-bɔ̀ mpángì yi-H kùga-H nâ
when 7-prs enter-r 1sg.obj n3-arm ∅7.bamboo 7-prs can-r comp
nyíì wɛ̀ mbɔ̀
nyíì wɛ m-bɔ̀
enter.sbjv 2sg n3-arm
‘When it goes into my arm . . . the bamboo can sting your arm.’

A possessor can also occur in copula constructions, as shown in (182). Here,

the possessor appears in the copula complement.

(182) nzà nyíì mɛ̀ mɔ̂

nzà nyíì mɛ̀ mɔ̂
∅9.hunger 9.cop 1sg.obj ∅3.stomach
‘I am hungry [lit. hunger is me in the stomach].’

While the previous examples could also have been expressed by possessive
pronouns as modifiers to the noun, other possessor raising constructions are
rather equivalent to benefactives. In (183), for example, the structure could be
modified to ‘build houses for me’ with a purpose or benefactive oblique phrase
introduced by púù yá (see §7.2.1.3).

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 7.4 Special clause types

(183) mɛ̀ bùdɛ́ nâ á lwɔ́ngɔ́ mɛ̂ màndáwɔ̀

mɛ bùdɛ-H nâ a-H lwɔ́ngɔ-H mɛ̂ ma-ndáwɔ̀
1sg have-r comp 1-prs build[Kwasio]-r 1sg.obj ma6-house
‘I say that she [Nadine] ought to build me houses.’
The same benefactive reading holds for copula constructions, as in (184).
(184) nlã̂ wá zì ndáwɔ̀ nyà zì nyíì mɛ̂ vé
nlã̂ wá zì ndáwɔ̀ nyà zì nyíì mɛ̂ vé
∅3.story 3:att ∅7.tin ∅9.house 9:att tin 9.cop 1sg.obj where
‘The problem with the tin, where is the tin (roofed) house for me?’
As a counterpart to benefactive readings, possessor raising can also express
adverse functions, as in (185) where the speaker experiences a bad event. The
construction is further special in terms of information structure, since the pos-
sessor object pronoun is fronted before the verb so that the verb appears in focus
position (see §7.3.3). This shows that possessor objects indeed behave identical
to other objects.
(185) bùdì bà sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ mɛ̂ wɛ̀ ndáwɔ̀ tù vâ
b-ùdì ba sílɛ̃ɛ̃ ́ ̀ mɛ̂ wɛ̀ ndáwɔ̀ tù vâ
ba2-person 2.pst1 finish.compl 1sg.obj die ∅9.house inside here
‘The people have all died here inside the house.’

7.4.3 Comparison constructions

Comparison and superlative constructions in Gyeli, just as in many other Bantu
and generally African languages, as observed, for instance, by Stassen (1984: 157)
are expressed verbally with the verb bálɛ ‘surpass’. This holds for the comparison
of the quality of two entities, as in (186). In this example, the compared quality
is mpà ‘good’, an adjective, followed by the infinitival form of bálɛ ‘surpass’. The
slot of the adjective can also be filled with nouns denoting quality, size, or color,
for instance with nkpámá ‘new (cl. 3/4)’ or mpùlɛ́ ‘yellow (cl. 3/4)’. Morphosyn-
tactically, there is no difference in the use of such a noun or an adjective as a
comparison parameter. Nouns are, in fact, frequent parameters in comparison
constructions due to the fact that the class of adjectives (§3.3) is rather small.
(186) kàbà yíì mpà bálɛ̀ sɔ́tì
kàbà yíì mpà bálɛ sɔ́tì
∅7.dress 7.cop good surpass ∅1.trousers
‘The dress is better than the trousers.’

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7 Simple clauses

The pattern is the same for adverbial comparison. In (187), mpà serves as an
adverb to kɛ̀ ‘go, run’. Just as in the previous example, it is followed by the com-
parison verb.
(187) Màmbì á kɛ́ mpà bálɛ̀ Àdà
Màmbì a-H kɛ̀ -H mpà bálɛ̀ Àdà
∅1.pn 1-prs go-r good surpass ∅1.pn
‘Mambi runs better than Ada.’
bálɛ is further used in comparison of quantities. Here, bálɛ follows the object
noun phrase that the quantity refers to and directly precedes the entity that is
subject to comparison, namely the person Màmbì.
(188) Adà à tsìlɔ́ békáládɛ̀ bálɛ̀ Màmbì
Adà a tsìlɔ-H H-be-káládɛ̀ bálɛ̀ Màmbì
∅1.pn 1.pst1 write-r obj.link-be8-letter surpass ∅1.pn
‘Ada wrote more letters than Mambi.’
In (187) and (188), the comparison is between two subjects. bálɛ is also used to
compare two objects while the subject is identical, as in (189).
(189) Àdà à dé mántúà bálɛ̀ mànjù
Àdà a dè-H H-ma-ntúà bálɛ ma-njù
∅1.pn 1.pst1 eat-r obj.link-ma6-mango surpass ma6-banana
‘Ada ate more mangoes than bananas.’
bálɛ can also function as the only verb in a clause that is tonally inflected
for tense and mood, as in (190). Here, the comparison is between the second
constituents of a noun + noun attributive construction, while the first constituent
of the second construction is elided.
(190) lèdyṹũ̀ lé dẽ̂ bálɛ́ nàkùgúù
̀
le-dyṹũ lé dẽ ̂ bálɛ-H nàkùgúù
le5-heat 5:att today surpass-r yesterday
‘Today it’s warmer than yesterday.’
In (191), a comparison construction is used to express semantically a superla-
tive by comparing one person’s driving style to that of everyone else.
(191) Adà á dvùdɔ́ màtúà bálɛ̀ bɔ́gà
Adà a-H dvùdɔ-H màtúà bálɛ bɔ́-gà
∅1.pn 1-prs drive-r ∅1.car surpass 2-other
‘Ada drives the car faster than all [the fastest].’

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 7.4 Special clause types

In contrast, in (192), a superlative is expressed without comparing two entities.

Instead, bálɛ follows an object noun phrase, which is subject to the superlative
interpretation, while kɛ̀ mpfúndɔ́ encodes in which way Ada’s car is the best,
namely in going fast.

(192) Adà á dvùdɔ́ màtúà bálɛ̀ kɛ̀ mpfúndɔ́

Adà a-H dvùdɔ-H màtúà bálɛ kɛ̀ mpfúndɔ́
∅1.pn 1-prs drive-r ∅1.car surpass go ∅3.speed
‘Ada drives the fastest car.’

Finally, some comparison construction types take additionally to bálɛ the ad-
verb mpù ‘like’. This is the case in equatives, as shown in (193).

(193) mɛ̀ ɛ́ bálɛ́lɛ́ bɛ̀ nà mɔ̀ nɛ́ ɛ́ mpù nàkùgúù

mɛ̀ ɛ́ bálɛ-lɛ bɛ̀ nà mɔ̀ nɛ́ ɛ́ mpù nàkùgúù
1sg.prs.neg surpass-neg be com ∅1.money loc like yesterday
‘I don’t have as much money as yesterday.’

Further, mpù is used in comparisons of non-identical objects, as in (194).

(194) Àdà à dé mántúà bálɛ̀ mpù Màmbì à

Àdà a dè-H H-ma-ntúà bálɛ mpù Màmbì a
∅1.pn 1.pst1 eat-r obj.link-ma6-mango surpass like ∅1.pn 1.pst1
dé mánjù
dè-H H-ma-njù
eat-r obj.link-ma6-banana
‘Ada ate more mangoes than Mambi bananas.’

Constructions involving the comparison of identical objects is done without

mpù, but only with bálɛ̀ ‘surpass’, as in (195).

(195) Àdà à dé mántúà bálɛ̀ mànjù

Àdà a dè-H H-ma-ntúà bálɛ ma-njù
∅1.pn 1.pst1 eat-r obj.link-ma6-mango surpass ma6-banana
‘Ada ate more mangoes than bananas.’

Having described major types and phenomena of simple clauses, I now turn to
complex clauses in the next chapter.

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8 Complex clauses
Complex clauses are those which are comprised of more than one clause, follow-
ing the standard notion of complex clauses, including coordination and subor-
dination, as given, for instance, by Wegener (2012). A complex clause is coordi-
nated when the two (or more) clauses it is comprised of are equal in their status.
Usually, coordination involves the combination of two (or more) independent
clauses. In contrast to coordination, in subordination, clauses are combined that
are not symmetrical in their status. They are formed by combining a superordi-
nate clause, i.e. a clause that can occur independently, with a dependent clause,
i.e. a clause that cannot occur on its own. In this chapter, I present different types
of coordination and subordination. I finally discuss the special case of reported
discourse, which I do not view as a type of subordination, but rather as being
organized at a higher discourse level.

8.1 Coordination
Haspelmath (2007: 1) defines coordination as: “syntactic constructions in which
two or more units of the same type are combined into a larger unit and still have
the same semantic relations with other surrounding elements”. He points out
that these units can either be words (e.g. verbs), phrases (e.g. noun phrases), sub-
ordinate clauses, or full sentences. In terms of terminology, Haspelmath calls the
units that are combined “coordinands”, while the element that links the coordi-
nands is called “coordinator”.
Gyeli uses a range of coordinators which broadly map onto different coordi-
nation relations as distinguished by Haspelmath:

1. combination (conjunction)
• conjunction nà ‘and’
• asyndetic (covert) coordination

2. alternative (disjunction) nânà/kânà ‘or’

3. contrast (adversative coordination) ndí ‘but’

8 Complex clauses

The most frequent coordinator in the corpus is nà for conjunction1 with 42

occurrences, followed by ndí with 9 instances. Both covert coordination and dis-
junction are rather rare in the corpus, and there are only a couple of examples of
each. Nevertheless, corpus examples have been supplemented with elicitations.
I discuss each of these coordination strategies in turn.

8.1.1 Conjunction with nà ‘and’

Conjoining two clauses with the conjunction nà is the most frequent coordina-
tion strategy in the Gyeli corpus. nà usually appears between two clauses in one
utterance, but can also occur at the beginning of an utterance, linking the clause
to the previous text, as in (1). nà is never found sentence finally.

(1) nà pándɛ̀ vâ bùdì báà bɛ̀

nà pándɛ̀ vâ b-ùdì báà bɛ
conj arrive here ba2-person 2.dem.prox be.there
‘[He is going into the forest on the long path.] And having arrived here,
these people are there.’

There are structural differences among conjoined clauses relating to the overt
expression or elision of subjects and objects. In the following, I will first discuss
subject expression and elision before turning to objects. Other differences that
are explained as well in the following examples pertain to general symmetry
and asymmetry of the two coordinands in terms of clause type, word order, and
aspect marking.

Subject expression in both coordinands

Two clauses can be conjoined with nà in cases where both coordinands display
overt subjects. This is true for both same and different subjects. Subjects are al-
ways overtly expressed in both coordinands if they are not identical. In (2), for
example, a lexical noun phrase serves as subject, while the second clause only
marks subject agreement on the stamp copula. The two coordinands are asym-
metrical in terms of their clause type. The first coordinand represents an intransi-
tive verbal clause, while the second constitutes a non-verbal copula construction.

1
Although the conjunction nà and the comitative marker nà are form-identical, I distinguish
them on the basis of their distribution. Conjunctions coordinate verb phrases, while the comi-
tative marker coordinates noun phrases (§5.6).

510
 8.1 Coordination

(2) bon mpɔ̀ ngɔ̀ sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ nà béè bànáyɛ̂ yɛ̂

bon mpɔ̀ ngɔ̀ sílɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ nà béè ba-náyɛ̂yɛ̂
OK[French] ∅7.generation finish.compl conj 2pl.cop 2-bleached.out
‘OK, the generation has been wiped out and you are bleached out [white].’

(3) also has different subjects in the two coordinands. At the same time, it is
noteworthy that both have the same aspect marker which cannot be elided in
the second constituent.

(3) yá lɔ́ fúàlà nà mɛ̀ lɔ́ làwɔ̀

ya-H lɔ́ fúala nà mɛ lɔ́ làwɔ
1pl-prs retro end conj 1sg retro talk
‘We just finished and I just spoke.’

Although the subject of the second coordinand can be elided if it is identical

with the subject of the first coordinand, there are circumstances in which speak-
ers prefer overt subject expression in the second clause over elision. This is, for
instance, the case when both coordinands are relatively complex, as in (4).

(4) mɛ́ lámbó Nzàmbí wà nû nà mɛ́ wúmbɛ́

mɛ-H lámbo-H Nzàmbí wà nû nà mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H
1sg-prs trap-r ∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.prox conj 1sg-prs want-r
lèmbò ɛ́ mpù à bùdɛ́ mɛ̂
lèmbo ɛ́ mpù a bùdɛ-H mɛ̂
know loc like.this 1 have-r 1sg.obj
‘I trap this Nzambi and I want to know like this how he takes me (what
he thinks of this story).’

Overt expression of the same subject is also preferred when the two coordinands
differ in their aspect marking, as shown in (5).

(5) dɔ̃̀ bɛ̀ yá lɔ́ kɛ̀ nà bɛ̀ yà nzíí pándɛ̀

dɔ̀̃ bɛ̀ ya-H lɔ́ kɛ̀ nà bɛ̀ ya nzíí pándɛ
so[French] 2pl-prs retro go conj 2pl prog.prs arrive
‘So, you just came and you are arriving.’

Another instance where the subject of the first coordinand is resumed in the
second is when the two clauses differ with respect to their information structure.
In (6), the first coordinand has a left-dislocated object, while the second appears
in basic word order.

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8 Complex clauses

(6) bèkúmbɛ́ báà njì nà byɔ̂ nà báà njì lwɔ̃̂

be-kúmbɛ́ báà njì nà by-ɔ̂ nà báà njì lwɔ̂̃
be8-roof 2.fut come com 8-obj conj 2.fut come build
mándáwɔ̀
H-ma-ndáwɔ̀
obj.link-ma6-house
‘They will bring roofs and they will come and build houses.’

Subject elision in second coordinand

Subjects of second coordinands can be elided under identity with the first coor-
dinand. The subject of the first coordinand, however, cannot be elided. Elision,
where possible, is generally preferred over overt expression and occurs twice as
often in the corpus as overt subject expression. An example of subject elision in
the second coordinand is given in (7).

(7) vɛ̀ ɛ̀ mùdì nyɛ̀ jã́ã̀sà nà kɛ́ jìí dé tù nà

vɛ̀ ɛ̀ m-ùdì ́
nyɛ jããsà̀ nà kɛ̀ -H jìí dé tù nà
only n1-person 1 disappear conj go-r ∅7.forest loc inside com
ndzǐ pámò dẽ̂
ndzǐ pámò dẽ̂
∅9.path arrive today
‘Suddenly the person disappears and goes in the forest on the path till
today.’

A very common conjunction type is represented in (8a), which encodes a chain

of events. First, the agent has gone and then stuffed the top of the roof with straw.
The occurrence of the coordinator nà clearly distinguishes the sentence in (8a)
from the one in (8b), where no coordinator is present.

(8) a. áà sílɛ́ kɛ̀ nà dvùwɔ́ dyúwɔ̀

áà sílɛ-H kɛ̀ nà dvùwɔ-H dyúwɔ
1.pst2 finish-r go conj stuff-r ∅7.top
‘He has gone and stuffed the top [with straw].’
b. áà sílɛ́ kɛ̀ dvùwɔ̀ dyúwɔ̀
áà sílɛ-H kɛ̀ dvùwɔ dyúwɔ
1.pst2 finish-r go stuff ∅7.top
‘He has gone to stuff the top [with straw].’

512
 8.1 Coordination

(8b) represents an instance of a complex auxiliary construction. As such, the verb

dvùwɔ occurs in its infinitival form, i.e. with a final L tone. In contrast, under
coordination as in (8a), the verb is tonally inflected for tense and mood and thus
occurs with an H tone.
Finally, conjunction constructions can have multiple coordinands, as (9) shows.
This complex example contains both coordinands with elided subjects and overt
subject expression.

(9) wɛ́ ná báàlá nà nyɛ́ fí nà wɛ́ ndyándyá

wɛ-H ná báàla-H nà nyɛ̂-H fí nà wɛ-H ndyándya-H
2sg-prs again repeat-r conj see-r different conj 2sg-prs work-r
ná sálɛ́ ɛ́ pɛ̀ nà wɛ́ kòlá ná mɔ̀ nɛ́
ná sálɛ́ ɛ́ pɛ̀ nà wɛ-H kòla-H ná mɔ̀ nɛ́
again ∅7.work loc over.there conj 2sg-prs add-r again ∅1.money
nû
nû
1.dem.prox
‘You repeat again and try something else [find other work] and you work
there again and you add this money [the same amount of 250 Francs]
again.’

Object elision
In contrast to subjects, objects can be elided under identity in both the first and
the second coordinand. (10a) provides an example where the identical subject
and object are expressed in both coordinands. In (10b), the object is elided in the
first coordinand, while it is elided in the second coordinand in (10c). At the same
time, it is possible to also elide the identical subject in the second coordinand, as
indicated by the parentheses.

(10) a. mɛ́ sɛ́lɔ́ béntɔ̀ gɔ̀ nà mɛ́ vúlɔ́

mɛ-H sɛ́lɔ-H H-be-ntɔ̀ gɔ̀ nà mɛ-H vúlɔ-H
1sg-prs peel-r obj.link-be8-sweet.potato conj 1sg-prs cut-r
béntɔ̀ gɔ̀
H-be-ntɔ̀ gɔ̀
obj.link-be8-sweet.potato
‘I peel sweet potatoes and I cut sweet potatoes.’

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8 Complex clauses

b. mɛ́ sɛ́lɔ́ nà (mɛ́) vúlɔ́ béntɔ̀ gɔ̀

mɛ-H sɛ́lɔ-H nà mɛ-H vúlɔ-H H-be-ntɔ̀ gɔ̀
1sg-prs peel-r conj 1sg-prs cut-r obj.link-be8-sweet.potato
‘I peel and (I) cut sweet potatoes.’
c. mɛ́ sɛ́lɔ́ béntɔ̀ gɔ̀ nà (mɛ́) vúlɔ̀
mɛ-H sɛ́lɔ-H H-be-ntɔ̀ gɔ̀ nà mɛ-H vúlɔ
1sg-prs peel-r obj.link-be8-sweet.potato conj 1sg-prs cut
‘I peel sweet potatoes and (I) cut [them].’

In addition to the overt expression of a nominal object and its elision, there
is a third option, namely to express an object pronominally, as shown in (11). In
(11a), the natural interpretation is that the objects of the coordinated clauses are
identical. If, however, the first coordinand has a pronominal object, while the
second has a nominal object, as in (11b), the two objects are likely not identical,
but the pronoun would refer to an antecedent from previous discourse.

(11) a. mɛ́ sɛ́lɔ́ béntɔ̀ gɔ̀ i nà (mɛ́) vúlɔ́ byɔ̂ i

mɛ-H sɛ́lɔ-H H-be-ntɔ̀ gɔ̀ nà mɛ-H vúlɔ-H byɔ̂
1sg-prs peel-r obj.link-be8-sweet.potato conj 1sg-prs cut-r 8.obj
‘I peel sweet potatoes and (I) cut them.’
b. mɛ́ sɛ́lɔ́ byɔ̂ i nà (mɛ́) vúlɔ́ béntɔ̀ gɔ̀ j
mɛ-H sɛ́lɔ-H byɔ̂ nà mɛ-H vúlɔ-H H-be-ntɔ̀ gɔ̀
1sg-prs peel-r 8.obj conj 1sg-prs cut-r obj.link-be8-sweet.potato
‘I peel them and (I) cut sweet potatoes.’

nà in non-clausal coordination
The conjunction nà is not only used in clausal coordination, but also in coordi-
nation of, for instance, noun phrases, as shown in (12).

(12) nà mìmbàngá nà màsá nà bègyí nà

nà mi-mbàngá nà ma-sá nà be-gyí nà
conj mi4-coconut.tree conj ma6-African.plum conj be8-what conj
bègyí byɛ́sɛ̀ béè sílɛ̀ ntàmànɛ̀
be-gyí by-ɛ́sɛ̀ béè sílɛ ntàmanɛ
be8-what 8-all 8.fut finish ruin
‘And the coconut trees and the African plum trees and so on and so forth,
they will all be ruined.’

514
 8.1 Coordination

Also, this coordinator can conjoin two oblique phrases, as in (13).2

(13) S V X1 ‘and’ X2
àá bámálá tɔ́bá mpfùmɔ̀ nà pámò mɛ́nɔ́
àá bámala-H tɔ́bá mpfùmɔ̀ nà pámo mɛ́nɔ́
1.inch scold-r since ∅3.midnight conj arrive ∅7.morning
‘He starts to scold [now] at midnight and [it] will last until the morning.’

Coordination of verbs sharing the same object has not been observed in the cor-
pus.

8.1.2 Covert coordination

A minor strategy to conjoin clauses is asyndetic coordination, i.e. coordination
without any overt coordinator. This is also called “covert coordination”. In Gyeli,
covert coordination seems to be quite restricted and involves two clauses with
different verbal predicates, the second of which is ditransitive. The second clause
then not only shares the first clause’s subject, but also its object, both of which
are elided in the second clause, as shown in (14) and (15).3

(14) S V1 O1 [‘and’] V2 O2
[yɔ́ɔ̀ mùdã̂ tɔ́kɛ́ mwánɔ̀ ] [kàlànɛ̀ nyɛ̂ ]
yɔ́ɔ̀ m-ùdã ̂ tɔ́kɛ-H m-wánɔ̀ kàlanɛ nyɛ̂
so n1-woman collect-r n1-child hand.over 1.obj
‘So the woman picks up the child [and] hands [it] over to him.’

(15) S V1 O1 [‘and’] V2 O2
[yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ́ tɔ́kɛ́ mɔ̀ nɛ́ wɛ̂ ] [vɛ̀ nyɛ̂ ]
yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ-H tɔ́kɛ-H mɔ̀ nɛ́ w-ɛ̂ vɛ̀ nyɛ̂
so 1sg-prs collect-r ∅1.money 1-poss.3sg give 1.obj
‘So I collect her money [and] give [it to] her,’

I analyze these constructions as instances of covert coordination rather than

complex predicate constructions for two reasons. First, the verb of the first clause
is not a typical auxiliary verb. As explained in §6.3, auxiliaries generally belong
to one of three verb classes, namely aspectual verbs, deictic motion verbs, and
2
Note that pámò ‘arrive’ is consistently used in a preposition-like function of ‘till’.
3
Instances of such covert coordination constructions where the second clause has a transitive
verb which it shares with the first clause have not been observed. Future research will have to
show whether such constructions are possible.

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8 Complex clauses

modal verbs. tɔ́kɛ ‘collect’ clearly does not fit into any of these categories and has
not been observed in any other instances to occur as auxiliary in complex pred-
icate constructions. Second, while complex predicates often describe one event
expressed by the final main verb, clauses with covert coordination clearly encode
a sequence of events. Thus, in (14), the woman first picks up her child and then
hands it over to another person.

8.1.3 Disjunction with kânà/nânà ‘or’

Disjunction, also called “alternative coordination”, can be expressed with one
of the coordinators kânà and nânà ‘or’. Disjunction is rather rare in the corpus,
where only the variant kânà appears, but speakers state that it can always be re-
placed with nânà. Just like the conjunction coordinator nà, kânà/nânà can appear
in between clauses and sentence initially, as in (16). Here, Nzambi explains that
his friend told him to kill people in order to help them get white skin. He then
concludes in a new sentence ‘Or I also broke the interdiction’, as an alternative
judgement of his deeds.

(16) kánâ mɛ̀ kɔ̀ bɛ́ ndáà tsì mɛ̀ ɛ́ lémbólɛ́

kánâ mɛ kɔ̀ bɛ-H ndáà tsì mɛ̀ ɛ́ lémbo-lɛ
or 1sg.pst1 break-r also ∅7.interdiction 1sg.prs.neg know-neg
‘[You were telling me to do so.] Or I also broke the interdiction, I don’t
know.’

(17) represents an example where the disjunctive coordinator appears between

two clauses. Again, it shows that both coordinators nânà and kânà can be used
as ‘or’. In contrast to conjunction, in disjunction, there seems to be a general
preference to express the (same) subject overtly in both coordinands. Thus, wɛ́
‘you’ is repeated also in the second clause.

(17) wɛ́ njí nà bî nânà/kânà wɛ́ lígɛ̀

wɛ-H njî-H nà bî nânà/kânà wɛ-H lígɛ
2sg-prs come-r com 1pl.obj or 2sg-prs stay
‘Do you come with us or do you stay?’

kânà can also be used in both of the coordinands, expressing ‘either...or’. This
is shown in (18). In this construction, the coordinator in the second clause can be
abbreviated to kâ.

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 8.1 Coordination

(18) kânà àà njì nà byɔ̂ kâ(nà) àà lúmɛ̀ lɛ̀

kânà àà njì nà by-ɔ̂ kâ(nà) àà lúmɛlɛ
or 1.fut come com 8-obj or 1.fut send
‘Either he will bring them [books] or he will send [them].’

(18) also shows that the second coordinand elides its object which it shares with
the first clause. Elision of shared objects is also a feature of covert coordination,
as shown in (14).
Finally, (19) represents a case where the first and the second coordinand are
asymmetrical in that the second coordinand consists only of a negated substitute
m̀m̂ ‘no’ of the first clause. The speaker makes a suggestion in the first coordi-
nand, but then changes his mind and suggests the opposite.

(19) mùdã̂ kɛ́ nà nyɛ̀ mánkɛ̃̂ kánâ m̀m̂

m-ùdã ̂ kɛ̀ -H nà nyɛ̀ H-ma-nkɛ̃ ̂ kánâ m̀m̂
n1-woman go-r com 1 obj.link-ma6-field or no
‘The woman [his wife] shall go with him to the field or not.’

8.1.4 Adversative coordination with ndí ‘but’

Adversative coordination is expressed by ndí ‘but’ in Gyeli. Haspelmath (2007)
distinguishes different subtypes of contrast, depending on the origin of conflict.
Thus, the adversative coordinator can be (i) “oppositive”, as in (20), (ii) “correc-
tive”, as in (21), or (iii) “counterexpectative”, as in (22).4 Gyeli does not make any
lexical distinction between these subtypes, but expresses all of them with the
same adversative coordinator ndí ‘but’.

(20) Oppositive
mɛ̀ gyàgá békùndá ndí Àdà à gyàgá
mɛ gyàga-H H-be-kùndá ndí Àdà a gyàga-H
1sg.pst1 buy-pst1 obj.link-be8-shoe but ∅1.pn 1.pst1 buy-pst1
tsílɛ̀ yá sɔ́tì
tsílɛ̀ yá sɔ́tì
∅7.smallness 7:att ∅1.trousers
‘I bought shoes whereas Ada bought shorts.’

4
Examples of these different adversative subtypes stem from Mauri (2008).

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8 Complex clauses

(21) Corrective
á sàlɛ́ bédtɔ̀ nkòlɛ́ mpfùndɔ̀ ndí à nzí kɛ̀ nà kɛ̀
a-H sàlɛ́ bédtɔ̀ nkòlɛ́ mpfùndɔ̀ ndí a nzî-H kɛ̀ nà kɛ̀
1-neg pst.neg ascend ∅3.hill fast but 1.pst1 prog-r go com ∅7.walk
tsídɛ́ɛ̀
tsídɛ́ɛ̀
slow
‘He didn’t run up the hill, but went slowly.’

(22) Counterexpectative
Àdà á dyà ntɛ́ bvùbvù ndí àá lálɛ́ basket
Àdà a-H dyà ntɛ́ bvùbvù ndí àá lá-lɛ́ basket
∅1.pn 1-prs ∅7.tallness ∅3.size much but 1.prs.neg play-neg basketball
‘Ada is very tall, but he doesn’t play basketball.’

Just like other coordinators, ndí ‘but’ occupies the initial position within a clause,
as shown by the double occurrence of ndí in (23).

(23) ndí mɛ̀ ɛ́ sálɛ́ wɛ̂ bvùbvù ndí vɛ̀ dáà mɛ́
ndí mɛ̀ ɛ́ sâ-lɛ́ wɛ̂ bvùbvù ndí vɛ̀ dáà mɛ-H
but 1sg.prs.neg do-neg 2sg.obj much but but[Bulu] 1sg-prs
dyúwɔ́ nâ wɛ́ɛ̀ dé mwánɔ̀ nɔ́ɔ̀
dyúwɔ-H nâ wɛ́ɛ̀ dè-H m-wánɔ̀ , nɔ́ɔ̀
understand-r comp 2.pst2 eat-r n1-child no
‘But I don’t do you wrong, but I understand that you have eaten [my]
child, haven’t you?’

In contrast to other coordinators, ndí is the only one that is prone to code-
switching, which systematically happens both to Bulu and French. In (24), the
Bulu coordinator vɛ̀ dáà ‘but’ is used instead of ndí. In other cases, ndí and vɛ̀ dáà
are both used, the Gyeli variant preceding the Bulu one, as shown in (23).

(24) yí ntɛ́gɛ̀ lɛ̀ vɛ̀ dáà mɛ́ sùmbɛ́lɛ́ bê

yi-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ vɛ̀ dáà mɛ-H sùmbɛlɛ-H bê
7-prs disturb but[Bulu] 1sg-prs greet[Kwasio]-r 2pl.obj
‘That disturbs, but I greet you.’

Also, ndí is often substituted by the French form mais (mɛ́ in Gyeli) ‘but’, as in
(25).

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 8.2 Subordination

(25) ká wɛ́ sílɛ́ kɛ̀ sâ sálɛ́ mɛ́ pílì wɛ́ kɛ́ nâ

ká wɛ-H sílɛ-H kɛ̀ sâ sálɛ́ mɛ́ pílì wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H nâ
if 2sg-prs finish-r go do work.7 but[French] when 2sg-prs go-r comp
wɛ́ kɛ́ jíì mònɛ́ wɔ̂ á làwɔ́ wɛ̂ nyùmbò
wɛ-H kɛ̀ -r jíì mònɛ́ w-ɔ̂ a-H làwɔ-H wɛ̂ nyùmbò
2sg-prs go-r ask ∅1.money 1-poss.2sg 1-prs tell-r 2sg ∅3.mouth
‘If you go do all the work[for a Bulu person]. . . but when you [later] go
and ask for your money, he [the Bulu person] frowns at you.’

8.2 Subordination
As described by Haspelmath (2007: 46-48), coordination and subordination gen-
erally differ in two main respects. First, while coordination can be used for both
phrases and clauses, subordination only applies to clauses. Second, in contrast to
coordination, clauses in subordination are not symmetrical. I take a traditional
view on subordination, as summarized in Cristofaro (2003: 15),5 which is defined
by morphosyntactic criteria of syntactic embedding and structural dependency.
In syntactic embedding, the subordinate clause functions as a constituent of
another clause and combines with a specific element of the main clause. In Gyeli,
relative clauses (§8.2.1) are embedded in verbal or non-verbal clauses, modify-
ing a noun. In contrast, complement clauses (§8.2.2.1) serve as arguments of a
predicate, combining with verbs. Adverbial clauses (§8.2.3) are defined by their
structural dependency on the main clause. Gyeli has several subtypes of adver-
bial clauses which all have in common that they cannot be used independently
of the main clause. Some of them are also inflectionally reduced.

8.2.1 Relative clauses

Relative clauses are embedded clauses which combine with a noun phrase con-
stituent of a matrix clause. Andrews (2007: 206) offers the following functional
definition: “A relative clause (RC) is a subordinate clause which delimits the ref-
erence of an NP by specifying the role of the referent of that NP in the situation
described by the RC”. In Gyeli, relative clauses follow a nominal head. They gen-
erally have the same syntactic structure as simple main clauses:

NP [(att) S V O (X)]REL
5
Although Cristofaro (2003) proposes a different approach to subordination, her summary of
the traditional view is very helpful.

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There are differences, however, in terms of the expression, elision, or cross-ref-

erencing of the nominal head in the relative clause, depending on its function
within the relative clause, as discussed below. Relative clauses may be introduced
by an attributive marker, which in many cases is optional.
Gyeli relative clauses are usually externally headed. I only found one example
of a headless relative clause, as shown in (26). In this construction, the relative
clause appears as the copula complement in a non-verbal predicate construction,
following the stamp copula. The subject of the main clause serves as the object
complement of the relative clause and is cross-referenced by a resumptive pro-
noun at the end of the relative clause. There is, however, no expression of a head.
(26) lèbvúú lé tè lɔ́ɔ̀ [yá bùdɛ́ lɛ̂ ]rel
le-bvúú lé tè lɔ́ɔ̀ ya-H bùdɛ-H lɛ̂
le5-anger 5:att there 5.cop 1pl-prs have-r 5.obj
‘We have this anger. [lit. The anger there it is that which we have].’
Other free relative clauses, as discussed in §8.2.1.5, usually occur with a default
head that takes different shapes depending on whether the head denotes a human
or not.
I explore relative clauses in Gyeli in various directions. In §8.2.1.1, I investi-
gate the range of syntactic functions of noun phrases in the matrix clause that
can serve as the head of a relative clause. I treat cleft constructions as a special
subtype of relative clauses in §8.2.1.2. I then describe clause linkage of relative
clauses in §8.2.1.3. In §8.2.1.4, I show the different syntactic roles that the nominal
head of a relative clause can take within the relative clause. I provide examples
of different types of relative clauses such as restrictive, non-restrictive, and free
relative clauses in §8.2.1.5 and finally give a few examples of complex relative
clauses in §8.2.1.6. Data on relative clauses stem both from the Gyeli corpus and
from answers to the relative clause questionnaire by Downing et al. (2010).

8.2.1.1 Nominal heads and the main clause

Noun phrase types that can be modified by a relative clause in Gyeli include all
available noun phrases in a verbal clause, namely subject, object, and oblique
noun phrases, as illustrated in (27) through (31). In (27), the relative clause modi-
fies the subject noun phrase of a verbal main clause.
(27) bwánɔ̀ -békúmbé [bé bà njí nà byɔ̂ ]rel bé tɛ́lɛ́ màbé
b-wánɔ̀ -be-kúmbé bé ba njì-H nà by-ɔ̂ be-H tɛ́lɛ-H mà-bé
ba2-child-be8-tin 8:att 2.pst1 come-r com 8-obj 8-prs stand-r here-8
‘The few tin roofs that they brought stand here.’

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 8.2 Subordination

Relative clauses can modify object noun phrases. In (28), the first object of a
double object construction is followed by a relative clause.
(28) vɛ̂ mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀ [wà wɛ̀ bùdɛ́ nû]rel
vɛ̂ m-wánɔ̀ w-ɔ́ɔ̀ wà wɛ bùdɛ-H nû
give.imp n1-child 1-poss.2sg 1:att 2sg have-r 1:dem.prox
mwánɔ̀ -sâ yá dè
m-wánɔ̀ -sâ yá dè
n1-child-∅7.thing 7:att eat
‘Give your child that you have here a little to eat.’
The relative clause can also modify the second object in a double object construc-
tion, as in (29).
(29) vɛ̂ mɛ̂ sâ mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀ [wà wɛ̀ bùdɛ́ nû]rel
vɛ̂ mɛ̂ sâ m-wánɔ̀ w-ɔ́ɔ̀ wà wɛ bùdɛ-H nû
give.imp 1sg.obj only n1-child 1-poss.2sg 1:att 2sg have-r 1:dem.prox
‘Give me only your child that you have here.’
Further, left-dislocated object noun phrases can be modified by a relative clause,
as shown in (30).
(30) nyɛ̀ nâ yáà mɛ́ láà nâ sá [wɛ́ sá nɔ́gá
nyɛ nâ yáà mɛ-H láà nâ sá wɛ-H sâ-H nɔ́-gá
1 comp yes 1sg-prs say comp ∅7.thing 2sg-prs do-r 1-other
mùdì]rel àà yɔ̂ wɛ̂ nyê
m-ùdì àà y-ɔ̂ wɛ̂ nyê
n1-person 1.fut 7-obj 2sg return
‘He: Yes, I say, the thing that you do to another person, he will return [it]
to you.’
Finally, relative clauses may modify oblique noun phrases, as illustrated with the
locative oblique in (31).
(31) à làdó nà sɔ́ ɛ́ ndáwɔ̀ dé tù [nyà sã́
a làdo-H nà sɔ́ ɛ́ ndáwɔ̀ dé tù nyà sã́
1.pst1 meet-r com ∅1.friend loc ∅9.house loc inside 9:att ∅1.father
wɛ̂ à lwɔ̃̂ ]rel
w-ɛ̂ a lwɔ̂̃
1-poss.3sg 1.pst1 build
‘He met with a friend in the house that his father built.’

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8 Complex clauses

Relative clauses further appear in noun phrases of non-verbal clauses. They

can appear both with the main clause’s subject, as in (32) and with noun phrases
in complement position, as in (33).
(32) bã̀ [yá bwánɔ̀ bá lɔ́ làwɔ̀ ]rel yíì tè
bã̀ yá b-wánɔ̀ ba-H lɔ́ làwɔ yíì tè
∅7.word 7:att ba2-child 2-prs retro speak 7.cop there
‘The word that the children just said is there. [it is true]’
(33) bàngyɛ́’ɛ̀ lɛ̀ báà bùdì [bá gyíkɛ́sɛ́ bwánɔ̀ ]rel
ba-ngyɛ́’ɛ̀ lɛ̀ báà b-ùdì ba-H gyíkɛsɛ-H bwánɔ̀
ba2-teacher 2.cop ba2-person 2-prs teach-r ba2-child
‘Teachers are people who teach children.’
A special type of non-verbal clause that embeds a relative clause is the so-called
cleft construction, which I discuss in the following section.

8.2.1.2 Cleft constructions

Cleft constructions describe a type of non-verbal matrix clause in which the rel-
ative clause is embedded. Gyeli has two cleft constructions, involving either (i)
a stamp copula or (ii) the identificational marker wɛ́. Both constructions have
in common that they are pragmatically motivated as an information structure
strategy expressing focus (§7.3).
Cleft constructions with a stamp copula are characterized by the default stamp
copula of agreement class 7 yíì ‘it is’ (§7.1.1), followed by a (pro-)nominal predi-
cate which serves as the head of the relative clause:
yíì np [...]rel
As shown in (34), the class 7 stamp copula is also used when the following pred-
icate appears in a plural class. In terms of information structure, the subject is in
focus, as an answer to the question ‘Who eats mangoes?’.
(34) yíì bwánɔ̀ [bá dé mántúà]rel
yíì b-wánɔ̀ ba-H dè-H H-ma-ntúà
7.cop ba2-child 2-prs eat-r obj.link-ma6-mango
‘It’s the children who eat mangoes.’
Also with cleft constructions, the use of the attributive marker is optional, as
indicated by the parentheses in (35). Since the attributive marker and the follow-
ing stamp marker are identical in their shape, the omission of the attributive
marker is preferred.

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 8.2 Subordination

(35) yíì bwánɔ̀ bùdã̂ [(bá) bá sá másâ ɛ́

yí b-wánɔ̀ b-ùdã̂ (bá) ba-H sâ-H H-ma-sâ ɛ́
7.cop ba2-child ba2-woman (2:att) 2-prs do-r obj.link-ma6-game loc
jíwɔ́]rel
jíwɔ́
∅7.river
‘It’s the girls who are playing by the river.’

While cleft constructions are mostly used to express subject focus, as in (35), the
nominal predicate can also serve as the object of the relative clause, as in (36).

(36) yíì bwánɔ̀ bùdã̂ [wɛ̀ nzí nyɛ̂ ]rel

yíì b-wánɔ̀ b-ùdã ̂ wɛ̀ nzí nyɛ̂
7.cop ba2-child ba2-woman 2sg prog.pst see
‘It’s the girls that you saw.’

(37) provides an example of a double object construction, where the indirect ob-
ject of the relative clause is encoded by the external head of the relative clause.

(37) yíì bwánɔ̀ bùdã̂ [bá àà lúmɛ̀ lɛ̀ bèkúlà]rel

yíì b-wánɔ̀ b-ùdã̂ bá àà lúmɛlɛ be-kúlà
7.cop ba2-child ba2-woman 2:att 1.fut send be8-present
‘It’s the girls that she will send presents to.’

Under negation, the stamp copula is replaced by the verbal copula bɛ̀ ‘be’, as
expected and discussed in §7.1.4. Thus, in (38), the negated correction of the state-
ment ‘That woman ate the mangoes’ is expressed by the negated verbal copula
bɛ́lɛ́ for ‘it is not X’, while for the affirmative cleft, the stamp copula is used again.

(38) tɔ̀ sâ yí bɛ́lɛ́ mùdã̂ núndɛ̀ yíì mɛ̂ [mɛ̀ nzí dè

tɔ̀ sâ yí bɛ̀ -lɛ m-ùdã̂ nú-ndɛ̀ yíì mɛ̂ mɛ nzí dè
no 7.prs be-neg n1-2 woman 1-ana 7.cop 1sg.obj 1sg prog.pst
mántúà]rel
H-ma-ntúà
eat
‘[That woman ate the mangoes—] No, it is not that woman, it is me who
ate the mangoes.’

The second cleft type uses the identificational marker wɛ́, following a subject
pronoun which serves as the head of the relative clause:
pro id [...]rel

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This construction is used if the subject in focus consists of a complex lexical noun
phrase, as in (39). One might think of it as a resumptive cleft or an afterthought
focus marking. As in the previous examples, omission of the attributive marker
is preferred (but its use is grammatical).

(39) ntɛ́mbɔ̀ wà mùdã̂ wã̂ nyɛ̀ wɛ́ [bùdɛ́ mwánɔ̀

ntɛ́mbɔ̀ wà m-ùdã̂ w-ã̂ nyɛ wɛ́ bùdɛ-H m-wánɔ̀
∅1.younger.sibling 1:att n1-woman 1-poss.1sg 1 ID have-r n1-child
wà mùdã̂ mvúdũ̂]rel
wà m-ùdã̂ m-vúdũ̂
1:att n1-woman 1-one
‘My wife’s younger sister, it is her who has one girl.’

Both cleft types, with the stamp copula and identificational marker wɛ́, can
appear in combination as a double cleft construction, as shown in (40). In these
double clefts, first the stamp copula cleft type is used and then the identificational
cleft with wɛ́. These constructions seem to be more marked than simple clefts and
thus seem to emphasize the subject focus even more.

(40) a. tɔ̀ sâ [yíì ntɛ̀ mbɔ́ wɛ̂ ] [nyɛ̂ wɛ́] [nzí dè mántúà]rel
tɔ̀ sâ yíì ntɛ̀ mbɔ́ w-ɛ̂ nyɛ̂ wɛ́ nzí dè H-ma-ntúà
no 7.cop ∅1.sibling 1-poss.3sg 1.obj id prog.pst eat ma6-mango
‘[The woman ate the mangoes, didn’t she?—] No, it is her sister who
ate the mangoes.’
b. tɔ̀ sâ [yíì síngì] [yɔ̂ wɛ́] [nzí dè]rel
tɔ̀ sâ yíì síngì y-ɔ̂ wɛ́ nzí dè
no 7.cop ∅7.monkey 7-obj ID prog.pst eat
‘[The woman ate the mangoes, didn’t she?—] No, it is the monkey
who ate [them].’

8.2.1.3 Linkage of relative clauses

Gyeli does not have a distinct marker of relative clauses such as, for instance,
relative pronouns. Instead, an attributive marker (att) can be used to indicate
the embedding relation between subordinate clause and modified noun phrase.
This attributive marker, which agrees in gender with the head noun, is also used
in noun + noun constructions, as discussed in §3.8.3.2. In most cases, however,
the use of the attributive marker is optional so that a relative clause is often
not marked by a dedicated morpheme. The circumstances under which speakers

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omit the attributive marker in contrast to using it are not clear. In the corpus,
about half of the relative clauses appear with an attributive marker, as in (29),
and about half without, as in (30). Few generalizations can be made at this point
as to what conditions the marker’s appearance or omission. Both appearance
and omission occur with attributive markers of all agreement classes, singular
and plural. Further, attributive markers and their omission are found with all
subject, object, and oblique noun phrases that are modified. Finally, the role that
the head noun plays in the relative clause does not seem to be decisive for the
appearance or omission of the attributive marker, since examples of both variants
are found for cases where the head of the relative clause is the subject or any
type of object of the relative clause, as I will show below. The only criterion that
seems to favor attributive marker deletion is when the attributive marker and
the following stamp marker are identical in shape, as for instance in (42).
All relative clauses are marked prosodically in that they are treated as distinct
intonation units. As such, verb-final relative clauses do not take a realis-marking
H tone in the realis moods as they would within an intonation phrase. In (41),
the verb sâ ‘do’ surfaces with the underlying verb tone and does not take the
realis-marking H tone that it would take if the verb was not at the boundary of
an intonation phrase.

(41) sá [wɛ́ sâ]rel yí bɛ́lɛ́ mpà

sá wɛ-H sâ yi-H bɛ̀ -lɛ mpà
∅7.thing 2sg-prs do 7-prs be-neg good
‘The thing you do is not good.’

Also, a pause indicates the end of a relative clause.

8.2.1.4 Nominal heads and the relative clause

Relative clauses can further be distinguished based on the syntactic function of
the head noun within the relative clause. The head noun can serve, for instance,
as the subject of the relative clause, but also as an object or an oblique.
In (42), the nominal head noun bwánɔ̀ -bùdã̂ ‘girls’ serves as the subject of the
relative clause. In these constructions, the nominal head of the matrix clause is
cross-referenced by the stamp marker indicating subject agreement. The relative
clause follows the basic word order of S V. In the absence of an attributive marker,
prosody is the only means to indicate the relative clause which otherwise would
not be distinguishable from a basic clause followed by another basic clause.

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(42) bwánɔ̀ -bùdã̂ [bá lìmbɔ́ dyúà]rel bá sá

b-wánɔ̀ -b-ùdã̂ ba-H lìmbɔ-H dyúà ba-H sâ-H
ba2-child-ba2-woman 2-prs know-r swim 1-prs do-r
másâ ɛ́ nsá’à wá jíwɔ́
H-ma-sâ ɛ́ nsá’à wá jíwɔ́
obj.link-ma6-game loc ∅3.shore 3:att ∅7.river
‘The girls who know how to swim are playing at the riverbanks.’

The head of the relative clause can also take the function of an object of the
relative clause, as in (43) and (44). In both examples, the head noun serves as the
object for the main clause as well as for the relative clause with a structure of
NPO [S V _O (X)]. The object is only expressed in the main clause, but not in the
relative clause where it is neither repeated nor cross-referenced.

(43) bá dyúwɔ́ lɛ́kɛ́lɛ̀ [lé wɛ́ làwɔ̀ ]rel

ba-H dyúwɔ-H H-lɛ-kɛ́lɛ̀ lé wɛ-H làwɔ
2-prs understand obj.link-le5-language 5:att 2sg-prs speak
‘They understand the language that you speak.’

In contrast to (43), (44) appears without the attributive marker, but the argument
structure is identical. Both examples are grammatical either way, with or without
the attributive marker.

(44) bí bɔ́gà yá wúmbɛ́ ndáà pã́ã̀ nyɛ̂ sâ [bá gyíbɔ́

bí ́
bɔ́-gà ya-H wúmbɛ-H ndáà pãã nyɛ̂ sâ ̀ ba-H gyíbɔ-H
1pl.sbj 2-other 1pl-prs want-r also start see ∅7.thing 2-prs call-r
ngyùlɛ̀ wá kùrã̂]rel
ngyùlɛ̀ wá kùrã̂
∅3.light 3:att ∅7.electricity[French]
‘We others, we also want to first see the thing they call the light of
electricity.’

Double object constructions within the relative clause function similarly. The
nominal head outside of the relative clause can function both as the direct and
the indirect object of the relative clause, as shown in (45) and (46), respectively.
The underlying structures for both examples can be represented as NPDO [S V IO
_DO ] for (45) and NPIO [S V _IO DO] for (46). Since, however, the order of two ob-
jects is relatively free, as described in §7.2.2.3, it is theoretically ambiguous which
of the two objects corresponds to the nominal head outside of the relative clause

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and which role the object has that appears in the relative clause. It seems that
(pragmatic) context and animacy effects determine the interpretation of patient
and recipient roles.
(45) kálàdɛ̀ [yá Àdà nzí vɛ̀ mɛ̂ ]rel yíì mpâ
kálàdɛ̀ yá Àdà nzí vɛ̀ mɛ̂ yíì mpâ
∅7.book 7:att ∅1.pn prog.pst give 1sg.obj 7.cop good
‘The book that Ada gave me is nice.’
(46) mwánɔ̀ -mùdã̂ [mɛ̀ nzí vɛ̀ kálàdɛ̀ ]rel áà mpâ
m-wánɔ̀ -m-ùdã̂ mɛ nzí vɛ̀ kálàdɛ̀ áà mpâ
n1-child n1-woman 1sg prog-pst1 give ∅7.book 1.cop good
‘The girl to whom I gave the book is nice.’
If the nominal head of a relative clause corresponds to an oblique within the
relative clause, it has to be marked by a resumptive pronoun following the comi-
tative marker nà, as in (47).
(47) ntfúmɔ̀ [yá tsíyɛ́ pɛ́mbɔ́ nà wɔ̂]rel wú vúlɔ́lɛ́ ná
ntfúmɔ̀ ya-H tsíyɛ-H pɛ́mbɔ́ nà w-ɔ̂ wu-H vúlɔ-lɛ ná
∅3.knife 1pl-prs cut-r ∅7.bread com 3-obj 3-prs slice-neg anymore
‘The knife we cut bread with does not slice anymore.’
The same resumptive pronoun is used in constructions where the relative clause
has a verb requiring a preposition, such as ládo nà ‘meet with’ in (48). In these
cases, however, the object and its preposition appear in the object position after
the verb, followed by potentially other oblique noun phrases.
(48) sɔ́ [mɛ̀ ládó nà nyɛ̂ mbvû lã̀]rel àà pándɛ̀ njì
sɔ́ mɛ ládo-H nà nyɛ̂ mbvû lã̀ àà pándɛ njì
∅1.friend 1sg.pst1 meet-r com 1.obj ∅3.year pass 1.fut arrive come
dígɛ̀ bî nàmɛ́nɔ́
dígɛ bî nàmɛ́nɔ́
watch 1pl.obj tomorrow
‘The friend I met last year will come to see us tomorrow.’
Finally, also possessors can be relativized, as shown in (49), where there is a
gap for the possessor.
(49) sɔ́ [mɛ̀ nzí kɔ̀ lɛ̀ másínì]rel áà wɛ́
sɔ́ mɛ nzí kɔ̀ lɛ másínì áà wɛ-H
∅1.friend 1sg.pst prog.pst.r borrow ∅1.bike 1.pst2 die-pst
‘The friend whose bike I borrowed died.’

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8.2.1.5 Types of relative clauses

The relative clauses discussed so far were “restrictive” relative clauses, i.e. the
relative clause limits the referent(s) of the head to a subset of entities. There
are, however, other types of relative clauses, such as non-restrictive, cleft, and
free relative clauses. As I will show, these have the same structure as restrictive
relative clauses.
Non-restrictive relative clauses do not limit the referent to a subset, but add
information to a known participant or entity. This is the case in (50), where the
head of the non-restrictive relative clause serves as its subject. This structure is
the same as its restrictive counterpart in (42).

(50) Àdà [á lìmbɔ́ mbásâ]rel àà sɔ́ wã́ã̀

Àdà a-H lìmbɔ-H mbásâ àà sɔ́ w-ã́ã̀
∅1.pn 1-prs know-r ∅7.hunt 1.cop ∅1.friend 1-poss.1sg
‘Ada, who knows how to hunt, is my friend.’

The same is true for non-restrictive relative clauses whose head has the object
role in the relative clause, as in (51).

(51) míyù wã́ã̀ [wɛ̀ nzí nyɛ̂ ndáwɔ̀ ]rel àà ngyɛ́’ɛ̀ lɛ̀
míyù w-ã́ã̀ wɛ nzí nyɛ̂ ndtáwɔ̀ àà ngyɛ́’ɛ̀ lɛ̀
∅1.sibling 1-poss.1sg 2sg.pst1 prog.pst1 see ∅9.house 1.cop n1-teacher
‘My brother, who you saw at the house, is a teacher.’

The third type of relative clause that Downing et al. (2010) elicit in their ques-
tionnaire is free relative clauses. According to McArthur (2005), in these con-
structions, the “relative word in the nominal relative clause has no antecedent,
since the antecedent is fused with the relative”. In English, I hate what you like. is
an example of a free relative clause. In Gyeli, free relatives with a human referent
are either expressed by the generic noun mùdì ‘person’ or by the interrogative
pronoun nzá ‘who’, as shown in (52). In this example, the free relative serves as
the subject of the relative clause.

(52) mɛ́ nyɛ́ mùdì/nzá [nzí njì pá’à wã́ã̀]rel

mɛ-H nyɛ̂-H m-ùdì/nzá nzî-H njì pá’à w-ã́ã̀
1sg-prs see-r n1-person/who prog-pst1 come ∅3.side 3-poss.1sg
‘I see the person/who passed by me.’

(53) gives an example of a free relative clause where the head is the object of
the relative clause. If the generic noun mùdì ‘person’ is chosen to express the

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 8.2 Subordination

free relative, the attributive marker wà of agreement class 1 can be used. In con-
trast, if the interrogative pronoun nzá is used, the use of the attributive marker
is excluded.

(53) mɛ̀ lã́ bɔ̀ mùdì [wà Àdà kwàlɛ̀ ]rel

mɛ ̂
lã-H b-ɔ̂ m-ùdì wà Àdà kwàlɛ̀
1sg.pst1 tell 2-obj n1-person 1:att ∅1.pn like
‘I told them who Ada likes.’

If the referent of a free relative clause is inanimate, the generic noun sâ ‘thing’
is used or the interrogative pronoun gyí ‘what’, as (54) demonstrates. In this ex-
ample, a resumptive pronoun has to appear in the relative clause. Whether sâ
‘thing’ or the interrogative pronoun gyí ‘what’ is used, the resumptive pronoun
will be of agreement class 7 in both cases.

(54) mɛ́ nyɛ́ sâ/gyí [bá njí nà yɔ̂ ]rel

mɛ-H nyɛ̂-H sâ/gyí ba-H njì-H com y-ɔ̂
1sg-prs see-r ∅7.thing/what 2-prs come-r com 7-obj
‘I see the thing/what they bring.’

Free relatives can also be formed with an interrogative pronoun where the
interrogative serves as an object of the relative clause. This is the case in (55)
where nzá ‘who’ serves as the indirect object of the clause.

(55) mɛ́ lìmbɔ́ nzá [àà líbɛ̀ lɛ̀ béyìgà]rel

mɛ-H lìmbɔ-H nzá àà líbɛlɛ H-be-yìgà
1sg-prs know-r who 1.fut show obj.link-be8-picture
‘I know who she will show the pictures to.’

8.2.1.6 Complex relative clauses

Relative clauses can be complex in various respects. They can either involve rela-
tive clause internal coordination or complementation. (56) shows an instance of
asyndetic coordination within the relative clause. The head of both coordinands
is the same, namely lé ‘tree’. It serves as an object in both coordinands.

(56) lé [yá wɛ́ nyɛ̂ ]REL [bá gyíbɔ́ ngàlɛ́]rel yíì

lé yá wɛ-H nyɛ̂ ba-H gyíbɔ-H ngàlɛ́ yíì
∅7.tree 7:att 2sg-prs see 2-prs call-r ∅7.tree.species 7.cop
‘The tree that you see and that they call ‘ngàlɛ́’ is that.’

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Relative clauses can also be coordinated overtly with the conjunction nà, as
shown in (57).

(57) bwánɔ̀ [bà sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ lã̂ békálàdɛ̀ nà bà

b-wánɔ̀ ba sílɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ lã̂ H-be-kálàdɛ̀ nà ba
ba2-child 2.pst1 finish.compl read obj.link-be8-book conj 2.pst1
sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ dyíkɛ̀ sɛ̀ ]rel bá kùgá nà kɛ̀ ndáwɔ̀
sílɛ̃ɛ̃ ́ ̀ dyíkɛsɛ ba-H kùga-H nà kɛ̀ ndáwɔ̀
finish.compl study 2-prs can-r com go ∅9.house
‘The children who have finished reading their books and who have
finished studying can go home.’

Finally, there are examples of relative clauses in which the head has a a role
in an embedded complement clause, as in (58).

(58) mùdì [mɛ́ bvúálá [nâ à nzí làwɔ̀ ]comp ]rel à nzí
m-ùdì mɛ-H bvúala-H nâ à nzí làwɔ à nzí
n1-person 1sg-prs think-r comp 1 prog.pst talk 1 prog.pst
láà dó
láà dó
tell ∅7.lie
‘The person that I think she spoke with was lying.’

8.2.2 Complement clauses and purpose clauses

The complementizer nâ in Gyeli marks both complement clauses and purpose
clauses. There is some structural overlap between both construction types per-
taining to the use of the complementizer and a dependent clause that is marked
as such by the use of the subjunctive. There are, however, some differences which
are reflected by a different tonal behavior with respect to the occurrence or ab-
sence of the realis-marking H tone. The complementizer further introduces re-
ported speech and inflectionally reduced dependent clauses where the verb oc-
curs in its non-finite form. I discuss these different constructions in turn. There
is another instance where the complementizer nâ is used, namely in combination
with an adverb as a subordinator in adverbial clauses, as discussed in §8.2.3.3.

8.2.2.1 Complement clauses

Complement clauses serve as arguments of a predicate, following Noonan (2007:
52), who defines complement clauses as follows: “By complementation, we mean

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 8.2 Subordination

the syntactic situation that arises when a notional sentence or predication is

an argument of a predicate”. In Gyeli, clausal complementation most often oc-
curs with verbs of perception (‘hear’, ‘see’), consciousness (‘know’, ‘remember’,
‘think’), intention (‘want’, ‘like’), and attitude/emotion (‘hate’, ‘be happy’). Both
obligatory arguments, as in (59), and optional arguments, as in (60), are expressed
by complement clauses. Complement clauses form one intonation unit with the
main clause, as indicated by the realis-marking H tone on the verb wúmbɛ ‘want’
in (59) and sìsɔ ‘be happy’ in (60). In this, they differ from purpose clauses with
the complementizer nâ, as discussed in the next section.

(59) mɛ́ wúmbɛ́ [nâ á gyámbɔ́ɔ̀ bèdéwɔ̀ ]comp

mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H nâ a-H gyaḿbɔ́ɔ̀ be-déwɔ̀
1sg-prs want-r comp 1-prs cook.sbjv be8-food
‘I want her/him to cook food.’
(60) mɛ́ sìsɔ́ [nâ mɛ̀ nzɛ́ɛ́ nyɛ̂ mándáwɔ̀ ]
mɛ-H sìsɔ-H nâ mɛ nzɛ́ɛ́ nyɛ̂ H-ma-ndáwɔ̀
1sg-prs be.happy-r comp 1sg prog.sub see obj.link-ma6-houses
‘I’m happy that I’m seeing the houses.’

In addition to being introduced by the complementizer nâ, Gyeli also marks

the dependent clause in these constructions by using the subjunctive form when
expressing intentions or orders, as in (59) (§6.2.1.7), and the subordinate form of
the progressive marker in (60) (§6.3.1.1).
Also verbs of consciousness serve as predicates that take complement clauses.
This is the case, for instance, with lèmbo ‘know’, as shown in (61) and (62).

(61) á lèmbó [nâ bùdì báà bá múà búɛ̀ lɛ̀ nâ

a-H lèmbo-H nâ b-ùdì báà ba-H múà búɛlɛ̀ nâ
1-prs know-r comp ba2-person 2.dem.prox 2-prs prosp fish comp
bá dyúù nyɛ̂ ]comp
ba-H dyúù nyɛ̂
2-prs kill.sbjv 1.obj
‘He knows that these people are about to fish (look for him) in order to
kill him.’
(62) ndí wɛ́ lèmbó [nâ mbvúndá nyíì bvúdà nà mbvúndá]comp
ndí wɛ-H lèmbo-H nâ mbvúndá nyíì bvúda nà mbvúndá
but 2sg-prs know-r comp ∅9.trouble 9.fut fight com ∅9.trouble
‘But you know that violence will create more violence.’

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8 Complex clauses

The same is true for bvû ‘think’, as in (63).

(63) mɛ́ bvú [nâ nkwálá wúù tfùndɛ́ mɛ̂ vâ]comp

mɛ-H bvû-H nâ nkwálá wúù tfùndɛ-H mɛ̂ vâ
1sg-prs think-r comp ∅3.machete 3.pst2 miss-r 1sg.obj here
‘I think that the machete had missed [injured] me here.’

Also verbs of perception can function as predicates taking complement clauses.

An example is given in (64).

(64) mɛ́ dyúwɔ́ [nâ mpàgó wá pɔ́dɛ̀ lã́ vâ]comp

mɛ-H dyúwɔ-H nâ mpàgó wá pɔ́dɛ̀ lã-H vâ ̀
1sg-prs hear-r comp ∅3.street 3:att ∅1.port pass-r here
‘I hear that the road to the port passes [will pass] here.’

(65) shows that complement clauses are also used with stative verbs such as
kùga ‘be enough’.

(65) ká yí nyí mɛ̂ mbɔ̀ mpángì yí kùgá nâ

ká yi-H nyî-H mɛ̂ m-bɔ̀ mpángì yi-H kùga-H nâ
when 7-prs enter-r 1sg n3-arm ∅7.bamboo 7.prs be.enough-r comp
nyíì wɛ̂ mbɔ̀
nyíì wɛ̂ m-bɔ̀
enter.sbjv 2sg n3-arm
‘When it goes into my arm . . . the bamboo can sting your arm.’

While complement clauses typically occur in verbal predicates, they can also
be used in the complementation of non-verbal predicates, as in (66). In this exam-
ple, the main clause expresses a prohibition, while the dependent clause specifies
what the prohibition is about. The dependent clause complements the nominal
predicate of the non-verbal clause.

(66) yíì mpíndá [nâ mɛ́ déè]COMP

yíì mpíndá nâ mɛ-H déè
7.cop ∅9.prohibition comp 1sg-prs eat.sbjv
‘It is forbidden that I eat.’

The complement clause can even serve as the predicate itself in a non-verbal
clause, as shown in (67).

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 8.2 Subordination

(67) yíì nâ báà bvùbvù

yíì nâ báà bvùbvù
7.cop comp 2.cop many
‘It is that they are many.’

Traditionally, quotes in reported discourse are viewed as a subtype of clausal

complementation. As I will show in §8.2.2.3, however, reported discourse con-
structions are formally not the same.

8.2.2.2 Purpose clauses with nâ

Purpose clauses are dependent clauses that are introduced by the complemen-
tizer nâ and generally express purpose or intention, as illustrated in (68). Un-
like complement clauses, however, the dependent clause does not function as
an argument of the main clause. Another difference to complement clauses is
that the main clause is treated as an intonation phrase unit, while with comple-
ment clauses, the dependent clause is also part of that unit. This can be seen in
the tonal behavior with respect to the realis-marking H tone. In (68), the verb
gyámbɔ ‘cook’ in the main clause surfaces with a final L tone. In contrast, a com-
plement clause would license the realis-marking H tone to surface, as shown in
(59) above.

(68) mɛ́ gyámbɔ̀ [nâ wɛ́ déè]comp

mɛ-H gyámbɔ nâ wɛ-H déè
1sg-prs cook comp 2sg-prs eat.sbjv
‘I cook so that you eat.’

Another example of a purpose clause is given in (69). In this instance, too, the
subjunctive is used.

(69) á lúndɛ́lɛ́ bɔ̂ lèkàá lé ndáwɔ̀ nyî [nâ bɛ́ɛ̀

a-H lúndɛlɛ-H b-ɔ̂ le-kàá lé ndáwɔ̀ nyî nâ bɛ́ɛ̀
1-prs fill-r 2-obj le5-kind 5:att ∅9.house 9.dem.prox comp be.sbjv
vyâ]comp
vyâ
full
‘He fills them in this kind of house so that it [the house] be full.’

In contrast, (70) appears with a present tense-mood marking in the nâ clause,

although also a subjunctive marking is equally possible.

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8 Complex clauses

(70) ɔ̀ múà gyɛ́sɔ̀ [nâ wɛ́ kɛ̀ ]comp

ɔ múà gyɛ́sɔ nâ wɛ-H kɛ̀
2sg[Kwasio] retro search comp 2sg-prs go
‘You are about to want to leave.’

Purpose clauses with nâ not only modify main clauses, but also other depen-
dent clauses, as for instance adverbial subordinate clauses in (71). In this example,
the adverbial clause precedes the main clause and so does the complementizer
clause, which modifies the adverbial clause.

(71) [pílì wɛ́ kɛ̀ [nâ wɛ́ kɛ́ jíì mònɛ́ wɔ̂ ]comp ]adv á
pílì wɛ-H kɛ̀ nâ wɛ-H kɛ̀ -r jíì mònɛ́ w-ɔ̂ a-H
when 2sg-prs go comp 2sg-prs go-r ask ∅1.money 1-poss.2sg 1-prs
làwɔ́ wɛ̂ nyùmbò
làwɔ-H wɛ̂ nyùmbò
tell-r 2sg ∅3.mouth
‘Whenever you go ask [a Bulu person] for your money, he frowns at you.’

8.2.2.3 Reported discourse and other depictions

The complementizer nâ introduces depictions6 such as reported discourse, ideo-
phones, and gestures that contribute content to the speech event, for instance as
embodied reenactments. As we shall see below, these depiction constructions dif-
fer from both complement and purpose clause uses. This is in line with Spronck &
Nikitina’s (2019) claim that reported speech forms a dedicated syntactic domain.
In the following, I will mostly concentrate on reported discourse, since this is
most pervasive in the text corpus, and then conclude this section with examples
of ideophones and gestures that are introduced by nâ. In terms of the terminology
related to reported discourse, I follow Güldemann (2008: 6):

Reported discourse is the representation of a spoken or mental text from

which the reporter distances him-/herself by indicating that it is produced
by a source of consciousness in a pragmatic and deictic setting that is dif-
ferent from that of the immediate discourse.

Structurally, Güldemann (2008) distinguishes the quote, i.e. the reported spo-
ken or mental text, from the quotative index (qi), which serves to introduce the
6
A more detailed discussion on the concept of depiction in contrast to description is given
in Clark & Gerrig (1990), Güldemann (2008), and Dingemanse (2015). Soulaimani (2018), for
instance, investigates in particular the role of gesture and voice patterns in reported discourse.

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 8.2 Subordination

quote. Thus, in (72), the unit marked as “qi” introduces the reported text which,
in turn, is marked by “rd”.

(72) [yɔ́ɔ̀ bá kí nâ]qi [ɛ́ɛ́kɛ̀ mwánɔ̀ wɛ́ɛ̀ mùdã̂ wà nù

yɔ́ɔ̀ ba-H kì-H nâ ɛ́ɛḱ ɛ̀ m-wánɔ̀ w-ɛ̂ m-ùdã̂ wà nù
so 2-prs say-r comp excl n1-child 1-poss.3sg n1-woman 1:att 1:DEM
à bwã́ã̀]rd
a bwã́ã̀
1.pst1 give.birth.prf
‘So they say: “Oh, his child who is the wife of that one, has already given
birth”.’

The structures both of the quotative index and of the quote differ from typical
matrix and subordinate clauses. As for the qi, the complementizer nâ belongs
prosodically to the qi and not to the quote, which is indicated by a pause after
the complementizer.7 In some cases, the complementizer also undergoes salient
lengthening, in addition to the following pause, as shown in (73).8 This does not
happen in purpose clauses where nâ rather belongs to the dependent clause, also
prosodically.9

(73) [mɛ́ làwɔ́ náà]qi [màndáwɔ̀ má zì má kùgáà

mɛ-H làwɔ-H nâ ma-ndáwɔ̀ má zì ma-H kùgáà
1sg-prs talk-r comp ma6-house 6:att ∅7.tin 6-prs be.enough.sbjv
mɛ̂ vâ]rd
mɛ̂ vâ
1sg.obj here
‘[Speak Gyeli!—] I say that there should be enough tin (roofed) houses
here for me.’

Most qis in Gyeli are bipartite, containing a verbal predicate, usually a say-
verb, and the complementizer nâ. This is the case in (72) with the say-verb kì
7
This phenomenon has also been noted, for instance, in Hausa, as Güldemann (2008: 236) points
out.
8
In this example, the speaker has switched to Bulu and is reminded by the interpreter to speak
in Gyeli. He then repeats what he has said by quoting his own speech. His quote is emphasized
by the lengthened complementizer.
9
Concerning the relationship between complement clauses and instances of reported discourse,
there might be a continuum, since also complement clauses with ‘say’ or ‘think’ verbs in the
main clause may constitute examples of reported discourse as representations of spoken or
mental text.

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8 Complex clauses

‘say’, which is the most common and frequent predicate in a qi, and in (73) with
làwɔ ‘talk’. Another element that can appear in the qi is the verbal copula bùdɛ́
‘have’, as shown in (74).

(74) [mɛ́ mɛ̀ bùdɛ́ nâ]qi [ɛ́ pɛ̀ ɛ́ wû

mɛ́ mɛ bùdɛ-H nâ ɛ́ pɛ̀ ɛ́ wû
but[French] 1sg have-r comp loc over.there loc there
bèyá lwɔ̃ ́ kwádɔ́ yã̂ ɛ́ wû]rd
bèya-H lwɔ̂̃ -H kwádɔ́ y-ã̂ ɛ́ wû
2pl[Kwasio]-prs build-r ∅7.village 7-poss.1sg loc there
‘But I say that over there, there you (pl.) build my village over there.’

When bùdɛ́ is used in a qi, it generally seems to imply a wish, request, order,
or some sort of intention expression, as also shown in (75).

(75) [bvúlɛ̀ bà bùdɛ́ nâ]qi [ká wɛ̀ ngyɛ̀ lì wɛ̀ bùdɛ́ tsídí
bvúlɛ̀ ba bùdɛ-H nâ ká wɛ n-gyɛ̀ lì wɛ bùdɛ-H tsídí
ba2.Bulu 2 have-r comp if 2sg n1-Gyeli 2sg have-r ∅1.animal
wɔ̂ ]rd bá sɛ̀ ngɛ́ nyɛ̂ sí
w-ɔ̂ ba-H sɛ̀ ngɛ-H nyɛ̂ sí
1-poss.2sg 2-prs lower-r 1.obj down
‘The Bulu say that if you, Gyeli, you have your animal, they lower it [its
price].’

QIs in Gyeli can also occur without any predicate, which distinguishes them
from matrix clauses of complement clauses. Minimally, they contain speaker ref-
erence in the form of a subject pronoun and the complementizer nâ, as demon-
strated in (76).

(76) [nyɛ̀ nâ]qi [ooh mùdã̂ bàmbɛ́ kɛ̀ jíì mbɔ́mbɔ̀ mwánɔ̀
nyɛ̀ nâ ooh m-ùdã̂ bàmbɛ́ kɛ̀ jíì mbɔ́mbɔ̀ m-wánɔ̀
1.sbj comp excl n1-woman sorry go ask.imp ∅1.namesake n1-child
sá yí dè]rd
sá yí dè
∅7.thing 7.dem eat
‘He: ‘Oh, wife, excuse me, go and ask the namesake [the other Nzambi]
for a little to eat.”

Non-clausal qis, as in (76), provide another argument against analyzing repor-

ted discourse as typical clausal complementation. These non-clausal qis, which

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 8.2 Subordination

occur pervasively in the corpus, do not possess any predicate that could require a
complement clause.10 Instead of analyzing the qi as the matrix clause of the quote
that serves as a complement, it seems more consistent to view the qi being the
tag to the quote on a higher structural level than sentential units, as Güldemann
(2008: 231) explains.
While the arguments that Güldemann puts forth apply to direct reported dis-
course, I also extend them to indirect reported discourse for there is no structural
difference in marking direct and indirect speech in Gyeli. Differences only con-
cern “quote-internal referential adjustments” (p. 234) such as pronominal mark-
ing and the use of exclamations, which are restricted to direct reported discourse.
In the corpus, most instances of reported discourse are direct. There are, however,
also examples of indirect speech, as in (77).

(77) [mùdì wà sɔ̀ ndyɛ́ à nzí kí nâ]qi [ká mɛ̀ nyɛ́

m-ùdì wà sɔ̀ ndyɛ́ a nzî-H kì-H nâ ká mɛ nyɛ̂-H
n1-person 1:att ∅1.police 1.pst prog-r say comp if 1sg.pst see-r
àksìdɛ̃̂ ]rd
àksìdɛ̂̃
∅1.accident[French]
‘The police officer asked whether I saw that accident.’

Also the quote displays characteristics that are not usually associated with sub-
ordinate clauses, which has been noted for other languages as well, for instance
by Spronck (2017). Quotes can be significantly longer or shorter than usual sub-
ordinate clauses. They can actually comprise several sentences (see, for instance
(C50) through (N53) in Appendix B.2). On the other hand, they can consist of
only an exclamation, as in (78).

(78) [yɔ́ɔ̀ bá kí nâ]qi [ɛ́ɛ́kɛ̀ ]rd

yɔ́ɔ̀ ba-H ki-H nâ ɛ́ɛk
́ ɛ̀
so 2-prs say-r comp excl
‘So they say: [excl of surprise]!’

(78) illustrates neatly how quotes may depict rather than describe speech events.

10
Güldemann (2008: 226-233) lists other arguments against a sentential complementation anal-
ysis for direct reported discourse. For instance, often the qi does not have to be expressed
at all in direct reported discourse. Also, if the qi includes a predicate, the predicate does not
necessarily have a quote-oriented valency.

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8 Complex clauses

Ideophones
These complementizer constructions also extend to the depiction of non-speech
events in the form of ideophones (§3.5). Just like with reported speech, the com-
plementizer nâ can introduce an ideophone, as in (79) and (80).11

(79) nâ wɔ̀ m, mùdì núú jí nâ wɔ̀ m

nâ wɔ̀ m m-ùdì núú jî-H nâ wɔ̀ m
comp ideo n1-person 1.dem.dist stay-r comp ideo
‘[I request that] there be silence, that person should stay silent.’
(80) Nzàmbí màbɔ́ɔ̀ nkwɛ́ɛ̀ dé nâ vɔ́sì
Nzàmbí ma-bɔ́ɔ̀ nkwɛ́ɛ̀ dé nâ vɔ́sì
∅1.pn ma6-breadfruit ∅3.basket loc comp ideo:pouring
‘Nzambi pours the breadfruit into the basket.’

In contrast to reported discourse, however, the complementizer is not part of

a qi in such constructions, but can either occur without a matrix clause at the
beginning of a sentence, as in (79), or at the end of the phrase in a typical adjunct
position describing manner, as in (80).

Gestures
Parallel to the depiction of manner in non-speech events with ideophones, the
complementizer is also used in non-sound depictions of gestures or bodily reen-
actments, as in (81).

(81) ká á dígɛ́ nâ [gesture] á nyɛ́ mbúmbù wɛ́ɛ̀

ká a-H dígɛ-H nâ [gesture] a-H nyɛ̂-H mbúmbù w-ɛ́ɛ̀
when 1-prs look-r comp [gesture] 1-prs see-r ∅1.namesake 1-poss.3sg
á pámò
a-H pámo
1-prs arrive
‘When he looks like [imitation of manner of looking], he sees his
namesake who arrives.’

11
For a dynamic and dramatic effect in the narration, the verb in (80) is not expressed, but the
action is clear from the ideophone.

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 8.2 Subordination

8.2.2.4 Complementizer + infinitive constructions

The complementizer nâ is also used in subordination of inflectionally reduced
clauses which are similar to infinitival adverbial constructions without subordi-
nator (§8.2.3.4). The difference is, however, that subordination is marked by the
complementizer nâ (and not “linkless”) and that the subject of the subordinate
clause is overtly marked. If the subject of the main clause and the subject of the
subordinate clause are coreferential, as in (82), the subject is still marked by a
pronoun.

(82) mùdã̂ à lɔ́ sìsɛ̀ lɛ̀ nɔ́nɛ́gá [nâ nyɛ̂ nà kɔ́sɛ̀ ]

m-ùdã̂ a lɔ́ sìs-ɛlɛ n-ɔ́nɛ́gá nâ nyɛ̂ nà kɔ́sɛ
n1-woman 1.pst retro scare-apPL 1-other comp 1.sbj com cough
‘The woman scared the other by her coughing.’

In contrast, subjects in infinitival adverbial constructions are zero-expressed.

Their subject referent is retrieved from the context and very often coreferential
with the subject of the main clause. In complementizer + infinitive constructions,
however, the subjects of the main and the dependent clause are clearly marked
when they differ in their reference, as in (83).

(83) bèlɛ́ɛ́ bè lɔ́ kwè nâ mùdã̂ nà tsíndɔ̀ mùdũ̂

be-lɛ́ɛ́ be lɔ́ kwè nâ m-ùdã̂ nà tsíndɔ m-ùdũ̂
be8-glass 8.pst retro fall comp n1-woman com push n1-man
‘The glasses fell, the woman having pushed the man.’

Generally, these constructions encode complex causal chains.

8.2.3 Adverbial clauses

Adverbial clauses function as modifiers of verb phrases or entire clauses (Thomp-
son et al. 2007). I distinguish four types of adverbial clauses in Gyeli, as shown in
Table 8.1. This distinction is based on the inflectional status of the verb, the type
of clause linkage devices (Hetterle 2015), and other subordinate markers, such as
special aspect forms.
First, full adverbial clauses have fully inflected verb forms and contain mini-
mally a subject argument and a verb. They are linked to the main clause by an
adverbial or by a nominal construction that acts like an adverb. I discuss most full
adverbial clause constructions in §8.2.3.1. Conditional clauses are a type of full
adverbial clause. As I discuss them at length, paying special attention to irrealis-
marking, I describe these constructions separately in §8.2.3.2. The second type

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8 Complex clauses

Table 8.1: Adverbial clause types

Clause type Adverbial Gloss Function

líní ‘when’ temporal
pílì/pílɔ̀ ‘when’ temporal
Full adverbial clause tɔ̀ ‘even, although’ concessive
púù yá ‘because’ causal
yɔ̃ ɔ́ ̃̀ ‘time’ temporal
ká ‘if’ conditional
Adverbial + lí nâ ‘when’ simultaneity
complementizer clause sɔ́ɔ̀ nâ ‘before’ anteriority
púù nâ ‘because’ causal
∅ anteriority,
Adverbial infinitival clause simultaneity,
sequential
nzɛ́ɛ́ subordination ∅ simultaneity

of adverbial clauses (§8.2.3.3) uses a combined clause linkage device including an

adverbial and the complementizer nâ. The third type of adverbial clause (§8.2.3.4)
is special in that it has no clause linkage device and the dependent clause is re-
duced: it lacks subject expression and the verb appears in its non-finite form. Fi-
nally, subordination can be encoded by the special progressive form nzɛ́ɛ́, which
is exclusively used in dependent clauses, as discussed in §8.2.3.5.

8.2.3.1 Full adverbial clauses

Gyeli uses a range of adverbializers to introduce full subordinate clauses, includ-
ing temporal, concessive, causal, and conditional clauses. These adverbializers
differ in their grammatical characteristics, ranging from adverbs to nominals,
but all of them function as a subordinator in adverbial clauses. There are three
variants for temporal adverbializers, namely líní and pílì or pílɔ̀ . pílì occurs most
frequently in the corpus, while pílɔ̀ and líní may be loanwords from neighboring
languages, since they are also used in, for instance, Mabi. When asked, speakers
state, however, that they are also Gyeli words.

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 8.2 Subordination

Temporal líní ‘when’

The adverb líní ‘when’ is a temporal adverb that only showed up in elicitation,
but not in the corpus. (84) gives an example of a preposed adverbial clause with
líní.

(84) [líní á sílɛ́ dè mántúà]adv à tí ná dyúwɔ̀

líní a-H sílɛ-H dè H-ma-ntúà, a tí ná dyúwɔ
when 1-prs finish-r eat obj.link-ma6-mango 1 neg anymore feel
nzà
nzà
∅9.hunger
‘When he has eaten mangoes, he does not feel hungry anymore.’

(85) provides an example of a postposed adverbial clause with líní. Both sentences
express temporal sequences, the event of the adverbial clause happening before
the event of the main clause.

(85) á súmɛ́lɛ́ bùdì [líní á pámɔ́ tísɔ̀ nì]adv

a-H súmɛlɛ-H b-ùdì líní a-H pámɔ-H tísɔ̀ nì
1-prs greet-r ba2-person when 1-prs arrive-r ∅7.town
‘He greets the people after having arrived in town.’

Temporal pílì/pílɔ̀ ‘when’

The temporal adverb pílì is the most frequently used temporal adverb in the
corpus, introducing a dependent clause. (In elicitation, also pílɔ̀ was sometimes
used.) Adverbial phrases with pílì can either precede or follow the main clause.
In (86), it precedes the main clause.

(86) [pílì mɛ́ làwɔ́ mpù]adv mɛ̀ ɛ́ válɛ́ làwɔ̀

pílì mɛ-H làwɔ-H mpù mɛ̀ ɛ́ vá-lɛ́ làwɔ
when 1sg-prs speak-r like.this 1sg.prs.neg tolerate-neg speak
‘When I speak like this, I’m not lying [lit. I don’t tolerate to talk].’

Also in (87), the adverbial clause is preposed to the main clause. In this example,
the dependent clause includes a non-verbal predicate with the verbal copula múà
and a nominal locative predicate.

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8 Complex clauses

(87) [pílì yí múà ndáwɔ̀ nyà mànyɔ̀ ndɛ̀ náà]adv á kí náà à

pílì yí múà ndáwɔ̀ nyà ma-nyɔ̀ ndɛ̀ náà a-H kì-H nâ a
when 7 be ∅9.house 9:att ma6-drink like.this 1-prs say-r comp 1
múà njì bvúdà nà wɛ̂
múà njì bvúda nà wɛ̂
prosp come quarrel com 2sg.obj
‘When it is in a bar like this, he says that he is about to come quarrel with
you.’

Adverbial clauses with pílì can also be postposed, as shown, for instance, in (88).

(88) báà bù mpàgó [pílì pɔ̀ dɛ̀ àà lã̀]adv

báà bù mpàgó pílì pɔ̀ dɛ̀ àà lã̀
3.fut break ∅3.road when ∅1.port 1.fut pass
‘They will build a road when the port passes.’

(89) provides a more complex example of a postposed adverbial clause. Here,

the adverbial clause follows the basic word order S V O, while the object is ex-
pressed by a complement clause.

(89) wɛ́ yànɛ́ ná gyàgà ndísì [pílì wɛ́ lèmbó [nâ

wɛ-H yànɛ-H ná gyàga ndísì pílì wɛ-H lèmbo-H nâ
2sg-prs must-H again buy ∅3.rice when 2sg-prs know-r comp
bùdì bá ndáwɔ̀ bvùbvù]comp ]adv
b-ùdì bá ndáwɔ̀ bvùbvù
ba2-person 2:att ∅9.house many
‘You must again buy rice, when you know that there are many people at
home.’

Concessive tɔ̀ ‘even, although’

Another adverbial subordinator used to introduce dependent clauses is the con-
cessive tɔ̀ ‘even, although’, which also appears in nominal modification, express-
ing ‘any’, as described in §3.8.4. Again, adverbial clauses introduced by tɔ̀ can
both precede and follow the main clause, as shown in (90) and (91), respectively.

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 8.2 Subordination

(90) [tɔ̀ wɛ̀ ɛ́ kwálɛ́lɛ́ nyɛ̂ ]adv wɛ́ yànɛ́ nyɛ̂

tɔ̀ wɛ̀ ɛ́ kwálɛ-lɛ nyɛ̂ wɛ-H yànɛ-H nyɛ̂
even 2sg.prs.neg like-neg 1.obj 2sg-prs must-r see
bégyɛ́mɔ̀
H-be-gyɛ́mɔ̀
obj.link-be8-good.manner
‘Even if you don’t like him, you must still be polite [lit. see good
manners].’

(91) à bwámɔ́ jî [tɔ̀ mpù á sàlɛ́ sílɛ́

a bwámɔ-H jî tɔ̀ mpù á sàlɛ́ sílɛ-H
1.pst receive-pst1 ∅7.position even like.this 1.pst.neg neg.pst finish-r
sùkúlì]adv
sùkúlì
∅7.school
‘He got the job although he didn’t finish school.’

Causal púù yá ‘because’

púù yá marks the causal relation relation between the main clause and the de-
pendent clause it introduces. Strictly speaking, it is not an adverb but a noun
with an attributive marker, literally meaning ‘reason of’. The dependent clause
that follows púù yá is then the second constituent of the nominal attributive con-
struction. In contrast to other adverbial clauses, púù yá clauses have only been
observed to follow main clauses, as illustrated in (92).

(92) yà nzí gyâ jìí [púù yá lévídó lè múà

ya nzî-H gyâ jìí púù yá le-vídó le múà
1pl.pst prog-r sleep ∅7.forest ∅7.reason 7:att le5-darkness 5.pst prosp
jî]
jî
∅7.forest
‘We slept in the forest because it was about to get dark in the forest.’

In the corpus, púù yá is not used to introduce subordinate clauses, but only in
oblique phrases, as discussed in §7.2.1.3. Data for subordinate clauses stem from
elicitation. In the corpus, the expression of causal relations between main and
dependent clauses is subject to code-switching to Bulu, as shown in (93).

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8 Complex clauses

(93) tè mɛ̀ ɛ̀ jíbì kɛ̀ lwɔ̃̂ tè [àmú vâ mɛ̀ ɛ́

tè mɛ̀ ɛ̀ jíbì kɛ̀ lwɔ̂̃ tè àmú vâ mɛ̀ ɛ́
there 1sg.fut first go build there because[Bulu] here 1sg.prs.neg
bɛ́lɛ́ nà sí ɛ́ vâ]
bɛ́-lɛ́ nà sí ɛ́ vâ
be-neg com ∅ 9.ground loc here
‘There, I will first go construct there because here I don’t have any land.’

Temporal relative clauses

Also the bare noun yɔ̃ ɔ́ ̃̀ ‘time’ is used adverbially as a subordinator of adverbial
clauses, as in (94).

(94) yíì mpà [yɔ̃́ɔ̃̀ wɛ́ kã́ yɔ̂ dúmbɔ́]rel

yíì mpà yɔ̃ɔ̃ ́ ̀ ̂
wɛ-H kã-H y-ɔ̂ dúmbɔ́
7.cop good ∅7.time 2sg-prs wrap-r 7-obj ∅7.package
‘It is good when you wrap it in a (leaf) package.’

8.2.3.2 Conditional clauses with ká ‘if’

The subordinator ká ‘if’ introduces conditional clauses, comparable to if-clauses
in English. ká has been observed to also function as a temporal rather than a
conditional marker, as shown in (95).

(95) [ká á dígɛ́ nâ [gesture]] á nyɛ́ mbúmbù wɛ́ɛ̀

ká a-H dígɛ-H nâ [gesture] a-H nyɛ̂-H mbúmbù w-ɛ̂
when 1-prs look-r comp [gesture] 1-prs see-r ∅1.namesake 1-poss.3sg
á pámò
a-H pámo
1-prs arrive
‘When he looks like [gesture], he sees his namesake who arrives.’

The remainder of this section is, however, dedicated to ká as a conditional marker,

which seems to be its primary function in terms of frequency.
In all instances in the corpus, the ká-clause is preposed to the main clause.
Examples of preposed conditional clauses are given in (96) through (98). The
sentences in (96) and (97) show that the basic word order in the dependent clause
is maintained.

544
 8.2 Subordination

(96) [ká wɛ́ wúmbɛ́ jímbɛ̀ lɛ̀ lébímbú]cond déè pɛ́mbɔ́

ká wɛ-H wúmbɛ-H jímbɛlɛ H-le-bímbú déè pɛ́mbɔ́
if 2sg-prs want-r lose obj.link-le5-weight eat.sbjv ∅7.bread
mwánɔ̀ sâ
m-wánɔ̀ sâ
n1-child ∅7.thing
‘If you want to lose weight, you should eat less bread.’

The same is true for negated conditional clauses, as in (97).

(97) [ká wɛ̀ ɛ́ wúmbɛ́lɛ́ ndáà]cond mɛ́ nɔ̀ ɔ́ nkwɛ̂ wá

ká wɛ̀ ɛ́ wúmbɛ-lɛ́ ndáà mɛ-H nɔ̀ ɔ̀-H nkwɛ̂ wá
if 2sg.prs.neg want-neg also 1sg-prs take-r ∅3.basket 3:att
mábɔ́’ɔ̀
H-ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀
obj.link-ma6-breadfruit
‘If you don’t want [this] either, I take the basket with the breadfruit.’

Conditional clauses can, however, also take a special word order in terms of
focus strategies, as it is the case in (98). In this example, the object pronoun is
fronted and occurs between the modal auxiliary and the main verb so that the
main verb is in focus position.

(98) [ká kɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃ ś ɔ́ yí wúmbɛ́ wɛ̂ dyɔ̀ dɛ̀ ]cond wɛ́ kílɔ̀ wɔ̀
́ ́
ká kɛ̃ɛ̃sɔ́ yi-H wúmbɛ-H wɛ̂ dyɔ̀ dɛ wɛ-H kílɔwɔ
if ∅7.peer 7-prs want-r 2sg.obj deceive 2sg-prs be.vigilant
‘If somebody wants to deceive you, you are vigilant’

From elicitation, it is known that conditional ká clauses can also be postposed to

the main clause, as shown in (99).

(99) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ njì nàmɛ́nɔ́ [ká Àdà á wúmbɛ́ nâ mɛ́

mɛ̀ ɛ̀ njì nàmɛ́nɔ́ ká Àdà a-H wúmbɛ-H nâ mɛ-H
1sg.fut come tomorrow if ∅1.pn 1-prs want-r comp 1-prs
pándɛ́ɛ̀]cond
pándɛ́ɛ̀
arrive.sbjv
‘I will come tomorrow if Ada wants me to come.’

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8 Complex clauses

Conditional clauses can usually express different degrees of realis or irrealis,

making a statement about the likelihood whether the event in the main clause
will really happen. In English, this is achieved by the use of different tenses. In
Gyeli also, different tense-mood categories can be used in conditional clauses, as
shown in (100) through (103). Generally, the same tense-mood category is used
in the conditional clause as is also used in the main clause. Thus, in (100), the
main clause appears in the present and so does the conditional clause. When the
present tense-mood category is used, the conditional has a high realis degree,
i.e. the event of the main clause is very likely to happen. In such instances, where
the reading is generic, ká may also be replaced by pílì ‘when’.

(100) [ká mɛ́ bwé nkwànò]cond mɛ́ dè

ká mɛ-H bwè-H nkwànò mɛ-H dè
if 1sg-prs obtain-r ∅3.honey 1sg-prs eat
‘If I get honey, I eat [it].’

In order to mark irrealis conditions, other tense-mood categories are used. The
most salient strategy to mark a conditional clause as irrealis, however, is the use
of the irrealis marker kɔ̀ . In (101), for instance, the main and conditional clause ap-
pear in the future, which is inherently an irrealis category (§6.2.1). The speaker
can then choose to use the irrealis marker kɔ̀ in order to express that it is rather
unlikely that he will find honey. If kɔ̀ is not used, the speaker indicates that it is
more likely to find honey in the future.

(101) [ká mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bwé nkwànò]cond (kɔ̀ ) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ dè

ká mɛ̀ ɛ̀ bwè-H nkwànò kɔ̀ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ dè
if 1sg.fut obtain-r ∅3.honey irr 1sg.fut eat
‘If I obtain honey, I will eat [it].’

The same choice is given for conditionals in the recent past, as (102) shows.
Parentheses around kɔ̀ indicate its optionality. Again, when the irrealis marker is
used, it emphasizes the likelihood that the event of the main clause will not hap-
pen. In contrast to the present use in (100), the recent past seems to indicate
a lower likelihood of finding honey.

(102) [ká mɛ̀ bwé nkwànò]cond (kɔ̀ ) mɛ̀ dé

ká mɛ bwè-H nkwànò kɔ̀ mɛ dè-H
if 1sg.pst1 obtain-r ∅3.honey irr 1sg.pst1 eat-pst
‘If I obtained honey, I would eat [it].’

546
 8.2 Subordination

The only circumstances where kɔ̀ is systematically used is the clear irrealis
context, which is further expressed by the remote past. This is shown in (103).
Here, the speaker talks about an event that clearly did not happen.

(103) [ká mɛ́ɛ̀ bwé nkwànò]cond kɔ̀ mɛ́ɛ̀ dé

ká mɛ́ɛ̀ bwè-H nkwànò kɔ̀ mɛ́ɛ̀ dè-H
if 1sg.pst2 obtain-r ∅3.honey irr 1sg.pst2 eat-pst
‘If I had obtained honey, I would have eaten [it].’

In the corpus, conditional clauses only appear with present marking, while
data on other tense-mood categories in conditional clauses stem from elicitation.

8.2.3.3 Adverbials + complementizer constructions

In contrast to true complement clauses (§8.2.2.1), dependent clauses that are in-
troduced by an adverbial subordinator in combination with nâ behave more like
other adverbial dependent clauses in two respects. First, they constitute an into-
nation phrase on their own and second, they can both precede and follow the
main clause. Some of the adverbials used in combination with nâ are also used
to introduce full adverbial clauses (§8.2.3.1), such as líní ‘when’ vs. lí nâ ‘when’.
The semantic differences seem subtle; speakers state that both forms can be used
interchangeably.
There are two temporal adverbials in Gyeli which combine with the comple-
mentizer nâ, namely lí ‘when’ and sɔ́ɔ̀ ‘before’. This is most likely not an exhaus-
tive list and other adverbializers might be possible in this construction type as
well.
(104) gives an example of a postposed adverbial + complementizer clause, us-
ing the adverbial lí ‘when’. Semantically, the sentence expresses simultaneity,
the event of the main clause happening at the same time as the event of the
dependent clause.

(104) mɛ̀ nzí nɔ̂ fɔ́tɔ̀ [lí nâ Àdà à nzí bɛ̀

mɛ nzî-H nɔ̂ fɔ́tɔ̀ lí nâ Àdà a nzî-H bɛ̀
1sg.pst prog.pst1 take ∅1.photo when comp ∅1.pn 1.pst prog.pst1 be
à nzɛ́ɛ́ dè mántúà]
a nzɛ́ɛ́ dè H-ma-ntúà
1 prog eat ma6-mango
‘I was taking photos, while Ada was eating mangoes.’

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8 Complex clauses

In contrast, the dependent clause in (105) precedes the main clause it modi-
fies. In this example, the adverbial subordinator sɔ́ɔ̀ ‘before’ is used, expressing
anteriority. Thus, the event of the main clause happens before the event of the
subordinate clause.

(105) [sɔ́ ɔ̀ nâ á pámó tísɔ̀ nì] á súmɛ́lɛ́ bùdì

sɔ́ɔ̀ nâ a-H pámo-H tísɔ̀ nì a-H súmɛlɛ-H b-ùdì
before comp 1-prs arrive-r ∅7.town 1-prs greet-r ba2-person
‘Before he arrives in town, he greets the people.’

The subordinator púù nâ ‘reason that’ expresses purpose in the dependent

clause it introduces and is a variant of the noun plus attributive construction
púù yá, which is discussed in §8.2.3.1. An example is provided in (106).

(106) yá pándɛ́ nà síngìlìtì [púù nâ wɛ́ bwádɔ́ɔ̀ nyɛ̂

ya-H pándɛ-H nà síngìlìtì púù nâ wɛ-H bwádɔ́ɔ̀ nyɛ̂
1pl-prs arrive-r com ∅1.shirt ∅7.reason comp 2sg-prs wear.sbjv 1.obj
púù màbwálɛ́]
púù ma-bwálɛ́
∅7.reason ma6-birth
‘We bring the shirt so that you wear it for [your] birthday.’

Semantically, there seems to be a difference in that púù yá has a causal reading in

the sense of ‘because’, whereas púù nâ expresses purpose, translated as ‘so that’.

8.2.3.4 Infinitival adverbial clauses without subordinator

Gyeli has one type of adverbial clause that lacks a dedicated clause linker (Het-
terle 2015: 109). Instead of an overt morphosyntactic subordinator, the subordina-
tion relation is expressed by an infinitival verb and the lack of any subject agree-
ment and tense, aspect, mood marking. The subject is identified with a salient
discourse antecedent which often coincides with the subject of the main clause,
but not necessarily, as seen in (109) and (110). The tense-mood interpretation is
similar to that of past and present gerunds (except that there is neither dedicated
gerund nor tense marking), encoding the wide range of temporal relations to
the main clause of anteriority, simultaneity, and posteriority. Infinitival clauses
without subordinators are also marked prosodically as a clausal unit by a pause
between the dependent and the main clause.
Infinitival clauses can both be preposed and postposed to the main clause, as I
show in the following. Infinitival clauses can further have the verb in their initial

548
 8.2 Subordination

position or the infinitival verb can be preceded by another element such as the
negation marker tí or a sequential marker.

Preposed infinitival clauses

Preposed infinitival clauses, as in (107) through (112), often express temporal se-
quences, the event of the infinitival clause being anterior to the event of the main
clause. Thus, in (107), the event of arriving in town is completed at the time of
greeting people.12

(107) [pámɔ̀ tísɔ̀ nì]SUB á súmɛ́lɛ́ bùdì

pámɔ tísɔ̀ nì a-H súmɛlɛ-H b-ùdì
arrive ∅7.town 1-prs greet-r ba2-people
‘Having arrived in town, he greets the people.’

(107) and (108) are both instances where the implied subject of the infinitival
clause is coreferential with the subject of the main clause. In (107), it is the same
person who arrives in town and then greets the people. In (108), the person first
eats mangoes and then, as a result, does not feel hungry anymore. The subject in-
terpretation for the infinitival clause has to be, however, clear from the context.
In the right context, it is also possible that the subject of the infinitival clause
in (107) is interpreted as non-coreferential to the one in the main clause, for in-
stance when the speaker talks about his own arrival in town, but about a different
person greeting the people (a similar case is presented below in (110) where the
implied agent of the subordinate clause and the subject of the main clause are not
coreferential). In (108), the coreferential reading is reinforced due to the causality
chain: because the person ate the mangoes, he is not hungry anymore.

(108) [sílɛ dè mántúà]sub à tí ná dyúwɔ̀ nzà

sílɛ dè H-ma-ntúà a tí ná dyúwɔ nzà
finish eat obj.link-ma6-mango 1 neg anymore feel ∅9.hunger
‘Having finished eating mangoes, he does not feel hunger anymore.’

In other cases, it is not quite clear whether the subject of the main and the
infinitival clause are coreferential. In (109), for instance, the narrator talks about
a healer who has turned into an antelope and has vanished into the forest, while
12
In my translation into English, I choose the gerund -ing form, since it allows the omission of
the subject in the subordinate clause. I do not imply, however, that there are any other parallels
between the English translation and the Gyeli structure. Speakers translate these constructions
with a past participle form in French, for example for (107) as Arrivé en ville, il salue les gens.

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8 Complex clauses

the people of his village are following him with the intention of killing him. The
infinitival clause in (109) allows both interpretations of either the healer having
arrived ‘here’, i.e. in the forest, or the people of his village.
(109) [nà pándɛ̀ vâ]sub bùdì báà bɛ̀
nà pándɛ̀ vâ b-ùdì báà bɛ
com arrive here ba2-person 2.dem.prox be.there
‘And having arrived here, these people are there.’
In other instances, the subject of the main clause and the implied subject of
the infinitival clause are clearly different. (110) is uttered by the same narrator
in the same story. The context here is that the people of the village look for the
healer in his hut and discover that he is not there. Thus, the infinitival clause has
the people of the village as its implied subject, while the main clause’s subject is
mùdì ‘person’.
(110) [kɛ̀ dígɛ̀ mpù]sub mùdì nú bɛ́lɛ́
kɛ̀ dígɛ mpù m-ùdì nú bɛ́-lɛ́
go look like.this n1-person 1.dem.dist be-neg
‘Going looking like this, nobody is there.’
While the main clause can have most of the tense-mood categories that are
allowed in a main clause, excluding imperatives, past categories and the fu-
ture as well as the present are most commonly found in the corpus. There are,
however, also examples of the inchoative in the main clause, as shown in (111).
(111) [ndɛ̀ náà pámò lébũ̂]sub àá gyì
ndɛ̀ náà pámo H-le-bũ̂ àá gyì
like.this arrive obj.link-le5-river.bank 1.inch cry
‘Having arrived like this [without the child] at the river bank, she starts
to cry.’
While most preposed infinitival clauses seem to express temporal sequences, they
may also express purpose, as in (112).
(112) [dɔ̃̀ pɛ̀ tsíyɛ̀ pɔ́nɛ́ lèkɛ́lɛ̀ ]sub bvúlɛ̀ bá ntɛ́gɛ́lɛ́
dɔ̀̃ pɛ̀ tsíyɛ pɔ́nɛ́ le-kɛ́lɛ̀ bvúlɛ̀ ba-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ-H
so[French] there cut ∅7.truth le5-word ba2.Bulu 2-prs bother-r
bíì ɛ́ vâ
bíì ɛ́ vâ
1pl.obj loc here
‘So, to say the truth, the Bulu bother us here.’

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 8.2 Subordination

Postposed infinitival clauses

Infinitival clauses can also follow the main clause, as shown in (113) through
(117). Postposed infinitival clauses seem to express purpose or manner rather than
temporal sequences as with preposed clauses. In (113) and (114), the infinitival
clause modifies the main clause which is comprised of a non-verbal predicate. In
both instances, the implied subject of the infinitival clause is coreferential with
the subject of the main clause. Also, both express purpose, comparable to English
in order to sentences.
(113) wɛ̀ nà ngvùlɛ̀ [kɛ̀ sɔ́lɛ̀ gà wû]sub nà njí kù ɛ́
wɛ nà ngvùlɛ̀ kɛ̀ sɔ́lɛga wû nà njì-H kù ɛ́
2sg com ∅9.strength go fall there com come-r fall[Kwasio] loc
sì
sì
∅9.ground
‘You are strong [to go and climb a raffia palm tree], tumbling and falling
to the ground. [The speaker talks about the strenuous work of climbing
a tree to collect raffia leaves for roofs.]’
(114) also shows that infinitival clauses can be subject to non-basic word order.
While in the basic word order, the object follows the verb, in (114), an object
pronoun is fronted, as discussed in §7.3.3 on information structure.13
(114) bá nà ngvùlɛ̀ [bíyɛ̀ sílɛ̀ lwɔ̃̂ mándáwɔ̀ ]sub
bá nà ngvùlɛ̀ bíyɛ̀ sílɛ lwɔ̂̃ H-ma-ndáwɔ̀
2 com ∅9.strength 1pl.obj finish build obj.link-ma6-house
‘They have the strength to build us all houses.’
While preposed infinitival clauses directly precede the main clause, postposed
infinitival clauses can constitute one of several subordinate clauses following
the main clause. In these multiple subordinate constructions, the infinitival de-
pendent clause usually modifies the clause it follows. In some cases, however,
the zero-expressed subject referent can be ambiguous, as in (115). This example
consists of a main clause, followed by an adverbial subordinate clause and an
infinitival clause. The two subordinate clauses are juxtaposed. The subject of the
infinitival clause could be coreferential with either the subject of the main clause
or that of the infinitival clause.
13
This example is also noteworthy because the fronted object pronoun usually occurs between
the auxiliary verb sílɛ ‘finish’ and the main verb lwɔ̃̂ ‘build’. In this example, however, it occurs
before the auxiliary.

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8 Complex clauses

(115) S V O [adv] [inf]

báà bù mpàgó [pílì pɔ́dɛ̀ àà vâ]adv [njì tsíyɛ̀ vâ]sub
báà bù mpàgó pílì pɔ́dɛ̀ àà vâ njì tsíyɛ̀ vâ
2.fut break ∅3.road when ∅1.port 1.cop here come cut here
‘They will build a road when the port is here, coming cross-cutting here.’
(116) is also comprised of a main clause, followed by two subordinate clauses,
namely a complement and an infinitival clause. In this case, however, the infini-
tival clause picks its referent from the complement rather than the main clause.
(116) S V [[comp] [inf]]
bɔ́nɛ́gá bá lɔ́ sílɛ̀ làwɔ̀ [nâ bvúlɛ̀ bá ntɛ́gɛ́lɛ́
bɔ́-nɛ́gá ba-H lɔ́ sílɛ làwɔ nâ bvúlɛ̀ ba-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ-H
2-other 2-prs retro finish speak comp ba2.Bulu 2-prs bother-r
bágyɛ̀ lì]comp [kɛ̀ nà kwàlɛ̀ bùdã̂ kɛ̀ nà kwàlɛ̀
H-ba-gyɛ̀ lì kɛ̀ nà kwàlɛ b-ùdã̂ kɛ̀ nà kwàlɛ
obj.link-ba2-Gyeli go com love ba2-woman go com love
bùdã̂ bá bá-gyɛ̀ lì]sub
b-ùdã̂ bá ba-gyɛ̀ lì
ba2-woman 2:att ba2-Gyeli
‘The others have just said that the Bulu bother the Bagyeli, coming and
loving the women, coming and loving the women of the Bagyeli.’
Finally, noun phrase constituents of an infinitival clause can also serve as the
head of another embedded clause, as shown in (117). In this example, the main
clause is followed by an infinitival clause, a relative clause and then another in-
finitival clause. The subject referent of the first infinitival clause is coreferential
with the subject of the main clause. The object noun phrase of the first infini-
tival clause serves as subject head to the following relative clause. The second
infinitival clause takes the subject of the relative clause as implied subject which,
ultimately, is the object of the first infinitival clause.
(117) S V X [[inf1] [rel] [inf2]]
yá sàgà mɛ́nɔ́ wɛ̂ [nyɛ̂ mápà má
ya-H sàga mɛ́nɔ́ wɛ̂ nyɛ̂ H-ma-pà má
1pl-prs be.surprised ∅7.morning in see obj.link-ma6-paw 6:att
njìbù]sub [má bwámɔ́ ndáwɔ̀ dé tù]rel [kɛ̀ dɛ́ndì]inf
njìbù ma-H bwámɔ-H ndáwɔ̀ dé tù kɛ̀ d-ɛ́ndì
∅1.antelope 6-prs come.out-r ∅9.house loc inside go le5-courtyard
‘We are surprised in the morning to see paws of an antelope which
come out of the house, going into the courtyard.’

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 8.2 Subordination

The non-finite verb in infinitival subordinate clauses can be preceded by either

a negation marker tí or sentential modifiers, as I show in the following.

Infinitival subordinate clauses with tí negation

The negation marker tí can precede the non-finite verb of an infinitival subordi-
nate clause, as in (118) and (119).

(118) à múà nà bábɛ̀ [tí wúmbɛ̀ wɛ̀ ]sub

a múà nà bábɛ̀ tí wúmbɛ wɛ̀
1 be com ∅7.illness neg want-r die
‘He was sick, not wanting to die.’

The main clause in (118) is comprised of a verbal copula construction and mod-
ified by the infinitival subordinate clause. Semantically, the events of the main
and the subordinate clause happen simultaneously: the person is sick and, at the
same time, does not want to die.

(119) nà kɛ́ jìí dé tù nà ndzǐ pámò dẽ̂ [tí nyɛ̂

nà kɛ-H jìí dé tù nà ndzǐ pámò dẽ ̂ tí nyɛ̂
com kɛ̀ -r ∅7.forest loc inside com ∅9.path arrive today neg see
nyɛ̂ ]sub
nyɛ̂
1.obj
‘And (he) goes in the forest on the path till today, without seeing him.’

Sequential marker vɛ̀ ɛ̀

vɛ̀ ɛ̀ and kɔ́ɔ̀ are both used as sentential modifiers, as described in §7.2.3. They can
also appear in an infinitival subordinate clause where they directly precede the
verb, as in (120).

(120) à nɔ̀ ɔ́ brìkɛ̂ [vɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ́dɛ̀ ndáwɔ̀ ]sub

a nɔ̀ ɔ̀-H brìkɛ̂ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ́dɛ ndáwɔ̀
1.pst1 take-r ∅1.lighter[French] sequ light ∅9.house
‘He took the lighter, just lighting the house.’

The sentential modifier in (120) can be omitted without making the sentence
ungrammatical. It changes, however, the meaning of the sentence. Without it,
the infinitival dependent clause would express purpose ‘He took the lighter in

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8 Complex clauses

order to light the house.’ The intended meaning with the sentential modifier is
sequential: the person first takes the lighter and then sets the house on fire.
A special case is presented in (121) where the infinitival clause has an overt
subject. The verb kwè ‘fall’ still appears in its infinitival form, lacking the realis-
marking H tone. Since infinitival dependent clauses are very rare in the corpus,
it is not possible at this point to establish what conditions the overt marking of
subjects in this clause type.

(121) má dvúmɔ́lɛ́ mbvú mbì mbvû [màlɛ́ndí

ma-H dvúmɔ́-lɛ́ mbvú mbì mbvû ma-lɛ́ndí
6-prs produce-neg ∅3.year like[Kwasio] ∅3.year ma6-palm.tree
máà vɛ̀ ɛ̀ kwè mípìndí]sub
máà vɛ̀ ɛ̀ kwè H-mi-pìndí
6.dem.prox only fall obj.link-mi4-unripeness
‘They don’t produce [fruit] every year, these palm trees from which only
unripe [fruit] fall.’

Sequential marker kɔ́ ɔ̀

The sequential marker kɔ́ɔ̀ seems to have exactly the same function as vɛ̀ ɛ̀ when
introducing a dependent clause. While both sentential modifiers are compared in
§7.2.3, their potential distributional and semantic differences are even less clear as
clause-introducing devices. It rather seems that they are freely interchangeable
in this function. An example of kɔ́ɔ̀ introducing an infinitival subordinate clause
is given in (122).

(122) à jí mbɛ̂ [kɔ́ ɔ̀ gyíbɔ̀ bwánɔ̀ ]sub

a jì-H mbɛ̂ kɔ́ɔ̀ gyíbɔ bwánɔ̀
1.pst1 open-r ∅3.door sequ call ba2-child
‘She opened the door, just calling the children.’

As with vɛ̀ ɛ̀, omitting the sentential modifier in (122) gives a purpose reading of
‘She opens the door in order to call the children.’ In contrast, kɔ́ɔ̀ gives a sequential
interpretation.

8.2.3.5 Subordination with progressive marker nzɛ́ɛ́

Subordination can also be encoded by the subordinate form of the progressive
marker, nzɛ́ɛ́, which, in main clauses, takes different forms (§6.3.1.1). In (123), the
subordinate clause expresses simultaneity. Without the subordinate form of the

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 8.2 Subordination

aspect marker, the second clause would formally be identical to a main clause
and could appear on its own.

(123) á gyímbɔ̀ [à nzɛ́ɛ́ sâ mákwásì]

a-H gyímbɔ a nzɛ́ɛ́ sâ H-ma-kwásì
1-prs dance 1 prog.sub do obj.link-ma6-clapping
‘He dances while clapping.’

555
Appendix A: Verb extensions
In this appendix, I provide the different extension forms for each verb in the verb
database. In some cases, certain extension forms yield a semantic shift or a mean-
ing different than expected. These can be found in the lexicon in Appendix C,
while this appendix on verb extensions just lists existing forms.
As a notational convention, I do not indicate morpheme breaks when they are
opaque. This is, for instance, the case with some passive forms of trisyllabic verbs
where the passive -a also affects the penultimate vowel of the second syllable, as
in bùmɛlɛ ‘hit sth.’, which has a passive form bùmala ‘be hit’ instead of *bùmɛl-a.
Some verbs clearly have an extension morpheme, but lack a synchronic under-
ived form, as discussed in §4.2.4. In these cases, I list the verb with its extension
morpheme as a basic verb and mark the extension morpheme in bold. Finally,
syllables that do not have any tonal marking are underlyingly toneless (§2.4.1);
only the verb root is lexically specified for tone.
558
Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
bâ marry bán-ala - bál-ɛsɛ - - -
bà smoke sth. báy-ala - - - bày-aga -
báàla (nà) repeat - - - - - -
A Verb extensions

báàlɛ protect, guard báà-la báàl-a - - - -

bága (nà) stop sth. bá-ala - - - - -
bàkɛ glue, post - bàg-a - - - -
bálɛ surpass - bál-a - - - -
bálɔwɔ bend down - bálawa - - - -
bámɔ scold bám-ala bám-a - bám-ɛlɛ - -
bàwɛ carry bàw-ala bàw-a bàw-ɛsɛ - - -
báwɛ injure (oneself) báw-ala - báw-ɛsɛ - - -
bɛ̀ sow, plant bɛ̀ y-ala bɛ̀ y-a - - - -
bɛ́dɛ light bɛ́d-ala - - - bɛ́d-ɛga -
bédɔ go up, mount béd-ala béd-a béd-ɛsɛ béd-ɛlɛ béd-ɛga -
bédo ferment - béd-a - - - -
bɛ̀ lànɛ use - bèlàn-a - - - -
bénɛlɛ raise, lift bén-ala bénala - - bén-ɛga -
bènɔ refuse bèn-ala bèn-a - - - -
béyɔ ripen - - bél-ɛsɛ - béy-aga -
bígɛ develop, emerge - - bíg-ɛsɛ - - -
bísi (nà) pay attention - - - - - -
bíyɔ hit bín-ala bíl-a bíl-ɛsɛ bìy-ɛlɛ - -
 Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
bɔ̀ rot - - bɔ̀ y-ɛsɛ - - -
bɔ̀ gɛ enlarge bɔ̀ g-ala bɔ̀ g-a bɔ̀ g-ɛsɛ - - -
bɔ́mɛlɛ wrinkle bɔ́m-ala - - - - -
bû destroy búy-ala búy-a - - - -
bô lie down (v.i.) - búg-a - - - -
búlɛ burst - búl-a - - - -
búlɔ fish búl-ala búl-a - - - -
búmɛ bark búm-ala - - - - -
bùmɛ announce sth. bùm-ala bùm-a - - - -
bùmɛlɛ hit (nail) bùm-ala bùmala - - - -
búndɔ pay brideprice búnd-ala búnd-a búnd-ɛsɛ - - -
búwɛlɛ tâter (fruit) - búwala - - - -
bvû think, believe bvú-ala - - - - -
bvúda (nà) quarrel bvúd-ala - - - - -
bvùma thunder - - - - bvùm-aga -
bvùmba surprise, scare bvùmb-ala - - - - -
bvúɔ̀ break (v.t.) bvúg-ala bvúg-a - - - -
bwã̂sa think, remember - - - - - -
bwɛ̃ɛ́ ̃ lɛ wait bwã́-ãla - - - - -
bwà give birth - - bwàl-ɛsɛ - - -
bwà become big bɔ̀ g-ala - - - - -
bwádɔ dress, wear bɔ́d-ala - bɔ́d-ɛsɛ - - -

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560
Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
bwámɔ receive bwám-ala bwám-a - - - -
bwàndɔ peel (mango) bwànd-ala bwànd-a - - - -
bwàndya despise bwàndy-ala - - - - -
A Verb extensions

bwè catch, arrest bèy-ala bùl-ɛ - - - -

bwɛ̀ dɔwɔ be tasty - - bɔ̀ d-ɛsɛ - - -
byáàda answer - - - - - -
dã̀ draw water dã̀ŋg-ala dã̀ã̀l-a - dã̀-ãlɛ - -
dè eat díy-ala díb-a díl-ɛsɛ - - -
dɛ́ndɛ set trap dɛ́nd-ala dɛ́nd-a - - - -
dìlɛ bury dìl-ala dìl-a - - - -
dɔ̀ negotiate - - - - - -
dvùbɔ soak, dip dvùb-ala - dvùb-ɛsɛ (dvùb-ɛlɛ) - -
dvùdɔ drive dvùd-ala dvùd-a - - - -
dvúmɛlɛ praise sb. dvúm-ala - - - - -
dvùmɔ fall down dvùm-ala dvùm-a dvùm-ɛsɛ - - -
dvùɔ̀ hurt (v.i.) dvùg-ala dvùg-a dvùg-ɛsɛ - - -
dwàmbo ask for sth. dwàmb-ala - - - dwàmb-aga -
dyã́ã̀ chase dyáŋg-ala dyáŋg-a - - - -
dyũ̀ be hot dyúŋg-ala - - dyúŋg-ɛlɛ - -
dyà sing dyà-ala dyày-a - - - -
dyâ lie down dyá-ala - - - - -
dyɛ́gɛ lean sth. dyɛ́k-ala - - - - dyɛ́g-ɔwɔ
 Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
dyɔ̀ laugh dyɔ̀ -ala dyɔ̀ lasa dyɔ̀ l-ɛsɛ - - -
dyɔ̀ dɛ deceive dyɔ̀ d-ala dyɔ̀ d-a - - - -
dyû kill dyúw-ala dyúw-a - - - -
dyúà swim - - - - - -
dyúàda perceive - - - - - -
dyùlɛ be bitter dyùl-ala dyùl-a dyùl-ɛsɛ - - -
dyùmɔ heal, get well - dyùm-a - - - -
dyúna quarrel - - - - - -
dyúwɔ hear dyúw-ala - dyúg-ɛsɛ dyúw-ɛlɛ - -
dzámɛ excuse - - - - - -
fùɛsɛ shake - - - - - -
fúgɛ end fú-ala - - - - -
fùlɛ miss fù-ala - fùl-ɛsɛ - - -
fùlɔ descend - fùl-a fùl-ɛsɛ - - -
gìyɔ (gyì) cry gyìl-ala - gìl-ɛsɛ - - -
gyã̀ paint - gyàŋg-a - - - -
gyã̂lɛ roast - - - - - -
gyàga buy gyàg-ala - - - - -
gyámbɔ cook gyámb-ala gyámb-a(a) - gyámb-ɛlɛ gyámb-aga -
gyáŋgya work gyáŋga-ala - gyáŋg-ɛsɛ - - -
gyɛ́’ɛ̀ block gyɛ́g-ala gyɛ́g-a - - - -
gyɛ̀ ’ɛlɛ pray, beg - - - - - -

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Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
gyɛ́lɛ jump, fly gyɛ́l-ala gyɛ́l-a gyɛ́l-ɛsɛ - - -
gyɛ̀ ndɔ slip - gyɛ̀ nd-a - - - -
gyɛ́sɔ search gyɛ́s-ala gyɛ́s-a - - - -
A Verb extensions

gyíbɔ call gyíb-ala gyíb-a - - - -

gyìbɔ sharpen gyìb-ala gyìb-a - - - -
gyìdɛ forgive - gyìd-a(a) - - - -
gyíka (nà) resemble - - - - - -
gyíkɛ learn - - gyík-ɛsɛ - - -
gyímbɔ dance gyímb-ala gyímb-a(a) gyímb-ɛsɛ - - -
gyímɛ wake sb - gyím-a(a) gyím-ɛsɛ - gyím-aga -
jímbɛ get lost jímb-ala - jímb-ɛsɛ jímb-ɛlɛ - -
jã́ã̀sa disappear jã́-ã̀la - - - - -
jàŋgala have sex - - - - - -
jì open jìy-ala jìy-a - - - -
jì(yɔ) sit, habiter jìl-ala jìl-a - - - -
jìbɔ̀ close jìb-ala jìb-a - - - -
jílɔ be satisfied - - jíl-ɛsɛ - - -
jìlɔ be heavy - jìl-a jìl-ɛsɛ - - -
jímɛsɛ extinguish - jím-a - - - -
jímɔ be deep - - - - - -
jìna dive - - jìn-ɛsɛ - jìn-ɛga -
jíwɔ steal jíb-ala jíb-a - - - -
 Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
jíyɛ burn (v.i.) jíg-ala - jíg-ɛsɛ - - -
kã̂ wrap kã́-ãla - - - - -
kà catch - - - kàs-ɛlɛ - -
ká’à role up kág-ala - - - - -
kàdɛ detach kàd-ala - kàd-ɛsɛ - kàd-ɛga -
kádɔ be too much kád-ala - - - - -
kàgɔ promise kàg-ala - - - - -
káka shiver - - - - - -
kàlanɛ transmit - - - - - -
kàlɛga stop over - - - - - -
kámbɔ chew kámb-ala kámb-aa - - - -
kàmbɔ (nà) defend kàmb-ala kàmb-a - - - -
kánda crack - - kánd-ɛsɛ - - -
kàsɛlɛ light kàs-ala - - - - -
kásɔ become thin kás-ala - - kás-ɛlɛ kás-ɛga -
kàbɔ share kàb-ala kàb-a(a) - - - -
kɛ̀ go - - - - - -
kẽ̀ shave kèŋg-ala - - - - -
kɛ́’ɛ̀ hatch - kɛ́g-a(a) - - - -
kɛ̀ dɛlɛ gnaw kɛ̀ d-ala - - - - -
kɛ̀ lɛ hang kɛ̀ l-ala kɛ̀ l-a - - - -
kfúdɛ cover kfúd-ala kfúd-a(a) - - kfúd-ɛga -

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564
Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
kfùlɔ scrape kfùl-ala kfùl-a - - kfùl-ɛga -
kfùmala find - kfùm-a(a) - - - -
kfùbɛ provoke kfùb-ala - - kfùβ-ɛlɛ - -
A Verb extensions

kílɔwɔ be vigilant - - kíl-ɛsɛ - - -

kíŋgɛlɛ become stiff - - - - - -
kìya give kìy-ala - kìy-ɛsɛ - - -
kìyɛ try, tempt kìy-ala - - kìy-ɛlɛ - -
kɔ̂ gather, pluck kɔ́y-ala kɔ́y-a - - kɔ̀ y-aga -
kɔ́bɛ violate kɔ́b-ala - - - - -
kɔ́dɛ turn (v.t.) kɔ́d-ala kɔ́d-a kɔ́d-ɛsɛ - kɔ́d-ɛga -
kɔ́gɛ straighten kɔ́g-ala kɔ́g-a kɔ́g-ɛsɛ - - -
kòla add kòl-ala - - - - -
kòlɛ help kòl-ala - - - - -
kɔ̂̃ lɛ snore - - - - - -
kɔ́sɛ cough kɔ́s-ala - - kɔ́s-ɛlɛ - -
kúɛlɛ mock kú-ala - - - - -
kùga spread, fit - - - - - -
kùlɛ borrow kùl-ala - kùl-ɛsɛ - - -
kùmasa prepare - - - - - -
kùmbɔ repair kùmb-ala - - - - -
kwã̂ cut raffia kwàŋg-ala kwáŋg-a - - - -
kwã̂ betray kwáŋg-ala kwáŋg-a kwáŋg-ɛsɛ - - -
 Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
kwã́ã̀lɛ spy kwã́l-ala - - - - -
kwà grind kwàg-ala kwàg-a - - - -
kwádɔ twist (v.t.) - kwád-a - - kwád-ɛga kwàd-ɔwɔ
kwàlɛ love kwàl-ala kwàl-a - - - -
kwànɛ sell - - - - - -
kwê fall, fail kwéy-ala - kù-ɛsɛ - - -
kwêlɛ bite kwá-ala kwáál-a(a) - - - -
kwɛ̀ lɔ cut down kwɛ̀ l-ala kwɛ̀ l-a(a) - - kwɛ̀ l-ɛga -
kyàlɛ start engine - - - - - -
kyɛ̀ lɛga fall from tree kyɛ̀ l-ala - - - - -
lã̂ read, count láŋg-ala láŋg-a - - - -
lã̀ pass làŋg-ala - - làŋg-ɛlɛ - -
lɛ̀̃ pour in lɛ̀ ŋg-ala lɛ̀ ŋg-a(a) - - - -
lũ̂ insult lúŋg-ala - - - - -
lṹã̀ whistle lɔ́ŋg-ala lɔ́ŋg-a - - - -
lṹɔ̀̃ build lúŋg-ala - lúŋg-ɛsɛ - - -
lâ harvest honey léy-ala léy-a - - léy-ɛga -
láà tell lá-ala - - - - -
làdo (nà) meet làd-ala - làd-ɛsɛ - - -
lága contaminate (v.i.) lég-ala - lég-ɛsɛ - - -
lámbɔ trap lámb-ala lámb-a(a) - - - -
lána distribute lán-ala - - - - -

565
566
Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
lɛ̂ offer lɛ́y-ala lɛ́y-a - - - -
lɛ̀ bɛlɛ follow lɛ̀ b-ala - - - - -
lɛ̀ ɛ̀ uproot lɛ̀ y-ala lɛ̀ y-a - - - -
A Verb extensions

lɛ́gɛ singe lɛ́g-ala - lɛ́g-ɛsɛ - lɛ́g-ɛga -

lèmbo know, flee lèmb-ala - lèmb-ɛsɛ - - -
lɛ̀ ndɔ flow - - lɛ̀ nd-ɛsɛ - lɛ̀ nd-ɛga -
líbɛla appear - - - - - -
líbɛlɛ show líb-ala - - - - -
límbɛ pull límb-ala - - - límb-ɛga -
líɛ̀ leave líg-ala - - - - -
líyɛlɛ accompany líy-ala - - - - -
líyɔ clear land líy-ala líy-a - - líy-aga -
lɔ̀ sew, weave lɔ̀ y-ala lɔ̀ y-a lɔ̀ y-ɛsɛ - - -
lùà curse lɔ̀ g-ala lɔ̀ g-a lɔ̀ g-ɛsɛ - - -
lúmɛ send lúm-ala lúm-a - lúm-ɛlɛ - -
lúndɔ fill oneself lúnd-ala lúnd-a lúnd-ɛsɛ lúnd-ɛlɛ - -
lùŋga grow - - lùŋg-ɛsɛ - - -
lùŋgɛlɛ aim at lùŋg-ala - - - - -
lúwɔ bite lúw-ala lúw-a lúw-ɛsɛ - - -
lvúmɔ sting lvúm-ala lvúm-a lvúm-ɛsɛ - - -
má’à accuse mág-ala mág-a - - - -
mándɔ stuff mouth mánd-ala mánd-a - mánd-ɛlɛ - -
 Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
mɛ́ɛ̀lɛ accept mɛ́-ala mɛ́ɛĺ -a - - - -
mɛ̀ mɔ admit mɛ̀ m-ala - - - - -
mɛ̀ sɔ wave mɛ̀ s-ala - - - - -
mgbámala be sour - - - - - -
mímba brag mímb-ala - - - - -
mìno swallow mìn-ala - mìn-ɛsɛ - - -
múɛlɛ nibble mú-ala - mú-ɛsɛ - - -
mwàsɔ throw mwàs-ala mwàs-a - - - -
myàkɛ sprinkle myàk-ala - myàk-ɛsɛ - - -
myámata be narrow - - - - - -
myámɔ knead, press myám-ala - - - - -
náàta (nà) stick - - - - - -
ndà cross ndàŋg-ala ndàŋg-a - - - -
ndtámanɛ ruin, destroy - - - - - -
ŋgwáwɔ bend, bow - - ŋgwáŋg-ɛsɛ - - ŋgwáŋg-ɔwɔ
níndya urinate níndy-ala - níndy-ɛsɛ - - -
níyɛ be beautiful níndy-ala - níŋg-ɛsɛ - - -
njì come - - - - - -
nɔ̀ ɔ̀ take nɔ̀ ŋg-ala nɔ̀ ŋg-a - - - -
ntã́ã̀ climb over ntàŋg-ala - ntàŋg-ɛsɛ - - -
ntɛ́gɛlɛ disturb ntɛ́g-ala - - - - -
nyâ lick nyáŋg-ala - nyáŋg-ɛsɛ - - -

567
568
Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
nyàà defecate nyàg-ala - nyàg-ɛsɛ - - -
nyàlɛ scratch nyàl-ala - - - - -
nyàmɔ deteriorate nyàm-ala - nyàm-ɛsɛ - - -
A Verb extensions

nyàno hurt - - - - - -
nyɛ̂ see nyɛ́n-ala - - - - -
nyɛ̀ sɛlɛ deepen, press on - - - - - -
nyì return nyìg-ala - - - - -
nyî enter nyíŋg-ala - - nyíŋg-ɛlɛ - -
nyímɛ refuse nyím-ala - nyím-ɛsɛ - - -
nyímɛlɛ tighten nyím-ala - - - - -
nyɔ̀ mb-ɛlɛ tickle nyɔ̀ mb-ala - - - - -
nyùlɛ drink nyùl-ala - nyùl-ɛsɛ - - -
nyùmbɔ smell (v.i.) nyùmb-ala - nyùmb-ɛsɛ nyùmb-ɛlɛ - -
pã̂ reign páŋg-ala - - - - -
pá’à dig pág-ala - - - - -
pà’à grow (v.i.) pàg-ala - - - - -
pádɔ pluck pád-ala - - - - -
pálaba blink (eye) - - - - - -
pálɔ̀ sort pál-ala - - - - -
pámo appear pám-ala - - - - -
pándɛ arrive pánd-ala - - - - -
pánɛ hang up pán-ala - pán-ɛsɛ - - -
 Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
pàno shine - - - - - -
pɛ̂ choose pɛ́y-ala - - - - -
pɛ̀ ndɛlɛ lick out pɛ̀ nd-ala - - - - -
péndɔ braid pénd-ala pénd-a - - - -
péya booze péy-ala - péy-ɛsɛ - - -
pfúɛlɛ crunch pfú-ala - - - - -
pfùmbɛ pull out pfùmb-ala - - - - -
pfúndɔ be frightened pfúnd-ala - pfúnd-ɛsɛ - - -
pfùβɛlɛ blow pfùβ-ala - - - - -
pfùwɔ dust pfùw-ala - - - - -
pímbɛ wipe pímb-ala - - - - -
pínasa be squeezed pín-ala - pín-ɛsɛ - - -
pɔ́ndɛsɛ punish - - - - - -
pṹɔ̀̃ pay púŋg-ala - - - - -
púndi polish púnd-ala - - - - -
pùsɛ push pùs-ala - - - - -
pwàsɔ stretch pwàs-ala - - - - pwàs-ɔwɔ
sã̂ vomit sáŋg-ala - sáŋg-ɛsɛ - - -
sã́ã̀sa mix - - - - - -
sĩĩ́ ̀ (bà) approach sth. síŋg-ala - - sís-ɛlɛ - -
sâ do sá-ala - - - - -
sá’àwa move repeatedly - - - - - -

569
570
Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
sàga shock, scare sàg-ala - - - - -
sàlɔ cut lengthwise sàl-ala sàl-ɛ - - - -
sálɔ become plenty - - - - - -
A Verb extensions

sánɛ decide sán-ala - - - - -

sɛ̀ gɛsɛ sieve - - - - - -
sɛ́lɔ peel sɛ́l-ala sɛ́l-a - - - -
sɛ̀ ndɛ slip sɛ̀ nd-ala - sɛ̀ nd-ɛsɛ - - -
sɛ̀ ŋgɛ lower sɛ̀ ŋg-ala - - - - -
síawa have hiccup - - - - - -
sílɛ finish síl-ala - síl-ɛsɛ - - -
sìlɛga fade sìl-ala - sìl-ɛsɛ - - -
sílɔ rub, smear síl-ala - - - - -
símasa regret - - - - - -
sìmbɔ drag sìmb-ala - - - - -
símɛ respect sím-ala - - - - -
síndya exchange síndy-ala - - - - -
sísɛlɛ scare sb sís-ala - - - sís-ɛga -
sísɔ (bà) approach sís-ala - - - - -
sìsɔ be happy sìs-ala - - - - -
sìya wash, bathe sìy-ala - - - - -
síyɛ saw síy-ala - - - - -
síyɛsɛ swing, shake - - - - - -
 Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
sɔ́’ɔ̀ continue - - - sɔ́s-ɛlɛ - -
sòbala accumulate - - - - - -
sɔ́lɛ undress sɔ́l-ala - sɔ́l-ɛsɛ - - -
sɔ̀ lɛ̀ hide sth. sɔ̀ l-ala - - - - -
sɔ́lɛga fall - - - - - -
sɔ́ndya sharpen (point) sɔ́ndy-ala - - - - -
sɔ́sɛlɛ smoke meat - - - - - -
sùmbɔ die mysteriously sùmb-ala - - - - -
súmɛlɛ greet súm-ala - - - - -
sùbɛ pour out sùb-ala - sùb-ɛsɛ sùb-ɛlɛ - -
swásɔ dry swás-ala - - swás-ɛlɛ - -
swàwɔ hide (v.i.) - - - - - -
tã́ã̀la judge - - - - - -
tɛ̂̃ limp tɛ́ŋg-ala - - - - -
tɛ̀̃ ɛ̀̃ abandon tɛ̀ ŋg-ala - - - - -
tɔ̃́ɔ̀̃ lɛ guide - - - - - -
tá’àlɛ start - - - - - -
tàtɔ squeak tàt-ala - tàd-ɛsɛ - - -
tátɔ take care of tát-ala - - - - -
tɛ̂ invent, create tɛ́y-ala - - - - -
tɛ́’ɛ̀ be soft - - - - - -
tɛ́bɔ rise tɛ́l-ala - - - - -

571
572
Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
tɛ́gɛ tire, fatigue tɛ́g-ala - tɛ́g-ɛsɛ - - -
tɛ̀ mbɔwɔ set (sun) - - tɛ̀ mb-ɛsɛ - - -
tɛ̀ ndɔ tear tɛ̀ nd-ala - tɛ̀ nd-ɛsɛ - - -
A Verb extensions

tfúada be late - - - - - -
tfùbɔ pierce, rape tfúb-ala - - - - -
tfùdɔ pinch tfùd-ala - - - - -
tfúga suffer tfúg-ala - tfúg-ɛsɛ - - -
tfúmbɔ fold, wrinkle tfúmb-ala - tfúmb-ɛsɛ - tfúmb-aga -
tíì get going tíy-ala - - - - -
tìnɔ harvest tubers tìn-ala tìl-ɛ - - - -
tɔ̀ à boil (v.i.) tɔ̀ g-ala - - - - -
tɔ́kɛ pick up tɔ́k-ala tɔ́k-a tɔ́k-ɛsɛ - - -
tɔ́wa drip, leak - - - - - -
tsĩ̂ untie tsíŋg-ala - - - - -
tsĩɛ́ lɛ bind, tie tsĩ-́ ala - - - - -
tsàmɛ spit tsàm-ala - - - - -
tsíbɔ grind, trample tsíb-ala - - - - -
tsìɛ̀ live, be well - - - - - -
tsíɛ̀ cut tsíy-ala - - - - -
tsìlɔ write tsìl-ala tsìl-a tsìl-ɛsɛ - - -
tsímɛlɛ sneeze tsím-ala - tsím-ɛsɛ - - -
tsíndɔ shove, push tsínd-ala - - - - -
 Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
túà move places tɔ́g-ala - tɔ́g-ɛsɛ - - -
tùndɛ miss tùnd-ala - - - - -
túnɔwɔ float - - - - - -
túwanɛ (nà) meet túw-ala - - - - -
twálɔ peck twál-ala - - - - -
vàà praise vàg-ala - - - - -
vàmòkwè knock over - - - - - -
vásɛ rise (dough) - - - vás-ɛlɛ - -
vɛ̂ give vɛ́y-ala - - - - -
vè’è try on clothes vèg-ala - - vè’-ɛlɛ - -
vɛ́mbɔ blow nose vɛ́mb-ala - - - - -
vɛ́sɔ have desire vɛ́s-ala - - - - -
vɛ̀ wɔ breathe - - - - - -
vèyɛ mesure vèy-ala - - - - -
vìdɛ (re-)turn vìd-ala vìd-a - vìd-ɛlɛ vìd-ɛga -
vímala groan - - - - - -
víndo hate vínd-ala - - - - -
vísɔ cover vís-ala - - vís-ɛlɛ - -
víwɔ suck víw-ala - - - - -
víyãsa be light - - - - - -
víyala touch - - - - - -

573
 Verb Gloss Reciprocal Passive Causative Applicative Autocausative Positional

574
-ala -a -ɛsɛ -ɛlɛ -ɛga/-aga -ɔwɔ
vɔ̂ be calm/cold vɔ́l-ala - vɔ́l-ɛsɛ - - -
vòda rest vòd-ala - - - - -
vɔ́lɛ help vɔ́l-ala - - - - -
vòwa wake up vòw-ala - vòl-ɛsɛ - vòl-ɛga -
A Verb extensions

vû leave vúy-ala vúm-a - - - -

vúɛlɛ blow - - - - - -
vúlɔ be sharp - - - - - -
vúba (nà) hug - - - - - -
vyámbɛlɛ surround - - - - - -
vyɛ̀ draw vyɛ̀ g-ala - - - - -
wɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ skin animals wɛ́ŋg-ala - - - - -
wámɛ hurry - - - - - -
wàwɛ spread out wàw-ala wàw-a(a) - - wàw-ɛga -
wáwɔ crawl - - - - - -
wɛ̀ die - - - - - -
wómbɛlɛ sweep wómb-ala - - - - -
wúmbɛ want wúmb-ala - - - - -
wùmɛ pluck wùm-ala - - - - -
wúŋgala wander, dangle - - - - - -
wùsa forget wùs-ala wùs-a(a) - - - -
yàlanɛ respond - - - - - -
yɛ́mɛdɛ tighten yɛ́m-ala - - - - -
yíɛ̀ avoid, dodge yé-ala - - - - -
yímbɔ visit yímb-ala - - - - -
Appendix B: Texts
This appendix contains the annotated Gyeli text corpus which is comprised of
three texts of different genres. The first one, The healer and the antelope, is an
autobiographical narration; the second one, the Nzambi Story, a folktale; and the
third a conversation with multiple speakers in the village Ngolo.
Each text is split up into intonation phrases. Since intonation phrases are not
always clear-cut, especially in fast natural speech, I relied on two principles in
determining intonation phrases: pauses and speaker intuition. As a first parsing
principle, I took pauses as indications for intonation phrases. Later on, text an-
notation was done with the help of a language consultant who would naturally
break the text up into phrases as he repeated the recordings during transcription.
Intonation phrases do not always match grammatical sentences.
Each intonation phrase has four annotation lines. The first represents the sur-
face form on the word level. The second line shows the underlying form on the
morpheme level, including tonal changes. All vowels are marked for tone. Tone
bearing units without tonal marking in the second line are underlyingly toneless.
Transcription lines do not contain punctuation marks as those are conventions
for written, but not natural, spoken language. The third line is the gloss and the
fourth the translation. Code-switching to, for instance, Kwasio or French, is indi-
cated in the gloss line with the language name in square brackets for non-Gyeli
elements. If a whole phrase is in a language other than Gyeli, for instance in Bulu,
only the surface form is indicated, but not the underlying form. Square brackets
in the translation line serve as explanations.

B.1 The healer and the antelope

The story about the healer who turned into an antelope is an autobiographical
narrative by Ada Joseph, who was about 30 years old at the time of recording.
The narrative was recorded in May 2011 in Nziou, a village close to Kribi. This
anecdote came up during lunchtime small talk with the Mabi speakers Djiedjhie
François and Bimbvoung Emmanuel Calvin, and me. Ada agreed to tell it again
for the recording.
B Texts

The narrative is about an old man that Ada knew from his village when he
was a teenager. This man was a healer and became sick himself. Since he did
not want to die, he turned himself into an antelope and fled into the forest. The
villagers were worried about this and tried to kill the antelope, but they never
found it.

(A1) yɔ́ɔ̀ yá táàlɛ̀

yɔ́ɔ̀ ya-H táàlɛ̀
so 1pl-prs begin
‘So, we begin.’
(A2) yɔ́ɔ̀ ngã̀ nû à bɛ́ ngã̂
yɔ́ɔ̀ ngã̀ nû a bɛ̀ -H ngã̂
so ∅1.healer 1.dem.prox 1.pst1 be-r ∅1.healer
‘So, this healer was a healer.’
(A3) ngã̂
ngã̂
∅1.healer
‘A healer.’
(A4) à jìlɛ́ mâ
a jìlɛ-H mâ
1.pst1 stay-r compl
‘He was there.’
(A5) à njâ dyùmɔ́ bùdàà dyùmɔ́ bùdàà dyùmɔ́ bùdàà
a nji-H a dyùmɔ-H b-ùdì a dyùmɔ-H b-ùdì
1.pst1 come-r 1.pst1 heal-r ba2-person 1.pst1 heal-r ba2-person
dyùmɔ́ bùdì
a dyùmɔ-h b-ùdì
1.pst1 heal-r ba2-person
‘He came, he was healing people (4x).’
(A6) à múà mɛ́dɛ́ nyá mùdì
a múà mɛ́dɛ́ nyá m-ùdì
1 be.almost self real n1-person
‘He was himself a real [old] man.’
(A7) à dyùmɔ́ bùdì à dyùmɔ́ bùdì à múà
a dyùmɔ-H b-ùdì a dyùmɔ-H b-ùdì a múà
1.pst1 heal-r ba2-person 1.pst1 heal-r ba2-person 1.pst1 be.almost

576
 B.1 The healer and the antelope

mɛ́dɛ́ nyá mùdì pɔ́nɛ́ ntúlɛ́

mɛ́dɛ́ nyá m-ùdì pɔ́nɛ́ ntúlɛ́
self real n1-person ∅7.truth ∅3.old
‘He was healing people, he was healing people. He himself was an old
man.’
(A8) nyɛ̀ táàlɛ́ bábɛ̀
nyɛ táàlɛ-H bábɛ̀
1.pst1 begin-r ∅7.illness
‘He started to be sick.’
(A9) gbĩ-́ gbĩ-̀ gbĩ-́ gbĩ-̀ gbĩ ́ à múà nà bábɛ̀ tí wúmbɛ̀ wɛ̀
gbĩ-́ gbĩ-̀ gbĩ-́ gbĩ-̀ gbĩ ́ a múà nà bábɛ̀ tí wúmbɛ wɛ̀
ideo:roaming 1.pst be.almost com ∅7.illness neg want die
‘[imitation of the disease roaming in his body] He was about to be sick,
not wanting to die.’
(A10) bá sàgà ɛ́ kfùmàlà mɛ̀ múà ndáà mùdì
ba-H sàga ɛ́ kfùmala mɛ múà ndáà m-ùdì
2-prs be.surprised loc find 1sg.sbj be.almost also n1-person
‘They are surprised to find that I was a grown up person [says the story-
teller about his own age at the point when the story took place].’
(A11) mɛ̀ múà pɔ́nɛ́ wá yìmbá ntɛ́ wû
mɛ múà pɔ́nɛ́ wá yìmbá ntɛ́ wû
1sg be.almost ∅7.truth 3:att ∅7.age ∅3.size there
‘I was really about the age of this size there [makes a gesture with hand
showing his height].’
(A12) álè
go.imp.pl
‘[French] so. . .’
(A13) yá sàgà àà ndáwɔ̀ dé tù nyɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́ támé
ya-H sàga àà ndáwɔ̀ dé tù nyɛ mɛ́dɛ́ támé
1pl-prs be.surprised 1.cop ∅9.house loc inside 1.sbj self alone
‘We are surprised. He is in his house all by himself.’
(A14) ḿh-m̀h-m̀-m̀-ḿh
ḿh-m̀h-m̀-m̀-ḿh
ideo:self.talk
‘[imitation of healer’s self talk and noises he makes in the house].’

577
B Texts

(A15) yá sàgà mɛ́nɔ́ wɛ̂ nyɛ́ɛ̀ mápà má

ya-H sàga mɛ́nɔ́ wɛ̂ nyɛ́ɛ̀ H-ma-pà má
1pl-prs be.surprised ∅7.morning in see.sbjv obj.link-ma6-paw 6:att
njìbù má bwámɔ́ ndáwɔ̀ dé tù
njìbù ma-H bwámɔ-H ndáwɔ̀ dé tù
∅1.antelope 6-prs come.out-r ∅9.house loc inside
‘We are surprised in the morning to see [hoof] traces of an antelope
which come out of the house,’
(A16) kɛ̀ dɛ́ndì
kɛ̀ d-ɛ́ndì
go le5-courtyard
‘going into the courtyard.’
(A17) kɛ̀ dígɛ̀ mpù
kɛ̀ dígɛ mpù
go look like.this
‘Going looking like this,’
(A18) mùdì nú bɛ́lɛ́
m-ùdì nú bɛ́-lɛ́
n1-person 1.dem.dist be-neg
‘nobody is there.’
(A19) ndùù à vìdégáà njìbù
ndùù a vìdeg-áà njìbù
so[French] 1.pst1 turn-prf ∅1.antelope
‘So, he has already turned into an antelope.’
(A20) à múà á kɛ́ jìí dé tù
a múà a-H kɛ̀ -H jìí dé tù
1.pst be.almost 1-prs go-r ∅7.forest loc inside
‘He was about to go into the forest,’
(A21) nà ndzǐ gyâ
nà ndzǐ gyâ
com ∅9.path ∅7.length
‘on the long path.’
(A22) kɛ́ jìí dé tù
kɛ̀ -H jìí dé tù
go-r ∅7.forest loc inside
‘[He] goes into the forest,’

578
 B.1 The healer and the antelope

(A23) nà ndzǐ gyâ

nà ndzǐ gyâ
com ∅9.path ∅7.length
‘on the long path.’
(A24) kɛ́ jìí dé tù
kɛ̀ -H jìí dé tù
go-r ∅7.forest loc inside
‘[He] goes into the forest,’
(A25) nà ndzǐ gyâ
nà ndzǐ gyâ
com ∅9.path ∅7.length
‘on the long path.’
(A26) nà pándɛ̀ vâ bùdì báà bɛ̀
nà pándɛ̀ vâ b-ùdì báà bɛ
conj arrive here ba2-person 2.cop there[Kwasio]
‘And having arrived here, these people are there.’
(A27) á lèmbó nâ bùdì báà bá múà búɛ̀ lɛ̀
a-H lèmbo-H nâ b-ùdì báà ba-H múà búɛlɛ
1-prs know-r comp ba2-person 2.dem.prox 2-prs be.almost fish
nâ bá dyúù nyɛ̂
nâ ba-H dyùù nyɛ
comp 2-prs kill.sbjv 1.obj
‘He knows that these people are about to look [lit. fish] for him in order
to kill him.’
(A28) nâ bá dyúù nyɛ̂ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ mùdì nyɛ̀ jã́ã̀sà
nâ ba-H dyùù nyɛ̂ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ m-ùdì nyɛ̂ jã́ã̀sà
comp 2-prs kill.sbjv 1.obj only n1-person 1.sbj disappear
‘So that they kill him. Suddenly the person [the healer] disappears,’
(A29) nà kɛ́ jìí dé tù nà ndzǐ pámò dẽ̂
nà kɛ̀ -H jìí dé tù nà ndzǐ pámò dẽ̂
conj go-r ∅7.forest loc inside com ∅9.path arrive today
‘and [he] goes in the forest on the path till today,’
(A30) tí nyɛ̂ nyɛ̂
tí nyɛ̂ nyɛ̂
neg see 1.obj
‘without being seen.’

579
B Texts

B.2 Nzambi story

The Nzambi Story is a well-known folktale among the Bagyeli. It was recorded
on video in August 2012 in the Gyeli village Ngolo. Tata is the main narrator. He
stood in the middle of the village under the big tree, while the rest of the village
is gathered around him and commented on both the story and the recording.
The folktale is about two friends, both called Nzambi, which means ‘God’. One
of them grows breadfruit, the other palm nuts. The Nzambi growing breadfruit
marries the daughter of his friend and they have a child. When the palm trees
are not producing enough fruit, the family suffers hunger. Therefore, Nzambi of
the palm nuts sends his wife to the his friend, Nzambi of the breadfruit, to ask
for food. Nzambi of the breadfruit agrees to give food to the wife, but keeps their
child in return and eats it. When Nzambi of the palm nuts learns about this, he
goes to see his friend and ask him why he did this. The breadfruit grower admits
that he ate the child and pretends that he also ate his own children by showing
him monkey skulls. He then suggests that the palm nut grower should also eat
his children as this would turn them into white people. Instead of heeding this
advice, the palm nut grower takes revenge on his friend by locking the breadfruit
grower’s family in a house, which he then burns down. He then has mice eat the
remains of the burned bodies. When the breadfruit grower Nzambi returns home
and finds his whole family dead, he is devastated.
Tata:

(N1) jíyɔ̀
jíyɔ
sit.down
‘Sit down [introductory words to a story].’
(N2) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí núù jì
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí núù jì.
so ∅1.pn 1.dem.prox sit
‘So, there is this [person called] Nzambi.’
(N3) Nzàmbí jìlɛ́ mà
Nzàmbí jìlɛ-H mà
∅1.pn sit-r compl[Kwasio]
‘Nzambi is already there.’

Aminu to cameraman:

580
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N4) wɛ̀ nzíí bàlɛ̀ bébã́ã̀

wɛ nzíí bàlɛ H-be-bã́ã̀
2sg prog.prs keep obj.link-be8-word
‘You are recording [lit. keeping the words].’

Tata:

(N5) wɛ̀ nzíí bàlɛ̀ mpà

wɛ nzíí bàlɛ mpà
2sg prog.prs keep good
‘You [addressing cameraman] are recording well.’
(N6) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí núù jì
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí núù jì
so ∅1.pn 1.dem.prox sit
‘So there is this [person called] Nzambi.’

Aminu:

(N7) bwáá lã́ bɔ̂

bwáa-H lã-H b-ɔ̂
2pl-prs tell-r 2-obj
‘You tell them!’

Tata:

(N8) Nzàmbí jĩĩ́ ̀ à lwɔ́ mɔ̀ kwádó

Nzàmbí jĩĩ́ ̀ a lwɔ̂-H mɔ̀ kwádó
∅1.pn sit.compl 1.pst1 build-r compl ∅7.village
‘Nzambi is there, he has already built a village,’
(N9) bá nà mùdã̂ wɛ̂
bá nà m-ùdã̂ w-ɛ̂
2.sbj com 1-woman 1-poss.3sg
‘they [him] and his wife.’
(N10) bàNzàmbí bábáà
ba-Nzàmbí bá-báà,
ba2-pn 2-two
‘Two Nzambis,’

581
B Texts

(N11) nɔ́gá gyã́ã̀ nkɛ̀ nɔ́gá gyã́ã̀ mbyɛ̂

nɔ́-gá gyã́ã̀ nkɛ̀ nɔ́-gá gyã́ã̀ mbyɛ̂
1-other ∅1.side ∅3.low 1-other ∅1.side ∅3.high
‘one downstream, the other upstream.’
(N12) ɛ́ mpù bá kí nâ jíwɔ́ mbyɛ̂ nà jíwɔ́ nkɛ̀
ɛ́ mpù ba-H ki-H nâ jíwɔ́ mbyɛ̂ nà jíwɔ́ nkɛ̀
loc like.this 2-prs say-r comp ∅7.river ∅3.high conj ∅7.river ∅3.low
‘Like this, they say that up the river and down the river. . .’
(N13) yɔ́ɔ̀ bàNzàmbí bá tè bá jì
yɔ́ɔ̀ ba-Nzàmbí bá tè ba-H jì
so ba2-pn 2:att there 2-prs sit
‘So the Nzambis there are settled.’
(N14) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí nɔ́gá núù bɛ́ Nzàmbí wà gyí
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí nɔ́-gá núù bɛ̀ -H Nzàmbí wà gyí
so ∅1.pn 1-other 1.pst2 be-r pn 1:att what
‘So this other Nzambi was which Nzambi?’
(N15) mɛ́ líbɛ̀ lɛ̀ Nzàmbí wà lèlɛ́ndí
mɛ-H líbɛlɛ Nzàmbí wà le-lɛ́ndí
1sg-prs show ∅1.pn 1:att le5-palm.tree
‘I show [gesture], the Nzambi of the palm tree.’
(N16) nɔ́nɛ́gá nyɛ̀ gà
nɔ́-nɛ́gá nyɛ̀ -gà
1-other 1.sbj-contr
‘The other one,’
(N17) wà lè-bɔ́ɔ̀
wà le-bɔ́ɔ̀.
1:att le5-breadfruit.tree
‘the one of the breadfruit tree.’
(N18) yɔ́ɔ̀ bàNzàmbí bá tè bà bwàá sɔ́
yɔ́ɔ̀ ba-Nzàmbí bá tè ba bwàà-H sɔ́,
so ba2-pn 2:att there 2.pst1 have-r ∅1.friend
‘So, the Nzambis there became friends,’
(N19) nâ bá jíì
nâ ba-H jíì
comp 2-prs sit.sbjv
‘so that they stay,’

582
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N20) ɛ́ nû pɛ̀ ɛ́ nû pɛ̀

ɛ́ nû pɛ̀ ɛ́ nû pɛ̀
loc 1.dem.prox there loc 1.dem.prox there
‘one there and one there.’
(N21) bàNzàmbí bá tè bá jìlɛ́ mà
ba-Nzàmbí bá tè ba-H jìlɛ-H mà
ba2-pn 2:att there 2-prs sit-r compl[Kwasio]
‘The Nzambis there live there already.’
(N22) yɔ́ɔ̀ bá kí nâ ɛ́ɛ́kɛ̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ ba-H ki-H nâ ɛ́ɛk ́ ɛ̀
so 2-prs say-r comp excl
‘So they say that, “ɛ́ɛ́kɛ̀ [exclamation of surprise]!”.’
(N23) mwánɔ̀ wɛ̂ mùdã̂ wà nû
m-wánɔ̀ w-ɛ̂ m-ùdã̂ wà nû
n1-child 1-poss.3sg n1-woman 1:att 1.dem.prox
‘His child [is] the wife of this one [pointing to imaginary breadfruit
Nzambi].’
(N24) à bwã̀ã̀
a bwã̀ã̀
1.pst1 give.birth
‘She has given birth.’
(N25) nyɛ̀ gà váà nyɛ̀ gá tsíyɛ́ sâ nà màlɛ́ndí, màlɛ́ndí
nyɛ-gà váà nyɛ-gá tsíyɛ́ sâ nà ma-lɛ́ndí, ma-lɛ́ndí
1.sbj-contr here 1.sbj-contr live-r only com 6-palm.tree 6-palm.tree
máà mɔ́gà
máà m-ɔ́-gà
6:DEM 6-obj-contr
‘Him here, he lives only from palm trees, these palm trees.’
(N26) má dvúmɔ́lɛ́ mbvú mbì mbvû
ma-H dvúmɔ́-lɛ́ mbvú mbì mbvû
6-prs produce-neg ∅3.year like[Kwasio] ∅3.year
‘They don’t produce [fruit] every year,’
(N27) màlɛ́ndí máà vɛ̀ ɛ̀ kwè mímpìndí
ma-lɛ́ndí máà vɛ̀ ɛ̀ kwè H-mi-mpìndí
ma6-palm.tree 6.dem.prox only fall obj.link-mi4-unripeness
‘these palm trees only produce unripe [fruit].’

583
B Texts

(N28) Nzàmbí à bwã̀ã́ mwánɔ̀

Nzàmbí a bwã̀ã-H m-wánɔ̀
∅1.pn 1.pst1 give.birth-r n1-child
‘Nzambi has given birth to a child.’
(N29) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí nyɛ̀ gà à kɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ dígɛ̀ mísì
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí nyɛ-gà a kɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ dígɛ m-ísì
so ∅1.pn 1.sbj-contr 1.pst1 go.compl watch ma6-eye
‘So this Nzambi went and thought very hard [lit. he watched with his
eyes].’
(N30) nyɛ̀ nâ ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ mùdã̂
nyɛ nâ ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ m-ùdã̂
1.sbj comp excl n1-woman
‘He: “Oh, wife,’
(N31) bàmbɛ́ kɛ̂ jíì mbúmbù mwánɔ̀ sá yí dè
bàmbɛ́ kɛ̂ jíì mbúmbù m-wánɔ̀ sá yí dè
sorry go.imp ask ∅1.namesake n1-child ∅7.thing 7:att eat
‘excuse me, go and ask my namesake [the other Nzambi] for a little to
eat,’
(N32) ɛ́ pɛ̀ nâ á njíyɛ̀ mɛ̂ nà yɔ̂
ɛ́ pɛ̀ nâ a-H njíyɛ mɛ̀ nà y-ɔ̂
loc there comp 1-prs come.sbjv 1sg.obj com 7-obj
‘over there, so that she [his wife] bring me that [food].’
(N33) mɛ̀ múà wɛ̀ nà nzà
mɛ múà wɛ̀ nà nzà
1sg be.almost die com ∅9.hunger
‘I’m about to die from hunger”.’
(N34) yɔ́ɔ̀ mùdã̂ nùù tè
yɔ́ɔ̀ m-ùdã̂ nùù tè,
so n1-woman 1.cop there
‘So the woman is there [she leaves],’
(N35) kíyà mwánɔ̀ ndzɛ̀ ngɔ̀
kíya m-wánɔ̀ ndzɛ̀ ngɔ̀
carry n1-child inclined
‘carrying the child on her side [instead of on her back],’

584
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N36) nkwé nkô

nkwé nkô
∅3.basket ∅3.back
‘the basket on the back.’
(N37) wɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ ̀
gbĩm
wɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ gbĩm ̀
ideo:moving ideo:surface.impact
‘[depiction of moving by foot or motorbike and imitating sound of putting
basket down]’
(N38) áá gyí wɛ́ lɔ́ njì gyɛ́sɔ̀
áá gyí wɛ-H lɔ́ njì gyɛ́sɔ
excl what 2sg-prs retro come look.for
‘[Breadfruit Nzambi talking] Ah, what have you just come to look for?’
(N39) nyɛ̀ náà mùdì wã́ã̀ mɛ̀ wɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ nà nzà
nyɛ náà m-ùdì w-ã́ã̀ mɛ wɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ nà nzà
1.sbj comp n1-person 1-poss.1sg 1sg die.compl com ∅9.hunger
‘She [says]: “My person, I’m dead hungry.’
(N40) nkɛ̀ nyì nzí sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ bédéwò
nkɛ̀ nyi nzí sílɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ H-be-déwò
∅9.field 9 prog.pst finish.compl obj.link-be8-food
‘The field has already run out of food.’
(N41) bèdéwò bíndɛ̀ byɔ̀ mɛ́ lɔ́ njì lɛ́bɛ̀ lɛ̀ bédéwò bà wɛ̂
be-déwò bí-ndɛ̀ by-ɔ̀ mɛ-H lɔ́ njì lɛ́bɛlɛ H-be-déwò bà wɛ̀
be8-food 8-ana 8-obj 1-prs retro come follow be8-food ap 2sg.obj
‘This food, I have come to look for the food at your place.’
(N42) náà ká wɛ̀ múà wáà vɔ́lɛ̀ mɛ̂
náà ká wɛ múà wáà vɔ́lɛ mɛ̀
comp if 2sg be.almost 2sg.fut[Kwasio] help 1sg.obj
‘If you can help me. . .’
(N43) nzà nyíì mɛ̂ mɔ̂
nzà nyíì mɛ̂ mɔ̂
∅9.hunger 9.cop 1sg.obj ∅3.stomach
‘I’m hungry [lit. I have hunger in my stomach].’

585
B Texts

(N44) nágyàlɛ́ wà mùdã̂

nágyàlɛ́ wà m-ùdã̂
∅1.breastfeeding 1:att n1-woman
‘[I am a] breastfeeding woman.’
(N45) yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ́ lɔ́ njì gyɛ́sɔ̀ sá yí dè
yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ-H lɔ́ njì gyɛ́sɔ sá yí dè
so 1sg-prs retro come search ∅7.thing 7:att eat
‘So I just came to look for something to eat”.’
(N46) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí á kí náà ɛ́ɛ̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí a-H kì-H náà ɛ́ɛ̀
so ∅1.pn 1-prs say-r comp yes
‘So Nzambi says, “yes,’
(N47) bã́ yɔ́ɔ̀ yíì tè
bã ́ y-ɔ́ɔ̀ yíì tè
∅7.word 7-poss.2sg 7.cop there
‘I understand you [lit. your speech is there].’
(N48) ndí vɛ̀ dáà
ndí vɛ̀ dáà
but but[Bulu]
‘But still,’
(N49) yíì mùdà nlã̂
yíì mùdà nlã̂
7.cop big ∅3.story
‘this is a big deal”.’
(N50) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kí nâ bõ̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kì-H nâ bõ̀
so ∅1.pn say-r comp good[French]
‘So Nzambi says “Good.’
(N51) mùdã̂ kɛ̂ nà nyɛ̀ mánkɛ̃̂
m-ùdã̂ kɛ̀ -H nà nyɛ̀ ɛ́-ma-nkɛ̂̃
n1-woman go-r com 1.obj loc-ma6-field
‘Woman [his wife], go to the fields with her,’
(N52) kánâ m̀m̂
kánâ m̀m̂
or no
‘or no.’

586
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N53) wɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́ pã̂ lígɛ̀ yá nà nyɛ̀ yá kɛ́ mánkɛ̃̂

wɛ mɛ́dɛ́ pã́ lígɛ ya-H nà nyɛ ya-H kɛ̀ -H H-ma-nkɛ̂̃
2sg.sbj self do.first stay 1pl-prs com 1.obj 1pl-prs go-r obj.link-6-field
‘You [his wife] stay first, we and her, we go to the fields”.’
(N54) yɔ́ɔ̀ bá téé kɛ̀ ndɛ̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ ba-H téè-H kɛ̀ ndɛ̀
so 2-prs start.walking-r ∅7.walk
‘So they go on a walk,’
(N55) bà mùdã̂ wà nû
bà m-ùdã̂ wà nû
ap n1-woman 1:att 1.dem.prox
‘they with this woman.’
(N56) wɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ pámò mánkɛ̃̂
wɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ pámo H-ma-nkɛ̂̃
ideo:moving arrive obj.link-ma6-field
‘[depiction of moving] Having arrived in the fields,’
(N57) Nzàmbí màbɔ́ɔ̀ nkwɛ́ɛ̀ dé nâ vɔ́sì
Nzàmbí ma-bɔ́ɔ̀ nkwɛ́ɛ̀ dé nâ vɔ́sì
∅1.pn ma6-breadfruit ∅3.basket loc comp ideo:pouring
‘Nzambi pours the breadfruit into the basket.’
(N58) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí á nɔ̀ ɔ́ mábɔ́ɔ̀ mándɛ̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí a-H nɔ̀ ɔ̀-H H-ma-bɔ́ɔ̀ má-ndɛ̀
so ∅1.pn 1-prs take-r obj.link-ma6-breadfruit 6-ana
‘So Nzambi takes those breadfruit.’
(N59) nyɛ̀ nâ bõ̀
nyɛ nâ bõ̀
1.sbj comp good[French]
‘He says “Good,’
(N60) ɔ̀ múà gyɛ́sɔ̀ nâ wɛ́ kɛ̀
ɔ múà gyɛ́sɔ nâ wɛ-H kɛ̀
2sg[Kwasio] be.almost search comp 2sg-prs go
‘you are about to want to leave.’
(N61) sílɛ̂ nà mɛ̀ kɛ̀ ndɛ̀ vúdũ̂
sílɛ̂ nà mɛ̀ kɛ̀ ndɛ̀ vúdũ̂
finish.imp com 1sg ∅7.time one
‘Finish [this] with me in one go.’

587
B Texts

(N62) mɛ̀ ɛ́ jílɛ́ wɛ̂ bvùbvù

mɛ̀ ɛ́ jí-lɛ́ wɛ̀ bvùbvù
1sg.prs.neg ask-neg 2sg.obj much
‘I don’t ask you for much.’
(N63) vɛ̂ mɛ̂ sâ mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀ wà wɛ̀ bùdɛ́ nû
vɛ̂ mɛ̀ sâ m-wánɔ̀ w-ɔ́ɔ̀ wà wɛ bùdɛ-H nû
give.imp 1sg.obj only n1-child 1-poss.2sg 1:att 2sg have-r 1.dem.prox
‘Give me only your child that you have here.’
(N64) mɛ́ lígɛ́ nyɛ̂ dè
mɛ-H lígɛ-H nyɛ̂ dè
1sg-prs stay-r 1.obj eat
‘I stay to eat it,’
(N65) nà màbɔ́’ɔ̀ máà
nà ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀ máà
com ma6-breadfruit 6:DEM.prox
‘with these breadfruit.’
(N66) wɛ́ nɔ̀ ɔ́ mábɔ́’ɔ̀ máà
wɛ-H nɔ̀ ɔ̀-H H-ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀ máà
2sg-prs take-r obj.link-ma6-breadfruit 6:DEM.prox
‘You take these breadfruit.’
(N67) wɛ̀ gà wɛ́ kɛ́ nà mɔ̂
wɛ-gà wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H nà m-ɔ̂
2sg.sbj-contr 2sg-prs go-r com 6-obj
‘As for you, you take them [the breadfruit] away.’
(N68) mɛ̀ gà mɛ́ lígɛ́ dè mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀
mɛ-gà mɛ-H lígɛ-H dè m-wánɔ̀ w-ɔ́ɔ̀
1.sbj-contr 1sg-prs stay-r eat ma1-child 1-poss.2sg
‘As for me, I stay and eat your child,’
(N69) nà màbɔ́’ɔ̀
nà ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀
com ma6-breadfruit
‘with breadfruit.’
(N70) sílɛ̀
sílɛ
finish
‘That’s it!”.’

588
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N71) ɛ́ɛ́kɛ̀ mùdã̂ à gyɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ à gyɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ áh mùdì wã́ã̀

ɛ́ɛḱ ɛ̀ m-ùdã̂ a gyɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ a gyɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ áh m-ùdì w-ã́ã̀
excl n1-woman 1.pst1 cry.compl 1.pst1 cry.compl excl n1-person 1-poss.1sg
wɛ́ sá mɛ̂ ná
wɛ-H sâ-H mɛ̂ ná
2sg-prs do-r 1sg.obj how
‘Oh, the woman cried and cried, “Ah, my person, what do you do to
me?”.’
(N72) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kí náà mɛ̀ bwàá wɛ̂ tsíyɛ̀ lèkɛ́lɛ̀ dẽ́
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kì-H náà mɛ bwàà-H wɛ̂ tsíyɛ le-kɛ́lɛ̀ dẽ́
so ∅1.pn say-r comp 1sg.pst1 have-r 2sg.obj cut le5-speech today
nâ mɛ́ lígɛ́ dè mwánɔ̀ wɔ́ɔ̀
nâ mɛ-H lígɛ-H dè m-wánɔ̀ w-ɔ́ɔ̀
comp 1sg-prs stay-r eat n1-child 1-poss.2sg
‘So Nzambi says, “I’m not listening to you today [lit. I have cut your
word]. I stay and eat your child,’
(N73) nà màbɔ́’ɔ̀
nà ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀
com ma6-breadfruit
‘with breadfruit.’
(N74) lèkáà lé tè’ètè yá mwánɔ̀ yíì
le-káà lé tè’ètè yá m-wánɔ̀ yíì
le5-kind 5:att ∅7.tenderness 7:att n1-child 7.dem.prox
‘The kind of tenderness of this child,’
(N75) yíì mpà yɔ̃ ɔ́ ̃̀ wɛ́ kã́ yɔ̂ dúmbɔ́
yíì mpà yɔ̃ɔ̃ ́ ̀ ̂
wɛ-H kã-H y-ɔ̀ dúmbɔ́
7.cop good ∅7.time 2sg-prs wrap-r 7-obj ∅7.package
‘is good when you wrap it in a [leaf] wrap.’
(N76) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ yɔ̂ dè
mɛ̀ ɛ̀ y-ɔ̂ dè
1sg.fut 7-obj eat
‘I will eat it”.’
(N77) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kí náà bõ̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kì-H náà bõ̀
so ∅1.pn say comp good[French]
‘So Nzambi says “Good,’

589
B Texts

(N78) ká wɛ̀ ɛ́ wúmbɛ́lɛ́ ndáà

ká wɛ̀ ɛ́ wúmbɛ-lɛ́ ndáà
if 2sg.prs.neg want-neg also
‘if you don’t want [this] either,’
(N79) mɛ́ nɔ̀ ɔ́ nkwɛ̂ wá mábɔ́’ɔ̀
mɛ-H nɔ̀ ɔ̀-H nkwɛ̂ wá H-ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀
1sg-prs take-r ∅3.basket 3:att obj.link-ma6-breadfruit
‘I take the basket with the breadfruit.’
(N80) wɛ́ kɛ́ wɛ̀ nà nzà nyɔ́ɔ̀ ɛ́ pɛ̀ wɛ́ kɛ́
wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H wɛ̀ nà nzà ny-ɔ́ɔ̀ ɛ́ pɛ̀ wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H
2sg-prs go-r die com ∅9.hunger 9-poss.2sg loc there 2sg-prs go-r
wɛ̀ nà nyɔ́ɔ̀
wɛ̀ nà ny-ɔ́ɔ̀
die com 9-OBJ
‘Your are going to die of your hunger there, you are going to die of it”.’
(N81) yɔ́ɔ̀ mùdã̂ dígɛ́ mísì ndẽẽ́ ẽ́ ́
yɔ́ɔ̀ m-ùdã̂ dígɛ-H m-ísì ndẽ́ẽ́ẽ́
so n1-woman watch-r ma6-eye ideo:staring
‘So the woman thinks [lit. looks with her eyes].’
(N82) nyɛ̀ nâ tɔ̀ sâ
nyɛ nâ tɔ̀ sâ
1.sbj comp nothing
‘She [says]: “No!”.’
(N83) yɔ́ɔ̀ mùdã̂ tɔ́kɛ́ mwánɔ̀ kàlànɛ̀ nyɛ̂
yɔ́ɔ̀ m-ùdã̂ tɔ́kɛ-H m-wánɔ̀ kàlanɛ nyɛ̂
so n1-woman collect-r n1-child hand.over 1.obj
‘So the woman picks up the child, handing it over to him.’
(N84) Nzàmbí nyɛ̀ nâ nkɛ̀
Nzàmbí nyɛ nâ nkɛ̀
∅1.pn 1.sbj comp go.hort
‘Nzambi [says]: “Let’s go”.’
(N85) wɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ bɔ́ pámò
wɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ bɔ-H pámo
ideo:moving 2-prs[Kwasio] arrive
‘[depiction of motor sound] They arrive.’

590
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N86) Nzàmbí nyɛ̀ nâ ɛ́ mùdã̂ wã̂

Nzàmbí nyɛ nâ ɛ́ m-ùdã̂ w-ã̂
∅1.pn 1.sbj comp loc n1-woman 1-poss.1sg
‘Nzambi [says]: “My wife,’
(N87) mwánɔ̀ wɛ́ɛ̀ nyɛ̀ nû
m-wánɔ̀ w-ɛ́ɛ̀ nyɛ̀ nû
n1-child 1-poss.3sg 1.sbj 1.dem.prox
‘this is her child.’
(N88) mɛ́ lɔ́ nɔ́ɔ̀ mwánɔ̀ púù yá mábɔ́’ɔ̀ mâ
mɛ-H lɔ́ nɔ́ɔ̀ m-wánɔ̀ púù yá ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀ mâ
1sg-prs retro take n1-child ∅7.reason 7:att ma6-breadfruit 6.dem.prox
‘I have just taken the child for these breadfruit.’
(N89) kálɛ̀ mɛ̀ báà kì nâ bá dúù bɛ̀ bédéwɔ̀
kálɛ̀ mɛ̀ báà kì nâ ba-H dúù bɛ̀ H-be-déwɔ̀
neg.fut 1sg.sbj 2.fut say comp 2-prs must.not.sbjv grow obj.link-be8-food
‘It’s not me who will say that they must not grow food [it’s not my fault
that they don’t have food]”.’
(N90) yɔ́ɔ̀ mùdã̂ nú kɛ̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ m-ùdã̂ nû-H kɛ̀
so n1-woman 1-prs go
‘So the woman goes.’
(N91) ndɛ̀ náà pámò lébũ̂ àá gyì
ndɛ̀ náà pámo H-le-bũ̂ àá gyì
like.this arrive obj.link-le5-river.bank 1.inch cry
‘Having arrived like this [without the child] at the river bank she starts
to cry.’
(N92) àá gyì àá gyì dyúmò njì nyɛ̂ nɔ̀ ɔ̀
àá gyì àá gyì dyúmò njì nyɛ̂ nɔ̀ ɔ̀
1.inch cry 1.inch cry ∅1.spouse come 1.obj take
‘She starts to cry, she starts to cry, the husband comes to fetch her.’
(N93) ɛ́ ná mwánɔ̀ nùù vɛ́
ɛ́ ná m-wánɔ̀ nùù vɛ́
loc how n1-child 1.cop where
‘What! Where is the child?’

591
B Texts

(N94) nyɛ̀ nâ sɔ́ wɔ́ɔ̀ nɔ̀ ɔ́ mɔ̀ mwánɔ̀

nyɛ nâ sɔ́ w-ɔ́ɔ̀ nɔ̀ ɔ̀-H mɔ̀ m-wánɔ̀
1.sbj comp ∅1.friend 1-poss.2sg take-r compl 1-child
‘She [says]: “Your friend has taken the child.’
(N95) à kɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ nyɛ̂ dè
a kɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ nyɛ̂ dè
1.pst1 go.compl 1.obj eat
‘He has left to eat it”.’
(N96) yɔ́ɔ̀ á lɔ́ kì náà
yɔ́ɔ̀ a-H lɔ́ kì náà
so 1-prs retro say comp
‘So he just said that:’
(N97) ɛ́ mpù wɛ̀ ɛ́ gyángyálɛ́ bédéwɔ̀
ɛ́ mpù wɛ̀ ɛ́ gyángya-lɛ́ H-be-déwɔ̀
loc like.this 2sg.prs.neg work-neg obj.link-be8-food
“This is not how you work for your food”.’
(N98) yɔ́ɔ̀ nyɛ̀ gá nɔ̀ ɔ̀ mwánɔ̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ nyɛ-gá nɔ̀ ɔ̀ m-wánɔ̀
so 1.sbj-contr take n1-child
‘So the other Nzambi, after having taken the child,’
(N99) á lígɛ́ nyɛ̂ dè
a-H lígɛ-H nyɛ̂ dè
1-prs stay-r 1.obj eat
‘stays to eat it,’
(N100) nà màbɔ́’ɔ̀ mɛ́ɛ́
nà ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀ m-ɛ́
com ma6-breadfruit 6-poss.3sg
‘with his breadfruit.’
(N101) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí wà nû kɛ́ dígɛ̀ mpù nâ kɛ́
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí wà nû kɛ̀ -H dígɛ mpù nâ kɛ́
so ∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.prox go-r look like.this comp excl
‘So this Nzambi goes and looks like this: “Ey!’
(N102) mbúmbù wã̂ wɛ́ kúmbɔ́ mɛ̂ sá mpù
mbúmbù w-ã̂ wɛ-H kúmbɔ-H mɛ̂ sá mpù
∅1.namesake 1-poss.1sg 2sg-prs arrange-r 1sg.obj ∅7.thing like.this
‘My namesake, you really do this to me.’

592
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N103) ɛ́ mwánɔ̀ wã̂ dyúwɔ̀

ɛ́ m-wánɔ̀ w-ã̂ dyúwɔ̀
excl n1-child 1-poss.1sg on
‘Hey, about my child!”.’
(N104) [clicking] yɔ́ɔ̀ wà núndɛ̀ dígɛ́ mísì
[clicking] yɔ́ɔ̀ wà nú-ndɛ̀ dígɛ-H m-ísì
[clicking] so 1:att 1-ana look-r ma6-eye
‘[sound of disappreciation] So this one thinks [lit. looks with his eyes],’
(N105) ndẽẽ́ ẽ́ ẽ́ ́ nyɛ̀ nâ tɔ̀ sâ
ndẽ́ẽ́ẽ́ẽ́ nyɛ nâ tɔ̀ sâ
ideo:staring 1.sbj comp nothing
‘[depiction of staring] He [says]: “No’
(N106) yíì pẽ̀’ẽ̀ nyà mwánɔ̀ mùdũ̂ mɛ́ pã́ã́ ná nyɔ̂
yíì pẽ̀’ẽ̀ nyà m-wánɔ̀ m-ùdũ̂ mɛ-H pãã̀-H ́ ná ny-ɔ̂
7.cop ∅9.wisdom 9:att n1-child n1-male 1sg-prs do.first-H again 9-obj
vɛ̀
vɛ̀
give
‘Every child knows this [lit. This is the wisdom of a boy], I will take
revenge on him”.’
(N107) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí wà núú nyî
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí wà núú nyî
so ∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.dist enter
‘So that Nzambi comes in.’
(N108) bóŋ
bóŋ
good[French]
“Good.’
(N109) mɛ́ lámbó Nzàmbí wà nû
mɛ-H lámbo-H Nzàmbí wà nû
1sg-prs trap-r ∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.prox
‘I trap this Nzambi,’
(N110) nà mɛ́ wúmbɛ́ lèmbò ɛ́ mpù à bùdɛ́ mɛ̂
nà mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H lèmbo ɛ́ mpù a bùdɛ-H mɛ̂
conj 1sg-prs want-r know loc like.this 1 have-r 1sg.obj
‘and I want to know what he thinks of this story”.’

593
B Texts

(N111) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí wà nû kɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ bwã̀sà nyɛ̀ nâ

yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí wà nû kɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ bwã̀sa nyɛ nâ
so ∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.prox go.compl think 1.sbj comp
‘So this Nzambi has gone to think, he [says]:’
(N112) sá mɛ́dɛ́ mɛ̀ nzí sâ yî
sá mɛ́dɛ́ mɛ nzí sâ yî
∅7.thing self 1sg prog.pst do 7.dem.prox
“This is all my fault [for sending the wife].’
(N113) mɛ́ pã́ ná kɛ̀ dígɛ̀ mùdì wà nû ɛ́ pɛ́ɛ́
mɛ-H pã̂-H ná kɛ̀ dígɛ m-ùdì wà nû ɛ́ pɛ́-ɛ́
1sg-prs do.first-H again go see n1-person 1:att 1.dem.prox loc over.there.dist
‘I go first again to see this person over there”.’
(N114) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí njí mpù bã̂ã̂ã̂ã̂ njì dígɛ̀ mpù
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí njî-H mpù bã̂ã̂ã̂ã̂ njì dígɛ mpù
so ∅1.pn come-r like.this ideo:walking.far come look like.this
‘So Nzambi comes like this [depiction of walking a long distance], comes
looking like this.’
(N115) nyɛ̀ nâ kɛ́ɛ́ɛ́ɛ́
nyɛ̀ nâ kɛ́ɛɛ́ ɛ́ ́
1.sbj comp excl
‘He [says]: “What!’
(N116) mbúmbù
mbúmbù
∅1.namesake
‘Namesake!’
(N117) mɛ́ lɔ́ njì bàgyɛ̃̂ bà wɛ̂
mɛ-H lɔ́ njì ba-gyɛ̂̃ bà wɛ̂
1sg-prs retro come ba2-stranger ap 2sg
‘I just came as a guest to you.’
(N118) ndíííí
ndí-length
but
‘But. . .’

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 B.2 Nzambi story

(N119) njìmɔ̀ wá sá njìníì

njìmɔ̀ wá sá njìníì
∅3.entire 3:att ∅7.thing different
‘the whole thing is different.’
(N120) mɛ́ lɔ́ njì gyɛ́sɔ̀ bà wɛ̂
mɛ-H lɔ́ njì gyɛ́sɔ bà wɛ̂
1sg-prs retro come search ap 2sg
‘I just came to search at your place”.’
(N121) ɛ́ɛ́ɛ́ Nzàmbí kí nâ ɛ́ɛ́
ɛ́ɛɛ́ ́ Nzàmbí kì-H nâ ɛ́ɛ́
excl ∅1.pn say-r comp yes
‘Hey, Nzambi says: “Yes,’
(N122) bèsá bíndɛ̀ byɛ́sɛ̀ béè ndáà
be-sá bí-ndɛ̀ by-ɛ́sɛ̀ béè ndáà
be8-thing 8-ana 8-all 8.cop also
‘all those things are also there [way of introducing a problem].’
(N123) bèsá bíndɛ̀ byɛ́sɛ̀ béè ndáà
be-sá bí-ndɛ̀ by-ɛ́sɛ̀ béè ndáà
be8-thing 8-ana 8-all 8.cop also
‘All these things are also there [way of introducing a problem].’
(N124) ndí mɛ̀ ɛ́ sálɛ́ wɛ̂ bvùbvù ndí vɛ̀ dáà mɛ́ dyúwɔ́
ndí mɛ̀ ɛ́ sâ-lɛ́ wɛ̂ bvùbvù ndí vɛ̀ dáà mɛ-H dyúwɔ-H
but 1sg.prs.neg do-neg 2sg.obj much but but[Bulu] 1sg-prs understand-r
nâ
nâ
comp
‘But I don’t do you wrong, but I understand that,’
(N125) wɛ́ɛ̀ dé mwánɔ̀ nɔ́ɔ̀
wɛ́ɛ̀ dè-H m-wánɔ̀ nɔ́ɔ̀
2.pst2 eat-r n1-child no[French]
‘you have eaten the child, haven’t you?”.’
(N126) nyɛ̀ nâ mɛ́ɛ̀ dé pɔ́nɛ́ nà màbɔ́’ɔ̀
nyɛ nâ mɛ́ɛ̀ dè-H pɔ́nɛ́ nà ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀
1.sbj comp 1sg.pst2 eat-r ∅7.truth com ma6-breadfruit
‘He [says]: “I really ate [it] with breadfruit.’

595
B Texts

(N127) mɛ̀ gà mɛ́ɛ̀ dyúwɔ́ nzã́ã̀ dúwɔ̀ lé tè

mɛ-gà mɛ́ɛ̀ dyúwɔ-H nzã́ã̀ d-úwɔ̀ lé tè
1sg.sbj-contr 1sg.pst2 feel-r ∅7.appetite le5-day 5:att there
‘As for me, I had a craving [for meat] that day.’
(N128) mɛ̀ kí bɛ̀ nà tsídí
mɛ kí bɛ̀ nà tsídí
1sg.pst1 neg[Kwasio] be com ∅1.meat
‘I didn’t have any meat”.’
(N129) á kfùmálá mpù Nzàmbí lúndɛ́lɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ ɛ́ mpù
a-H kfùmala-H mpù Nzàmbí lúndɛ́lɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ ɛ́ mpù
1-prs find-r like.this ∅1.pn fill.compl loc like.this
‘He discovers [inside the house] like this, Nzambi has filled [the house]
like this [with skulls].’
(N130) kɛ́ mbúmbù bwánɔ̀ bà sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ kɛ̀ vɛ́
kɛ́ mbúmbù b-wánɔ̀ ba sílɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ kɛ̀ vɛ́
excl ∅1.namesake ba2-child 2.pst1 finish.compl go where
“Ey namesake, where have all the children gone?”.’
(N131) nyɛ̀ nâ kɛ́ɛ́ɛ́ bwánɔ̀ bã̂ mɛ̀ sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ bɔ̂ dyùù
nyɛ nâ kɛ́ɛ̀ b-wánɔ̀ b-ã̊ mɛ sílɛ̃ɛ̀̃ b-ɔ̂ dyùù
1.sbj comp excl ba2-child 2-poss.1sg 1sg finish.compl 2-obj kill
‘He [says]: “Ha, my children, I have already killed them all.’
(N132) ngáà wɛ́ nyɛ́ mpù
ngáà wɛ-H nyɛ̂-H mpù
Q(tag) 2sg-prs see-r like.this
‘Right, you see that?’
(N133) bèkɔ́kɔ́ bé nlô bé tè
be-kɔ́kɔ́ bé nlô bé tè
be8-hollowness 8:att ∅3.head 8:att there
‘The skulls there,’
(N134) béè tè
béè tè
8.cop there
‘are there,’

596
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N135) mìnlô mí bákímì

mi-nlô mí ba-kímì
mi4-head 4:att ba2-monkey
‘monkey heads”.’
(N136) kó mbúmbù nyɛ̀ nzí lèmbò dyùù bɔ̂ fàmíì bá
kó mbúmbù nyɛ nzí lèmbo dyùù b-ɔ̂ fàmíì bá
excl ∅1.namesake 1.sbj prog.pst know kill 2-obj ∅1.family 2:att
bùdì ná
b-ùdì ná
ba2-person how
“Oh namesake, how could he kill them, the family of people?”.’
(N137) nyɛ̀ nâ ó
nyɛ nâ ó
1.sbj comp excl
‘He [says]: “Oh,’
(N138) mbúmbù
mbúmbù
∅1.namesake
‘Namesake!’
(N139) ɛ́ yɔ́ɔ̀ wà mwánɔ̀ mùdũ̂ sá màmbò má mwánɔ̀
ɛ́ yɔ́ɔ̀ wà m-wánɔ̀ m-ùdũ̂ sâ-H m-àmbò má m-wánɔ̀
loc so 2sg[Bulu] n1-child n1-man do-r ma6-thing 6:att n1-child
mùdũ̂
m-ùdũ̂
n1-man
‘So you behave like a boy.’
(N140) mɛ̀ nzí wúmbɛ̀ nâ bwánɔ̀ bã̂ bá bwámóò
mɛ nzí wúmbɛ nâ b-wánɔ̀ b-ã ̂ ba-H bwámóò
1sg.pst1 prog.pst want comp ba2-child 2-poss.1sg 2-prs become.sbjv
ɛ́ mpù mìntángánɛ́ békúdɛ́ bé mpâ
ɛ́ mpù mi-ntángánɛ́ H-be-kúdɛ́ bé mpâ
loc like.this mi4-white.person obj.link-be8-skin 8:att good
‘I had wanted my children to get fair skin like white people”.’
(N141) Nzàmbí kí nâ bõ̀
Nzàmbí kì-H nâ bõ̀
∅1.pn say-r comp good[French]
‘Nzambi says: “Good,’

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B Texts

(N142) mɛ̀ dyúwɔ́ mɔ̀

mɛ dyúwɔ-H mɔ̀
1sg.pst1 understand-r compl
‘I have understood”.’
(N143) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kí nâ bõ̀ mɛ̀ nìyɛ́ mɔ̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kì-H nâ bõ̀ mɛ nìyɛ-H mɔ̀
so ∅1.pn say-r comp good[French] 1sg.pst1 return-H compl
‘So Nzambi says: “Good, I am returning home”.’
(N144) nyɛ̀ nâ mbúmbù nlâ wùú gyálɛ́
nyɛ nâ mbúmbù nlâ wùú gyà-lɛ́
1.sbj comp n1-namesake ∅3.story 3.prs.neg be.long-neg
‘He [says]: “Namesake, it is easy [lit. the story isn’t long].’
(N145) sílɛ̂ dyùù fàmí wɔ́ɔ̀ wà bùdì wɛ̀ ɛ̀ nyɛ̂
sílɛ̂ dyùù fàmí w-ɔ́ɔ̀ wà b-ùdì wɛ̀ ɛ̀ nyɛ̂
finish.imp kill ∅1.family 1-poss.2sg 1:att ba2-person 2sg.fut see
‘Kill your whole family of people, you will see.’
(N146) bwánɔ̀ bɔ́ɔ̀ báà bwámò míntángánɛ́
b-wánɔ̀ b-ɔ́ɔ̀ báà bwámo H-mi-ntángánɛ́
ba2-child 2-poss.2sg 2.fut become obj.link-mi4-white.person
‘Your children will become white people.’
(N147) gyí mɛ́dɛ́ wɛ́ kɛ́ nà vũ̀ũ̀ wɛ̂
gyí mɛ́dɛ́ wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H nà vũ̀ũ̀ wɛ̂
what self 2sg-prs go-r conj worry there
‘What do you go and worry about there?”.’
(N148) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí wà núú nìyɛ̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí wà núú nìyɛ
so ∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.dist return
‘So that Nzambi returns [and goes to the family of the Nzambi who has
eaten his child].’
(N149) ɛ́kɛ̀ Nzàmbí wà nú áà sàlɛ́ bɛ̀ nà bã̂ línáá
ɛ́kɛ̀ Nzàmbí wà nú áà sàlɛ́ bɛ̀ nà bã̂ líní
excl ∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.dist 1.pst2 neg.pst be com ∅7.word when
pámò
a-H pámo
1-prs arrive
‘Oh! That Nzambi had no words as soon as he arrived [he went mad].’

598
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N150) nyɛ̀ nâ álè

nyɛ nâ álè
1.sbj comp go[French]
‘He [says]: “Ok [French: Allez!].’
(N151) nyáà ngà sílɛ́ nyî ndáwɔ̀ dé tù
nyáà ngà sílɛ́-H nyî ndáwɔ̀ dé tù
shit.imp pl finish-r enter ∅9.house loc inside
‘Piss off [talking to the other Nzambi’s family], everybody go into the
house!’
(N152) sílɛ̂ ngà nyî vâ
sílɛ̂ ngà nyî vâ
finish.imp pl enter here
‘Enter all here”.’
(N153) á lúndɛ́lɛ́ bɔ̂ lèkàá lé ndáwɔ̀ nyî nâ bɛ́ɛ̀
a-H lúndɛlɛ-H b-ɔ̂ le-kàá lé ndáwɔ̀ nyî nâ bɛ́ɛ̀
1-prs fill-r 2-obj le5-kind 5:att ∅9.house 9.dem.prox comp be.sbjv
vyâ
vyâ
full
‘He fills them in this kind of house so that it [house] be full.’
(N154) áà sílɛ́ kɛ̀ nà dvùwɔ́ dyúwɔ̀
áà sílɛ-H kɛ̀ nà dvùwɔ-H dyúwɔ
1.pst2 finish-r go conj stuff-r ∅7.top
‘He has gone and stuffed the top [with straw],’
(N155) nâ tã̂
nâ tã̂
comp tight
‘tight.’
(N156) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí dígɛ́ mísì ɛ́ mpù
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí dígɛ-H m-ísì ɛ́ mpù
so ∅1.pn look-r ma6-eye loc like.this
‘So Nzambi looks with the eyes like this [speaker imitated Nzambi how
he is visually checking the house].’

599
B Texts

(N157) nzá nzíí mɛ̂ nyɛ̂

nzá nzíí mɛ̂ nyɛ̂
who prog.prs 1sg.obj see
“Who is seeing me?’
(N158) ah mbúmbù wɛ̀ wɛ́ tɛ́lɛ́ núndɛ̀
ah mbúmbù wɛ wɛ-H tɛ́lɛ-H nú-ndɛ̀
excl ∅1.namesake 2sg.sbj 2sg-prs stand-r 1-ana
‘Ah namesake, is it you who is standing there?’
(N159) nyàá jìwɔ̀ jìwɔ̀ jìwɔ̀ wɛ̀
nyàà-H jìwɔ jìwɔ jìwɔ wɛ
shit-r close close close 2sg
‘Shit, close, close, close you!’
(N160) nà mùdã̂ wɔ́ɔ̀ wɛ́ɛ̀ bɛ́sɛ̀ báà tù wû
nà m-ùdã̂ w-ɔ́ɔ̀ wɛ́ɛ̀ b-ɛ́sɛ̀ báà tù wû
com n1-woman 1-poss.2sg excl 2-all 2.cop inside there
‘With your wife, so all are inside there”.’
(N161) lígɛ̀ sâ Nzàmbí nyɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́
lígɛ sâ Nzàmbí nyɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́
stay only ∅1.pn 1.sbj self
‘Only Nzambi [the victim of the revenge] himself stays [outside].’
(N162) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí sá mpù
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí sâ-H mpù
so ∅1.pn do-r like.this
‘So Nzambi does like this.’
(N163) à kɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ nyî pɛ̀ dyúwɔ̀ à dígɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ à díg-â
a kɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ nyî pɛ̀ dyúwɔ̀ a dígɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ a dígɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃
1.pst1 go.compl enter there on.top 1.pst1 watch.compl 1.pst1 watch.compl
dígɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀
a dígɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃
1.pst1 watch.compl
‘He went inside there on top and watched and watched and watched.’
(N164) kì nâ nzá nyɛ́ mɛ̂
kì nâ nzá nyɛ̂-H mɛ̂
say comp who see-r 1sg.obj
‘[He] says: “Who sees me?”.’

600
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N165) yá nyɛ́-lɛ́ yá nyɛ́-lɛ́ wɔ́ɔ̀

ya-H nyɛ́-lɛ́ ya-H nyɛ́-lɛ́ wɔ́ɔ̀
1pl-prs see-neg 1pl-prs see-neg 2sg.obj[Kwasio]
“We don’t see, we don’t see you”.’
(N166) nyɛ̀ nâ àwâ
nyɛ nâ àwâ
1.sbj comp thanks
‘He [says]: “Thanks”.’
(N167) nyàá sùbɔ̀ èsã̂s ɛ́ dyúwɔ̀
nyàá sùbɔ èsã̂s ɛ́ dyúwɔ̀
1.inch pour ∅1.fuel loc ∅7.top
‘He starts pouring fuel on top.’
(N168) wùùùù wùùùù
wùùùù wùùùù
ideo:pouring ideo:pouring
‘[depiction of pouring].’
(N169) álè
álè
ok[French]
‘Ok [French: Allez],’
(N170) kɔ́ɔ̀ nɔ̀ ɔ̀ brìkɛ̂ wɛ̂
kɔ́ɔ̀ nɔ̀ ɔ̀ brìkɛ̂ w-ɛ̂
SEQU take ∅1.lighter[French] 1-poss.3sg
‘then takes his lighter,’
(N171) vɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ́dɛ̀
vɛ̀ ɛ̀ bɛ́dɛ
only light
‘just lighting [the house].’
(N172) tèèè uf
tèèè uf
ideo:waiting ideo:ignition
‘[depiction of waiting and then the flame].’
(N173) mùdì kí tàtɔ̀ wúó
m-ùdì kí tàtɔ wú-o-H
n1-person neg.imp scream there-voc-dist
“Nobody scream over there!”.’

601
B Texts

(N174) áá nyáò áá táò

áá nyá-ò áá tá-ò
excl n1-mother-voc excl n1-father-voc
“Oh mother, oh father!”.’
(N175) nâ wɔ̀ m mùdì núú jí nâ wɔ̀ m
nâ wɔ̀ m m-ùdì núú jì-H nâ wɔ̀ m
comp ideo:silence n1-person 1.dem.dist stay-r comp ideo:silence
“Be there silence, that person stay silent!’
(N176) màà mâ
m-àà mâ
ma6-thing 6.dem.prox
‘These things. . .’
(N177) ɛ́ mùdì nɔ́gá núù lígɛ́ vâ
ɛ́ m-ùdì nɔ́-gá núù lígɛ-H vâ
loc n1-person 1-other 1.dem.prox stay-r here
‘Is there any person left here?”.’
(N178) lèkfúdɛ̀
le-kfúdɛ̀
le5-idiot
‘Idiot!’
(N179) à bwàá yɛ́ɛ́ kɛ́ jì mpù
a bwàà-H yɛ́ɛ́ kɛ̀ -H jì mpù
1 have-r then? go-r stay like.this
‘He [the other Nzambi] has gone and stood like this.’
(N180) nyɛ̀ nâ mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́lɛ́ wû
nyɛ nâ mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ̀ -lɛ wû
1.sbj comp 1sg.prs.neg be-neg there
‘He: “I’m not there”.’

Nze:
(N181) yà!
yà
yes[German]
‘Yes!’
Tata:

602
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N182) mìntángánɛ́ mí múà vìdɛ̀ gà dé

mi-ntángánɛ́ mi-H múà vìdɛga dé
mi4-white.person 4-prs be.almost turn loc
‘They are about to turn into white people.’
(N183) bõ̀ mpɔ̀ ngɔ̀ sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀
bõ̀ mpɔ̀ ngɔ̀ sílɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃
Ok[French] ∅7.generation finish.compl
‘Ok, the generation has been wiped out,’
(N184) nà béè bànáyɛ̂ yɛ̂
nà béè ba-náyɛ̂yɛ̂
conj 2pl.cop ba2-bleached.out
‘and you are bleached out [white].’
(N185) ɛ́ mpù mbúmbù núú láá mɛ̂ nâ
ɛ́ mpù mbúmbù núú láà-H mɛ̂ nâ
loc like.this ∅1.namesake 1.dem.dist tell-r 1sg.obj comp
‘Like this, that namesake tells me that,’
(N186) báà sâ nâ lèfû lèvúdũ̂
báà sâ nâ le-fû lè-vúdũ̂
2.fut do comp le5-day 5-one
‘they will make that one day,’
(N187) báà dyâ wû
báà dyâ wû
2.fut sleep there
‘they will sleep there.’
(N188) wɛ́ dyúwɔ́ mpù bàmìntùlɛ̀ bɔ́gá bá tsígɛ̀ tsùk-tsùk-tsùk
wɛ-H dyúwɔ-H mpù ba-mìntùlɛ̀ bɔ́-gá ba-H tsígɛ tsùk-tsùk-tsùk
2sg-prs hear-r like.this ba2-mouse 2-other 2-prs take.off ideo:rustling
‘You hear how the mice take off [depiction of noise of mice].’
(N189) àà nàmɛ́nɔ́ bwáà dè nàmɛ́nɔ́
àà nàmɛ́nɔ́ bwáà dè nàmɛ́nɔ́
excl tomorrow 2pl.fut eat tomorrow
“Ah, tomorrow you will eat [speaking to the mice], tomorrow.’
(N190) bwáà pã́ã̀ ngâ dyà nà pówàlà wû
bwáà pã́ã̀ ngâ dyà nà pówàlà wû
2pl.fut do.first pl sleep com ∅7.calm there
‘You [the mice] will first sleep quietly there.’

603
B Texts

(N191) bé dúú vũ̀ũ̀

be-H dúu-H vũ̀ũ̀
2pl-prs must.not-r worry
‘Don’t worry.’
(N192) bèdéwɔ̀ bínɛ́ mɛ̀ nzíí byɔ̂ gyámbɔ̀
be-déwɔ̀ b-ínɛ́ mɛ nzíí by-ɔ̂ gyámbɔ̀
be8-food 8-poss.2pl 1sg prog.prs 8-obj prepare
‘Your food, I am preparing it”.’

Nze:

(N193) yééééé
yééééé
excl
‘[sound of disappreciation]!’

Tata:

(N194) wùf-wùf
wùf-wùf
ideo:pitter-patter
‘[depiction of sound when mice are walking].’
(N195) bàmìntùlɛ̀ bá lèmbó nâ màmbò má bvùlɛ́
ba-mìntùlɛ̀ ba-H lèmbo-H nâ m-àmbò má bvùlɛ́
ba2-mouse 2-prs know-r comp ma6-thing 6:att ∅8.night
‘The mice know that these are things of the night.’
(N196) bá múà gyɛ́sɔ̀ bédéwɔ̀ byáwɔ́
ba-H múà gyɛ́sɔ H-be-déwɔ̀ by-áwɔ́
2-prs be.almost search obj.link-be8-food 8-poss.3pl
‘They are about to look for their food.’
(N197) ùwù-ùwù bàmìntùlɛ̀ báà wû
ùwù-ùwù ba-mìntùlɛ̀ báà wû
ideo:rustling ba2-mouse 2.cop there
‘[depiction of sound of mice] The mice are there.’
(N198) Nzàmbí nzí kàmbɔ̀
Nzàmbí nzí kàmbɔ
∅1.pn prog.pst defend
‘Nzambi was defending [the house, in vain].’

604
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N199) àá bámálá tɔ́bá mpfùmɔ̀ nà pámò mɛ́nɔ́

àá bámala-H tɔ́bá mpfùmɔ̀ nà pámo mɛ́nɔ́
1.inch scold-r since ∅3.midnight conj arrive ∅7.morning
‘He is starting to scold from midnight until the morning.’
(N200) à tɛ́lɛ́ sâ dɛ́ndì témɔ́
a tɛ́lɛ-H sâ d-ɛ́ndì témɔ́
1.pst1 stand-r only le5-courtyard middle
‘He just stood in the middle of the courtyard.’
(N201) mɛ́nɔ́ wɛ̀ ɛ̀ nyɛ̂ nâ mbúmbù nzíí kì nâ
mɛ́nɔ́ wɛ̀ ɛ̀ nyɛ̂ nâ mbúmbù nzíí kì nâ
∅7.morning 2sg.fut see comp ∅1.namesake prog.prs say comp
‘In the morning you will see that namesake is saying that,’
(N202) bímbú lékàá lé wùlà yá Nadine lɔ́ sɛ́mbɔ̀ vâ
bímbú le-kàá lé wùlà yá Nadine lɔ́ sɛ́mbɔ vâ
∅7.amount le5-kind 5:att ∅7.time 7:att ∅1.pn retro arrive here
‘the amount of time that Nadine just arrived here, [when Nadine just
arrived here]’
(N203) Nzàmbí vɛ̀ ɛ̀kɛ́ yɔ́ɔ̀ mbɛ̀
Nzàmbí vɛ̀ ɛ̀kɛ́ yɔ́ɔ̀ mbɛ̀
∅1.pn go[Bulu] open[Bulu] ∅3.door
‘Nzambi just goes open the door.’
Mambi:
(N204) vɛ̀ ɛ̀ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ kíngɛ̀ lɛ̀ kíngɛ̀ lɛ̀ kíngɛ̀ lɛ̀
vɛ̀ ɛ̀ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ kíngɛlɛ kíngɛlɛ kíngɛlɛ
only only only only become.stiff become.stiff become.stiff
‘Only, only, only, only stiff, stiff, stiff.’
Tata:
(N205) bènké’é
be-nké’é
be8-scream
‘Screams.’
(N206) Nzàmbí nké’é yá Nzàmbí núù vɛ̀ vâ
Nzàmbí nké’é yá Nzàmbí núù vɛ̀ vâ
∅1.pn ∅7.scream 7:att ∅1.pn 1.dem.prox give here
‘Nzambi, the scream that Nzambi gave here.’

605
B Texts

(N207) à nzíí kìyà nké’é

a nzíí kìya nké’é
1 prog.prs give ∅7.scream
‘He is screaming.’
(N208) ká á dígɛ́ nâ [gesture] á nyɛ́ mbúmbù wɛ́ɛ̀
ká a-H dígɛ-H nâ [gesture] a-H nyɛ̂-H mbúmbù w-ɛ̂
when 1-prs look-r comp [gesture] 1-prs see-r ∅1.namesake 1-poss.3sg
á pámò
a-H pámo
1-prs arrive
‘When he looks like [gesture], he sees his namesake who arrives.’

Aminu:

(N209) mbúmbù wà lèbɔ́’ɔ̀

mbúmbù wà le-bɔ́’ɔ̀
∅1.namesake 1:att le5-breadfruit
‘The namesake of the breadfruit.’

Tata:

(N210) àá à pámṍõ̀
àá a pámṍõ̀
excl 1.pst1 arrive.compl
‘Yes, he has arrived,’
(N211) wà màlɛ́ndí
wà ma-lɛ́ndí
1:att ma6-palm.tree
‘of the palm trees.’
(N212) yɔ́ɔ̀ á sɛ́mbɔ̀
yɔ́ɔ̀ a-H sɛ́mbɔ
so 1-prs arrive
‘So he arrives.’
(N213) mbúmbù ɛ́ ná
mbúmbù ɛ́ ná
∅1.namesake loc how
‘Namesake, how is it?’

606
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N214) mbúmbù lèbvúú léè nlémò dé

mbúmbù le-bvúú léè nlémò dé
n1.namesake le5-anger 5.cop ∅3.heart loc
‘The namesake is angry [lit. has anger in his heart].’
(N215) mɛ̀ ɛ́ lémbòlɛ̀ bàsɔ̃ ́ bɔ́ɔ̀ ɛ́ mpù báà
mɛ̀ ɛ́ lémbo-lɛ̀ bà-sɔ̃́ b-ɔ́ɔ̀ ɛ́ mpù báà
1sg.prs.neg know-neg ba2-father 2-poss.2sg loc like.this 2.cop
“I don’t know how your fathers are.’
(N216) mɛ̀ ɛ́ lémbòlɛ̀ ɛ́ mpù báà ndáwɔ̀ dé tù dénè
mɛ̀ ɛ́ lémbo-lɛ̀ ɛ́ mpù báà ndáwɔ̀ dé tù dénè
1sg.prs.neg know-neg loc like.this 2.cop ∅9.house loc inside today[Bulu]
‘I don’t know how they are in the house today”.’

Ada:

(N217) nâ wɛ̀ sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ nyàà dyùù mpɔ̀ ngɔ̀ yá bùdì

nâ wɛ sílɛ̃ɛ̃ ́ ̀ nyàà dyùù mpɔ̀ ngɔ̀ yá b-ùdì
comp 2sg.pst1 finish.compl shit kill ∅7.generation 7:att ba2-person
‘That you have completely killed a generation of people!’

Tata:

(N218) bá lɔ́ sâ ná
ba-H lɔ́ sâ ná
2-prs retro do how
‘How did they do [that]?’
(N219) bùdì bà sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ mɛ̂ wɛ̀ ndáwɔ̀ tù vâ
b-ùdì ba sílɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ mɛ̂ wɛ̀ ndáwɔ̀ tù vâ
ba2-person 2.pst1 finish.compl 1sg.obj die ∅9.house inside here
‘The people have all died here inside the house.’
(N220) ɛ́ mpù wɛ̀ nzí mɛ̂ láà
ɛ́ mpù wɛ nzí mɛ̂ láà
loc like.this 2sg prog.pst 1sg.obj tell
“You were telling me like this.’
(N221) kánâ mɛ̀ kɔ̀ bɛ́ ndáà tsì
kánâ mɛ kɔ̀ bɛ-H ndáà tsì
or 1sg.pst1 break-r also ∅7.interdiction
‘Or I also broke the prohibition,’

607
B Texts

(N222) mɛ̀ ɛ́ lémbólɛ́

mɛ̀ ɛ́ lémbo-lɛ
1sg.prs.neg know-neg
‘I don’t know”.’
(N223) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kí nâ mbúmbù
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí kì-H nâ mbúmbù
so ∅1.pn say-r comp ∅1.namesake
‘So Nzambi says: “Namesake,’
(N224) jíì sí vâ
jíì sí vâ
sit.imp down here
‘sit down here”.’
(N225) nóò
nóò
excl
‘No!’
(N226) béè bùdì bá vúdũ̂ ndí bwáá gyɛ́sɔ́ mápè’è
béè b-ùdì bá vúdũ̂ ndí bwáa-H gyɛ́sɔ-H H-ma-pè’è
2pl.cop ba2-person 2:att one but 2pl-prs search-r obj.link-ma6-wisdom
‘You are the same people, but you are looking for wisdom.’

Aminu:

(N227) ɛ̀ hɛ̂
ɛ̀ hɛ̂
excl
‘Exactly!’

Tata:

(N228) wɛ̀ lèmbṍõ̀ sâ bányá màmbò nâ ká

wɛ lèmbṍõ ̀ sâ H-ba-nyá m-àmbò nâ ká
2sg.pst1 know.compl do obj.link-ba2-important ma6-thing comp if
mɛ́ lúmɔ́ wɛ̂ nláà nâ
mɛ-H lúmɔ-H wɛ̂ nláà nâ
1sg-prs send-r 2sg.obj ∅3.message comp
“You know to do the important things that if I send you the message
that,’

608
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N229) mbúmbù kòlɛ̂ mɛ̂

mbúmbù kòlɛ̂ mɛ̀
∅1.namesake, help.imp 1sg.obj
‘namesake, help me,’
(N230) ɛ́ tè wɛ̀ gà wɛ́ njí sâ
ɛ́ tè wɛ̀ -gà wɛ-H njì-H sâ
loc there 2sg.sbj-contr 2sg-prs come-r do
‘and there you, you come to make,’
(N231) mbvúndá ɛ́ ndzǐ vâ
mbvúndá ɛ́ ndzǐ vâ
∅9.trouble loc ∅9.path here
‘trouble on the way here.’
(N232) ndí wɛ́ lèmbó nâ mbvúndá nyíì bvúdà nà mbvúndá
ndí wɛ-H lèmbo-H nâ mbvúndá nyíì bvúda nà mbvúndá
but 2sg-prs know-r comp ∅9.trouble 9.fut fight com ∅9.trouble
‘But you know that violence will create more violence”.’
(N233) Nzàmbí wà nû kɔ́ɔ̀ kìyà léwê
Nzàmbí wà nû kɔ́ɔ̀ kìya H-le-wê
∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.prox only give obj.link-le5-cry
‘This Nzambi only gives a cry.’
(N234) bààm
bààm
ideo:finishing
‘[finish].’
(N235) Nzàmbí gyĩĩ́ ̀
Nzàmbí gyĩĩ́ ̀
∅1.pn cry.compl
‘Nzambi has cried.’
(N236) à gyĩĩ́ ̀
a gyĩĩ́ ̀
1.pst1 cry.compl
‘He has cried.’
(N237) lèkfúdɛ̀ à nzí bíyɔ̀ nlô pɛ́ɛ́
le-kfúdɛ̀ a nzí bíyɔ nlô pɛ́-ɛ́
le5-idiot 1 prog.pst hit ∅3.head there-dist
‘The idiot was hitting his head there.’

609
B Texts

(N238) áà bɛ́ à bó nà màbádò nyúlɛ̀

áà bɛ̀ -H a bô-H nà ma-bádò nyúlɛ̀
1.pst2 be-r 1.pst1 lie-r com ma6-open.wound ∅9.body
‘He was being lying with open wounds on the body.’
(N239) nyɛ̀ nâ yáà mɛ́ láà
nyɛ nâ yáà mɛ-H láà
1.sbj comp yes[German] 1sg-prs say
‘He [says]: “Yes, I say’
(N240) nâ sá wɛ́ sá nɔ́gá mùdì
nâ sá wɛ-H sâ-H nɔ́-gá m-ùdì
comp ∅7.thing 2sg-prs do-r 1-other n1-person
‘the thing that you do to another person,’
(N241) àà yɔ̂ wɛ̂ nyè
àà y-ɔ̂ wɛ̂ nyè
1.fut 7-obj 2sg return
‘he will return to you”.’
(N242) yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí wà nû
yɔ́ɔ̀ Nzàmbí wà nû
so ∅1.pn 1:att 1.dem.prox
‘So this Nzambi,’
(N243) sá á sá nɔ́nɛ́gá
sá a-H sâ-H n-ɔ́nɛ́gá
∅7.thing 1-prs do-r 1-other
‘the thing that he does to the other,’
(N244) yɔ́ɔ̀ nyɛ̀ gà á nyé nyɛ̂
yɔ́ɔ̀ nyɛ̀ -gà a-H nyè-H nyɛ̂
so 1.sbj-contr 1-prs return-r 1.obj
‘so the other returns [it] to him,’
(N245) ngvùndɔ̀ nyà tè
ngvùndɔ̀ nyà tè
∅9.vengeance 9:att there
‘that vengeance.’
(N246) ɛ́ vâ màlíyɔ̀ má fúgɛ̀
ɛ́ vâ ma-líyɔ̀ ma-H fúgɛ
loc here ma6-clearing 6-prs end
‘Here, the killing [lit. clearing] ends.’

610
 B.2 Nzambi story

(N247) ɛ́ vâ màkwɛ̀ lɔ̀ má fúgɛ̀

ɛ́ vâ ma-kwɛ̀ lɔ̀ ma-H fúgɛ
loc here ma6-felling 6-prs end
‘Here, the massacre [lit. felling] ends,’
(N248) vɛ̀ ɛ̀ vâ
vɛ̀ ɛ̀ vâ
only here
‘only here.’
(N249) kàndá wɛ́ ndɛ̀
kàndá wɛ́ ndɛ̀
∅7.proverb id ana
‘This is the story.’
(N250) bàmpámbó bá líyɛ̀ líyɛ̀
ba-mpámbó ba-H líyɛ líyɛ
ba2-ancestor 2-prs leave leave
‘The ancestors leave [the story to us],’
(N251) nâ yá tã́ã̀tà békàndá bé tè
nâ ya-H tã́ã̀-tà H-be-kàndá bé tè
comp 1pl-prs tell-tell.sbjv obj.link-be8-proverbs 8:att there
‘so that we tell the stories there.’
(N252) byɔ̂ wɛ́ bíndɛ̀
by-ɔ́ wɛ́ bí-ndɛ̀
8-obj id 8-ana
‘That’s them.’
(N253) byɔ̂ bé vɛ́ bíì màpè’è
by-ɔ̂ be-H vɛ̀ -H bíì ma-pè’è
8-obj 8-prs give-r 1pl.obj ma6-wisdom
‘They give us wisdom.’

Aminu:

(N254) ká kɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃ ś ɔ́ yí wúmbɛ́ wɛ̂ dyɔ̀ dɛ̀

ká kɛ̃ɛ́ ̃ ś ɔ́ yi-H wúmbɛ-H wɛ̂ dyɔ̀ dɛ
if ∅7.égal 7-prs want-r 2sg.obj deceive
‘If somebody wants to deceive you,’

611
B Texts

(N255) wɛ́ kílɔ̀ wɔ̀

wɛ-H kílɔwɔ
2sg-prs be.vigilant
‘you are vigilant.’
(N256) wɛ́ kí nâ ɛ́y
wɛ-H kì-H nâ ɛ́y
2sg-prs say-r comp excl
‘You say: “Hey!”.’

Djiedjhie:

(N257) yí bálɛ́ gyà

yi-H bálɛ-H gyà
7-prs surpass-r ∅7.length
‘This is too long.’

612
 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

This text is a guided conversation between several speakers in the village Ngolo.
It was recorded on video in May 2011 and is the first official conversation the
DoBeS team had with the Bagyeli in Ngolo. First, the chief Nze introduces himself
and the village and states that they wish to have tin roofs instead of raffia roofs.
He further complains that people from NGOs come and go, but that they are not
really helpful. Occasionally, Nze is interrupted by Severin in Ngumba (northern
Kwasio dialect) who serves as an interpreter and loosely guides the conversation.
The topic then shifts to the construction of the port and its impact on the people
of Ngolo, who fear that roads will be built and, as a consequence, their houses
and plants will be destroyed. After Nze talks about his plans to move to his for-
mer settlement further in the forest, Severin encourages Mambi (a young man
in his early twenties) to talk about himself. Mambi explains the problems they
encounter with their Bulu neighbors. According to him, the Bulu contest their
land rights, quarrel about money with them and threaten them with physical vi-
olence. Nze shortly talks about his marital status, i.e. that he is married and has
two children before Mambi continues about their wish to obtain electricity in the
village. The third speaker in the conversation is Mama, about 17 years old, who
introduces himself as an orphan, having lost his father while his mother lives in
another village. Then, Mambi and Nze talk again about the future of their village,
their desire to obtain tin-roofed houses, and the problems with the Bulu.
Nze:

(C1) mɛ́ wúmbɛ́ lɛ́ɛ̀ nà bɔ̂

mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H lɛ́ɛ̀ nà bɔ̂
1sg-prs want-r talk[Kwasio] com 2.obj
‘I want to talk with them.’
(C2) yí ntɛ́gɛ̀ lɛ̀ ɔ̀ dyúwɔ́ mɔ̀
yi-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ ɔ dyúwɔ-H mɔ̀
7-prs disturb 2sg[Kwasio] hear-r compl
‘It disturbs, have you understood?’
(C3) yí ntɛ́gɛ̀ lɛ̀ vɛ̀ dáà mɛ́ sùmbɛ́lɛ́ bê
yi-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ vɛ̀ dáà mɛ-H sùmbɛlɛ-H bê
7-prs disturb but[Bulu] 1sg-prs greet[Kwasio]-r 2pl.obj
‘That disturbs, but I greet you.’

613
B Texts

(C4) mɛ́ sùmɛ́lɛ́ bê ndɛ̀ náà

mɛ-H sùmɛlɛ-H bê ndɛ̀ náà
1sg-prs greet-r 2pl.obj like.that
‘I greet you like this.’
(C5) jínɔ̀ lɛ́ kwàdɔ̀ yã̂ yíì Ngòló
j-ínɔ̀ lɛ́ kwàdɔ̀ y-ã̂ yíì Ngòló
le5-name 5:att ∅7.village 7-poss.1sg 7.cop ∅3.pn
‘The name of my village is Ngolo.’
(C6) pándɛ̀ té nà té mɛ̀ jínɔ̀ ná Nzɛ̀
pándɛ té nà té mɛ j-ínɔ̀ ná Nzɛ̀
arrive ∅7.position conj ∅7.position 1sg le5-name SIM ∅1.pn
‘Having arrived immediately, my name is Nze.’
(C7) kfúmà wà Nkóòlóng
kfúmà wà Nkóòlóng
∅1.chief 1:att ∅3.pn [Bulu]
‘The chief of Ngolo [uses exonym].’
(C8) kfúmà wà Nkóòlóng Nzɛ̀
kfúmà wà Nkóòlóng Nzɛ̀
∅1.chief 1:att ∅3.pn [Bulu] ∅1.pn
‘The chief of Ngolo, Nze.’

Mambi:

(C9) nyɛ̀ wɛ́ nû

nyɛ wɛ́ nû
1.sbj id 1.dem.prox
‘This is him [Nze].’
(C10) á páàngɔ́ tálɛ̀ sílɛ̀ mɛ̀ nzíí ná kɛ̀
a-H páàngɔ-H tálɛ sílɛ mɛ nzíí ná kɛ̀
1-prs do.first[Kwasio]-r begin finish 1sg prog.prs again go
‘He starts first to finish [speaking], I’m continuing again [will then speak].’

Nze:

(C11) áà mɛ̀ nzíí ná làwɔ̀ ná

áà mɛ nzíí ná làwɔ ná
yes 1sg prog.prs still talk still
‘Yes, I am still talking.’

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 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C12) gyí bí yá tfúgà yá tfúgá nà gyí

gyí bí ya-H tfúga ya-H tfúga-H nà gyí
what 1pl.sbj 1pl-prs suffer 1pl-prs suffer-r com what
‘What do we suffer, we suffer from what?.’
(C13) yá tfúgá nà ngùndyá mpángì
ya-H tfúga-H nà ngùndyá mpángì
1pl-prs suffer-r com ∅9.raffia ∅7.bamboo
‘We suffer from the straw, the bamboo.’
(C14) ká yí nyí mɛ̂ mbɔ̀ mpángì yí kùgá nâ
ká yi-H nyî-H mɛ̂ m-bɔ̀ mpángì yi-H kùga-H nâ
when 7-prs enter-r 1sg.obj N3-arm ∅7.bamboo 7-prs can-r comp
nyíì wɛ̀ mbɔ̀
nyíì wɛ m-bɔ̀
enter.sbjv 2sg N3-arm
‘When it goes into my arm . . . the bamboo can sting your arm.’
(C15) yáà fúàlà bígɛ̀ yɔ̃̂ yá vɛ́
yáà fúala bígɛ yɔ̂̃ yá vɛ́
1pl.fut end develop ∅7.time[Bulu] 7:att which
‘When will we end up developing?’
(C16) yá vyã́ã́ kɛ̀ nà kwã̂ mángùndyá wɛ̀ nà ngvùlɛ̀
ya-H vyã́ã̀-H kɛ̀ nà kwã̂ H-ma-ngùndyá wɛ nà ngvùlɛ̀
1pl-prs do.but-H go conj cut obj.link-ma6-raffia 2sg com ∅9.strength
kɛ̀ sɔ́lɛ̀ gà wû nà njí kù ɛ́ sì
kɛ̀ sɔ́lɛga wû nà njì-H kù ɛ́ sì
go fall there com come-r fall[Kwasio] loc ∅9.ground
‘We do nothing but go and cut raffia, you are strong to go [and climb a
raffia palm tree], tumbling and falling to the ground there.’
(C17) mɛ́ bvú nâ nkwálá wúù tfùndɛ́ mɛ̂ vâ
mɛ-H bvû-H nâ nkwálá wúù tfùndɛ-H mɛ̀ vâ
1sg-prs think-r comp ∅3.machete 3.pst2 miss-r 1sg.obj here
‘I think that the machete had injured [missed to seriously harm] me
here.’
(C18) ngùndyá mɛ́ kɛ́ sɔ́lɛ̀ gà ngùndyá dyúwɔ̀
ngùndyá mɛ-H kɛ̀ -H sɔ́lɛga ngùndyá dyúwɔ̀
∅9.raffia 1sg-prs go-r chop ∅9.raffia on.top
‘The raffia, I go to chop the raffia on top.’

615
B Texts

(C19) áá bíì màndáwɔ̀ má zì yáà mɔ̂ fúàlà bwɛ̂

áá bíì ma-ndáwɔ̀ má zì yáà m-ɔ́ fúala bwɛ̂
excl 1pl.obj ma6-house 6:att ∅7.tin[Bulu] 1pl.fut 6-obj end receive
lèwùlà lé vɛ́
le-wùlà lé vɛ́
le5-hour 5:att which
‘Ah, us, tin houses, when will we receive them?’
(C20) mà bɛ́ vɛ́
ma bɛ̀ -H vɛ́
6.pst1 be-r where
‘Where were they?’
(C21) mɛ́ bvú nâ bàmó tè yɔ́ɔ̀ wɛ́ yî
mɛ-H bvû-H nâ bàmó tè y-ɔ́ɔ̀ wɛ́ yî
1sg-prs think-r comp ∅7.scar there 7-obj id 7.dem.prox
‘I think, the scar there is this.’

(C22) bwà nzíí kàlànɛ̀

bwa nzíí kàlanɛ
2pl prog.prs transmit
‘Are you translating?’
(C23) yá lɔ́ fúàlà nà mɛ̀ lɔ́ làwɔ̀
ya-H lɔ́ fúala nà mɛ lɔ́ làwɔ
1pl-prs retro end conj 1sg retro talk
‘We just finished and I just spoke.’
(C24) nlã̂ wá zì ndáwɔ̀ nyà zì nyíì mɛ̂ vɛ́
nlã̂ wá zì ndáwɔ̀ nyà zì nyíì mɛ̀ vɛ́
∅3.story 3:att ∅7.tin ∅9.house 9:att tin 9.cop 1sg.obj where
‘The problem with the tin, where is the tin (roofed) house for me?’
(C25) fàmí wã̂ nyɛ̀ ngwɛ́sɛ̀ nâ á bígɛ́ɛ̀
fàmí w-ã̂ nyɛ̀ -ngwɛ́sɛ̀ nâ a-H bígɛ́ɛ̀
∅1.family 1-poss.1sg 9-entire comp 1-prs develop.sbjv
‘My whole family, may it develop.’
(C26) wúù vɛ́
wúù vɛ́
3.cop where
‘Where is it [the story of the tin]?’

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 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C27) Nkóòlòng nâ wú bígɛ́ɛ̀

Nkóòlòng nâ wu-H bígɛ́ɛ̀
∅3.pn [Bulu] comp 3-prs develop.sbjv
‘Nko’olong [name of the village], may it develop.’
(C28) ɔ̀ bâj ɔ̀ bâj ɔ̀ bâj
[straw straw straw]Bulu
‘Straw, straw, straw.’
(C29) mɛ́ ngà kɛ́ sɔ́tàn ɛ̀ lɛ̀ yɔ́ßɛ̀ tɛ̀
[1sg build go jump tree top]Bulu
‘I build and jump up on the tree.’
(C30) fá à ngà bálɛ̀ màvá
[machete 3sg 1sg hurt here]Bulu
‘The machete injured me here.’
(C31) yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ́ wúmbɛ́ mándáwɔ̀ má zì má
yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H H-ma-ndáwɔ̀ má zì ma-H
so 1sg-prs want-r obj.link-ma6-house 6:att ∅7.tin 6-prs
tɛ́wɔ́’ɔ̀ mɛ̂ vâ ndá zì
tɛ́wɔ̀ ɔ̀ mɛ vâ ndá zì
put.sbjv 1sg.obj here att[Bulu] ∅7.tin[Bulu]
‘So I want tin (roofed) houses that they be put here for me, of tin.’
(C32) má kì má yánɛ́ bî ndà zì jálɛ́ tèvá
[1sg too 1sg have houses att tin village att here]Bulu
‘Me too, I have tin (roofed) houses in the village here.’

Severin:

(C33) làwɔ̂ bágyɛ̀ lì

làwɔ̂ H-ba-gyɛ̀ lì
speak.imp obj.link-2-Gyeli
‘Speak Gyeli!’

Nze:

(C34) mɛ́ làwɔ́ náà màndáwɔ̀ má zì má kùgáà

mɛ-H làwɔ-H nâ ma-ndáwɔ̀ má zì ma-H kùgáà
1sg-prs say-r comp ma6-house 6:att ∅7.tin 6-prs be.enough.sbjv

617
B Texts

mɛ̂ vâ
mɛ vâ
1sg.obj here
‘I say that there should be enough tin (roofed) houses here for me.’
(C35) bàgyɛ̀ lì bá sɔ́ bà sílɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ bígɛ̀
ba-gyɛ̀ lì bá sɔ́ ba sílɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ bígɛ
2-Gyeli 2:att ∅1.friend 2.pst1 finish.compl develop
‘The fellow Bagyeli have already all developed.’
(C36) bí bɔ́ɔ̀ yá bígɛ́ mpá’à wá vɛ́
bí b-ɔ́ɔ̀ ya-H bígɛ-H mpá’à wá vɛ́
1pl.sbj 2-other 1pl-prs develop-r ∅3.side 3:att which
‘How will we others develop?’
(C37) mɛ́ kɛ́ dvùmɔ̀ nkùndyá dyúwɔ̀
mɛ-H kɛ̀ -H dvùmɔ nkùndyá dyúwɔ̀
1sg-prs go-r fall ∅9.raffia on.top
‘I go fall from the raffia palm up there,’
(C38) kɛ̀ kwã̂ ngùndyá mbvúɔ̀ nzíí nɔ̀
̂
kɛ̀ kwã ngùndyá mbvúɔ̀ nzíí nɔ̀
go cut ∅9.raffia ∅1.rain prog.prs rain
‘going cutting the raffia when it’s raining.’
(C39) ngà wɛ́ nyɛ́ nyɛ̂
ngà wɛ-H nyɛ̂-H nyɛ̂
Q(tag) 2sg-prs see-r see
‘Right, you see [that] often.’
(C40) ngùndyá tè nyɔ́ bɛ́ nyî
ngùndyá tè ny-ɔ́ bɛ̀ -H nyî
∅9.raffia there 9-obj be-r 9.dem.prox
‘The raffia there, that is it.’
(C41) ndí mɛ̀ mɛ̀ yà bà fàmí wã̂ yáà bígɛ̀ yɔ̃ ɔ́ ̃̀
ndí mɛ mɛ ya bà fàmí w-ã ̂ yáà bígɛ yɔ̃́ɔ̀̃
but 1sg 1sg 1pl ap ∅1.family 1-poss.1sg 1pl.fut develop ∅7.time[Bulu]
yá vɛ́ ɛ́ yã̂ kwádɔ́ nâ yíì vàágɔ̀
yá vɛ́ ɛ́ y-ã̂ kwádɔ́ nâ yíì vàágɔ̀
7:att which loc 7-poss.1sg ∅7.village comp 7.cop animated
‘But I, I, we, my family, when will we develop, so my part of the village
be lively?’

618
 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C42) mɛ̀ bɛ́ ngyɛ̃̂ Ngvùmbɔ̀

mɛ bɛ̀ -H n-gyɛ̂̃ Ngvùmbɔ̀
1sg.pst1 be-r n1-guest ∅1.pn
‘I was a guest of the Ngumba.’
(C43) mɛ̀ nyɛ́ kwádɔ́ yî Kúndúkùndù
mɛ nyɛ̂-H kwádɔ́ yî Kúndúkùndù
1sg.pst1 see-r ∅7.village 7.dem.prox ∅7.pn
‘I saw this village, Kundukundu.’
(C44) vɛ̀ ɛ̀ màndáwɔ̀ má zì mɔ̂ nà mɔ̂
vɛ̀ ɛ̀ ma-ndáwɔ̀ má zì m-ɔ́ nà m-ɔ́
only ma6-house 6:att ∅7.tin 6-obj com 6-obj
‘Only tin (roofed) houses, each of them.’
(C45) mɛ̀ gà ɛ́ɛ̀ yã̂ kwádɔ́ yɔ́gà
mɛ̀ -gà ɛ́ɛ̀ y-ã̂ kwádɔ́ y-ɔ́-gà
1sg.sbj-contr excl 7-poss.1sg ∅7.village 7-obj-contr
‘As for me, right, my [part of the] village too!’
(C46) wɛ̀ gà wɛ̀ njí dyɔ̀ dɛ̀ bùdì
wɛ̀ -gà wɛ njì-H dyɔ̀ dɛ b-ùdì
2sg.sbj-contr 2sg.pst1 come-r deceive ba2-person
‘As for you, you came to deceive people.’
(C47) mínɔ̀ má bùdì mà kɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀ máà vɛ́
m-ínɔ̀ má b-ùdì ma kɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃ máà vɛ́
ma6-name 6:att ba2-person 6.pst1 go.compl 6.cop where
‘The people’s names have gone, where are they? [strangers come once,
but do not return again].’
(C48) lèbvúú lé tè lɔ́ɔ̀ yá bùdɛ́ lɛ̂
le-bvúú lé tè lɔ́ɔ̀ ya-H bùdɛ-H lɛ̂
le5-anger 5:att there 5.cop 1pl-prs have-r 5.dem.prox
‘The anger there it is that which we have.’
(C49) vɛ̀ ɛ̀ nàmɛ́nɔ́ nàmɛ́nɔ́ nà pámò dẽ̀
vɛ̀ ɛ̀ nàmɛ́nɔ́ nàmɛ́nɔ́ nà pámo dẽ̀
only tomorrow tomorrow com arrive today
‘Only tomorrow, tomorrow, until today. [only heard promises, but never
any actions]’

Severin in Ngumba:

619
B Texts

(C50) bùrè bvùbvù bɔ́ ʃí nzì wâ

people many 2 prog come here
‘Are many people coming here?’

Nze:

(C51) éè bvùbvù pílì mɛ́ làwɔ́ mpù mɛ̀ ɛ́ válɛ́

éè bvùbvù pílì mɛ-H làwɔ-H mpù mɛ̀ ɛ́ vá-lɛ́
yes many when 1sg-prs speak-r like.this 1sg.prs.neg tolerate-neg
làwɔ̀
làwɔ
speak
‘Yes, many. When I speak like this, I’m not lying [lit. I don’t tolerate to
talk].’
(C52) yíì nâ báà bvùbvù
yíì nâ báà bvùbvù
7.cop comp 2.cop many
‘It is true that they are many.’
(C53) bwánɔ̀ békúmbé bé bà njí nà byɔ̂ bé tɛ́lɛ́
b-wánɔ̀ be-kúmbé bé ba njì-H nà by-ɔ̂ be-H tɛ́lɛ-H
ba2-child be8-tin 8:att 2.pst1 come-r com 8-obj 8-prs stand-r
màbé
mà-bé
here-8
‘The few tin roofs that they brought stand here.’
(C54) màndáwɔ̀ má tɛ́lɛ́ màmá
ma-ndáwɔ̀ ma-H tɛ́lɛ-H mà-má
ma6-house 6-prs stand-r here-6
‘Houses stand here.’
(C55) bèsàndyá lèwúmɔ̀ nà bétánɛ̀
be-sàndyá lè-wúmɔ̀ nà bé-tánɛ̀
be8-raffia.mat le5-ten conj 8-five
‘Fifteen raffia mats,’
(C56) byɔ̀ bé tɛ́lɛ́ bé
by-ɔ̀ be-H tɛ́lɛ-H (mà-)bé.
8-obj 8-prs stand-r 8
‘They stand here.’

620
 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C57) bèkúmbɛ́ báà njì nà byɔ̂ nà báà njì lwɔ̃̂ mándáwɔ̀

be-kúmbɛ́ báà njì nà byɔ̂ nà báà njì lwɔ̂̃ H-ma-ndáwɔ̀
be8-roof 2.fut come com 8 conj 2.fut come build obj.link-ma6-house
‘They will bring roofs and they will come and build houses.’
(C58) bímbú lɛ́ fàmí wã̂ wà mɛ̀ bùdɛ́ mà
bímbú lɛ́ fàmí w-ã̂ wà mɛ bùdɛ-H mà
∅5.amount 5:att ∅1.family 1-poss.1sg 1:att 1sg.pst1 have compl[Kwasio]
‘The size of my family that I have gotten. . .’
(C59) ndáwɔ̀ tè ká mɛ́ lã́ tè
ndáwɔ̀ tè ká mɛ-H lã̀-H tè
∅9.house there when 1sg-prs pass-r there
‘The house there, when I pass there. . .’
(C60) ɛ́ pɛ́ɛ́ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ lwɔ̃̂ nyá ndáwɔ̀
ɛ́ pɛ́-ɛ́ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ lwɔ̂̃ nyá ndáwɔ̀
loc there-dist 1sg.fut build real ∅9.house
‘I will build a real house over there.’
(C61) ɛ́ pɛ́ɛ́ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ jìyɔ̀
ɛ́ pɛ́-ɛ́ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ jìyɔ
loc there-dist 1sg.fut stay
‘I will live over there, here I heard that here it [they] will come and
destroy all.’
(C62) ɛ́ vâ mɛ̀ dyùwɔ́ nâ ɛ́ vâ yíì sílɛ̀ njì búlɛ̀
ɛ́ vâ mɛ dyùwɔ-H nâ ɛ́ vâ yíì sílɛ njì búlɛ
loc here 1sg.pst1 hear-r comp loc here 7.fut finish come destroy
‘I heard that everything here will become destroyed.’
(C63) bímbú lɛ́ mámbɔ̀ ngɔ̀ máà mɛ̂ vâ
bímbú lɛ́ ma-mbɔ̀ ngɔ̀ máà mɛ̀ vâ
∅5.amount 5:att ma6-plant 6.cop 1sg.obj here
‘I have many plants here.’
(C64) mɛ́ kɛ́ jìyɔ̀ vɛ́ yá bà fàmí wã̂
mɛ-H kɛ̀ -H jìyɔ vɛ́ ya-H bà fàmí w-ã̂
1sg-prs go-r stay where 1pl-prs ap ∅1.family 1-poss.1sg
‘Where will I live, we with my family?’

Severin in Ngumba:

621
B Texts

(C65) bã̂ njè bû wáá

2.fut arrive break here
‘Will they come to destroy the place here?’

Nze:

(C66) mɛ́ dyúwɔ́ nâ mpàgó wá pɔ́dɛ̀ lã́ vâ

mɛ-H dyúwɔ-H nâ mpàgó wá pɔ́dɛ̀ lã̀-H vâ
1sg-prs hear-r comp ∅3.street 3:att ∅1.port pass-r here
‘I hear that the road to the port passes [will pass] here. ’
(C67) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ kálɛ̀ ná bɛ̀ nà jí ɛ́ vâ
mɛ̀ ɛ̀ kálɛ̀ ná bɛ̀ nà jí ɛ́ vâ
1sg.fut neg.fut still be com ∅7.place loc here
‘I won’t have a place here anymore.’
(C68) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ jíbì nyɛ̀ mɛ́ kɛ́ ɛ́ pɛ̀ búùlɛ̀
mɛ̀ ɛ̀ jíbì nyɛ̀ mɛ-H kɛ̀ -H ɛ́ pɛ̀ búùlɛ̀
1sg.fut first return 1sg-prs go-r loc there ∅7.old.settlement
‘I will first return, I go over there to the old settlement.’
(C69) ɛ́ pɛ̀ mɛ́ɛ̀ tɛ́
ɛ́ pɛ̀ mɛ́ɛ̀ tɛ̂-H
loc there 1sg.pst2 found-PST
‘Over there I had originally settled.’
(C70) áà kɛ́ndɛ́ gyà
áà kɛ́ndɛ́ (yá) gyà
excl ∅7.walk 7:att ∅7.distance
‘Oh, it’s a long walk.’
(C71) báà tfùbɔ̀ ndáà
báà tfùbɔ ndáà
2.fut pierce also
‘They will cut [a road there] too,’
(C72) báà tfùbɔ̀ báà tfùbɔ̀
báà tfùbɔ̀ báà tfùbɔ̀
2.fut pierce 2.fut pierce
‘they will cut, they will cut.’

622
 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C73) mpàgó wá nùmbà wúù

mpàgó wá nùmbà wúù
∅3.road 3:att ∅1.logger there
‘The road of the loggers there.’
(C74) tè mɛ̀ ɛ̀ jíbì kɛ̀ lwɔ̃̂ tè
tè mɛ̀ ɛ̀ jíbì kɛ̀ lwɔ̂̃ tè
there 1sg.fut first go build there
‘There, I will first go to build [his house] there.’
(C75) àmú vâ mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́lɛ́ nà sí ɛ́ vâ
àmú vâ mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́-lɛ́ nà sí ɛ́ vâ
because[Bulu] here 1sg.prs.neg be-neg com ∅9.ground loc here
‘Because here I don’t have any land.’
(C76) ɛ́ vâ mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́lɛ́ nà sí vâ
ɛ́ vâ mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́-lɛ́ nà sí vâ
loc here 1sg.prs.neg be-neg com ∅9.ground here
‘Here I don’t have any property.’
(C77) wɛ́ dyúwɔ́ nâ mɛ̀ nzíí kɛ̀ nà kwɛ̀ lɔ̀ málɛ́ndí
wɛ-H dyúwɔ-H nâ mɛ nzíí kɛ̀ nà kwɛ̀ lɔ H-ma-lɛ́ndí
2sg-prs hear-r comp 1sg prog.prs go conj fell obj.link-6-palm.tree
tè ɛ́ vâ
tè ɛ́ vâ
there loc here
‘Do you hear that I’m going to fell these palm trees here?’
(C78) mɛ̀ nzíí kɛ̀ nà vúlɛ́ lévúdũ̂ nà lèvúdũ̂ mɛ́
mɛ nzíí kɛ̀ nà vúlɛ-H H-le-vúdũ̂ nà le-vúdũ̂ mɛ-H
1sg prog.prs go conj take.away-r obj.link-le5-one com le5-one 1sg-prs
táálɛ́ sílɛ̀ nyùlɛ̀
táálɛ-H sílɛ nyùlɛ
begin-r finish drink
‘I’m taking down [palm trees] one by one, I start to drink [them] up
[make palm wine out of them].’
(C79) m̀m̀ ndɛ̀ náà lèkɛ́lɛ̀ léndɛ̀ lɛ́ɛ̀ nâ
m̀m̀ ndɛ̀ náà le-kɛ́lɛ̀ lé-ndɛ̀ lɛ́ɛ̀ nâ
excl like.this le5-word 5-ana 5.cop comp
‘Yes, like this. The word is that. . .’

623
B Texts

other speaker:

(C80) nà mìmbàngá nà màsá nà bègyí nà bègyí

nà mi-mbàngá nà ma-sá nà be-gyí nà be-gyí
conj mi4-coconut.tree conj ma6-prune conj be8-what conj be8-what
‘both the coconut trees and the African plum trees and so on and so
forth,’
(C81) byɛ́sɛ̀ béè sílɛ̀ ntàmànɛ̀
by-ɛ́sɛ̀ béè sílɛ ntàmanɛ
8-all 8.fut finish ruin
‘they will all be ruined.’

Nze:

(C82) màsá mâ vâ kɛ́ nà ntàmànɛ̀ nà màbɔ́’ɔ̀

ma-sá mâ vâ kɛ̀ -H nà ntàmanɛ nà ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀
ma6-African.plum 6.dem.prox here go-r conj ruin conj ma6-breadfruit
tu tu tu ngùɔ́
tu tu tu ngùɔ́
all[French] all[French] all[French] ∅7.sugar.cane
‘These African plum trees will be ruined and the breadfruit trees, every-
thing, the sugar cane.’
(C83) mɛ̀ bìyɛ́ làwɔ̀ nâ àà bwánɔ̀ bã̂
mɛ bìyɛ-H làwɔ nâ àà b-wánɔ̀ b-ã̂
1sg in.vain? speak comp excl ba2-child 2-poss.1sg
‘I say in vain: “ah, my children. . .”.’
(C84) yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ̀ jìlɛ́ kwádɔ́ yî
yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ jìlɛ-H kwádɔ́ yî
so 1sg.pst1 stay-r ∅7.village 7.dem.prox
‘So I stayed in this village.’

Severin in French asking about Mambi:

(C85) C’est qui là

it.is who there
‘Who is this there?’

Nze:

624
 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C86) ntɛ́mbɔ́ wã̂ wɛ́ nû

ntɛ́mbɔ́ w-ã̂ wɛ́ nû
∅1.younger.sibling 1-poss.1sg id 1.dem.prox
‘This is my little brother.’

Mama:

(C87) ntùmbà wã̂ wɛ́ nû

ntùmbà w-ã̂ wɛ́ nû
∅1.older.brother 1-poss.1sg id 1.dem.prox
‘This is my big brother.’

Nze:

(C88) mwánɔ̀ wã̂ ndáà wɛ́ nù

m-wánɔ̀ w-ã̂ ndáà wɛ́ nù
n1-child 1-poss.1sg also id 1.dem.prox
‘This is also my child.’

Djiedjhie:

(C89) pã̂ bígɛ̀

pã̂ bígɛ̀ .
do.first.imp develop
‘Speak first.’

Mambi:

(C90) bõ̀ mwa mɛ́ɛ́ béè alónzì vâ

bõ̀ mwa mɛ́ɛ́ béè alónzì vâ
good[French] 1sg.emph[French] 1sg.cop 2pl.cop come.on[French] here
tè nà bèyá njí nyɛ̂ bágyèlì
tè nà bèya-H njì-H nyɛ̂ H-ba-gyèlì
there conj 2pl-prs come-r see obj.link-ba2-Gyeli
‘Good, me, I’m, you are, allons-y, here that you come to see the Bagyeli.’

Severin in French:

(C91) C’est toi qui

it.is 2sg who
‘Who are you?’

625
B Texts

Mambi:

(C92) mɛ̀ jínɔ̀ ná Màmbì mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́lɛ́ nà mùdã̂

mɛ j-ínɔ̀ ná Màmbì mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́-lɛ́ nà m-ùdã̂
1sg le5-name SIM ∅1.pn 1sg.prs.neg be.neg com n1-woman
‘My name is Mambi, I don’t have a wife.’
(C93) mɛ̀ pálɛ́ lìí bâ
mɛ pálɛ́ lìí bâ
1sg.pst1 neg.pst yet marry
‘I am not yet married.’

Nze:

(C94) à pálɛ́ lìí bâ

a pálɛ́ lìí bâ
1.pst1 neg.pst yet married
‘He is not yet married.’

Mambi:

(C95) mɛ̀ jínɔ̀ ná Màmbì Màmbì

mɛ j-ínɔ̀ ná Màmbì Màmbì
1sg le5-name SIM ∅1.pn ∅1.pn
‘My name is Mambi, Mambi.’

Nze:

(C96) mɛ̀ bùdɛ́ bwánɔ̀ bábáà

mɛ bùdɛ-H b-wánɔ̀ bá-báà
1sg have-r ba2-child 2-two
‘I have two children.’

Mambi:

(C97) pílì bèyá lɔ́ njì ɛ́ vâ tɛ́ɛ̀ dẽ́

pílì bèya-H lɔ́ njì ɛ́ vâ tɛ́ɛ̀ dẽ́
when 2pl-prs retro come loc here now today
‘When you just arrived here now today,’

626
 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C98) nâ bèyá njí nyɛ̂ bá-gyèlì vwálà

nâ bèya-H njì-H nyɛ̂ H-ba-gyèlì vwálà
comp 2pl-prs come-r see obj.link-ba2-Gyeli there.it.is[French]
‘so that you come to see the Bagyeli, there they are.’
(C99) bí bɔ́gà yá wúmbɛ́ ndáà mínsáyá mí màmbò
bí b-ɔ́gà ya-H wúmbɛ-H ndáà H-mi-nsáyá mí m-àmbò
1pl.sbj 2-other 1pl-prs want-r also obj.link-mi4-deed 4:att ma6-thing
bèyá sá bî myɔ̂ kí bɛ̀ mí mpà
bèya-H sâ-H bî my-ɔ̂ kí bɛ̀ mí mpà
2pl-prs do-r 1pl.obj 4-obj neg[Kwasio] be 4:att good
‘Us, the others, we want also the deeds of things that you do us, they
are not good.’
(C100) ká bèyá bùdɛ́ másà wùnɛ́
ká bèya-H bùdɛ-H másà w-ùnɛ́
if 2pl-prs have-r ∅1.boss 1-poss.2pl
‘If you have your boss,’
(C101) ká másà wùnɛ́ njì yá láá másà wùnɛ́ nâ
ká másà w-ùnɛ́ njì ya-H láà-H másà w-ùnɛ́ nâ
if ∅1.boss 1-poss.2pl come 1pl-prs tell-r ∅1.boss 1-poss.2pl comp
mìnsáyá mí bèyá sâ mí bɛ́lɛ́ mpà vúdũ̂ wɛ́ yí-ndɛ̀
mi-nsáyá mí bèya-H sâ mi-H bɛ́-lɛ́ mpà vúdũ̂ wɛ́ yí-ndɛ̀
mi4-deed 4:att 2pl-prs do 4-prs be-neg good one id 7-ana
‘If your boss comes we will tell him that the things that you do are not
good, that is the first thing.’
(C102) yá mbàà yá mbàà yíì nâ kɔ́ɔ̀ mpù ɛ́ Nzìwù lɔ́
yá mbàà yá mbàà yíì nâ kɔ́ɔ̀ mpù ɛ́ Nzìwù lɔ́
7:att second 7:att second 7.cop comp still like.this loc ∅1.pn retro
táálɛ̀ làwɔ̀ nâ bõ̀
táálɛ làwɔ nâ bõ̀
begin talk comp good[French]
‘The second, the second is that still as Nze just began to say that, good,’
(C103) kwádɔ́ yá Ngòló yá jìlɛ́ màyì
kwádɔ́ yá Ngòló ya-H jìlɛ-H mà-yì
∅7.village 7:att ∅3.pn 1pl-prs seat-r here-7
‘The village Ngolo, we have found it here.’

627
B Texts

(C104) yáà ndáà vâ dísù bvúlɛ̀ bá vèlásá bíì nà

yáà ndáà vâ dísù bvúlɛ̀ ba-H vèlasa-H bíì nà
1pl.cop also here first.off[Bulu] ba2.Bulu 2-prs contest-r 1pl.obj com
kwádɔ́ yî
kwádɔ́ yî
∅7.village 7.dem.prox
‘We are also here, first off, the Bulu contest our [ownership of] this vil-
lage.’
(C105) bvúlɛ̀ bá ntɛ́gɛ́lɛ́ ndáà bíyɛ̀
bvúlɛ̀ ba-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ-H ndáà bíyɛ̀
ba2.Bulu 2-prs bother-r also 1pl.obj
‘The Bulu bother us, too.’
(C106) bvúlɛ̀ bà bùdɛ́ nâ ká wɛ̀ ngyɛ̀ lì wɛ̀ bùdɛ́ tsídí wɔ̂
bvúlɛ̀ ba bùdɛ-H nâ ká wɛ n-gyɛ̀ lì wɛ bùdɛ-H tsídí w-ɔ̂
ba2.Bulu 2 have-r comp if 2sg n1-Gyeli 2sg have-r ∅1.animal 1-poss.2sg
bá sɛ̀ ngɛ́ nyɛ̂ sí
ba-H sɛ̀ ngɛ-H nyɛ̂ sí
2-prs lower-r 1.obj down
‘The Bulu say that if you, Gyeli, you have your animal [for sale], they
lower it [its price].’
(C107) bɛ́ɛ́ wɛ̀ nzíí dyúwɔ̀ mɛ̂ vwálà bõ̀
bɛ́ɛ́ wɛ nzíí dyúwɔ mɛ̂ vwálà bò
right 2sg prog.prs hear 1sg.obj ok[French] good[French]
‘Right, you hear me? Ok, good. . .’
(C108) yá nà yí báàlá nâ bèdɔ̀ wɔ̀ nà bvúlɛ̀ báà nâ
yá nà yi-H báàla-H nâ bèdɔwɔ nà bvúlɛ̀ báà nâ
7:att fourth 7-prs repeat-r comp hang.on? com ba2.Bulu 2.cop comp
wɛ̀ , sílɛ̂ kɛ̀ sâ sálɛ́
wɛ sílɛ̂ kɛ̀ sâ sálɛ́
2sg finish.imp go do ∅7.work
‘The fourth thing about the Bulu is that they say, “you, go and finish
[all] the work”.’
(C109) ká wɛ́ sílɛ́ kɛ̀ sâ sálɛ́ mɛ́ pílì wɛ́ kɛ́ nâ
ká wɛ-H sílɛ-H kɛ̀ sâ sálɛ́ mɛ́ pílì wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H nâ
if 2sg-prs finish-r go do work.7 but[French] when 2sg-prs go-r comp

628
 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

wɛ́ kɛ́ jíì mònɛ́ wɔ̂ á làwɔ́ wɛ̂ nyùmbò

wɛ-H kɛ̀ -r jíì mònɛ́ w-ɔ̂ a-H làwɔ-H wɛ̂ nyùmbò
2sg-prs go-r ask ∅1.money 1-poss.2sg 1-prs tell-r 2sg ∅3.mouth
‘If you go do all the work [for a Bulu person], but when you go and ask
for your money, he [the Bulu person] frowns at you.’
(C110) nyɛ̀ náà à múà wɛ̂ bíyɔ̀
nyɛ nâ a múà wɛ̀ bíyɔ
1.sbj comp 1 be.almost 2sg.obj hit
‘He [says] that he is about to beat you.’
(C111) nyɛ̀ náà à múà wɛ̂ bíyɔ̀ dẽ́
nyɛ nâ a múà wɛ̀ bíyɔ dẽ́
1.sbj comp 1 be.almost 2sg.obj hit today
‘He [says] that he is about to beat you today,’
(C112) nkàmɔ̀ nà mònɛ́ wɔ̂ dyúwɔ̀
nkàmɔ̀ nà mònɛ́ w-ɔ̂ dyúwɔ̀
∅9.reason com ∅1.money 1-poss.2sg on.top
‘because of your money.’
(C113) pílì wɛ́ kɛ́ nâ wɛ́ kɛ́ tɔ́kɛ̀ mwánɔ̀ sáyà bvúlɛ̀
pílì wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H nâ wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H tɔ́kɛ m-wánɔ̀ sáyà bvúlɛ̀
when 2sg-prs go-r comp 2sg-prs go-r collect n1-child ∅7.thing ba2.Bulu
à bùdɛ́ lébvúú nà mɛ̂
a bùdɛ-H H-le-bvúú nà mɛ̂
1 have-H obj.link-le5-anger com 1sg.obj
‘When you go to gather a small thing, the Bulu is angry with me.’
(C114) mɛ̀ nzí dyâ vâ kùgúù dẽ̀ màfû mábáà
mɛ nzí dyâ vâ kùgúù dẽ̀ ma-fû má-báà
1sg prog.pst lie.down here ∅7.evening today ma6-day 6-two
‘I was sleeping here in the evening two days ago.’
(C115) mɛ̀ bɛ́ nà mùdã̂ wà mí də mil
mɛ bɛ̀ -H nà m-ùdã̂ wà m-í də mil
1sg.pst1 be-r com n1-woman 1:att n1-non-Pygmy two[French] thousand[French]
‘I owed a Bantu farmer woman two thousand [Cameroon Francs].’
(C116) ɛ́ vâ ndáwɔ̀ vâ mùdã̂ wà mí àà njì
ɛ́ vâ ndáwɔ̀ vâ m-ùdã̂ wà m-í àà njì
loc here ∅9.house here n1-woman 1:att n1-non-Pygmy 1.fut come

629
B Texts

dúwɔ̀ lévúdũ̂
d-úwɔ̀ lé-vúdũ̂
le5-day 5-one
‘This house over here, the Bantu farmer woman will come the same day,’
(C117) ɛ́ pɛ̀ njì jíì mònɛ́ wɛ́ɛ̀ ɛ́ pɛ̀ njì jíì
ɛ́ pɛ̀ njì jíì mònɛ́ w-ɛ̂ ɛ́ pɛ̀ njì jíì
loc over.there come ask ∅1.money 1-poss.3sg loc over.there come ask
‘there in order to come ask for her money, there to come ask.’
(C118) yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ́ tɔ́kɛ́ mɔ̀ nɛ́ wɛ̂ vɛ̀ nyɛ̂
yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ-H tɔ́kɛ-H mɔ̀ nɛ́ w-ɛ̂ vɛ̀ nyɛ̂
so 1sg-prs collect-r ∅1.money 1-poss.3sg give 1.obj
‘So I collect her money [and] give [it to] her,’
(C119) nâ ndɛ̀ náà yíì mpà
nâ ndɛ̀ náà yíì mpà
comp like.this 7.cop good
‘that like this it be good.’
(C120) bõ̀ pílì yí báàlá nà bɛ̀ ndɛ̀ náà ndɛ̀ náà ndáà ná
bõ ̀ pílì yi-H báàla-H nà bɛ̀ ndɛ̀ náà ndɛ̀ náà ndáà ná
good[French] when 7-prs repeat-r conj be like.that like.that also still
‘So, when it continues and is still like this and like that.’
(C121) bvúlɛ̀ bà bùdɛ́ mà sá yíì ná vúdũ̂
bvúlɛ̀ ba bùdɛ-H mà sá yíì ná vúdũ̂
ba2.Bulu 2 have compl[Kwasio] ∅7.thing 7.cop again one
‘There is one more thing about the Bulu.’
(C122) wɛ́ kɛ́ nà nyɛ̂ nkɔ̃̀wáká nyɛ̀ gà à nzíí wɛ̂
wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H nà nyɛ̂ nkɔ̃wáká ̀ nyɛ̀ -gà a nzíí wɛ̂
2sg-prs go com 1.obj equal.sharing 1.sbj-contr 1 prog.prs 2sg.obj
vã́ã̀kɛ́ sâ mpù
vã́ã̀kɛ́ sâ mpù
go[Bulu] do like.this
‘You go with him equally sharing, he tries to trick you [lit. he is going
to do you like this].’
(C123) pílì yí múà ndáwɔ̀ nyà mànyɔ̀ ndɛ̀ náà
pílì yí múà ndáwɔ̀ nyà ma-nyɔ̀ ndɛ̀ náà
when 7 be.almost ∅9.house 9:att ma6-drink like.this
‘When it is at a bar like this,’

630
 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C124) á kí náà à múà njì bvúdà nà wɛ̂

a-H kì-H nâ a múà njì bvúda nà wɛ̂
1-prs say-r comp 1 be.almost come quarrel com 2sg.obj
‘he says that he is about to come quarrel with you.’
(C125) pílì mwánɔ̀ bàgyɛ̀ lì àà nyɛ̂ kɛ̀ bíyɔ̀
pílì m-wánɔ̀ ba-gyɛ̀ lì àà nyɛ̂ kɛ̀ bíyɔ
when n1-child ba2-Gyeli 1.fut 1.obj go hit
‘At times the Gyeli child, he will go hit it,’
(C126) kɛ̀ nyɛ̂ bíyɔ̀ mpù
kɛ̀ nyɛ̂ bíyɔ mpù
go 1.obj hit like.this
‘hit it like this.’
(C127) báà nâ bìsɔ́mɔ̀ nɛ̀ bìsɔ́mɔ̀ nɛ̀ bé nyì
báà nâ bi-sɔ́mɔ̀ nɛ̀ bi-sɔ́mɔ̀ nɛ̀ be-H nyì
2.cop comp be8-complaint be8-complaint 8-prs enter
‘it is their fault that again and again complaints start.’
(C128) dɔ̃̀ pɛ̀ tsíyɛ̀ pɔ́nɛ́ lékɛ́lɛ̀ bvúlɛ̀ bá ntɛ́gɛ́lɛ́ bíì
dɔ̀̃ pɛ̀ tsíyɛ pɔ́nɛ́ le-kɛ́lɛ̀ bvúlɛ̀ ba-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ-H bíì
so[French] there cut ∅7.truth le5-word ba2.Bulu 2-prs bother-r 1pl.obj
ɛ́ vâ
ɛ́ vâ
loc here
‘So, to say the truth, the Bulu bother us here.’
(C129) kwádɔ́ yá wɛ́ nyɛ̂ yá jìlɛ́ mà wá
kwádɔ́ yá wɛ-H nyɛ̂ ya-H jìlɛ-H mà wá
∅7.village 7:att 2sg-prs see 1pl-prs place-r compl[Kwasio] here[Kwasio]
yî
yî
7
‘The village that you see, we have found it here.’
(C130) bvúlɛ̀ bá ntɛ́gɛ́lɛ́ bíì kwádɔ́ yá wɛ́ nyɛ̂ yá
bvúlɛ̀ ba-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ-H bíì kwádɔ́ yá wɛ-H nyɛ̂ ya-H
ba2.Bulu 2-prs bother-r 1pl.obj ∅7.village 7:att 2sg-prs see 1sg-prs
jìlɛ́ mà wá yî
jìlɛ-H mà wá yî
seat-r compl[Kwasio] here[Kwasio] 7
‘The Bulu bother us. The village that you see, we have found it here.’

631
B Texts

Severin in Ngumba:
(C131) bùdì bɔ́nɛ̀ gà bɔ́ pɛ̂ mbíɛ̀ bɔ́ lɛ́ɛ̀ náà mí
ba2-person 2-other 2 there ∅3.high 2.prs say comp 2.non.Pygmy
bɔ́ kwàlɛ́ b-ùdã̂ b-ɔ̀ ɔ̀
2.prs love ba2-woman 2-poss.2sg
‘The other people there upstream say that the Bulu love your women.’
Mambi:
(C132) vwálà wɛ̀ ɛ̀ njǐ nà njǐ wɛ̀ ɛ̀ njǐ nà njǐ
vwálà wɛ̀ ɛ̀ njǐ nà njǐ wɛ̀ ɛ̀ njǐ nà njǐ
ok[French] 2sg.cop ∅9.path conj ∅9.path 2sg.cop ∅9.path conj ∅9.path
‘Exactly, you are on the right track.’
(C133) dɔ̃̀ bɛ̀ yá lɔ́ kɛ̀ nà bɛ̀ yà nzíí pándɛ̀
dɔ̀̃ bɛ̀ ya-H lɔ́ kɛ̀ nà bɛ̀ ya nzíí pándɛ
so[French] 2pl-prs retro go conj 2pl prog.prs arrive
‘So, you just came and you are arriving,’
(C134) bɛ̀ yá nzíyɛ̀ bíyɛ̀ kfùmàlà
bɛ̀ ya-H nzíyɛ̀ bíyɛ̀ kfùmala
2pl-prs come.sbjv 1pl.obj find
‘you may come to meet us.’
(C135) bùdì bɛ́sɛ̀ bà nzíí kɛ̀ nà kɛ́ dẽ́ bèjìí dé tù
b-ùdì b-ɛ́sɛ̀ ba nzíí kɛ̀ nà kɛ̀ -H dẽ́ be-jìí dé tù
ba2-person 2-all 2 prog.prs go conj go-r today be8-forest loc inside
‘All the people are going into the forest today.’
(C136) dɔ̃̂ bɛ̀ yá nzíyɛ̀ bíyɛ̀ kfùmàlà
dɔ̂̃ bɛ̀ ya-H nzíyɛ̀ bíyɛ̀ kfùmala
so[French] 2pl-prs come.sbjv 1pl.obj find
‘So, you may come to meet us.’
(C137) bɔ́nɛ́gá báà ná jìí dé tù
b-ɔ́nɛ́gá báà ná jìí dé tù
2-other 2.cop still ∅7.forest loc inside
‘The others are still in the forest.’
(C138) bɛ̀ yá nzíyɛ̀ bíyɛ̀ kfùmàlà vâ
bɛ̀ ya-H nzíyɛ̀ bíyɛ̀ kfùmala vâ
2pl-prs come.sbjv 1pl.obj find here
‘You may come to meet us here.’

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 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C139) dɔ̃̀ bí yá táálɛ́ bê yàlànɛ̀ àà

dɔ̀̃ bí ya-H táálɛ-H bê yàlanɛ àà
so[French] 1pl.sbj1pl-prs begin-r 2pl.obj respond[Bulu] excl
‘So we start to respond to you, mhm.’
Severin in Ngumba:
(C140) wɛ̀ sí lɛ́ɛ̀ náà ɔ̀ bírì bùrã̂ bɔ̀ nìà
2sg prog.pst say comp 2sg have ba2-woman 2:att how.many
‘You said you have how many wives?’
Nze:
(C141) nà mɛ̂
nà mɛ̂
Q 1sg
‘Me?’
Mambi:
(C142) à bùdɛ́ mà mùdã̂
a bùdɛ-H mà m-ùdã̂
1 have-r compl[Kwasio] n1-woman
‘He already has a wife.’
Nze:
(C143) mɛ̀ bùdɛ́ mà mùdã̂ mvúdũ̂
mɛ bùdɛ-H mà m-ùdã̂ m-vúdũ̂
1sg have-r compl[Kwasio] n1-woman 1-one
‘I have already one wife.’
(C144) bwánɔ̀ mpù [gesture showing 2]
b-wánɔ̀ mpù
ba2-child like.this
‘that many children [gesture showing 2].’
(C145) bwánɔ̀ bá bùdã̂ bábáà èè nà mwánɔ̀ wà mùdã̂
b-wánɔ̀ bá b-ùdã̂ bá-báà èè nà m-wánɔ̀ wà m-ùdã̂
ba2-child 2:att ba2-woman 2-two excl conj n1-child 1:att n1-woman
nláálɛ̀ ndáà ná
nláálɛ̀ ndáà ná
three also again
‘Two girls, yes, and also again a third girl.’

633
B Texts

(C146) mm ndí nyɛ̀ gà à ndáà lèbá ɛ́ pɛ̀

mm ndí nyɛ̀ -gà a ndáà le-bá ɛ́ pɛ̀
excl but 1.sbj-contr 1 also le5-marriage loc there
‘Mhm, but the other one has gotten also married over there.’
(C147) à kɛ́ bwálɛ̀ nà eeehhh
a kɛ́ bwálɛ nà eeehhh
1.pst1 go be.born conj excl
‘She was born elsewhere and eehmmm. . .’
(C148) ntɛ́mbɔ̀ wà mùdã̂ wã̂ nyɛ̀ wɛ́ bùdɛ́ mwánɔ̀
ntɛ́mbɔ̀ wà m-ùdã̂ w-ã̂ nyɛ wɛ́ bùdɛ-H m-wánɔ̀
∅1.younger.sibling 1:att n1-woman 1-poss.1sg 1.sbj id have-r n1-child
wà mùdã̂ mvúdũ̂
wà m-ùdã̂ m-vúdũ̂
1:att n1-woman 1-one
‘It’s my wife’s younger sister who has one girl.’
(C149) kwádɔ́ yáwɔ̀ yɔ̂ wɛ́ yî
kwádɔ́ y-áwɔ̀ yɔ̂ wɛ́ yî
∅7.village 7-poss.3pl 7 id 7.dem.prox
‘Their village is this one.’
(C150) ká wɛ́ nyɛ́ mɛ̂ jíì sâ vâ nâ bá nzíyɛ̀ bá
ká wɛ-H nyɛ̂-H mɛ̂ jíì sâ vâ nâ ba-H nzíyɛ̀ ba-H
if 2sg-prs see-r 1sg.obj stay only here comp 2-prs come.sbjv 2-prs
nzíyɛ̀ jìyɔ̀
nzíyɛ̀ jìyɔ
come.sbjv stay
‘When you see me just staying here, so that they come, they come to
stay.’

Mambi:

(C151) yá wúmbɛ́ ndáà náà bí bɔ́gà yá pángɔ́

ya-H wúmbɛ-H ndáà nâ bí b-ɔ́gà ya-H pángɔ-H
1pl-prs want-r also comp 1pl.sbj 2-other 1pl-prs do.first[Kwasio]-r
bɛ̀
bɛ̀
be
‘We also want that we others first have. . .’

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 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C152) nà kùrã̂ ndáà

nà kùrã̂ ndáà
com ∅7.electricity also
‘also electricity.’
(C153) ónóò bí bɔ́gà yá pã́ jî bényámɛ̀ ná
ónóò bí b-ɔ́gà ya-H pã̂-H jî H-be-nyámɛ̀ ná
excl 1pl.sbj 2-other 1pl-prs do.first-r stay obj.link-be8-poor still
‘Ohhh, we others will first stay still poor.’
(C154) yá bɛ́lɛ́ nà kùrã̂
ya-H bɛ̀ -lɛ́ nà kùrã̂
1pl-prs be-neg com ∅7.electricity
‘We have no electricity.’
(C155) mɛ́ dyúwɔ́ nâ mìntángánɛ́ mí nzíí njì mí nzíí
mɛ-H dyúwɔ-H nâ mi-ntángánɛ́ mí nzíí njì mí nzíí
1sg-prs hear-r comp mi4-white.person 4 prog.prs come 4 prog.prs
njì
njì
come
‘I hear that white people are coming and coming.’
(C156) mìntángánɛ́ métì mí sá náà
mi-ntángánɛ́ mé-tì mi-H sâ-H nâ
mi4-white.person 4-DEM[Bulu] 4-prs do-r comp
‘The white people make that,’
(C157) bàmɔ̀ nɛ́ bá vɛ́ bɔ̂ ɛ́ pɛ̀ sɔ́’ɔ̀ wû
ba-mɔ̀ nɛ́ ba-H vɛ̀ -H b-ɔ̂ ɛ́ pɛ̀ sɔ́’ɔ̀ wû
ba2-money 2-prs give-r 2-obj loc there before there
‘the money they give them there [in Europe] before. . .’
(C158) bí bɔ́gà yá wúmbɛ́ ndáà pã̂ nyɛ̂ sâ bá gyíbɔ́
bí bɔ́-gà ya-H wúmbɛ-H ndáà pã̂ nyɛ̂ sâ ba-H gyíbɔ-H
1pl.sbj 2-other 1pl-prs want-r also do.first see ∅7.thing 2-prs call-r
ngyùlɛ̀ wá kùrã̂
ngyùlɛ̀ wá kùrã̂
∅3.light 3:att ∅7.electricity[French]
‘We others, we also want to first see the thing they call the light of elec-
tricity.’

635
B Texts

(C159) wú bɛ́ mà bî ndáwɔ̀ dé tù

wú bɛ̀ -H mà bî ndáwɔ̀ dé tù
3 be-r compl[Kwasio] 1pl.obj ∅9.house loc inside
‘That it was already in our houses!’
(C160) màndáwɔ̀ má báà lwɔ̂
ma-ndáwɔ̀ má báà lwɔ̂
ma6-houses 6:att 2.fut build
‘The houses that they will build,’
(C161) má bá lwɔ́ bî
má ba-H lwɔ̂-H bî
6:att 2-prs build-r 1pl
‘that they build for us.’
(C162) mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́lɛ́ mùdì wà lèkɛ́lɛ̀
mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́-lɛ́ m-ùdì wà le-kɛ́lɛ̀
1sg.prs.neg be-neg n1-person 1:att le5-word
‘I’m not a person of many words.’

Severin in Ngumba:

(C163) wɛ̀ wɛ́ yíì nzɛ́ gyí ywɛ̀ límbó màmbì mɔ́-míyà bɔ́ ʃíí
2sg.sbj 2sg 7.cop who what 2sg know ma6.thing 6-all 2.prs prog
sâ
do
‘Who are you? What do you know about all the things they do?’

Nze to Mama:

(C164) wɛ́ làwɔ́ tɛ́ɛ̀

wɛ-H làwɔ-H tɛ́ɛ̀
2sg-prs talk-r now
‘You speak now.’

Mama:

(C165) èè mɛ̀ jínɔ̀ ná Màmà

èè mɛ̀ j-ínɔ̀ ná Màmà
yes 1sg le5-name SIM ∅1.pn
‘Yes, my name is Mama.’

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 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C166) yíì pɔ́nɛ́ kɔ́ɔ̀ lèváá lɛ̀ vúdũ̂ nâ bí bá ntɛ́gɛ́lɛ́

yíì pɔ́nɛ́ kɔ́ɔ̀ le-váá lɛ̀ -vúdũ̂ nâ b-í ba-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ-H
7.cop ∅7.truth still le5-thing 5-one comp ba2-non.Bagyeli 2-prs bother-r
bágyɛ̀ lì
H-ba-gyɛ̀ lì
obj.link-ba2-Gyeli
‘It is true, still the same thing that the non-Bagyeli bother the Bagyeli.’
(C167) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ vâ sã̂ wã́ à wɛ́ mɛ̀ ɛ̀ mwánɔ̀ nyùlɛ̀
mɛ̀ ɛ̀ vâ sã̂ w-ã́ a wɛ̀ -H mɛ̀ ɛ̀ m-wánɔ̀ nyùlɛ̀
1sg.cop here ∅1.father 1-poss.1sg 1.pst1 die-r 1sg.cop n1-child orphan
‘I’m here, my father has died, I’m an orphan.’

Nze:

(C168) èé lûngà yá sã́ wɛ́ɛ̀ yɔ́ɔ̀ yíì

èé lûngà yá sã́ w-ɛ̂ y-ɔ́ɔ̀ yíì
excl ∅7.grave 7:att ∅1.father 1-poss.3sg 7-obj 7.cop
‘Right, his father’s grave is over there.’

Mama:

(C169) lûngà yá sã́ wã̂ yɔ́ bɛ́ yíí

lûngà yá sã́ w-ã ̂ y-ɔ́ bɛ̀ -H yíí
∅7.grave 7:att ∅1.father 1-poss.1sg 7-obj be-r 7.dem.dist
‘My father’s grave is over there.’
(C170) bwánɔ̀ bá kálɛ́ bã̂ bɔ́ bá kɛ́
b-wánɔ̀ bá kálɛ́ b-ã ̂ b-ɔ́ ba-H kɛ̀ -H
ba2-child 2:att ∅1.older.sister 2-poss.1sg 2-obj[Kwasio] 2-prs go-r
sílɛ̀ pándɛ̀
sílɛ pándɛ
finish arrive
‘The children of my older sister, they all arrive.’

Nze:

(C171) yáà nyɛ̀ wɛ́ nû

yáà nyɛ wɛ́ nû
excl 1.sbj id 1.dem.prox
‘Yes, this is him.’

637
B Texts

Mama:
(C172) nyã́ã̀ wã̂ núú Ntàbɛ̀ tɛ́ndá pɛ̀
nyã́ã̀ w-ã̂ núú Ntàbɛ̀ tɛ́ndá pɛ̀
∅1.mother 1-poss.1sg 1.dem.dist ∅3.pn there
‘My mother is over there in Ntabetenda [name of village].’
(C173) à nzí kɛ̀ létsíndɔ́ lé ntùmbà
a nzí kɛ̀ H-le-tsíndɔ́ lé n-tùmbà
1 prog.pst go obj.link-le5-funeral.ceremony 5:att n1-older.brother
wã̂
w-ã̂
1-poss.1sg
‘She was going to my older brother’s funeral ceremony.’
Nze:
(C174) nɔ́gá à nzí wɛ̀ wû
n-ɔ́gá a nzí wɛ̀ wû
1-other 1 prog.pst die there
‘That one died over there.’
Mama:
(C175) nɔ́nɛ́gá à nzí wɛ̀ wû
nɔ́-nɛ́gá a nzí wɛ̀ wû
1-other 1 prog.pst die there
‘That one died over there.’
(C176) yɔ́ɔ̀ pɔ̀ nɛ̀ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ mpù
yɔ́ɔ̀ pɔ̀ nɛ̀ vɛ̀ ɛ̀ mpù
so ∅7.thruth still like.this
‘It is still true like this.’
(C177) bɔ́nɛ́gá bá lɔ́ sílɛ̀ làwɔ̀ nâ bvúlɛ̀ bá ntɛ́gɛ́lɛ́ bágyɛ̀ lì
bɔ́-nɛ́gá ba-H lɔ́ sílɛ làwɔ nâ bvúlɛ̀ ba-H ntɛ́gɛlɛ-H H-ba-gyɛ̀ lì
2-other 2-prs retro finish speak comp ba2.Bulu 2-prs bother-r obj.link-ba2-Gyeli
‘The others have just said that the Bulu bother the Bagyeli,’
(C178) kɛ̀ nà kwàlɛ̀ bùdã̂ kɛ̀ nà kwàlɛ̀ bùdã̂ bá bágyɛ̀ lì
kɛ̀ nà kwàlɛ b-ùdã̂ kɛ̀ nà kwàlɛ b-ùdã̂ bá ba-gyɛ̀ lì
go conj love ba2-woman go conj love ba2-woman 2:att ba2-Gyeli
‘coming and loving the women, coming and loving the women of the
Bagyeli.’

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 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

Severin in Ngumba:

(C179) jínásá náà wà pɛ́lí lí bɛ̀ nà m-ùrã̂

mean comp 2sg neg.pst yet be com 1-woman
‘That means that you haven’t been yet with a woman?’

Nze:

(C180) àà mwã̂ ntùà àà mwã̂ ntúà

àà m-wã̂ ntùà àà m-wã̂ ntúà.
1.cop n1-child small 1.cop n1-child small
‘He is a small child, he is a small child.’

Mama:

(C181) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ nyá mùdì nà nyɛ̂

mɛ̀ ɛ̀ nyá m-ùdì nà nyɛ̂
1sg.cop real n1-person conj 1.obj
‘I’m an adult and him [Mambi].’
(C182) yà pálɛ́ bɛ̀ nà bùdã̂
ya pálɛ́ bɛ̀ nà b-ùdã̂
1pl neg.pst be com ba2-woman
‘We did not have any women.’

Severin in Ngumba:

(C183) ɔ́ kɛ́ nà lywɛ́lɛ́ b-ùdã̂ bì-jìnáà

2sg.prs go conj show ba2-woman be8-finger
‘You go and hit on women [lit. show women with fingers]?’

Mama:

(C184) mɛ̀ fúgɛ̃ ɛ́ ̃̀

mɛ fúgɛ̃ɛ́ ̀̃
1sg.pst1 finish.compl
‘I have finished.’

Nze:

639
B Texts

(C185) á kí náà à sílɛ́ mà

a-H kì-H nâ a sílɛ-H mà
1-prs say-r comp 1.pst1 finish compl[Kwasio]
‘He says that he has finished.’

Mambi:

(C186) dɔ̃̀ bã̀ yíì nâ bí yá wúmbɛ́ nâ nyá

dɔ̀̃ bã̀ yíì nâ bí ya-H wúmbɛ-H nâ nyá
so[French] ∅7.word 7.cop comp 1pl.pn 1pl-prs want-r comp real
màmbɔ̀ máà mpà
m-àmbɔ̀ máà mpà
ma6-thing 6.cop good
‘So, the truth is that we want the important things to be good,’
(C187) màndáwɔ̀ má zì
ma-ndáwɔ̀ má zì
ma6-house 6:att ∅7.tin[Bulu]
‘tin-roofed houses,’
(C188) nà nà kùrã̂ màndáwɔ̀
nà nà kùrã̂ ma-ndáwɔ̀
conj conj ∅7.electricity ma6-house
‘and, and electricity in the houses.’
(C189) kí dyúwɔ̀ nâ bà lwɔ́ ndáwɔ̀ vúdũ̂ ndí màndáwɔ̀
kí dyúwɔ nâ ba lwɔ̂-H ndáwɔ̀ vúdũ̂ ndí ma-ndáwɔ̀
neg understand comp 2.pst1 build-r ∅9.house one but ma6-houses
‘Not understanding that they [white people] built one house, but houses,’
(C190) mùdì nyɛ̀ ngwɛ̂ màndáwɔ̀
m-ùdì nyɛ ngwɛ̂ ma-ndáwɔ̀
n1-person 1 all[Kwasio] ma6-house
‘every person [their] houses.’
(C191) nà bí bɛ́sɛ̀ kɔ́ɔ̀ kùrã̂ bɛ̀ dé tù
nà bí b-ɛ́sɛ̀ kɔ́ɔ̀ kùrã̂ bɛ̀ dé tù
com 1pl.sbj 2-all still ∅7.electricity be loc inside
‘with all of us just electricity be inside.’

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 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C192) bã̂ yã̂ màfwálá wɛ́ yíndɛ̀

bã̂ y-ã̂ ma-fwálá wɛ́ yí-ndɛ̀
∅7.word 7-poss.1sg ma6-end id 7-ana
‘My last word is this.’

Severin in Ngumba:

(C193) bíyɔ̀ bí lɛ́ɛ̀ náà sí nyà bɛ́-lɛ́, dí bíyà lwò yɛ́

2pl.sbj 2pl.prs say comp ∅9.land 9 be-neg but 2pl build where
‘You say that you don’t have any land, but where do you build?’

Mambi:

(C194) báà bù mpàgó pílì pɔ̀ dɛ̀ àà lã̀

báà bù mpàgó pílì pɔ̀ dɛ̀ àà lã̀
3.fut break ∅3.road when ∅1.port 1.fut pass
‘They will build a road when the port is built.’
(C195) à múà njì lã̀, báà bù mpàgó
a múà njì lã̀ báà bù mpàgó
1 be.almost come pass 2.fut break ∅3.road
‘It [the port] is about to come [and the road to it will] pass [by here],
they will build the road.’
(C196) báà bù mpàgó pílì pɔ́dɛ̀ àà vâ njì tsíyɛ̀ vâ
báà bù mpàgó pílì pɔ́dɛ̀ àà vâ njì tsíyɛ̀ vâ
2.fut break ∅3.road when ∅1.port 1.cop here come cut here
‘They will build a road when the port is here, coming and cutting [the
forest] here.’
(C197) bá báà bù mpàgó
bá báà bù mpàgó
2.sbj 2.fut break ∅3.road
‘They will build a road.’

Nze:

(C198) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ kɛ̀ búùlɛ̀ yã̂

mɛ̀ ɛ̀ kɛ̀ búùlɛ̀ y-ã̂
1sg.fut go ∅7.old.camp 7-poss.1sg
‘I will go to my old settlement.’

641
B Texts

Mambi:
(C199) èhè báà bù mpàgó nà pámò pɛ̀ Kyíɛ̀ ngɛ̀
èhè báà bù mpàgó nà pámo pɛ̀ Kyíɛ̀ ngɛ̀
excl 2.fut break ∅3.road com arrive over.there ∅7.pn
‘Yes, they will build a road up to Kienge [river and name for Kribi].’
(C200) bá nà ngvùlɛ̀ bíyɛ̀ sílɛ̀ lwɔ̃̂ mándáwɔ̀
bá nà ngvùlɛ̀ bíyɛ̀ sílɛ lwɔ̂̃ H-ma-ndáwɔ̀
2 com ∅9.strength 1pl.obj finish build obj.link-ma6-house
‘They have the strength to build us all houses.’
(C201) wɛ̀ dyúwɔ́ mɔ̀
wɛ dyúwɔ-H mɔ̀
2sg.pst1 hear-r compl
‘Have you understood?’
(C202) báà sílɛ̀ bî kúmbà lwɔ̃̂ mándáwɔ̀
báà sílɛ bî kúmba lwɔ̂̃ H-ma-ndáwɔ̀
2.fut finish 1pl.obj arrange build obj.link-ma6-house
‘They will arrange for us to build houses.’
Mambi:
(C203) bá kɛ́ ndáà nà tɛ́lɛ́ mákùndù má kùrã̂
ba-H kɛ̀ -H ndáà nà tɛ́lɛ-H H-ma-kùndù má kùrã̂
2-prs go-r also conj put-r obj.link-ma6-clay.house 6:att ∅7.electricity
kɛ́-kɛ́-kɛ́-kɛ́-kɛ́
kɛ́-kɛ́-kɛ́-kɛ́-kɛ́
ideo:repeated.placement
‘They also go and put up clay houses with electricity, [depiction of
putting the electricity poles along the road].’
(C204) wɛ̀ dyúwɔ́ mɔ̀
wɛ dyúwɔ-H mɔ̀
2sg.pst1 hear-r compl
‘Have you understood?’
Nze:
(C205) ɛ́ pɛ̀ bà sílɛ́ bî lwɔ̃̂ mándáwɔ̀ ɛ́ pɛ̀
ɛ́ pɛ̀ ba sílɛ-H bî lwɔ̂̃ H-ma-ndáwɔ̀ ɛ́ pɛ̀
loc there 2.pst1 finish-r 1pl.obj build obj.link-ma6-house loc there
‘There, they have finished building us houses there.’

642
 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C206) ɔ̀ dyúwɔ́ mɔ̀

ɔ dyúwɔ-H mɔ̀
2sg.pst1[Kwasio] understand-r compl
‘Have you understood?’
(C207) mm nâ yí kádɔ́ nâ mùdì bɛ̀ tí njì nà yímbɔ̀
mm nâ yi-H kádɔ-H nâ m-ùdì bɛ̀ tí njì nà yímbɔ̀
excl comp 7-prs be.plenty-r comp n1-person be go[?] come conj visit
mhm
mhm
excl
‘Mhm, so that there will be plenty [of electricity] so that people come for
a visit [which they don’t at the moment because there is no electricity].
Mhm.’
(C208) pã̂ mɛ̂ láà tè
pã̂ mɛ̂ láà tè
do.first.imp 1sg.obj tell there
‘Tell me how they would come.’
(C209) bímbú lɛ́ mámbòngò mâ wɛ̀ mɛ́dɛ́ dígɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́
bímbú lɛ́ ma-mbòngò mâ wɛ mɛ́dɛ́ dígɛ̂ mɛ́dɛ́
∅5.amount 5:att ma6-plant 6.dem.prox 2sg.sbj self look.imp self
‘The number of these plants, take a look yourself [these plants will all
be destroyed],’
(C210) nâ á dyúwɔ́ bágyɛ̀ lì
nâ a-H dyúwɔ-H H-ba-gyɛ̀ lì
comp 1-prs understand-r obj.link-ba2-Gyeli
‘so that she [Nadine] understands the Bagyeli.’
Mambi:
(C211) bã̀ wɛ́ làwɔ̀ bá dyúwɔ́ sâ yɛ́sɛ̀
bã̀ wɛ-H làwɔ ba-H dyúwɔ-H sâ y-ɛ́sɛ̀
∅7.word 2sg-prs speak 2-prs understand-r ∅7.thing 7-every
‘The words that you speak, they understand everything. [not the lan-
guage, but what is promised]’
(C212) bíì bá dyúwɔ́ lɛ́kɛ́lɛ̀ lé wɛ́ làwɔ̀
bíì ba-H dyúwɔ-H H-lɛ-kɛ́lɛ̀ lé wɛ-H làwɔ
1pl.sbj 2-prs understand obj.link-le5-language 5:att 2sg-prs speak
‘We, they understand the language that you speak.’

643
B Texts

Mama:

(C213) wɛ́ nyɛ́ mbɛ́ yá bá njí líbɛ̀ lɛ̀ yíndɛ̀

wɛ-H nyɛ̂-H mbɛ́ yá ba-H njì-H líbɛlɛ yí-ndɛ̀
2sg-prs see-r ∅7.thing 7:att 2-prs come-r show 7-ana
‘You see the thing [camera] that they came to show there.’
(C214) wɛ́ tɛ́bɔ́ númbá vúdũ̂
wɛ-H tɛ́bɔ-H númbá vúdũ̂
2sg-prs put-r ∅7.place one
‘Stay in the same place! [don’t move because of the camera]’

Nze:

(C215) mɛ́ mɛ̀ bùdɛ́ nâ ɛ́ pɛ̀

mɛ́ mɛ bùdɛ-H nâ ɛ́ pɛ̀
but[French] 1sg have-r comp loc over.there
‘But I say that over there,’
(C216) ɛ́ wû bèyá lwɔ̃ ́ kwádɔ́ yã̂ ɛ́ wû
ɛ́ wû bèya-H lwɔ̂̃ -H kwádɔ́ y-ã̂ ɛ́ wû
loc there 2pl[Kwasio]-prs build-r ∅7.village 7-poss.1sg loc there
‘there you build my village over there.’
(C217) kwádɔ́ yã̂ màndáwɔ̀ má zì
kwádɔ́ y-ã̂ ma-ndáwɔ̀ má zì
∅7.village 7-poss.1sg ma6-house 6:att ∅7.tin[Bulu]
‘My village, tin houses.’

Délégué:

(C218) vwálà bùgù yɛ́sɛ̀

vwálà bùgù y-ɛ́sɛ̀
there.it.is[French] ∅7.place 7-all
‘There it is, the entire place.’

Nze:

(C219) mɛ̀ bùdɛ́ nâ á lwɔ́ngɔ́ mɛ̂ màndáwɔ̀

mɛ bùdɛ-H nâ a-H lwɔ́ngɔ-H mɛ̂ ma-ndáwɔ̀
1sg have-r comp 1-prs build[Kwasio]-r 1sg.obj ma6-house
‘I say that she [Nadine] builds me houses,’

644
 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C220) búùlɛ̀ yá Ngɔ̀ lɔ́ Ngɔ̀ lɔ́ Ngɔ̀ lɔ́

búùlɛ̀ yá Ngɔ̀ lɔ́ Ngɔ̀ lɔ́ Ngɔ̀ lɔ́
∅7.old.camp 7:att ∅3.pn ∅3.pn ∅3.pn
‘at the old settlement of Ngolo, Ngolo, Ngolo.’
(C221) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ lwɔ́ngɔ̀ mándáwɔ̀ Ngɔ̀ lɔ́ zì nà
mɛ̀ ɛ̀ lwɔ́ngɔ H-ma-ndáwɔ̀ Ngɔ̀ lɔ́ zì nà
1sg.fut build[Kwasio] obj.link-ma6-house ∅3.pn ∅7.tin[Bulu] com
zì
zì
∅7.tin[Bulu]
‘I will build houses in Ngolo, each with tin (roofs).’
(C222) yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ́ wúmbɛ́ wû
y-ɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ-H wúmbɛ-H wû
7-obj 1sg-prs want-r there
‘That is what I want there.’
(C223) àmú mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́lɛ́ nà sí vâ
àmú mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́-lɛ́ nà sí vâ
because[Bulu] 1sg.prs.neg be-neg com ∅9.ground here
‘Because I don’t have any land here.’
(C224) bã̀ yá bwánɔ̀ bá lɔ́ làwɔ̀ yíì tè
bã̀ yá b-wánɔ̀ ba-H lɔ́ làwɔ yíì tè
∅7.word 7:att ba2-child 2-prs retro speak 7.cop there
‘What the children just said is true [lit. their word is there].’
(C225) mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́lɛ́ nà sí vâ
mɛ̀ ɛ́ bɛ́-lɛ́ nà sí vâ
1sg.prs.neg be-neg com ∅9.ground here
‘I don’t have any land here.’
(C226) mɛ̀ ɛ̀ vâ mpínásâ
mɛ̀ ɛ̀ vâ mpínásâ
1sg.cop here squeezed
‘I’m squeezed here.’
(C227) dɔ̃̀ sí nyã̂ nyíì búùlɛ̀ yá Ngɔ̀ lɔ́
dɔ̀̃ sí ny-ã̂ nyíì búùlɛ̀ yá Ngɔ̀ lɔ́
so[French] ∅9.ground 9-poss.1sg 9:COP ∅7.old.camp 7:att ∅3.pn
‘So, my land is the old settlement of Ngolo.’

645
B Texts

Mambi:

(C228) lé yá wɛ́ nyɛ̂ bá gyíbɔ́ ngàlɛ́ yíì

lé yá wɛ-H nyɛ̂ ba-H gyíbɔ-H ngàlɛ́ yíì
∅7.tree 7:att 2sg-prs see 2-prs call-r ∅7.tree.species 7.cop
‘The tree that you see that they call ‘ngàlɛ́’ is that.’
(C229) bá lã́ pámò vâ tɛ́ɛ̀ bà kwɛ̀ lɔ̃ ɔ́ ̃̀ yɔ̀ kílɛ̀
̀
ba-H lã-H pámo vâ tɛ́ɛ̀ ba kwɛ̀ lɔ̃́ɔ̃ ̀ y-ɔ̀ kílɛ̀
2sg-prs pass-r arrive here now 2sg.pst1 cut.compl 7-obj neg[Kwasio]
dyúwɔ̀ tsíyà
dyúwɔ̀ tsíyà
hear ∅1.question
‘They pass and arrive here now, they cut it already, without asking [lit.
not hearing a question].’
(C230) yɔ́ɔ̀ yɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ̀ jìlɛ́ mà
y-ɔ́ɔ̀ y-ɔ́ɔ̀ mɛ jìlɛ-H mà
7-obj 7-obj 1sg.pst1 place-r compl[Kwasio]
‘This, this I have placed [there].’

Djiedjhie in Mabi:

(C231) pfúmá m-í lɛ́ɛ́ mɛ̂ náà bíì tí wúmbɛ̀ sá

chief n1-non.Pygmy say 1sg.sbj comp 2pl.sbj neg want do
bì-sálɛ̀ bɔ̀ pwã̂ bì-dólò bí bíná dólò ywɛ̂ bí
be8-work 2 pay be8-money 2pl refuse ∅7.money 7.poss.3sg 2pl
wúmbɛ́ sá náà líní bí sá bì-sálɛ̀ bɔ́ kíyá bî mà-nyùà
want ∅7.thing comp when 2pl do bi8-work 2 give 2pl ma6-drink
‘The chief of the farmers [Bulu] told me that you don’t want to be paid
money when you work, you refuse their money, you want that when
you work you be given alcohol.’

Mambi:

(C232) àà kfúmá ndɛ̀ wà Nlúnzɔ̀

àà kfúmá ndɛ̀ wà Nlúnzɔ̀
ECXL ∅1.chief ana 1:att ∅1.pn
‘Ah, that chief from Nlunzo!’

Nze:

646
 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C233) àà á sɔ́’ɔ̀
àà a-H sɔ́’ɔ̀
excl 1-prs quit
‘Ah, may he quit!’

Mambi:

(C234) yɛ̀ ngɛ̀ -yɛ̀ ngɛ̀ nâ bùdì bá ndyándyá wû kàlɛ̀ gà bíyɛ̀

yɛ̀ ngɛ̀ -yɛ̀ ngɛ̀ nâ b-ùdì ba-H ndyándya-H wû kàlɛga bíyɛ̀
especially comp ba2-person 2-prs work-r there stop.over 1pl.obj
pándɛ̀ dígɛ̀ bíyɛ̀ vâ yà bùdɛ́ vâ nâ pílì wɛ́ kɛ́
pándɛ dígɛ bíyɛ̀ vâ ya bùdɛ-H vâ nâ pílì wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H
arrive watch 1pl.obj here 1pl have-r here comp when 2sg-prs go-r
bésàlɛ́ bèjɔ́wɔ̀ bé kùgúù nà bé lévídósí
H-be-sàlɛ́ be-jɔ́wɔ̀ bé kùgúù nà bé le-vídósí
obj.link-be8-work be8-day.labor 8:att ∅7.evening conj 8:att le5-morning
‘Especially people who work there stop over, come to see us here, we
say that when you go to do day labor in the evening and in the morning,’
(C235) dɔ̃̀ wɛ̀ bùdɛ́ ná bàfû wɛ́ yànɛ́ gyàgà bɔ̂
dɔ̃ ̀ wɛ bùdɛ-H ná ba-fû wɛ-H yànɛ-H gyàga b-ɔ̂
so[French] 2sg be-r again ba2-fish 2sg-prs must-r buy 2-obj
‘so, you have fish again, you have to buy them.’
(C236) wɛ́ símásá ndáà sìgá
wɛ-H símasa-H ndáà sìgá
2sg-prs regret-r also ∅1.cigarette
‘You also regret [that you don’t have] a cigarette [because you cannot
afford it].’
(C237) wɛ́ símásá ndáà ŋwándɔ́
wɛ-H símasa-H ndáà ŋwándɔ́
2sg-prs regret-r also ∅3.manioc.stick
‘You also regret [not to have] manioc sticks [local starchy food].’
(C238) wɛ́ yànɛ́ ná gyàgà ndísì
wɛ-H yànɛ-H ná gyàga ndísì
2sg-prs must-H again buy ∅3.rice
‘You must again buy rice,’

647
B Texts

(C239) pílì wɛ́ lèmbó nâ bùdì bá ndáwɔ̀ bvùbvù

pílì wɛ-H lèmbo-H nâ b-ùdì bá ndáwɔ̀ bvùbvù
when 2sg-prs know-r comp ba2-person 2:att ∅9.house many
‘when you know that there are many people at home.’
Nze:
(C240) ɛ̀ sɛ́ béé ndáà bèyá làwɔ́ fàlà
ɛ̀ sɛ́ béé ndáà bèya-H làwɔ-H fàlà
is.it[French] 2pl.sbj also 2pl[Kwasio]-prs speak-r ∅1.French
‘Isn’t it, you also, you speak French.’
(C241) mɛ̀ ɛ́ láwɔ̀ lɛ̀ fàlà
mɛ̀ ɛ́ láwɔ-lɛ̀ fàlà
1sg.prs.neg speak-neg ∅1.French
‘I don’t speak French.’
(C242) nzá núù dè nzá núù nyímɛ̀
nzá núù dè nzá núù nyímɛ
who 1.fut eat who 1.fut refuse
‘Who will eat, who will stay hungry [lit. refuse].’
Mambi:
(C243) pílì wɛ́ kɛ́ gyàgà báfû bábáà
pílì wɛ-H kɛ̀ -H gyàga H-ba-fû bá-báà
when 2sg-prs go-r buy obj.link-ba2-fish 2-two
‘When you go to buy two fish. . .’
(C244) ká bá kɛ́ wɛ̂ vɛ̀ bébwúyà bébáà nà màwú
ká ba-H kɛ̀ -H wɛ̂ vɛ̀ H-be-bwúyà bé-báà nà ma-wú
if 2-prs go-r 2sg.obj give obj.link-be8-hundred 8-two conj ma6-ten
mátánɛ̀
má-tánɛ̀
6-five
‘If they go give you 250 [Francs],’
Nze:
(C245) wɛ́ sá tè ná
wɛ-H sâ-H tè ná
2sg-prs do-r there how
‘how do you manage there? [because it’s very little money]’

648
 B.3 Conversation in the village Ngolo

(C246) mhm mɛ̀ Nzìwù wɛ̂

mhm mɛ Nzìwù wɛ́
excl 1sg ∅1.pn id
‘Mhm, I’m Nziwu.’

Mambi:

(C247) wɛ́ ná báàlá nà nyɛ́ fí nà wɛ́ ndyándyá

wɛ-H ná báàla-H nà nyɛ̂-H fí nà wɛ-H ndyándya-H
2sg-prs again repeat-r conj see-r different conj 2sg-prs work-r
ná sálɛ́ ɛ́ pɛ̀ nà wɛ́ kòlá ná mɔ̀ nɛ́
ná sálɛ́ ɛ́ pɛ̀ nà wɛ-H kòla-H ná mɔ̀ nɛ́
again ∅7.work loc over.there conj 2sg-prs add-r again ∅1.money
nû
nû
1.dem.prox
‘You repeat [it] again and try something else [find other work] and you
work there again and you add this money again [same amount of 250
Francs].’

Nze:

(C248) yɔ́ɔ̀ nû àá láwɔ̀ lɛ̀

yɔ́ɔ̀ nû àá láwɔ-lɛ̀
so 1.dem.prox 1.prs.neg speak-neg
‘So this one doesn’t speak [teasing Délégué who is deaf-mute, but the
joke is that he doesn’t speak because he is guilty of having himself been
exploited].’
(C249) kɔ́ɔ̀ nyɛ́gà á làwɔ́ ndáà
kɔ́ɔ̀ nyɛ́-gà a-H làwɔ-H ndáà
only 1.sbj-contr 1-prs speak-r also
‘As for him, he would also say something. [teasing: if he wasn’t guilty,
he would also speak and protest].’
(C250) mhm dzámɛ́ ngá nyɛ̂
mhm dzámɛ́ ngá nyɛ̂
excl excuse pl 1.obj
‘Mhm, excuse him [teasing: excuse him for accepting the poorly paid
work].’

649
B Texts

(C251) bí bɛ̂ yá lɔ́ làwɔ̀

bí b-ɛ̂ ya-H lɔ́ làwɔ
1pl.sbj 2-all[Kwasio] 1pl-prs retro speak
‘We all just spoke.’
(C252) yà bɛ́ bùdì báláálɛ̀
ya bɛ̀ -H b-ùdì bá-láálɛ̀
1pl.pst1 be-r ba2-person 2-three
‘We were three people.’

Mambi:

(C253) kɔ́ɔ̀ sílɛ̀

kɔ́ɔ̀ sílɛ
just finish
‘Just finish.’

650
Appendix C: Lexicon
The Gyeli — English lexicon represented here contains almost 1,500 entries. It
mostly includes verbs and nouns, but also other parts of speech. Lexical entries
minimally yield information on the part of speech and the translation. For nouns,
also the noun prefix class and gender affiliation is indicated as well as the plural
form. Verbal lexemes contain information on possible derivation forms.
In terms of notation conventions, abbreviations are listed at the beginning
of the grammar. Generally, entries with a hyphen indicate the lexical stem that
take a prefix. Entries without hyphens constitute prefixless, independent words.
As elsewhere in the grammar, lexemes are marked for tone. If a syllable is not
marked for tone, that means that it is underlyingly toneless.
C Lexicon

A finishing something
-bàdà le- n. 5/6 ground pl. ma-bàdà
-bàdò le- n. 5/6 skin disease with
-á d- n. 5/6 crab pl. m-á
blisters under skin, caused by lack of
-á lé tíndí d- n. 5/6 poisonous crab in
hygiene pl. ma-bàdò
forest pl. m-á má tíndí
-bágá le- n. 5/6 patch (for mending
-áá m- n. 6 chance, luck
clothes) pl. ma-bágá
àfríkà n. 1 Africa
bága nà v. do sth. for last time, stop,
-ákɛ̀ d- n. 5/6 nest pl. m-ákɛ̀
separate npp. mbágâ recip. bágala
-ákɔ́ n- n. 3/6 earwax pl. m-àkɔ́
bàgò n. 7/8 hoe pl. be-bàgò
-álɛ̀ bw- n. 8/6 canoe pl. m-álɛ̀
bàkɛ v. stick, attach sth. npp. mbàgá
-àmbɔ̀ m- n. 6 thing
bàlándè n. 1/2 larva, caterpillar pl. ba-
-ámɔ́ d- n. 5/6 hornbill pl. m-ámɔ́
bàlándè
ányɔ̀nè n. 1/2 onion pl. ba-nányɔ̀ nè
bálɛ v. surpass, overtake, conquer
-áwɛ̀ j- n. 5/6 goliath frog (Conraua
npp. mbálâ
goliath) pl. m-áwɛ̀
bálɔwɔ v. bend down npp. mbálɔ́wɔ̂
bàmbèyè n. 7/8 prostitution pl. be-
B bàmbèyè
bámíwálɛ́ n. 7/8 scorpion pl. be-
-bã̂ le- n. 5/6 spotted-necked otter bámíwálɛ́
(Lutra maculicollis) pl. ma-bã̂ bámɔ v. scold npp. mbámâ
bã̂ n. 3/4 pit, stone pl. mi-bã̂ appl. bámɛlɛ recip. bámala
bã̌ n. 7/8 word pl. be-bã̌ bàmò n. 7/8 scar pl. be-bàmò
bã́ã́ã́ã́ ideo. depiction of walking a bándá n. 7/8 kingfisher (Halcyon)
long distance fast pl. be-bándá
-bɛ̃ ́ɛ̀̃ be- n. 8 beauty -bándí lè- n. 5/6 protecting fetish (in
-bɔ̃ ́ le- n. 5/6 knee pl. ma-bɔ̃́ house, not on body) pl. ma-bándí
bà v.t. smoke (e.g. cigarette) -bándɔ́wɔ́ lé mpɔ̀mbɔ́ lè- n. 5/6 fore-
npp. mbàyá recip. bàyala autoc. bàyaga head pl. ma-bándɔ́wɔ́ má ma-mpɔ̀ mbɔ́
bâ v. marry npp. mbánâ caus. bálɛsɛ bándyɛ̀ (wà le-kɔ́ɔ̀) n. 1/2 cave (of
recip. bánala stone) pl. ba-bándyɛ̀
-báà num. two -bándyì lè- n. 5/6 slap in the face
-báà le- n. 5/6 stumbling pl. ma-báà pl. ma-bándyì
-bàà le- n. 5/6 view pl. ma-bàà básí n. 7/8 shoulder blade pl. be-básí
báàla nà v. repeat npp. mbàálâ bábɛ̀ n. 7/6 disease pl. ma-bábɛ̀
báàlɛ v. protect, guard, keep báwɛ v. injure (oneself) npp. mbáwâ
npp. mbàálá recip. báàla caus. báwɛsɛ recip. báwala
bààm ideo. depiction of closing or bàwɛ v. carry npp. mbàwá
caus. bàwɛsɛ recip. bàwala

652
bé n. 7/8 well, pit, hole pl. be-bé do sth. bad, activate sth. caus. bílɛsɛ
bɛ̀ v. be recip. bínala
bɛ̀ v. sow, plant, cultivate npp. mbɛ̀ yá -bɔ́ le- n. 5/6 sole, footprint, hoof
recip. bɛ̀ yala pl. ma-bɔ́
bɛ̀’ɛ̀ n. 7/6 shoulder pl. ma-bɛ̀ ’ɛ̀ bɔ̀ v. rot npp. mbɔ̀ yá caus. bɔ̀ yɛsɛ
bɛ́dɛ v. light npp. mbɛ́dâ recip. bɛ́dala -bɔ̂ m- n. 3/6 arm pl. ma-bɔ̂
autoc. bɛ́dɛga bô v. lie down (intr) npp. mbúgâ
bédɔ v. go up, mount npp. mbédâ v.t. búgɛ
appl. bédɛlɛ caus. bédɛsɛ recip. bédala -bɔ́’ɔ̀ le- n. 5/6 bread fruit, bread fruit
autoc. bédɛga ascend tree (Treculia africana) pl. ma-bɔ́’ɔ̀
bédo v. ferment npp. mbédálâ bódé n. 1/2 boot pl. ba-bódé
bɛ̀lanɛ v. use npp. mbɛ̀ lánɛ̂ bɔ̀gɛ v. enlarge npp. mbɔ̀ gá
bɛ́lɛ́ n. 7/8 handicap pl. be-bɛ́lɛ́ caus. bɔ̀ gɛsɛ recip. bɔ̀ gala
-bɛ́lɛ̀ le- n. 5/6 breast pl. ma-bɛ́lɛ̀ bɔ̀lɛ́ n. 7/8 mold on food pl. be-bɔ̀ lɛ́
-bèlé le- n. 5/6 kola nut pl. ma-bèlé bɔ́mɛlɛ v. wrinkle npp. mbɔ́málâ
bénɛlɛ v. lift, raise recip. bènala recip. bɔ́mala
autoc. bɛ́nɛga bɔ̀ndì n. 7/8 colobus monkey pl. be-
bɛ̀ngvùdɛ̀ - n. 1/2 golden angwantibo bɔ̀ ndì
(Arctocebus aureus) pl. ba-bɛ̀ ngvùdɛ̀ -bóndó le- n. 5/6 toad pl. ma-bóndó
bénó n. 7/8 buttock pl. be-bénó -bòtù ma- n. 6 scalp ringworm infec-
bènɔ v. refuse npp. mbèná recip. bè- tion (Tinea capitis)
nala bû v. destroy npp. mbúyâ recip. búyala
béyɔ v. ripen npp. mbéyâ caus. bélɛsɛ bùábùá n. 7/8 state of animal or fish
autoc. béyaga when flesh is not yet dry during
-bí le- n. 5/6 excrements pl. ma-bí smoking process pl. be-bùábùá
-bí’ì le- n. 5/6 leech pl. ma-bí’ì bùdɛ́ n. 7/8 shell (sea, turtle, nut), skin
bíá n. 1/2 beer pl. ba-bíá of fruit pl. be-bùdɛ́
bígɛ v. become rich, develop, emerge bùgù n. 7/8 place pl. be-bùgù
npp. mbígâ caus. bígɛsɛ búkɛ́ n. 7/8 1) crazy person 2) tsetse fly
bímbú n. 7/6 quantity pl. ma-bímbú pl. be-búkɛ́
-bìndì le- n. 5/6 testicle pl. ma-bìndì búlɛ v. burst npp. mbúlâ
bìnɔ́ n. 7/8 louse pl. be-bìnɔ́ búlɔ v. fish npp. mbúlâ recip. búlala
bísì nà v. pay attention, consider -búlɔ̀ mã̂ m- n. 1/2 fisherman pl. ba-
bíbɔ̀ n. 7/8 thickness pl. be-bíbɔ̀ búlɔ̀ mã̂
bíwɔ̀ n. 3 bad luck búmɛ v. bark recip. búmala
bíwɔ̀ adj. bad bùmɛ v. announce sth. npp. mbùmá
bíyálá n. 7/8 awful, hysterical, terrible recip. bùmala
(positive or negative) pl. be-bíyálá -bùmɛ̀ màpɔ̂ m- n. 1/2 announcer,
bíyɔ v. hit, beat npp. mbílâ appl. bìyɛlɛ messenger pl. ba-bùmɛ̀ bá ma-pɔ̂

653
C Lexicon

bùmɛlɛ v. hit (nail) npp. mbùmálâ -bwã́sà ma- n. 6 thoughts

recip. bùmala bwã̂sa v. think, remember
búndɔ̀ n. 7/8 brideprice pl. be-búndɔ̀ bwɛ̃ ́ɛ̀̃ lɛ v. wait recip. bwã́ã̀la
búndɔ v. pay brideprice npp. mbúndâ -bwɔ̃ ̌ le- n. 5/6 beehive pl. ma-bwɔ̃̌
caus. búndɛsɛ recip. búndala bwà v. give birth npp. mbwàlá
búɔ̀ n. 1/2 mute person pl. ba-búɔ̀ appl. bwàlɛ be born caus. bwàlɛsɛ
búɔ̀ n. 7/8 mortar pl. be-búɔ̀ bwà v. become big npp. mbògá
-bùɔ́ le- n. 5/6 cripple pl. ma-bùɔ́ recip. bɔ̀ gala v.t. bɔ̀ gɛ fatten, make fat
búùlɛ̀ n. 7/8 old settlement pl. be- bwá má-kí v. lay eggs
búùlɛ̀ bwàà v. become, have, be
-búwà le- n. 5/6 lung pl. ma-búwà bwádɔ v. dress, wear npp. mbwádâ
búwɛlɛ v. squeeze, feel (e.g. fruit) caus. bɔ́dɛsɛ recip. bɔ́dala
npp. mbúwálâ -bàwlɛ̀ m- n. 1/2 parent pl. ba-bwàlɛ̀
bvû v. think, believe -bwàlɛ̀ ma- n. 6 birth
bvúala v. believe npp. mbvúálâ -bwálɛ̀sɛ̀ bùdã̂ m- n. 1/2 midwife
bvúbvù n. 9 multitude pl. ba-bwálɛ̀ sɛ̀ bá bùdã̂
bvùbvù inv. (too) many, (too) much bwámɔ v. 1) leave, go out 2) receive,
bvúdà nà v. quarrel npp. mbvúdâ obtain 3) become npp. mbwámâ
recip. bvúdala recip. bwámala
bvùdɛ̀ n. 7/6 clearing (in forest) bwàndɔ v. peel (e.g. maize, mango)
pl. ma-bvùdɛ̀ npp. mbwàndá recip. bwàndala
-bvúlɛ̀ m- n. 1/2 Bulu person bwàndyá n. 7/8 disdain, adultery
bvùlɛ́ n. 8/8 night pl. be-bvùlɛ́ pl. be-bwàndyá
bvùmá n. 7/8 1) fruit 2) ball pl. be- bwàndya v. despise npp. mbwàndyá
bvùmá recip. bwàndyala
bvùma v. thunder autoc. bvùmaga bwè v. catch, arrest npp. mbùlá
flock of birds flys away suddenly recip. bèyàlà
bvùmá yá lé-bɛ́lɛ̀ n. 7/8 female breast bwɛ̀dɔ̀wɔ̀ n. 7/6 taste pl. ma-bwɛ̀ dɔ̀ wɔ̀
pl. be-bvùmá bé má-bɛ́lɛ̀ bwɛ̀dɔwɔ v. be sweet, be tasty
bvùmá yá ngɔ̀ndɛ̀ n. 7/8 full moon caus. bòdɛsɛ make sweet
(ball of moon) pl. be-bvùmá bé ngɔ̀ ndɛ̀ -bwǐ le- n. 5/6 hyena pl. ma-bwǐ
bvùmba v. surprise sb, chase sb. bwímɔ̀ n. 7/8 net hunting pl. be-bwímɔ̀
npp. mbvùmbá recip. bvùmbala bwɔ̂(bwɔ̀) n. 7/8 brain pl. be-bwɔ̂
bvúɔ́ n. 8/8 elephant trunk pl. be-bvúɔ́ bwúyà n. 7/8 hundred pl. be-bwúyà
bvúɔ̀ v.t. break, harvest maize npp. mb- byáàdà v. answer, respond
vúgâ recip. bvúgala v.i. bvúkɛ break npp. mbyáàdá
-bvúú lè- n. 5/6 anger, being annoyed,
unhappiness
bwã̂ n. 8/6 medicine pl. ma-bwã̂

654
D appl. dvùbɛlɛ bé-kà weed grass with
rake caus. dvùbɛsɛ recip. dvùbala
dvùdɔ v. drive npp. ndvùdá recip. dvù-
dã̀ v. draw water npp. ndã̀álá
dala
appl. dã̀ã̀lɛ recip. dã̀ngala
dvúmá n. 7/8 honor pl. be-dvúmá
-dã̂ lé bá-fû le- n. 5/6 fish pond, source
dvúmɛlɛ v. praise sb. npp. ndvùmálá
pl. ma-dã̂ má bá-fû
recip. dvùmala
dɛ̃̂ adv. today
dvúmɔ̀ n. 7/8 baobab tree pl. be-dvúmɔ̀
dè v. eat npp. ndíyâ caus. dílɛsɛ
dvùmɔ v. fall down (tree) npp. nd-
recip. díyala
vùmá caus. dvùmɛsɛ recip. dvùmala
-dèlɛ́mɔ́ɔ̀ le- n. 5/6 mud wasp pl. ma-
dvùɔ̀ v. hurt (oneself) npp. ndvùgá
dèlɛ́mɔ́ɔ̀
caus. dvùgɛsɛ recip. dvùgala v.t. dvùgɛ
dɛ́ndɛ v. set (trap) npp. ndɛ́ndâ
dvùwɔ v. stuff sth.
recip. dɛ́ndala
dwàmbo v. ask for sth npp. ndwàmbá
-déwɔ̀ be- n. 8 food
recip. dwàmbala
-dígà ma- n. 6 vision, apparition
dyã́ã̀ v. chase, drive away
-dìlá ma- n. 6 funeral
npp. ndyángâ recip. dyángala
dìlɛ v. bury npp. ndìlá recip. dìlala
dyà v. sing npp. ndyàyâ recip. dyàala
dísì n. 7/8 bowl pl. be-dísì
dyà n. 7/8 distance, length pl. be-dyà
díyɛ̀ adj. expensive
dyâ (sí) v. lie (down), live npp. ndyáyâ
dó n. 7/8 lie pl. be-dó
recip. dyáàlà have sex
-dɔ̀ ma- n. 6 negotiation for price
dyáàla v. have sex
dɔ̀ v. negotiate (for price), discuss
dyágɔ́ n. 7/8 sleeping place pl. be-
dómɛ̀ n. 7/8 laziness pl. be-dómɛ̀
dyágɔ́
dɔ̀ɔ̀ n. 7/8 puddle pl. be-dɔ̀ ɔ̀
dyàmbo v. copulate
-dówó be- n. 8 sweat
-dyɛ̂ le- n. 5/6 pincers (insect) pl. ma-
dù n. 7/6 thigh pl. ma-dù
dyɛ̂
dùlɛ̀ n. 7/6 bitterness pl. ma-dùlɛ̀
dyɛ́kɛ v. lean sth, incline sth
dùlɛ̀ mákímbɔ́ n. 7/6 saltiness (bitter-
npp. ndyɛ́kâ recip. dyɛ́kala lean
ness of salt) pl. ma-dùlɛ̀ má mákímbɔ́
against one another
dúmbɔ́ n. 7/8 package, packet pl. be-
dyɔ̀ n. 7/8 smile, laughter pl. be-dyɔ̀
dúmbɔ́
dyɔ̀ v. laugh, smile npp. ndyòlasa
dúngìlà n. 7/8 hedgehog pl. be-dúngìlà
caus. dyɔ̀ lɛsɛ recip. dyɔ̀ ala
dúɔ̀dù - n. 7/8 termite queen, caterpil-
dyɔ̂ n. 7/8 sleep pl. be-dyɔ̂
lar pl. be-dúɔ̀ dù
dyɔ̃̀ ɔ̃ ́ n. 7/8 bed pl. be-dyɔ̀̃ ɔ̃́
dúù v. must not
-dyɔ̀dálà ma- n. 6 deception, cheating
dvũ̌ n. 7/8 noise pl. be-dvũ̌
dyɔ̀dɛ v. deceive, cheat npp. ndyɔ̀ dá
dvṹɔ̃̀ n. 7/8 great hornbill pl. be-dvṹɔ̀̃
recip. dyɔ̀ dala
dvùbɔ v. soak, dip npp. ndvùbá
dyũ̀ v. be hot npp. ndyúngâ, ndúngálâ

655
C Lexicon

appl. dyúngɛlɛ heat, boil sth. re- F

cip. dyúngala (warm body around fire)
-dyũ̂ le- n. 5/6 heat (from sun), fever
fàlà n. 7 France
pl. ma-dyũ̂
ffàmí n. 1/2 family pl. ba-fàmí
dyúà v. swim
fàrínì - n. 1/2 flour pl. ba-fàrínì
dyúàdà v. feel, hear, perceive sensu-
fû n. 1/2 fish pl. ba-fû
ally
-fû le- n. 5/6 day pl. ma-fû
dyùlɛ v. be bitter or salty npp. ndyùlá
fù’ú n. 1/2 rainy season (Aug-Nov)
caus. dyùlɛsɛ recip. dyùlala
pl. ba-fù’ú
dyúmɔ̀ n. 1/2 spouse pl. ba-dyúmɔ̀
fùɶsɛ v. shake npp. mfùásâ
dyùmɔ v. heal, get well npp. ndyùmá
fúgɛ v. end npp. mfúgâ recip. fúala
-dyúmù ma- n. 6 sperm
fúkɛ̀ n. 1/2 driver ants (Hymenoptera)
dyúná n. 7/8 quarrel, dispute pl. be-
pl. ba-fúkɛ̀
dyúná
fùláwà n. 7/8 flower, hedge, bush
dyúna v. quarrel npp. ndúnâ
pl. be-fùláwà
dyúngúlɛ̀ n. 7/8 chameleon pl. be-
fùlɛ v. miss, escape npp. mfùlâ
dyúngúlɛ̀
caus. fùlɛsɛ recip. fùlala
dyùù v. kill npp. ndyúwâ re-
fùlɔ v. descend, go down npp. mfùlâ
cip. dyúwala
caus. fùlɛsɛ
dyùwá n. 7/6, 8 thorn pl. be-dyùwá,
fúmbélé n. 3/4 shin pl. mi-fùmbélé
ma-dyùwá
fùmbí n. 7/8 orange pl. be-fùmbí
dyúwɔ̀ n. 5 sky
-fùɔ̀ le- n. 5/6 stem, plant pl. ma-fùɔ̀
dyúwɔ̀ post. on top, above
-fúsì adj. different
dyúwɔ v. hear, understand
-fwálá le- n. 5/6 end pl. ma-fwálá
npp. ndyùgá appl. dyúwɛlɛ listen
-fwálá lé túmbɔ́ le- n. 5/6 border
caus. dyúgɛsɛ make feel recip. dyúwalɛ
(between countries) pl. ma-fwálá má
dzámɛ v. excuse, forgive
bé-túmbɔ́
-fwálá má nkùlɛ́ ma- n. 6 summit
E
G
ɛ́ prep. at, on, by
ɛ́ ná interr. how
gã̂ n. 1/2 gown pl. ba-gã̂
ɛ́ vɛ́ interr. where
gbĩ́ gbĩ́ gbĩ́ gbĩ ́ gbĩ́ ideo. depiction
-ɛ́ndì d- n. 5/6 courtyard pl. m-ɛ́ndì
of small objects moving in space, e.g.
èsã̂s n. 7/8 gas, fuel pl. b-esã̂s
bacteria roaming in body
-ɛ́sɛ̀ quant. all, every
gbìm ideo. depiction of putting or
falling down of person or object

656
 gíndó’ó n. 7/8 Calabar angwantibo gyɛ̀ lì
(Arctocebus calabarensis) pl. be-gíndó’ó gyɛ́mɔ̀ n. 7/8 habit, manner pl. be-
gìyɔ v. cry caus. gìlɛsɛ recip. gìlala gyɛ́mɔ̀
gɔ́lɛ̀ n. 7/8 gold pl. be-gɔ́lɛ̀ gyɛ̀ndɔ̀ v. slip npp. ngyɛ̀ ndá
gwámbɔ v. ask for sth., beg gyɛ́sɔ v. look for, search, lack
gwàwɔ́ n. 7/8 civet pl. be-gwàwɔ́ npp. ngyɛ́sâ recip. gyɛ́sala
gwɛ́mbɛ̀ n. 7/8 cloth pl. be-gbɛ́mbɛ̀ gyí pro. what
gyã̀ v. paint, draw npp. ngyàngâ gyíbɔ v. call npp. ngyíbâ recip. gyíbala
gyã́ã̀ n. 1/2 side pl. ba-gyã́ã̀ gyìbɔ v. sharpen npp. ngyìbá re-
gyã̂lɛ v. roast npp. ngyã́ã̀lâ cip. gyìbala
gyà n. 7/8 music, song pl. be-gyà gyìdɛ v. forgive npp. ngyìdá
gyà v. be long gyíka (nà) v. resemble
-gyâ le- n. 5/6 charcoal pl. ma-gyâ gyíkɛ v. learn npp. ngyíkâ be intelli-
gyá yá nyúmbù n. 7/8 lip pl. be-gyá gent caus. gyíkɛsɛ teach
bé nyúmbù gyímbɔ v. dance npp. ngyímbáà
gyàga v. buy npp. ngyàgá recip. gyà- caus. gyímbɛsɛ recip. gyímbala
gala -gyìmbɔ̀ n- n. 1/2 sorcerer pl. ba-
-gyàgɛ̀sì bé-sâ n- n. 1/2 merchant, gyìmbɔ̀
vendor pl. ba-gyàgɛ̀ sì bá bé-sâ -gyìmbɔ̀ le- n. 5/6 magic (innate to a
gyàlɛ́ n. 7/8 puerperium (period person) pl. ma-gyìmbɔ̀
after giving birth (about a month)) gyímɛ v. wake sb. up npp. ngyímâ
pl. be-gyàlɛ́ caus. gyímɛsɛ autoc. gyímaga wake
gyámbɔ v. prepare, cook up
npp. ngyámbâ appl. gyámbɛlɛ gyímù n. 7/8 tongue pl. be-gyímù
prepare for recip. gyámbala -gyɔ́lɛ́ le- n. 5/6 bushbaby (Galago
gyángya v. work npp. ngyángyâ alleni) pl. ma-gyɔ́lɛ́
caus. gyángyɛsɛ recip. gyángyala
-gyɛ́ le- n. 5/6 tooth pl. ma-gyɛ́
H
gyɛ̂ n. 7/8 Cameroon clawless otter
(Aonyx capensis congicus) pl. be-gyɛ̂
-gyɛ̃̂ n- n. 1/2 stranger, guest pl. ba-gyɛ̂̃ hámà n. 1/2 hammer pl. ba-hámà
gyɛ́’ɛ̀ v. block npp. ngyɛ́gâ recip. gyɛ́-
gala I
-gyɛ̀’ɛ̀lɛ̀ ma- n. 6 prayer
gyɛ̀’ɛlɛ v. pray, beg, demand
npp. ngyàálâ -í m- n. 1/2 non-Pygmy people pl. b-í
gyɛ́lɛ v. jump, fly npp. ngyɛ́lâ -ímbɔ́ j- n. 5/6 raffia palm pl. m-ímbɔ́
caus. gyɛ́lɛsɛ recip. gyɛ́lala -ínɔ̀ j- n. 5/6 name pl. m-ínɔ̀
-gyɛ̀lì n- n. 1/2 Gyeli person pl. ba- -ísì d- n. 5/6 1) eye 2) kernel, seed

657
C Lexicon

pl. m-ísì sink (v.i.), melt

-ísì lé bénó d- n. 5/6 anus (lit. eye of jísɔ̀wɔ̀ n. 7/8 patience pl. be-jísɔ̀ wɔ̀
the buttock) pl. m-ísì mí bénó jíwɔ́ n. 7/8 river pl. be-jíwɔ́
ìtálíyɛ̀n n. 7 Italy -jíwɔ́ ma- n. 6 water
jíwɔ v. steal, plunder npp. njíwâ
recip. jíwala
J
jíyɛ v.i. burn npp. njígâ caus. jígɛsɛ
make angry recip. jígala burn v.t. jígɛ
jã́ã̀(-sa) v. disappear suddenly (slowly) burn sth.
npp. njã́ã́sá recip. jã́ã̀la jìyɔ́ n. 7/8 chair pl. be-jìyɔ́
jàngala v. have sex jɔ́wɔ̀ n. 7/8 day work pl. be-jɔ́wɔ̀
jí n. 7/8 place (where someone stays)
pl. be-jí
jí yá má-sɔ̃̂ - n. 7/8 cemetery (place of K
graves) pl. be-jí bé má-sɔ̂̃
jì v. open npp. njìyá recip. jìyala kã̂ n. 7/8 bunch of palm nuts pl. be-kã̂
jǐ n. 7/8 bench pl. be-jǐ kã̂ v. wrap npp. nkã̂lá recip. kã́ã̀la
jì(yɔ) (sí) v. sit (down), reside, stay -ká le- n. 5/6 leaf pl. ma-ká
npp. njìlá appl. jìlɛ seat sb., stay ká n. 7/8 grass pl. be-ká
recip. jìlala kà v. catch (object in air) npp. nkàsá
-jíbí n- n. 1/2 thief pl. ba-jíbí appl. kàsɛlɛ light sth.
jìbɔ v. close npp. njìbá recip. jìbala ká’à v. role up (e.g. mattress, paper),
jíga v. be angry envelope, bandage npp. nkágâ re-
-jíì be- n. 8 anger cip. kágala
jíì v. ask (a question) -kà’á le- n. 5/6 clan, tribe, kind pl. ma-
jìí n. 7/8 forest pl. be-jìí kà’á
jíkɛsɛ v. make sb. angry kàbà n. 7/8 long dress pl. be-kàbà
jílɔ v. be satisfied (not hungry) kábálá n. 7/8 horse pl. be-kábálá
npp. njílâ caus. jílɛsɛ kàbɔ v. share, divide, serve npp. nkàbá
-jìlɔ̀ le- n. 5/6 1) weight 2) dignity recip. kàbala
pl. ma-jìlɔ̀ kàdɛ v. detach, unwrap (e.g. manioc
jìlɔ v. be heavy npp. njìlá caus. jìlɛsɛ stick) npp. nkàdá caus. kàdɛsɛ re-
jímbɛ v. get lost npp. njímbâ appl. jím- cip. kàdala autoc. kàdɛga detach by
bɛlɛ lose sth. caus. jímbɛsɛ make forget itself
recip. jímbala forget each other kádɔ v. exceed, be too much
jímɛsɛ v. extinguish npp. njímâ npp. nkádâ recip. kádala
jímɔ v. be deep kàdó n. 1/2 gift, present pl. ba-kàdó
jìna v. dive, disappear in water kàdɔ̂ n. 1/2 ladder pl. ba-kàdɔ̂
npp. njìnâ caus. jìnɛsɛ autoc. jìnɛga

658
kàgá n. 7/8 defect giving birth pl. be- -kénó le- n. 5/6 blue duiker (Cephalo-
kàgá phus monticola) pl. ma-kénó
-kàgà le- n. 5/6 bewitched woman kɛ́ n. 7/8 fish scale pl. be-kɛ́
pl. ma-kàgà kɛ̀ v. go, walk
-kágɛ́ le- n. 5/6 promise pl. ma-kágɛ́ kɛ̀ mpfúndɔ́ v. run, go fast
kàgɔ v. promise recip. kàgala kɛ́ kɛ́ kɛ́ kɛ́ kɛ́ ideo. depiction of
káka v. shiver placing objects in a row
kàká n. 7/8 cocoa (Theobroma cacao) -kɛ̀’ɛ̀ le- n. 5/6 molar tooth pl. ma-kɛ̀ ’ɛ̀
pl. be-kàká kɛ́’ɛ̀ (má-kí) v. hatch npp. nkɛ́gâ
kálá n. 7/8 chili paste seasoning kɛ̀dɛlɛ v. gnaw, nibble npp. nkɛ̀ dálâ
pl. be-kálá recip. kɛ́dala
-kàlà le- n. 5/6 doughnuts pl. ma-kàlà -kɛ́lɛ̀ le- n. 5/6 language pl. ma-kɛ́lɛ̀
kàlà n. 7/8 strawmat pl. be-kàlà kɛ̀lɛ v. hang npp. nkɛ̀ lá recip. kɛ̀ lala
kálàdɛ̀ n. 7/8 book pl. be-kálàdɛ̀ kɛ̀mbɛ̀ n. 7/8 phlegm pl. be-kɛ̀ mbɛ̀
kàlanɛ v. transmit, translate kɛ̀ndɛ̀ n. 7/8 1) journey, traveling 2)
npp. nkálánɛ̂ time pl. be-kɛ̀ ndɛ̀
kálé n. 1/2 sister (older and younger) kɛ̀ndɛ̀ vúdũ̂ n. 7/8 1) once, one time 2)
pl. ba-kálé in one go, immediately pl. be-kɛ̀ ndɛ̀
kàlɛga v. stop over, go over with stops bé-báà
kámbɛ̀ n. 1/2 weaver ants (Oecophylla) kɛ̃ ́ɛ̃́sɔ́ n. 7/8 person of equal rank, peer,
pl. ba-kámbɛ̀ neighbor pl. be-kɛ̃ɛ́ ̃ ś ɔ́
kámbɔ v. chew npp. nkámbâ re- -kfũ̀ le- n. 5/6 owl pl. ma-kfũ̀
cip. kámbala kfùbala v. move
kàmbɔ nà v. defend npp. nkàmbá kfùbɛ v. provoke npp. nkfùbálâ
recip. kàmbala appl. kfùbɛlɛ provoke recip. kfùbala
kàmɛ̀rún n. 1 Cameroon move
kánda v. crack (e.g. bottle, cup, glass) kfúbɔ́ n. 7/8 epilepsy pl. be-kfúbɔ́
npp. nkándâ caus. kándɛsɛ kfúbɔ̀ n. 1/2 chicken pl. ba-kfúbɔ̀
kàndá n. 7/8 proverb pl. be-kàndá -kfúdɛ̀ le- n. 5/6 mad person, idiot
kàsà n. 7/8 bridge pl. be-kàsà pl. ma-kfúdɛ̀
kàsɛlɛ v. light npp. nkàsálâ re- kfúdɛ v. cover, put a lid npp. nkfúdâ
cip. kàsala recip. kfúdala autoc. kfúdɛga close
kásɔ v. become thin npp. nkásâ oneself
appl. kásɛlɛ recip. kásala autoc. kásɛga kfúdɔ má-bɔ̃̂ v. kneel
get suddenly angry kfùdɔ́ yá ntɛ́lɛ́ n. 7/8 old tissue, rag
kẽ̀ v. shave npp. nkèngá recip. kèngala kfúdɔ̀wɔ̀ n. 7/8 chest pl. be-kúdɔ̀ wɔ̀
-kẽ̀ nlô n- n. 1/2 Tropical house gecko kfúlɛ̃ ́ɛ̃́ n. 7/8 raffia pl. be-kfúlɛ̃ɛ́ ̃ ́
(Hemidactylus mabouia mabouia) kfúlà n. 7/8 two sticks in monkey trap
pl. ba-kẽ̀ mí-nlô that hold the trigger pl. be-kfúlà

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C Lexicon

-kfúlé le- n. 5/6 paw, sole pl. ma-kfúlé taste sth. recip. kìyala taste each other
kfúlɛ̀ wà jìí n. 1/2 (forest) tortoise kó n. 1/2 uncle (mother’s brother)
pl. ba-kfúlɛ̀ (bá jìí) pl. ba-kó
kfúlè bìpɛ̀bɛ̀ - n. 1/2 sea turtle pl. ba- -kókò m- n. 1/2 Bakoko pl. ba-kókò
kfúlɛ bá bìpɛ̀ bɛ̀ kòkù n. 7/8 albino pl. be-kòkù
-kfúlɛ̀ le- n. 5/6 hump pl. ma-kfúlɛ̀ kòla v. add, lengthen npp. nkòlá
kfùlɔ v. scrape skin of porcupine recip. kòlala
(soak in hot water, then remove kòlɛ v. help npp. nkòlá recip. kòlala
spikes) npp. nkfùlá recip. kfùlala kòyà n. 7/8 rope, cord pl. be-kòyà
autoc. kfùlɛga -kɔ́ le- n. 5/6 stone pl. ma-kɔ́
kfúmá n. 1/2 chief, rich person pl. ba- kɔ́ɔ̀ adv. always
kfúmá kɔ̂ v. gather, pluck, pick npp. nkɔ́yâ
kfùmala v. find npp. nkfùmá recip. kɔ́yala autoc. kɔ́yaga
kfúmbɔ́ n. 7/8 bragging, showing-off -kɔ́ lé tsĩ ́ le- n. 5/6 nape of neck
pl. be-kfúmbɔ́ pl. ma-kɔ́ má tsĩ ́
-kfùmɔ́ le- n. 5/6 heap pl. ma-kfùmɔ́ kɔ̀’ɔ̀ n. 7/8 African Jointfir (Gnetum
kfùmɔ́ n. 7/8 stump pl. be-kfùmɔ́ africanum) pl. be-kɔ̀ ’ɔ̀
-kfùndɛ̀ le- n. 5/6 garbage pl. ma- kɔ́bɛ̀ n. 1/2 cup pl. ba-kɔ́bɛ̀
kfùndɛ̀ kɔ́bɛ v. violate, break (rule) npp. nkɔ́bâ
kfúnɔ́ n. 7/8 hornbill pl. be-kfúnɔ́ recip. kɔ́bala
kfùɔ̀ - n. 7/8 alstonia tree (Alstonia -kɔ́dɛ́ le- n. 5/6 bend, curve pl. ma-
congensis) pl. be-kfùɔ̀ kɔ́dɛ́
kfúzá n. 7/8 fist pl. be-kfúzá kɔ́dɛ v. turn sth. (with vehicle)
-kí le- n. 5/6 egg pl. ma-kí npp. nkɔ́dâ caus. kɔ́dɛsɛ recip. kɔ́dala
kì v. say autoc. kɔ́dɛga turn oneself
-kìkùù ma- n. 6 exam kɔ́dɔ̀ n. 7/8 yam pl. be-kɔ́dɔ̀
-kílì be- n. 8 slyness, cunning kɔ̀fí n. 7/8 coffee pl. be-kɔ̀ fí
kílɔwɔ v. be vigilant npp. nkílásâ be kɔ́gɛ v. straighten npp. nkɔ́gâ
warned caus. kílɛsɛ make vigilant caus. kɔ́gɛsɛ recip. kɔ́gala
-kímbɔ́ ma- n. 6 salt kɔ́kɔ́ n. 7/8 1) shell 2) emptiness
kímì n. 1/2 monkey (generic) pl. ba- pl. be-kɔ́kɔ́
kímì kɔ́kɔ́ yá nlô - n. 7/8 skull pl. be-kɔ́kɔ́
kìndá n. 7/8 sugar ant pl. be-kìndá bé mí-nlô
kíngɛlɛ v. become stiff npp. nkíngálâ kɔ́kɔ́ yá ngwálà n. 7/8 snail house
kísínì n. 1/2 kitchen pl. ba-kísínì pl. be-kɔ́kɔ́ bé bá-ngwálà
kìya v. give npp. nkìyá caus. kìyɛsɛ kɔ̃̂ lɛ v. snore
chase sb. recip. kìyala kɔ̀lɛ (mábɔ́ɔ̀) v. stumble recip. kɔ̀ lala
kíyɛ́ n. 7/8 iron pl. be-kíyɛ́ -kɔ́ndà le- n. 5/6 sap pl. ma-kɔ́ndà
kìyɛ v. 1) try 2) tempt appl. kìyɛlɛ -kɔ́ndyì le- n. 5/6 palm (of hand)

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pl. ma-kɔ́ndyì kùbɛ̂ n. 7/6 heritage pl. ma-kùbɛ̂
kɔ́sɛ v. cough appl. kɔ́sɛlɛ make cough -kúwɔ́ le- n. 5/6 flea pl. ma-kúwɔ́
recip. kɔ́sala -kwã̌ le- n. 5/6 spear, arrow pl. ma-
kpàdà kpàdà ideo. depiction of drum- kwã̌
ming on bamboo kwã̂ v. cut raffia leaves in tree
kpɛ̀mɛ̀ n. 7/8 manioc leaves pl. be- npp. nkwángâ recip. kwángala
kpɛ̀ mɛ̀ kwã̂ v. betray npp. kwángâ
kpúdùm kpúdùm ideo. depiction of caus. kwángɛsɛ recip. kwángala
drumming kwã́ã̀lɛ v. spy npp. nkwã́ã́lâ re-
kù n. 1/2 rat pl. ba-kù cip. kwã́lala
kũ̂ n. 1/2 leopard pl. ba-kũ̂ kwĩ̂ n. 7/8 Peter’s duiker (Cephalophus
kúdɛ́ n. 7/8 skin pl. be-kúdɛ́ callipygus) pl. be-kwĩ̂
kúɛlɛ v. mock, make fun of re- kwà v. grind (with stone), hollow out
cip. kúala canoe npp. nkwàgá recip. kwàgala
kùga v. spread, fit, be enough kwádɔ́ n. 7/6 village pl. ma-kwádɔ́
npp. nkùgá kwádɔ́ písɛ̀ n. 7/6 countryside, rural
kùgúù n. 7/8 evening pl. be-kùgúù area pl. ma-kwádɔ́ písɛ̀
kùgúù bvúɔ̀ n. 7 day before yesterday kwádɔ v. twist, bend npp. nkwádâ
kùgúù mgbágà - n. 7 day before autoc. kwádɛga
yesterday kwàlɛ̀ n. 7/8 1) love, desire 2) partridge
kúkú n. 7/8 mushroom pl. be-kúkú pl. be-kwàlɛ̀
kùlɛ v. borrow npp. nkùlá caus. kùlɛsɛ kwàlɛ v. love, like npp. nkwàlá
lend recip. kùlala recip. kwàlala
kúlí n. 9/6 funeral ceremony from -kwálówó le- n. 5/6 knuckle (hand,
death to burying (French deuil) pl. ma- foot) pl. ma-kwálówó
kúlí kwámɔ́ n. 9/6 bag pl. ma-kwámɔ́
kùlì n. 7/8 pimple pl. be-kùlì kwàndɔ̀ n. 7/8 plantain pl. be-kwàndɔ̀
kùmasa v. prepare npp. nkùmásâ kwánɛ́ n. 7/8 meeting, party pl. be-
kúmbɛ́ - n. 7/8 tin pl. be-kúmbɛ́ kwánɛ́
kùmbɔ́ n. 7/8 womb pl. be-kùmbɔ́ kwànɛ v. sell npp. nkwàná
kùmbɔ v. repair, reconciliate, arrange, -kwásì ma- n. 6 clapping (with hands)
fix npp. nkùmbá recip. kùmbala kwàsyó n. 2 Kwasio people
kùnàà inv. good kwɛ̂ n. 7/8 cough pl. be-kwɛ̂
kùndá n. 7/8 shoe pl. be-kùndá kwê v. fall, fail (trans.) npp. nkwéyâ
-kúndí le- n. 5/6 mat pl. ma-kúndí caus. kùɛsɛ make fall recip. kwéyala
-kúɔ́ le- n. 5/6 Azobé tree, Ironwood kwɛ̂lɛ v. bite npp. nkwáálâ re-
tree (lophira alata) pl. ma-kúɔ́ cip. kwáala
kùrã̂ n. 7 electricity kwɛ̀lɔ v. 1) cut down 2) injure some-
kùsì n. 1/2 parrot pl. ba-kùsì one npp. nkwɛ̀ lá recip. kwɛ̀ lala

661
C Lexicon

autoc. kwɛ̀ lɛga lábɛ̀ n. 1/2 big rainy season pl. ba-lábɛ̀
kyàlɛ v. start an engine npp. nkyàlá lé n. 7/8 tree, bush pl. be-lé
kyɛ́gɛ̀ n. 7/8 Basaa pl. be-kyɛ́gɛ̀ lɛ́ n. 7/8 glass pl. be-lɛ́
kyɛ̀lɛga v. fall from tree when branch lɛ̂ v. offer npp. nlɛ́yâ recip. lɛ́yala
breaks npp. nkyɛ̀ lɛ́gâ recip. kyɛ̀ lala lɛ̃̀ v. pour into npp. nlɛ̀ ngá recip. lɛ̀ n-
kyɛ̀lí n. 7/8 bird trap pl. be-kyɛ̀ lí gala
lɛ̀bɛlɛ v. follow, chase npp. nlɛ̀ bálâ
recip. lɛ̀ bala
L
lèbvùá inv. nine
lɛ̀ɛ̀ v. uproot, disroot npp. nlɛ̀ yá
lã̀ v. pass, overtake, pass by recip. lɛ̀ yala
npp. nlàngá appl. làngɛlɛ let pass, time lɛ́gɛ v. singe npp. nlɛ́gâ caus. lɛ́gɛsɛ
recip. làngala recip. lɛ́gala autoc. lɛ́gɛga
lã̂ v. read, count npp. nlángâ recip. lán- lèmbo v. 1) know 2) flee, escape
gala npp. nlèmbá caus. lèmbɛsɛ recip. lèm-
lã́ (yá nyúà) n. 7/8 green mamba bala
pl. be-lã́ (bé nyúà) -lɛ́ndɛ́ le- n. 5/6 palm tree pl. ma-lɛ́ndɛ́
lã̂ mímbvû n. 1/2 larvae on a tree lɛ̀ndɔ v. flow npp. nlɛ̀ ndá caus. lɛ̀ ndɛsɛ
pl. ba-lã̂ mímbvû autoc. lɛ̀ ndɛga
-lá le- n. 5/6 fish trap pl. ma-lá lɛ́nɛ̀ n. 7/8 offer pl. be-lɛ́nɛ̀
-là ma- n. 6 1) meaning 2) support lɛ́ngɔ̀ n. 7/8 fun, amusement, joke
(material, financial) 3) importance pl. be-lɛ́ngɔ̀
-lâ le- n. 5/6 antenna pl. ma-lâ líbɛla v. show up, appear (e.g. moon)
lâ v. harvest, collect honey npp. nláyâ npp. nlíbálâ
recip. léyala autoc. léyɛga líbɛlɛ v. show npp. nlíbálâ recip. líbala
láà v. tell npp. nláwâ recip. láàla líɛ̀ v. leave (to sb), cede, let npp. nlígâ
láálɛ̀ num. three recip. lígala
làdo nà v. meet npp. nlàdá caus. làdɛsɛ límà n. 7/8 stupidity pl. be-límà
recip. làdala límbɛ v. pull npp. nlímbâ recip. lím-
lága v. contaminate sth. (e.g. disease) bala autoc. límbɛga
npp. nlágâ caus. légɛsɛ recip. légala línâ inv. since
-lámbɔ̀ le- n. 5/6 trap pl. ma-lámbɔ̀ líndɛ̀ inv. when
lámbɔ̀ n. 7/6 lamp pl. ma-lámbɔ̀ -líbɛ́lá (má ngɔ́ndɛ́) ma- n. 6 rising,
lámbɔ v. trap npp. nlámbâ recip. lám- apparition (of moon)
bala lìvrɛ́ n. 1/2 book pl. ba-lìvrɛ́
lána v. distribute, unlimited offer líyɛlɛ v. accompany npp. nlíyálâ
npp. nlánâ recip. lánala recip. líyala
lándè n. 7/6 Sea almond tree (Termina- líyɔ v. clear land npp. nléyâ re-
lia catappa) pl. ma-lándè cip. líyàlà autoc. líyaga

662
lɔ̀ v. sew, weave, weave nest npp. nlɔ̀ yá recip. lúwala
caus. lɔ̀ yɛsɛ recip. lɔ̀ yala lṹɔ̃̀ v. build, construct npp. nlúngâ
-lɔ̂ le- n. 5/6 ear pl. ma-lɔ̂ caus. lúngɛsɛ recip. lúngala
lòá n. 7/8 slave, servant pl. be-lòá -lvùgà mà- n. 0/6 animation, liveliness
lɔ̀gɔ̀ n. 7/8 curse pl. be-lɔ̀ gɔ̀ lvúmɔ́ n. 7/8 maggot pl. be-lvúmɔ́
-lɔ́lɛ̀ mí-nkɔ̀lɛ̀ n- n. 1/2 weaver, tailor lvúmɔ v. sting npp. nlvúmâ
pl. ba-lɔ́lɛ̀ bá mí-nkɔ̀ lɛ̀ caus. lvúmɛsɛ recip. lvúmala fight in
lɔ̀lɔ̀ n. 7/8 duck pl. be-lɔ̀ lɔ̀ war
lɔ̀mbì inv. eight lvùúgɔ v. animate, excite
lɔ̀ndɔ́ n. 7/8 ring pl. be-lɔ̀ ndɔ́
lɔ́ngá n. 7/8 group, swarm, flock
M
pl. be-lɔ́ngá
-lɔ̀ɔ́ le- n. 5/6 dew pl. ma-lɔ̀ ɔ́
-lũ̀ ma- n. 6 sexual intercourse mã̂ - n. 6 sea
-lũ̂ le- n. 5/6 insult pl. ma-lũ̂ má’à v. accuse npp. mágâ
lũ̂ v. insult npp. nlúngâ recip. lúngala appl. mándɛlɛ recip. mágala
and lúwala -máá le- n. 5/6 cheek pl. ma-máá
lùà v. curse npp. nlɔ̀ gá caus. lɔ̀ gɛsɛ màbè n. 6 Mabi people
recip. lɔ̀ gala màbùnzò n. 1/2 lion (Kwasio word)
lṹã̀ v. whistle npp. nlɔ́ngâ recip. lɔ́n- pl. ba-mábùnzò
gala scream v.t. lɔ́ngɛ yɛ́lɛ̀ whistle màkítì n. 6 market
with whistle mámé n. 1/2 aunt (father’s sister)
lúmɛ v. send npp. nlúmâ, nlúmálâ pl. ba-mámé
appl. lúmɛlɛ recip. lúmala mándɛlɛ v. accuse (interchangeable
lùmɔ́ n. 7/8 yellow fever mosquito with má’à) recip. mándala accuse each
(Aedes aegypti) pl. be-lùmɔ́ other
lùndá n. 7/8 small forest, grove mándɔ v. stuff mouth npp. mándâ
between villages and houses (French appl. mándɛlɛ recip. mándala
bosquet) pl. be-lùndá pass. mánda
lúndɛ́ n. 7/8 apa tree (Afzelia bipiden- -màngɔ́lɔ́ le- n. 5/6 ankle pl. ma-
sis) pl. be-lúndɛ́ màngɔ́lɔ́
lúndɔ v. fill oneself (with food) mànjìmɔ̀ inv. whole, entire
npp. nlúndá appl. lúndɛlɛ fill sth. mânù n. 6 junction, crossroad
caus. lúndɛsɛ recip. lúndala másà n. 1/2 boss pl. bmásà
lùnga v. grow npp. nlùngá másɛ́gá adv. suddenly, unexpectedly
caus. lùngɛsɛ màtèlà n. 1/2 mattress pl. ba-màtèlà
lùngɛlɛ v. aim (at) npp. nlùngálâ mátsà màtsà ideo. depiction of eating
recip. lùngala in little bits
lúwɔ v . bite npp. nlùwá caus. lúwɛsɛ màtúà n. 1/2 car pl. ba-màtúà

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C Lexicon

mɛ́ɛ̀lɛ v. accept, respond, reply mpà’à n. 9 vapor, fog

npp. mɛ́ɛĺ â recip. mɛ́ala mpá’à wá nyúlɛ̀ n. 3/4 side of the
mɛ́mɛ́dɛ́ wà be-sâ n. 1/2 owner body pl. mi-mpá ’à mí nyúlɛ̀
pl. bɛ́bɛ́dɛ́ bá bé-sâ mpà(mpà) adj. good
mɛ̀mɔ v. admit npp. mèmá recip. mɛ̀ - mpàálé n. 9/6 news pl. ma-mpàálé
mala mpàgó n. 3/4 road pl. mi-mpàgó
mɛ́nɔ́ n. 7/8 morning pl. be-mɛ́nɔ́ mpàmbìlì n. 3/4 plunge, fall pl. mi-
mɛ̀sɔ̀ v. wave (greeting) npp. mɛ̀ sá mpàmbìlì
recip. mɛ̀ sala mpàndà n. 1/2 bug (all larger, rounder
mɛ̀vâ - n. 7 pride insects) pl. ba-mpàndà
mfû n. 3/4 poison pl. mi-mfû mpàndyè n. 7/8 bamboo pl. be-
mfùlɛ̀ n. 3/4 fart pl. mi-mfùlɛ̀ mpàndyè
mgbã̀ n. 7/8 crow pl. be-mgbã̀ mpàndyì n. 7/6 rib pl. ma-mpàndyí
-mgbámàlà ma- n. 6 acidity mpèlɛ̀ n. 1/2 eagle pl. ba-mpèlɛ̀
mgbámala v. be sour mpèndɛ̀ n. 3/4 root pl. mi-mpèndɛ̀
mgbásá n. 7/8 hunting with spear and mpɛ̀wɔ́ n. 3/4 wind pl. mi-mpɛ̀ wɔ́
dogs pl. be-mgbásá mpfùmbɔ̀ n. 3/4 dead tree (without
mgbɛ̀mgbɛ̀mɛ̀ - n. 7/8 lion pl. be- leaves) pl. mi-mpfùmbɔ̀
mgbɛ̀ mgbɛ̀ mɛ̀ mpfùmɔ̀ n. 3/4 midnight pl. mi-
mgbísì n. 3/4 freshness, rawness, mpfùmɔ̀
living pl. mi-mgbísì mpfúndɔ́ n. 3/4 running, race pl. mi-
mímbà v. brag recip. mímbala mpfúndɔ́
mìnkĩ ́ n. 1/2 pot, casserole pl. ba-mìnkĩ ́ mpfùngyá’à n. 3/4 dust pl. mi-
mìnò v. swallow npp. mìná mpfùngyá’à
caus. mìnɛsɛ recip. mìnala mpfùɔ̀ n. 3/4 last meal with medicine
mìntùlí n. 1/2 mouse pl. ba-mìntùlí in a healing session pl. mi-mpfùɔ̀
-mìnú le- n. 5/6 gill pl. ma-mìnú mpí’ìdì n. 9/6 heat (from fire, pot,
míyù n. 1/2 brother, cousin, close people) pl. ma-mpí’ìdì
friend (younger or same age) pl. ba- mpíì n. 3/4 kidney pl. mi-mpíì
míyù mpìmbá n. 7/8 pancreas pl. be-
mkpámá n. 3/4 novelty pl. mi- mpìmbá
mkpámá mpìnàgà n. 3/4 obligation, duty
mɔ̀ n. 3/4 stomach pl. mi-mɔ̀ pl. mi-mpìnàgà
mɔ̀nɛ́ n. 1/2 money pl. ba-mɔ̀ nɛ́ mpíndá n. 9/6 law, prohibition pl. ma-
-mɔ́ngɔ̀ le- n. 5/6 male driver ant mpíndá
(Dorylinae) pl. ma-mɔ́ngɔ̀ mpìndí n. 3/4 unripeness pl. mi-
mpá n. 3/4 island pl. mi-mpá mpìndí
mpà n. 1/2 1) Thomas’ bushbaby mpìndì n. 9/6 dirt pl. ma-mpìndì
(Galago thomasi) 2) virgin pl. ba-mpà mpìndyɔ́ n. 3/4 trigger in trap pl. mi-

664
 mpìndyɔ́ mwàsɔ̀ n. 3/4 long bendable stick in
mpìngá n. 3/4 sweet cassava pl. mi- trap that holds animal pl. mi-mwàsɔ̀
mpìngá mwàsɔ v. throw npp. mwàsá re-
mpǒ n. 1/2 sun squirrel (Heliosciurus cip. mwàsala
gambianus) pl. ba-mpǒ mwɛ́ n. 3/4 dam pl. mi-mwɛ́
mpɔ̀’ɔ̀ - n. 3/4 tooth gap pl. mi-mpɔ̀ ’ɔ̀ myàkɛ v. sprinkle npp. myàká
mpɔ́ndɔ́ n. 3/4 shirt pl. mi-mpɔ́ndɔ́ caus. myàkɛsɛ recip. myàkala
mpɔ̀ngɔ́ n. 9/6 seedling pl. ma-mpɔ̀ ngɔ́ myámata v. be narrow, narrow sth.
mpòngóló n. 7/8 ginger plant (Aframo- npp. myámátâ
mum) pl. be-mpòngóló myámɔ v. knead, press (dough or fruit),
mpù ?. like (this) press between fingers recip. myámala
mpũ̂ n. 3/4 payment pl. mi-mpũ̂ myángálɛ̀ n. 3/4 rust pl. mi-myángálɛ̀
mpúbɛ́lɛ̀ n. 1/2 current, rip tide pl. ba- myɛ́ n. 4 fur
mpúbɛ́lɛ̀
mpúdɛ́ n. 3/4 maize pl. mi-mpúdɛ́
MB
mpúɛ̀rɛ̀ inv. seven
mpùlɛ́ n. 3/4 1) African whitewood
(Enantia chlorantha) 2) yellow color mbáálɔ́ n. 3/4 jaw pl. mi-mbáálɔ́
pl. mìmpùlɛ́ mbàdɔ́ n. 3/4 lake pl. mi-mbàdɔ́
mpúmbú n. 3/4 calf pl. mi-mpúmbú mbàfùmbɔ̀ n. 3/4 shrew pl. mi-
mpwá n. 3/4 bouillon, stock (made mbàfùmbɔ̀
from water, salt, and chili) pl. mi- mbágò n. 3/4 package, envelop pl. mi-
mpwá mbágò
mtsà mtsà mtsà ideo. depiction of mbàmbà n. 3/4 co-wife pl. mi-mbàmbà
picky eating (only taking certain items mbámbɛ́ n. 1/2 grandparent, ancestor
off the plate) pl. ba-mbámbɛ́
múɛlɛ v. nibble npp. múálâ mbàmbìlì n. 1/2 father-in-law pl. ba-
caus. múɛsɛ recip. múala mbàmbìlì
-múngɛ̀ le- n. 5/6 beetle (Buprestidae) mbàngá n. 3/4 nut, pit, stone pl. mi-
pl. ma-múngɛ̀ mbàngá
músɔ́ n. 7/8 midday, noon pl. be-músɔ́ mbàngá lé-lɛ́ndɛ́ - n. 3/4 coconut
mvɛ́bɛ́ n. 7/8 hedgehog pl. be-mvɛ́bɛ́ pl. mi-mbàngá mí má-lɛ́ndɛ́
mvíndɔ́ n. 3/4 sweet water turtle mbẽ̀ n. 1/2 flood pl. ba-mbẽ̀
pl. mi-mvíndɔ́ mbènɛ̀ n. 9/6 bad sign, omen pl. ma-
mwádèkã̂ n. 7/8 other side pl. be- mbènɛ̀
mwádèkã̂ mbéwɔ̀ n. 3/4 selfishness, sin pl. mi-
mwálɛ́ n. 3/4 female pl. mi-mwálɛ́ mbéwɔ̀
-mwàngɔ́lɔ́ le- n. 5/6 joint pl. ma- mbɛ̀ n. 3/4 drum pl. mi-mbɛ̀
mwàngɔ́lɔ́ mbɛ̂ n. 3/4 door pl. mi-mbɛ̂

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C Lexicon

mbɛ́ɛ́ n. 3/4 metal oven pl. mi-mbɛ́ɛ́ pl. ma-mbvúndá

mbèlè n. 3/4 African Padauk, African -mbvúndyɛ̀ le- n. 5/6 leafy debris to
Coralwood (Pterocarpus soyauxii) hide traps) pl. ma-mbvúndyɛ̀
pl. mi-mbèlè mbvúɔ̀ n. 1/2 rain pl. ba-mbvúɔ̀
-mbĩ̀ le- n. 5/6 pillar pl. ma-mbĩ̀ mbvúɔ̀ wà mbvú n. 1/2 drizzle (lit. rain
mbìmbó n. 3/4 corpse pl. mi-mbìmbó of white hair) pl. ba-mbvúɔ̀ bá mbvú
mbómò n. 3/4 eldest (in village) mbvúɔ̀ wà nɛ́nɛ̀ n. 1/2 strong rain
pl. mi-mbómò pl. ba-mbvúɔ̀ bá nɛ́nɛ̀
mbóndí n. 3/4 oil (for cooking) pl. mi- mbwâ n. 3/4 tuber, bulb pl. mi-mbwâ
mbóndí mbwàmbɔ̀ n. 3/4 bundle, package
mbɔ̀lɛ̀ n. 3/4 okra pl. mi-mbɔ̀ lɛ̀ pl. mi-mbwàmbɔ̀
mbɔ̀lɛ́ kfúnó n. 7/8 slime pl. be-mbɔ̀ lɛ́ mbwàmɔ̀ n. 3/4 staying with woman
kfúnó in other compound, adultery pl. mi-
mbɔ̀mbɔ́ n. 9/6 face pl. ma-mbɔ̀ mbɔ́ mbwàmɔ̀
mbɔ̀mbɔ́ n. 3/4 daughter-in-law pl. mi- mbwàmɔ̀ n. 1/2 python pl. ba-
mbɔ̀ mbɔ́ mbwàmɔ̀
mbɔ̀ngɔ̀ n. 7/6 plant pl. be-mbɔ̀ ngɔ̀ mbwɛ̌ n. 1/2 dog pl. ba-mbwɛ̌
mbɔ̀ɔ̀ n. 3/4 fatness pl. mi-mbɔ̀ ɔ̀ mbyɛ̂ n. 3/4 high, upstream pl. mi-
mbɔ̀sàwà n. 3/4 wetness pl. mi- mbyɛ̂
mbɔ̀ sàwà
mbũ̀ n. 7/8 bullfrog pl. be-mbũ̀
N
mbúlá n. 7/6 debt pl. ma-mbúlá
mbúlɛ̀ wá sí n. 3/4 blister pl. mi-mbúlɛ̀
mí sí nã̂ num. four
mbúlɔ̀ n. 3/4 migratory locust (Locusta ná adv. still, again
migratoria) pl. mi-mbúlɔ̀ nà com. and, with
mbúmbá n. 3/4 wrinkledness (e.g. of nâ comp. that
clothes) pl. mi-mbúmbá nàkùgúù adv. yesterday
mbúmbù n. 1/2 namesake pl. ba- nàmɛ́nɔ́ adv. tomorrow
mbúmbù náàtà nà v. stick (sth.), be sticky
mbùngá n. 7/8 earring pl. be-mbùngá npp. nátâ
mbùngù n. 2 Yassa nábànkúdí n. 1/2 female Agama lizard
mbvú n. 3 white/grey hair (Agama agama) pl. ba-nábànkúdí
mbvû n. 3/4 year pl. mi-mbvû nábè(bè) adj. red
mbvùlɛ̀ n. 7/8 bushbuck (Tragelaphus nábúnjã̂ n. 1/2 bed bug pl. ba-nàbúnjã̂
scriptus) pl. be-mbvùlɛ̀ nágyàlɛ́ n. 1/2 breastfeeding woman
mbvúlɛ̀ síyɛ̀ n. 7/8 soot pl. be-mbvúlɛ̀ pl. ba-nágyàlɛ́
bé síyɛ̀ nákúlúú n. 1/2 forest tortoise (Kinixys
mbvúndá n. 9/6 trouble, error, mistake homeana) pl. ba-nákúlúú

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 námángɔ̀(mángɔ̀) n. 1/2 male (Procolobus badius) pl. mi-nkâ
Agama lizard (Agama agama) pl. ba- nkáálè n. 3/4 vertebrate pl. mi-nkáálè
námángɔ̀ (mángɔ̀ ) nkáálɔ́ n. 3/4 fence pl. mi-nkáálɔ́
námínsɔ̀gɛ̀ n. 1/2 palm rat pl. ba- nkáálɔ́ n. 3/4 African/Guinea pepper
námínsɔ̀ gɛ̀ tree (Xylopia aethiopica) pl. mi-nkáálɔ́
námbàmbàlà(mbàmbàlà) adj. white nkábɛ́ n. 9/6 paddle pl. ma-nkábɛ́
nánkyàálɛ́ n. 1/2 termite mound nkàdɛ̀ n. 3/4 provocation pl. mi-nkàdɛ̀
pl. ba-nánkyàálɛ́ nkágá n. 3/4 side of an animal pl. mi-
nápfû(pfû) adj. darkened color nkágá̀
návyû(vyû) adj. black nkámbílí n. 3/4 chewed up (fish)
náyɛ̂(yɛ̂) adj. brightened color bones that are spat out when eating
náyûyû n. 1/2 vertigo pl. ba-náyûyû pl. mi-nkámbílí
nátĩ̂ adj. straight nkàmɛ̀ n. 3/4 sticky sap (from vein,
-nángá le- n. 5/6 star pl. ma-nángá used for birdlime) pl. mi-nkàmɛ̀
nɛ́nɛ̀ adj. big nkàmɔ̀ n. 9 reason
níɛ̀ v. be beautiful caus. níngɛsɛ nkándâ n. 3/4 crack pl. mi-nkándâ
níí n. 7/8 vagina pl. be-níí nkàndɛ́ n. 1/2 African dwarf crocodile
níndyà v. urinate caus. níndyɛsɛ (Osteolaemus tetraspis) pl. ba-nkàndɛ́
recip. níndyala nkándɔ̀ n. 3/4 beer pl. mi-nkándɔ̀
níyɛ̀ inv. how many nkângà n. 1/2 weaver bird pl. ba-
njì v. come npp. njìyá nkângà
njí nà v. bring (come with) nkázá n. 3/4 whip pl. mi-nkázá
njímbà n. 3/4 ignorance pl. mi-njìmbá nké’é n. 7/8 scream pl. be-nké’é
njímí n. 1/2 blind person pl. ba-njímí nkɛ̀ n. 3/4 low, downstream pl. mi-nkɛ̀
njìmɔ̀ n. 3/4 some, someone, any nkɛ́’ɛ́ n. 3/4 jaw pl. mi-nkɛ́’ɛ́
pl. mi-njìmɔ̀ (mí b-ùdì) nkɛ̀’ɛ̀ n. 3/4 chin pl. mi-nkɛ̀ ’ɛ̀
njɔ́’ɔ̀ n. 1/2 elephant pl. ba-njɔ́’ɔ̀ -nkɛ́dɛ́ le- n. 5/6 hip, waist pl. ma-
njú n. 7/8 gap between incisor teeth nkɛ́dɛ́
pl. be-njú nkɛ́dɛ́ n. 9/6 courage pl. ma-nkɛ́dɛ́
-njù le- n. 5/6 sweet banana pl. ma-njù nkɛ̀lɛ̀ yá d-ísì n. 7/8 eyebrow pl. be-
njũ̂ n. 7/8 gall bladder, gall pl. be-njũ̂ nkɛ̀ lɛ̀ bé m-ísì
-njwã̂ le- n. 5/6 eggplant pl. ma-njwã̂ nkfù lé lɔ̂ n. 3/4 ear canal pl. mi-nkù
nkã̂ n. 3/4 guinea fowl pl. mi-nã̂ mí ma-lɔ̂
nkɔ̃̂ n. 3/4 back pl. mi-nkɔ̂̃ nkfúdɛ́ n. 7/8 cloud, fog pl. be-nkfúdɛ́
nkṹɔ̃̀ n. 3/4 betrayal pl. mi-nkṹɔ̀̃ nkfùndɛ́ n. 3/4 barren woman pl. mi-
nkṹɔ̃̀ b-ùdì - n. 1/2 traitor pl. ba-kṹɔ̀̃ nkfùndɛ́
bá b-ùdì nkfùbɔ́ n. 3/4 trunk (body) pl. mi-
nká n. 3/4 line, row pl. mi-nká nkfùbɔ́
nká’à n. 3/4 western red colobus nkfúù n. 3/4 ghost pl. mi-nkfúù

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C Lexicon

nkfùwɔ́ n. 3/4 torso pl. mi-nkvùwɔ́ -nkùzɔ́ - n. 3/4 widow/er pl. mìnkùzɔ́
nkìngù n. 3/4 1) edge 2) corner pl. mi- nkwã́ã̀lɛ̀ b-ùdì n. 1/2 spy pl. ba-kwã́ã̀lɛ̀
nkìngù bá b-ùdì
nkìyɔ́ n. 3/4 wave pl. mi-nkìyɔ́ nkwálá n. 3/4 machete pl. mi-nkwálá
nkɔ̀lɛ́ n. 3/4 vein, rope, line pl. mi- nkwànò n. 3/4 honey pl. mi-nkwànò
nkɔ̀ lɛ́ nkwásá n. 3/4 fishing pole pl. mi-
nkɔ́lɔ̀ n. 3/4 watch, clock pl. mi-nkɔ́lɔ̀ nkwásá
nkɔ́ngɔ́ n. 3/4 frog (general term) nkwɛ̌ n. 3/4 basket pl. mi-nkwɛ̌
pl. mi-nkɔ́ngɔ́ nkyã́ n. 3/4 shrimp pl. mi-nkyã́
nkɔ́sâ n. 3/4 manner of coughing nkyã̂ n. 3/4 scabies pl. mi-nkyã̂
pl. mi-nkɔ́sâ nlã́ n. 3/4 anus pl. mi-nlã́
nkɔ́zì n. 7/8 part of throat of animal nlã̂ n. 3/4 story, tale, problem pl. mi-
that gets removed after killing pl. be- nlã̂
nkɔ́zì nlàà n. 3/4 antenna, horn pl. mi-nlàà
nkù n. 3/4 hole, animal den pl. mi-nkù nlàwɔ́ n. 3/84 branch pl. mi-nlàwɔ́
nkû n. 1/2 Gambian pouched rat nlémò n. 3/4 heart pl. mi-nlémò
(Cricetomys gambianus) pl. ba-nkû nlô n. 3/4 head pl. mi-nlô
nkû n. 3/4 leg, foot pl. mi-nkû nlùdɛ̀ n. 3/4 scale (for weighing)
nkùá n. 3/4 tree trunk pl. mi-nkùá pl. mi-nlùdɛ̀
nkùlɛ́ n. 3/4 hill, mountain pl. mi- nlùngá n. 3/4 bucket pl. mi-nlùngá
nkùlɛ́ nlvúmá n. 3/4 fork pl. mi-nlvúmá
nkúlɔ́ n. 3/4 “dead” (rainy) season nɔ̀ɔ̀nɛ́ n. 7/8 bird (generic term) pl. be-
(May-Aug) pl. mi-nkúlɔ́ nɔ̀ ɔ̀nɛ́
nkùmàsà n. 3/4 preparation pl. mi- nɔ́ɔ́ n. 1/2 deaf person pl. ba-nɔ́ɔ́
nkùmàsà nɔ̀ɔ̀ v. take npp. nɔ̀ ngá recip. nɔ̀ ngala
nkùmbɔ́ n. 1/2 African brush-tailed nsĩ̂ n. 3/4 African linsang (Poiana
porcupine (Atherurus africanus) pl. ba- richardsonii) pl. mi-nsĩ̂
nkùmbɔ́ nsɔ̃̂ n. 3/4 (intestinal) worm pl. mi-nsɔ̂̃
nkùmbò n. 3/4 Nile crocodile (Crocody- nsɔ̃̂ n. 3/4 beak pl. mi-nsɔ̂̃
lus niloticus) pl. mi-nkùmbò nsá n. 3/4 shore pl. mi-nsá
nkùmbɔ́ wá d-úú n. 3/4 nasal wing nsá wá mã̂ n. 3/4 beach, shore (bord
pl. mi-nkùmbɔ́ mí m-úú de la mer) pl. mi-nsá mí mã̂
nkúmbɔ̀lɔ́ n. 3/4 diarrhea pl. mi- nsá’à n. 3/4 shrub, bush (e.g. banana
nkúmbɔ̀ lɔ́ tree) pl. mi-nsá’à
nkùmù n. 3/4 prison pl. mi-nkùmù nsà’á n. 3/4 mantled guereza (Colobus
nkùndé n. 3/4 tail pl. mi-nkùndé guereza) pl. mi-nsà’á
nkúnkúmbɛ́ n. 3/4 bow pl. mi- nsá’àwà n. 3/4 flouncing, repeated
nkúnkúmbɛ́ movement (e.g. leaves) pl. mi-nsá’àwà
nkùù n. 3/4 evil spirit pl. mi-nkùù nsàlá n. 3/4 crevice, fissure pl. mi-

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nsàlá ntɛ́lɛ́ n. 7/8 clothing, fabric pl. be-ntɛ́lɛ́
-sálɛ̀ mànkɛ̃̂ n- n. 1/2 farmer pl. ba-sálɛ̀ ntɛ̀mbɔ́ n. 1/2 younger siblings and
bá má-nkɛ̂̃ cousins pl. ba-ntɛ̀ mbɔ́
nsámbò n. 3/4 penis pl. mi-nsámbò -ntɛ̀mbwà le- n. 5/6 wrinkle (in skin)
nsɛ́ n. 3/4 sand pl. mi-nsɛ́ pl. ma-ntɛ̀ mbwá
nsɛ́lɔ́ n. 3/4 plant with thorns pl. mi- ntɛ̀ndá n. 3/4 tear, rip pl. mi-ntɛ̀ ndá
nsɛ́lɔ́ -ntɛ̀ndì le- n. 5/6 saliva, drool pl. ma-
nsíngɔ́ n. 3/4 fastness, speed pl. mi- ntɛ̀ ndì
nsíngɔ́ ntfùgà n. 7/8 lid (of bottle) pl. be-
nsínó n. 3/4 color, paint pl. mi-nsínó ntfùgà
nsìsɔ́ n. 3/4 vein pl. mi-nsìsɔ́ ntfúmò n. 3/4 knife pl. mi-ntfúmò
nsìyɛ̀ n. 3/4 string pl. mi-nsìyɛ̀ ntɔ̀gɔ̀ n. 7/8 sweet potato pl. be-ntɔ̀ gɔ̀
nsɔ̂ wá d-ísì n. 3/4 pupil pl. mi-nsɔ̂ mí ntɔ̀ndɔ̀gɛ̀ n. 7/8 needle pl. be-ntɔ̀ ndɔ̀ gɛ̀
m-ísì ntɔ̀ndɔ̀m ideo. depiction of monkeys
nsɔ́nsɔ́ n. 3/4 bone marrow pl. mi- jumping in trees
nsɔ́nsɔ́ ntɔ̀ngɛ̀ n. 1/2 hornet, wasp, mantispid
nsùlɛ̀ n. 3/4 ripeness pl. mi-nsùlɛ̀ pl. ba-ntɔ̀ ngɛ̀
nsùmbɔ́ n. 3/4 hunt (with dogs and ntsã́ntsùgɛ̀ n. 3/4 dragonfly (Odonata)
spears) pl. mi-nsùmbɔ́ pl. mi-ntsã́ntsùgɛ̀
ntã́ã̀ v. climb over, overcome, succeed ntúà n. 7/6 mango (fruit), mango
npp. ntàngá caus. ntàngɛsɛ recip. ntàn- tree, wild mango (Irvingia gabonensis)
gala pl. ma-ntúà
ntá n. 3/4 niece, nephew (children -ntúdégá le- n. 5/6 bruise pl. ma-
of the sister, i.e. children who do not ntúdégá
belong to the house, but have their ntúlé n. 3/4 old person pl. mi-ntúlé
father elsewhere) pl. mi-ntá ntúmɛ́ n. 3/4 walking stick pl. mi-
ntà n. 1/2 grandchild pl. ba-ntà ntúmɛ́
ntámanɛ v. ruin, destroy, be ruined ntúmɔ̀ n. 2 Mvai people (Campo,
ntàmbɛ̀ n. 1/2 rubber pl. ba-ntàmbɛ̀ Guinea, Mbam)
ntàmbɛ̂ n. 1/2 stick pl. ba-ntàmbɛ̂ ntùngù n. 3/4 manner, behavior
ntàngànɛ̀ n. 3/4 white person pl. mi- pl. mi-ntùngù
ntàngànɛ̀ ntùɔ́ inv. six
ntányá n. 3/4 cleanliness pl. mi- ntúbí n. 3/4 savannah pl. mi-ntúbí
ntányá númbá n. 7/8 place pl. be-númbá
ntɛ́ n. 3/4 tallness, size pl. mi-ntɛ́ nùmbà n. 1/2 logger pl. ba-nùmbà
ntɛ̀gá n. 3/4 weakness, softness pl. mi- nvɛ̀wɔ̀ n. 3/4 breath pl. mi-nvɛ̀ wɔ̀
ntɛ̀ gá ŋwándɔ́ n. 3/4 bitter manioc pl. mi-
ntɛ́gɛlɛ̀ v. threaten, annoy, disturb ŋwándɔ́
npp. ntɛ́gálâ recip. ntɛ́gala ŋwándɔ́ n. 9/6 manioc stick pl. ma-

669
C Lexicon

ŋwándɔ́ nyímɛlɛ v. tighten npp. nyímálâ

nyã̂ n. 1/2 mother pl. ba-nyã̂ recip. nyímala
nyá inv. really nyɔ̀mbɛlɛ v. tickle recip. nyɔ̀ mbala
nyâ n. 7/8 nail (finger, toe), claw nyɔ́nyɔ̃̂ n. 7/8 yawn pl. be-nyɔ́nyɔ̂̃
pl. be-nyâ -nyɔ́ɔ̀ ma- n. 6 wine, general term for
-nyâ ma- n. 6 milk alcohol
nyâ v. lick, suckle (babies) npp. nyángâ -nyɔ́ɔ̀ má lɛ́ndɛ́ ma- n. 6 palm wine
caus. nyángɛsɛ recip. nyángala nyú (wá nkwànò) n. 1/2 bee pl. ba-
nyàà v. defecate npp. nyàgâ nyú (bá nkwànò)
caus. nyàgɛsɛ recip. nyàgala nyúúlé n. 7/8 insect pl. be-nyúúlé
nyáàlɛ̀ n. 1/2 beggar pl. ba-nyáàlɛ̀ nyṹã̀ n. 1/2 snake pl. ba-nyṹã̀
nyádɛ̀ n. 1/2 buffalo pl. ba-nyádɛ̀ nyúlɛ́ n. 3/4 orphan pl. mi-nyúlɛ́
nyàgà n. 7/8 cow pl. be-nyágà nyúlɛ̀ n. 9/6 body pl. ma-nyúlɛ̀
nyàlɛ́ n. 1/2 son-/brother-in-law nyùlɛ̀ n. 3/4 flame pl. mi-nyùlɛ̀
pl. ba-nyàlɛ́ nyùlɛ v. drink npp. nyùlá
nyàlɛ v. scratch npp. nyàlá re- caus. nyùlɛsɛ recip. nyùlala
cip. nyàlala nyùmbò n. 3/4 mouth pl. mi-nyùmbò
nyàmá n. 3/4 broken thing pl. mi- nyùmbɔ v.i. smell (good or bad)
nyàmá npp. nyùmbá appl. nyùmbɛlɛ smell
nyámbá n. 9/6 armpit pl. ma-nyámbá sth. caus. nyùmbɛsɛ recip. nyùmbala
nyàmɛ̀ n. 7/8 poverty pl. be-nyàmɛ̀ nyùngù n. 1/2 rainbow pl. ba-nyùngù
nyàmɔ v. get ruined, spoil (e.g. house, nyùùlɛ̀ n. 1/2 mosquito pl. ba-nyùùlɛ̀
fruit) npp. nyàmá caus. nyàmɛsɛ nywã́ĩ̀ adv. early (in the day, before
recip. nyàmala sunset)
nyánɛ̀ n. 7/8 war pl. be-nyánɛ̀ nzã́ã̀ n. 7 appetite for meat or fish
-nyánɔ̀ ma- n. 6 pain nzá pro. who
nyàno v. hurt -nzá le- n. 5/6 dead leaves in water
nyè v. return npp. nyìgá recip. nyìgala pl. ma-nzá
nyɛ̂ v. see, look recip. nyɛ́nala -nzálè ma- n. 6 urine
nyɛ̀mbɛ́ n. 7/8 gun pl. be-nyɛ̀ mbɛ́ nzàmbí n. 1/2 god, good spirit pl. ba-
nyɛ̀sɛlɛ v. press down on sth., deepen nzàmbí
npp. nyɛ̀ sá lowered nzàmbɔ̀ n. 7/8 marsh pl. be-nzàmbɔ̀
nyî v. enter npp. nyíngâ appl. nyíngɛlɛ nzámù n. 1/2 appetite pl. ba-nzámù
recip. nyíngala nzɛ̀lɛ̀ n. 7/8 beard pl. be-nzɛ̀ lɛ̀
nyígɛ v. beg nzí nzálɛ̀ n. 7/8 bladder (place of urine)
nyìkà (yá m-bɔ̂) - n. 7/8 crook of the pl. be-nzí nzálɛ̀
arm pl. be-nyìkà bé má-bɔ̂ nzìlũ̂ n. 7/8 swallow pl. be-nzìlũ̂
nyímɛ v. refuse npp. nyímâ -nzímɔ̀ le- n. 5/6 termite (Isoptera)
caus. nyímɛsɛ recip. nyímala pl. ma-nzímɔ̀

670
nzɔ̀mɛ́ n. 7/8 splinter pl. be-nzɔ̀ mɛ́ ndzɛ́lì (yá m-ísì) n. 7/8 hair in face
(beard, around eyes) pl. be-ndzɛ́lì (bé
m-ísì)
ND
ndzǐ n. 9/6 path pl. ma-ndzǐ
ndzìɛ̀ n. 1/2 gorilla pl. ba-ndzìɛ̀
ndɛ̃ ́ɛ̃́ɛ̃́ɛ̃́ ideo. depiction of staring ndzìlì n. 1/2 guard pl. ba-ndzìlì
ndà v. cross npp. ndàngá recip. ndàn- ndzílí yá m-bɔ̂ n. 7/8 elbow pl. be-
gala ndzílí ma-bɔ̂
ndáà adv. also, too ndzìmózó n. 1/2 guard pl. ba-ndìmózó
ndàlò n. 1/2 tobacco pl. ba-ndàlò ndzìwɔ̀ n. 1/2 yellow-backed duiker
ndáwɔ̀ n. 9/6 house pl. ma-ndáwɔ̀ (Cephalophus silvicultor) pl. ba-ndzìwɔ̀
ndɛ̀ - n. 3/4 bait pl. mi-ndɛ̀ -ndzólɛ̀ le- n. 5/6 tear pl. ma-ndzólɛ̀
ndɛ̀mó n. 9/6 dream pl. ma-ntɛ̀ mó
ndɛ́ndíbù n. 1/2 spider, spider web
pl. ba-ndɛ́ndíbù
NG
ndísì n. 3/4 rice pl. mi-ndísì
ndúá n. 7/8 clitoris pl. be-ndúá ngã̀(ngã̀́) n. 1/2 healer pl. ba-ngã̀(ngã́)
ndùwɔ́ n. 3/4 roof pl. mi-ndùwɔ́ ngɛ̃̂ n. 9/6 field, garden pl. ma-ngɛ̂̃
ndvùɔ́ n. 7/8 suffering, difficulty ngɔ̃̀ língɔ̃̂ ́ lì n. 7/8 throat, larynx pl. be-
pl. be-ndvùɔ́ ngɔ̀̃ língɔ̃́lì
ndvùù n. 3/4 bad luck, bad event ngũ̀ɔ̃̀ n. 7/8 tomato pl. be-ngũ̀ɔ̀̃
pl. mi-ndvùù ngálɛ̀ n. 1/2 thunder, lightning, heat
ndwàmbɛ̀lɛ̀ n. 3/4 exaggerated request lightning pl. ba-ngálɛ̀
pl. mi-ndwàmbɛ̀ lɛ̀ ngàmbàlà n. 7/6 rarity, difficulty
ndyándyà (wá m-údí) - n. 3/4 giant, pl. ma-ngàmbàlà
tall person pl. mi-ndyándyà (mí b-údí) ngámbɛ́ n. 7/6 vision, oracle pl. ma-
ndyàwɔ̀ n. 7/6 chisel pl. ma-ndyàwɔ̀ ngámbɛ̀
ndyúà n. 3/4 swimming pl. mi-ndyúà ngàtà n. 9/6 bandage, wrapping
ndzã̀ n. 9/6 dance pl. ma-ndzã̀ pl. ma-ngàtà
ndzĩ ́ n. 9/6 jealousy, envy pl. ma-ndzĩ ́ ngɛ̀’ɛ̀ n. 7/8 eyebrow pl. ba-nkɛ̀ ’ɛ̀
ndzĩ̀ n. 1/2 fly pl. ba-ndzĩ̀ ngɛ̀lɛ́nɛ̀ n. 1/2 English person pl. ba-
ndzà n. 9/6 hunger pl. ma-ndzà ngɛ̀ lɛ́nɛ̀
ndzààlɛ́ n. 1/2 tree pangolin (Manis ngɔ̀ n. 9/6 grinding stone plate pl. ma-
tricuspis) pl. ba-ndzààlɛ́ ngɔ̀
ndzámbɔ̀ n. 7/6 upper arm pl. ma- ngǒ n. 1/2 pig pl. ba-ngǒ
ndzámbɔ̀ ngǒ wà jìí n. 1/2 bush pig (Potamo-
ndzàmbɔ̀ n. 7/8 mud pl. be-ndzàmbɔ̀ choerus porcus) pl. ba-ngǒ bá jìí
ndzɛ̌ n. 1/2 panther, leopard pl. ba- ngɔ́kɔ̀bɛ́ n. 7/8 bracelet pl. be-ngɔ́kɔ̀ bɛ́
ndzɛ̌ ngòmbáà n. 1/2 lemon pl. ba-ngòmbáà

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ngɔ̀mbɔ̀ n. 1/2 monitor lizard pl. ba- ngwàndɔ́ n. 3/4 melon seed (pistache)
ngɔ̀ mbɔ̀ pl. mi-ngwàndɔ́
ngɔ̀mɔ̀ n. 9/6 tam tam (small drum) ngwáwà n. 7/8 guava pl. be-ngwáwà
pl. ma-ngɔ̀ mɔ̀ ngwáwɔ v. bend (only animate), bow
ngɔ̀ndɛ̀ n. 1/2 moon, month pl. ba- npp. ngwáwâ caus. ngwàngɛsɛ
ngɔ̀ ndɛ̀ ngwɛ́lɛ̀ n. 9/6 witchcraft pl. ma-
ngɔ̀ngɔ̀lɛ̀ n. 7 sadness (about lack), ngwɛ́lɛ̀
compassion ngyɛ̃̂ n. 3/4 visit pl. mi-ngyɛ̂̃
ngóvìnà n. 1/2 government pl. ba- ngyà n. 3/4 intestines pl. mi-ngyà
ngóvìnà ngyà wá lètɔ́lɛ̀ n. 3/4 hernia pl. mi-
ngùlá n. 3/4 headscarf pl. mi-ngùlá ngyà mí mátɔ́lɛ̀
ngùndyá n. 9/6 raffia leaf when used ngyámànɛ̀ n. 7 Germany
for weaving pl. ma-ngùndyá ngyàngɔ́ n. 7/8 hunt (with gun) pl. be-
ngùɔ́ n. 7/8 sugar (cane) pl. be-ngùɔ́ ngyàngɔ́
ngvṹɔ̃̀ n. 1/2 storm, tornado pl. ba- -ngyɛ̌ mi- n. 4 hunting rats (in holes)
ngvṹɔ̀̃ ngyɛ́mɔ̀ n. 3/4 fruit bat pl. mi-ngyɛ́mɔ̀
ngvù n. 1/2 flying squirrel (Idiurus ngyɛ́sá n. 7/8 cake pl. be-ngyɛ́sá
zenkeri) pl. ba-ngvù ngyɔ́wɔ̀ n. 3/4 hook pl. mi-ngyɔ́wɔ̀
ngvùbɔ́ n. 1/2 hippopotamus pl. ba- ngyùlè n. 3/4 light pl. mi-ngyùlè
ngvùbɔ́ ngyùlè wá vísɔ́ n. 3/4 sunlight pl. mi-
ngvúlɛ̀ n. 9/6 strength, force pl. ma- ngùlè mí vísɔ́
ngvúlɛ̀
ngvúmà n. 1/2 some, someone (un-
O
specified, unknown) pl. ba-ngvúmà
-ngvúmbɔ̀ ma- n. 6 flirt, attention
seeking ɔ́(nɛ́)gá mod. (an)other
ngvùmbɔ̀ n. 2 Ngumba people
ngvùndɛ̀ n. 7/8 mask pl. be-ngvùndɛ̀ P
ngvùndɔ̀ n. 9/6 vengeance pl. ma-
ngvùndɔ̀
ngvúngvúlɔ́ n. 3/4 bush cricket (Tet- pã̂ v. do first (only as auxiliary)
tigoniidae), grasshopper (Zonocerus) pã̂ v. reign, govern, command
pl. mi-ngvúngvúlɔ́ npp. mpángâ recip. pángala
ngvúú n. 7/8 shyness pl. be-ngvúú pẽ́ n. 9/6 injury pl. ma-pẽ́
ngwɛ̃ ̌ n. 1/2 millipede pl. ba-ngwɛ̃̌ pɔ̃̂ n. 2 Fang
ngwálà n. 1/2 snail pl. ba-ngwálà -pà le- n. 5/6 paw pl. ma-pà
ngwálɔ̀ n. 7/6 side, next, corner pá’á n. 7/8 1) bark (tree) 2) coin
pl. ma-ngwálɔ̀ pl. ba-pá’á
ngwámé n. 7 danger pá’à v. dig, hollow out (e.g. drum)

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 npp. mpágâ recip. págala pɛ́wɔ́ n. 7/8 scar pl. be-pɛ́wɔ́
pà’à v. grow (plants) npp. mpàgá péyà v. booze, get drunk caus. péyɛsɛ
recip. pàgala recip. péyala
páàlà n. 9/6 valley pl. ma-páàlà -pf’ǒ ba- n. 2 Bapoko (Kwasio loan
pádɔ v. 1) pluck (e.g. African plums, word)
chili), 2) wring out npp. mpádâ re- pfũ̂ n. 7/8 colobus monkey pl. be-pfũ̂
cip. pádala pfáááá ideo. depiction of flinging a
pálaba v. blink (eye) long object or slinging
pálɔ v. sort npp. mpálâ recip. pálala pfùdé n. 9/6 mold pl. ma-pfùdé
-pámó ma- n. 6 rise, arrival pfùdɔ́ n. 7/8 abandonment pl. be-
pámo v. appear npp. mpámâ recip. pá- kfùdɔ́
mala pfúɛlɛ v. crunch npp. mpfúálâ re-
pàmpɛ́lɛ̀ n. 7/8 grapefruit pl. be- cip. pfúala
pàmpɛ́lɛ̀ pfùmbɛ v. pull out (groundnuts)
pándɛ v. arrive npp. mpándâ re- npp. mpfùmbá recip. pfùmbala
cip. pándala pfúndɔ v. be frightened caus. pfúndɛsɛ
pándyì n. 1/2 plate pl. ba-pándyì recip. pfúndala
pándyì wà dô - n. 1/2 deep plate pfùngà n. 7/8 lid (pot, eye) pl. be-
pánɛ v. hang up npp. mpánâ pfùngà
caus. pánɛsɛ recip. pánala pfúbánɛ́ n. 3/4 cleanliness pl. mi-
pàno v. shine (e.g. sun, fireflies, stars, pfúbánɛ́
moon, light, lamp) npp. mpàná pfùbɛlɛ v. blow (tr), blow down
pɛ̂ v. choose npp. mpɛ́yâ recip. pɛ́yala npp. mpfúbálâ recip. pfùbala
pè’è n. 9/6 wisdom pl. ma-pè’è pfùtùm ideo. depiction of sound when
-pébà le- n. 5/6 fin (fish) pl. ma-pébà jumping into water
péè n. 7/8 avocado (tree and fruit) pfùwɔ v. dust npp. mpfùwâ re-
pl. be-péè cip. pfùwala
pèè n. 9/6 conscience pl. ma-pèè -pfùyá be- n. 8 ashes, powder
pɛ́ɛ́pɛ́ɛ̀ n. 1/2 cockroach pl. ba-pɛ́ɛp
́ ɛ́ɛ̀ píìpíì n. 1/2 butterfly, moth pl. ba-
pɛ́lɛ̀ n. 7/8 side pl. be-pɛ́lɛ̀ píìpíì
-pɛ́lɛ̀ bé bénó be- n. 8 buttocks -pílá ngàndɛ́ be- n. 8 overbite (teeth)
pɛ́mbɔ́ n. 7/8 clay, bread pl. be-pɛ́mbɔ́ (ngàndɛ́ as in crocodile)
pɛ̀ndɛlɛ v. lick out with finger pílì n. 7/6 moment, season pl. ma-pílì
npp. mpɛ̀ ndálâ recip. pɛ̀ ndala pílɔ̀ adv. when
péndɔ v. braid npp. mpéndâ recip. pén- pìmáá n. 7/8 wall pl. be-pìmáá
dala pímbɛ v. wipe npp. mpímbâ re-
pɛ́pɛ́ n. 1/2 leaf-hopper bug (Cicadelli- cip. pímbala
dae) pl. ba-pɛ́pɛ́ pímù n. 9/6 force, power pl. ma-pímù
-pɛ́bá le- n. 5/6 wing pl. ma-pɛ́bá píndyɔ́ n. 7/8 piece, part that is broken

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off pl. be-píndyɔ́ S

pínɛsɛ v. squeeze npp. mpínâ recip. pí-
nala
-sâ ma- n. 6 game (playing)
písɛ̀ adv, post. last, late
sã̂ v. vomit npp. nsángâ caus. sángɛsɛ
písɛ̀ n. 7/8 back (spatial) pl. be-písɛ̀
recip. sángala
píyɔ̀ adj. small, thin
sã́ n. 1/2 father, male pl. ba-sã́
pìyù-pìyù n. 1/2 small rain, small rainy
sã́ wà kfúbɔ̀ n. 1/2 rooster (male of
season (Mar - May) pl. ba-pìyù-pìyù
chicken) pl. ba-sã́ bá kfúbɔ̀
pɔ́ n. 9/6 news, prophecy pl. ma-pɔ́
sã́ã̀sa v. mix npp. nsã́ã́sâ
pɔ́dɛ̀ n. 1/2 port, harbour pl. ba-pɔ́dɛ̀
sĩĩ́ ̀ v.t. approach npp. nsíngâ
pɔ́m n. 1/2 potato pl. ba-pɔ́m
appl. sísɛlɛ recip. síngala
pɔ́ndɛsɛ v. punish npp. mpɔ́ndásâ
sá n. 1/2 earth worm pl. ba-sá
pɔ́nɛ́ n. 7 truth
-sá le- n. 5/6 African plum tree (Dacry-
pɔ̀pɔ́ n. 7/8 papaya pl. be-pɔ̀ pɔ́
odes edulis) and its fruit pl. ma-sá
pɔ̀tɔ̀ n. 7/8 clay (for building houses)
sà n. 7/8 hut pl. be-sà
pl. be-pɔ̀ tɔ̀
sâ n. 7/8 thing pl. be-sâ
pówàlà adj. tranquil, calm
-sâ le- n. 5/6 feather pl. ma-sâ
púɔ̃̀ v. pay npp. mpúngâ recip. pún-
sâ v. do npp. nsáyâ recip. sáala
gala
sá’àwà v. move repeatedly
pùdùm ideo. depiction of falling into
sáálɛ́ n. 7/8 work pl. be-sáálɛ́
mud or throwing stone into water
sàga v. shock, scare, be surprised
púndí n. 1/2 guenon (Cercopithecus
npp. nsàgá recip. sàgala
preussi) pl. ba-púndí
ságɔ́ságɔ́ n. 1/2 comb pl. ba-ságɔ́ságɔ́
púndi v. polish npp. mpúndâ re-
-sálá (má kúlí) ma- n. 6 ceremony
cip. púndala
months after a funeral ending the deuil
pùsɛ v. push npp. mpùsá recip. pùsala
sàlàgà n. 7/8 ditch pl. be-sàlàgà
púsí n. 7/8 bottle pl. be-púsí
sàlɛ v.i. crack (e.g. wood, wall)
púù n. 7 1) reason 2) púù + ATT/GEN
-sálɛ̀ bàmbèyè n- n. 1/2 prostitute
for, because
pl. ba-sálɛ̀ bá be-bàmbèyè
pùúlì n. 7/8 hat pl. be-pùúlì
-sálɛ̀ màngámbɛ́ n- n. 1/2 diviner,
pwápwâ n. 1/2 truth, honesty pl. ba-
fortune-teller pl. ba-sálè bá mángámbɛ́
pwàpwâ
-sálɛ̀ ngyàngɔ́ n- n. 1/2 hunter pl. ba-
pwàsɔwɔ v. stretch (animal with
sálɛ̀ bá bé-ngyàngɔ́
sticks for smoke), stretch oneself
sálɔ v. become lots npp. nsálâ
npp. mpwàsá recip. pwàsala
sàlɔ v. cut lengthways npp. nsàlá
pwɛ̀dà n. 1/2 grass pl. ba-pwɛ̀ dà
recip. sàlala
pyàgá n. 7/6 paper pl. ma-pyàgá
sàmbɛ̀sɛ̀ n. 7 rape
sàndyá n. 7/8 raffia mat for house

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 building pl. be-sàndyá símasa v. regret npp. nsímásâ
sàndyà n. 1/2 fabric (pagne) pl. ba- sìmbɔ v. drag npp. nsìmbá recip. sìm-
sàndyà bala
sánɛ v. decide npp. nsánâ recip. sánala símɛ v. respect npp. nsímâ recip. sí-
sàsàmbɛ́ (yá mwánɔ̀) n. 7/8 miscar- mala
riage pl. be-sàsàmbɛ́ sìmú n. 7/8 liquid sauce pl. be-sìmú
-sɛ̃̀ le- n. 5/6 small canoe, dugout síndya v. change, exchange
pl. ma-sɛ̀̃ npp. nsíndyâ recip. síndyala
-sɛ̃̂ le- n. 5/6 umbrella tree (Musanga síngí n. 7/8 squirrel (generic term)
cecropioides) pl. ma-sɛ̂̃ pl. be-síngí
sɛ́’ɛ̀ n. 7/8 liver pl. be-sɛ́’ɛ̀ síngì n. 7/8 cat pl. be-síngì
sɛ́’ɛ̀ n. 7/8 mandrill (Mandrillus sphinx) sìngì n. 7/8 soul, spirit pl. be-sìngì
pl. be-sɛ́’ɛ̀ sísà n. 3/4 Aidan fruit and tree
sɛ̀gɛ̀sɛ̀ n. 7/8 sieve pl. be-sɛ̀ gɛ̀ sɛ̀ (Tetrapleura tetraptera) pl. mi-nsísà
sɛ̀gɛsɛ v. sieve npp. nsɛ̀ gásâ sísɛlɛ v. scare sb. npp. nsísâ re-
sɛ́kɛ̀ n. 1/2 termite pl. ba-sɛ́kɛ̀ cip. sísala autoc. sísɛga
sɛ́lɔ v. shell, skin, husk npp. nsɛ́lâ sìsímù n. 7/8 shadow (of person)
recip. sɛ́lala pl. be-sìsímù
sɛ́mbɔ v. arrive, land sísɔ v.i. approach npp. nsísâ re-
sɛ̀ndɛ v. slip npp. msɛ̀ ndá caus. sɛ̀ ndɛsɛ cip. sísala
recip. sɛ̀ ndala sìsɔ v. be happy recip. sìsala
sɛ̀ngɛ v. lower npp. nsɛ̀ ngá recip. sɛ̀ n- sìsùù n. 7/8 apparition pl. be-sìsùù
gala -síyá be- n. 8 imitation
sí n. 9/6 ground, soil, world pl. ma-sí sìya v. wash, bathe npp. nsìyá re-
sí post. under cip. sìyala
síawa v. have a hiccup síyɛ̀ n. 7/8 fire (Kwasio loan word)
sìgá n. 1/2 cigarette pl. ba-sìgá pl. be-síyɛ̀
-sìlá le- n. 5/6 mole-cricket (Gryllotalpa síyɛ v. saw npp. nsíyâ recip. síyala
africana), tiger beetle (Megacephala) síyɛsɛ v. swing, shake npp. nsíyàsâ
pl. ma-sìlá síyɔ̀ n. 7/8 dry season (Nov-Mar)
sílɛ v. finish, end, use up, kill npp. nsílâ pl. be-síyɔ̀
caus. sílɛsɛ recip. sílala -síyɔ̀ le- n. 5/6 elephant tusk pl. ma-
sìlɛga v. descend, fade npp. nsìlá síyɔ̀
caus. sìlɛsɛ recip. sìlala sɔ́ n. 1/2 friend pl. ba-sɔ́
sìlí n. 7/8 1) hair 2) spark (bé béyí) sɔ̀ n. 7/8 saw pl. be-sɔ̀
pl. be-sìlí sɔ̃̂ n. 9/6 grave, tomb pl. ma-sɔ̂̃
sílífàzì n. 1/2 sandal pl. ba-sílífàzì sɔ́’ɔ̀ v. continue npp. nsɔ́sala
sílɔ v. rub, smear, paint npp. nsílâ appl. sɔ́sɛlɛ
recip. sílala sɔ̀’ɔ́ n. 7/8 cynocephalus monkey

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pl. be-sɔ̀ ’ɔ́ -sùnɛ́ n- n. 3/4 flesh pl. mi-sùnɛ́

sòbala v. accumulate, coagulate súngú n. 7/8 drinking cup made of
npp. nsòbálá leaves (for water or medicine) pl. be-
sɔ̀gá n. 7/8 secret pl. be-sɔ̀ gá súngú
sɔ́lɛ v. undress, take off (clothes) sùngù n. 7/8 war pl. be-sùngù
npp. nsɔ́lâ caus. sɔ́lɛsɛ recip. sɔ́lala -súnɔ́ le- n. 5/6 doubt pl. ma-súnɔ́
sɔ̀lɛ v. hide sth. npp. nsɔ̀ lá recip. sɔ̀ lala súwálá n. 7/8 meeting, conference
sɔ́lɛ́ yá gɔ́lɛ̀ n. 7/8 Northern double- pl. be-súwálá
collared sunbird (Cinnyris reichenowi) sùwɔ v. spill appl. sùwɛlɛ pour sth.
pl. be-sɔ́lɛ́ bé gɔ́lɛ̀ swáálɛ̀ n. 1/2 bone marrow pl. ba-
sɔ́lɛga v. fall, take a tumble swáálɛ̀
npp. nsɔ́lɛ́gâ -swàmbò le- n. 5/6 going out (for
sɔ̀mɔ̀nɛ̀ n. 7 complaint hunting) pl. ma-swàmbò
sɔ́ndɔ̀ n. 1/2 week pl. ba-sɔ́ndɔ̀ swásɔ v.i. dry npp. nswásâ
sɔ́ndya v. bring to point, sharpen appl. swásɛlɛ recip. swásala
npp. nsɔ́ndyà recip. sɔ́ndyala swàwɔ v.i. hide npp. nswàwá
sɔ́nì n. 7 shame -swî le- n. 5/6 death pl. ma-swî
sɔ́ɔ̀ post. before, in front syɛ̂ syɛ̂ ideo. depiction of sneaking
sɔ́ɔ̀ n. 7 front (spatial)
sɔ́sɛlɛ v. smoke (fish or animal)
T
npp. nsɔ́sálâ
-sɔ̀sí ma- n. 6 joy
sɔ́bá n. 7/8 mud pl. be-sɔ́bá tã̂ n. 9/6 number, price pl. ma-tã̂
sɔ́bì n. 7/8 soap pl. be-sɔ́bì tã̂ - n. 7/8 rack for smoking meat
sɔ̃̀ kìndá n. 1/2 biting ants pl. ba- pl. be-tã̂
sɔ̀̃ kìndá tã́ã̀ v. tell (only used for stories,
sɔ́tì n. 1/2 trousers pl. be-sɔ́tì anecdotes, fairy tales)
-sù le- n. 5/6 jigger pl. ma-sù tã́alà nà v. judge
sù’ù n. 7/8 putty-nosed monkey -tá le- n. 5/6 stain pl. ma-tá
(Cercopithecus nictitans) pl. be-sù’ù tá n. 1/2 father pl. ba-tá
-sù’ù le- n. 5/6 waterfall pl. ma-sù’ù tá’àlɛ v. start, begin npp. ntáálâ
sùbɛ v. pour out, turn over npp. nsùbá tàbá n. 7/8 necklace pl. be-tàbá
appl. sùbɛlɛ ejaculate caus. sùbɛsɛ -tálá ma- n. 6 beginning, start
turn sth over recip. sùbala -támbí le- n. 5/6 oyster pl. ma-támbí
súbì n. 7/8 sauce, soup pl. be-súbì -tàmbó le- n. 5/6 beeswax pl. ma-
sùmbɔ v. die in a mystical way tàmbó
npp. nsùmbá recip. sùmbala -tánà le- n. 5/6 hail pl. ma-tánà
súmɛlɛ v. greet npp. nsúmálâ re- tándɔ́ yá m-wánɔ̀ n. 7/8 womb (cage,
cip. súmala net of child) pl. be-tándɔ́ bé b-wánɔ̀

676
 tánɛ̀ mod. five tfùbó n. 7/8 black mamba pl. be-tfùbó
-tángà ba- n. 2 Batanga (Banua and tfùbo v. 1) pierce 2) rape npp. ntfúbâ
Bapoko) recip. tfúbala
-tàngò ma- n. 6 palm wine (areal term) tfùdáà n. 7/8 pinch pl. be-tfùdáà
tàtànɔ́s n. 1/2 mantis pl. ba-tàtànɔ́s tfúdɛ́ n. 7/8 bump pl. be-kfúdɛ́
tátɔ v. take care of, guard npp. ntátâ tfùdɔ v. pinch npp. ntfùdá recip. tfù-
recip. tátala dala
tàtɔ v. squeak, scream npp. ntàdá tfúgà n. 7/8 suffering pl. be-tfúgà
caus. tàdɛsɛ recip. tàtala tfúga v. suffer npp. ntfúgâ
tàwɔ̀ n. 7/8 goat, sheep pl. be-tàwɔ̀ caus. tfúgɛsɛ recip. tfúgala
té n. 7/8 posture, position pl. be-té -tfùlɛ̀ ma- n. 6 smell
tèèèè ideo. depiction of waiting tfúmbɔ v. fold, wrinkle npp. ntfúmbâ
tè’ètè n. 7/8 tenderness pl. be-tè’ètè caus. tfúmbɛsɛ recip. tfúmbala au-
tɛ̂ adv. now toc. tfúmbaga
tɛ̂ v. create, invent, found npp. ntɛ́yâ tfùnɛ̀ n. 7/8 strap (made of bark
recip. tɛ́yala or veins), scarf for carrying babies
tɛ̃̂ v. limp recip. tɛ́ngala pl. be-tfùnɛ̀
tɛ̃̀ ɛ̀̃ v. abandon npp. ntɛ̀ ngá recip. tɛ̀ n- -tĩ̀ɛ̃́ le- n. 5/6 knot pl. ma-tĩɛ̀ ̃ ́
gala tíì v. start walking, displace oneself
-tɛ́’ɛ́ le- n. 5/6 fatigue pl. ma-tɛ́’ɛ́ npp. ntíyâ recip. tíyala
tɛ́’ɛ̀ v.i. be soft, be weak npp. ntɛ́gâ tìnɔ v. tear out, harvest (tubers)
v.t. tɛ́gɛ soften, make soft npp. ntìná appl. tílɛ recip. tìnala
tɛ̀bɛ́ n. 7/8 beach, shore pl. be-tɛ̀ bɛ́ tísònì n. 7/8 town pl. be-tísònì
tɛ́bɔ v. get up, rise, stop, stand títímɔ́ n. 7/8 middle pl. be-títímɔ́
npp. ntɛ́lâ appl. tɛ́lɛ place sth. upright -tɔ́ le- n. 5/6 drop pl. ma-tɔ́
recip. ntɛ́lala place each other tɔ̀ inv. any
tɛ́gɛ v. make tired npp. ntɛgâ tɔ̀à v.i. boil npp. ntɔ̀ gá recip. tɔ̀ gala
caus. tɛ́gɛsɛ recip. tɛ́gala v.t. tɔ̀ gɛ boil sth.
-tɛ́lɛ̀ ma- n. 6 saliva (spit) tɔ̀dɛ̀ n. 7/8 roundness pl. be-tɔ̀ dɛ̀
tɛ̀mbɔwɔ v. set, go down (only for tɔ́dyínì n. 1/2 thousand pl. ba-tɔ́dyínì
sun) npp. ntɛ̀ mbá caus. ntɛ̀ mbɛsɛ tɔ́kɛ v. take, pick up npp. ntɔ́kâ
tɛ̀mbɔ́wɔ́ má vísɔ́ ma- n. 6 sunset caus. tɔ́kɛsɛ recip. tɔ́kala
-tɛ̀ndáà le- n. 5/6 ground cricket -tɔ́lɛ̀ le- n. 5/6 navel pl. ma-tɔ́lɛ̀
pl. ma-tɛ̀ ndáà tɔ̂mbɔ́ n. 7/8 problem pl. be-tɔ̂mbɔ́
tɛ̀ndɔ v. tear npp. ntɛ̀ ndá caus. tɛ̀ ndɛsɛ -tóndí le- n. 5/6 friend/lover pl. ma-
recip. tɛ̀ ndala tóndí
tɛ̀tɛ̀kɛ̀ n. 7/8 frogs that fall from sky tɔ̀ndɔ̀ n. 1/2 nail pl. ba-tɔ̀ ndɔ̀
with rain pl. be-tɛ̀ tɛ̀ kɛ̀ tɔ̀ntsá n. 7/8 mistletoe plant (Agelan-
tfúada v. be late thus djurensis) pl. be-tɔ̀ ntsá

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C Lexicon

tɔ̃ ́ ɔlɛ v. guide, direct tsíɛ̀ n. 9/6 blood pl. ma-tsíɛ̀

tɔ̀sâ adv. no, never, nothing tsíɛ̀ v. cut npp. ntsíyâ recip. tsíyala
tɔ́wá inv. all (used with time only, tsìɛ̀ v. live, be well npp. ntsìgá
whole time/night/day/hour) -tsíɛ̀ be-nyàgà n- n. 1/2 butcher (cow
tɔ́wa v. drip, leak npp. ntɔ́wâ slaughterer) pl. ba-tsíɛ̀ bá bé-nyàgà
trésì n. 1/2 thread pl. ba-trésì tsĩɛ́ lɛ v. make a knot, bind, tie
tù post. inside npp. ntsĩý álâ recip. tsĩý ala
tṹũ̀ n. 7/8 axe pl. be-tṹũ̀ tsíɛ̀sámɛ̀ n. 1/2 circumcision pl. ba-
túà v. move places/houses npp. ntɔ́gâ tsíɛ̀ sámɛ̀
caus. tɔ́gɛsɛ recip. tɔ́gala tsígɛ v. take off, start going (only with
túdɛ̀ n. 7/8 tumor pl. be-túdɛ̀ plural subject)
-túmbà n- n. 1/2 older brother, cousin, tsíì n. 7/8 life pl. be-tsî
close friend pl. ba-túmbà tsílì n. 7/8 smallness, part, shortness,
túmbɔ́ n. 7/8 country pl. be-túmbɔ́ half pl. be-tsílì
tùndɛ v. miss npp. ntùndá recip. tùn- tsílí yá kàbà n. 7/8 short skirt pl. be-
dala tsílí bé kàbà
túnɔwɔ v. float tsílì yá m-ùdì n. 7/8 dwarf (small
túù n. 7/8 spoon pl. be-túù person) pl. be-tsílì bé b-údì
túwanɛ nà v. meet (on appointment) tsílì yá ndáwɔ̀ n. 7/8 room pl. be-tsílì
npp. ntúwánɛ̂ recip. túwala má-ndáwɔ̀
twálɔ v. peck npp. ntwálâ re- tsílí yá sɔ́tì n. 7/8 pants pl. be-tsílí bé
cip. twálala sɔ́tì
tsìlɔ v. write npp. ntsìlá caus. tsìlɛsɛ
recip. tsìlala
TS
tsímbɛ́ n. 7/8 plank pl. be-tsímbɛ́
tsímɛlɛ v. sneeze caus. tsímɛsɛ re-
tsàmɛ v. spit npp. ntsàmá recip. tsà- cip. tsímala
mala tsíndí n. 9/6 riverside, shore pl. ma-
tsĩ ́ n. 9/6 1) neck 2) voice pl. ma-tsĩ ́ tsíndí
tsĩ̂ v. untie, unwrap, loosen -tsíndí (lé nkú) le- n. 5/6 heel (of the
npp. ntsíngâ recip. tsíngala foot) pl. ma-tsíndí má nkú
-tsì n- n. 1/2 in-law pl. ba-tsì -tsíndɔ́ le- n. 5/6 1) party, festival 2)
tsì n. 7/8 interdiction pl. be-tsì neuvène ceremony nine days after
-tsí wà m-ùdã̂ n- n. 1/2 mother/sister- funeral pl. ma-tsíndɔ́
in-law pl. ba-tsí bá b-ùdã̂ tsíndɔ v. push lightly, shove
tsíbɔ v. grind, trample (in mortar) npp. ntsíndâ recip. tsíndala
npp. ntsíbâ recip. tsíbala tsíyà n. 1/2 question pl. ba-tsíyà
tsìdɛ̀dɛ̀ n. 1/2 honesty pl. ba-tsìdɛ̀ dɛ̀ -tsĩ̀yɛ̃ ́ le- n. 5/6 knot pl. ma-tsĩy
̀ ɛ̃́
tsídí n. 1/2 animal, meat pl. ba-tsídí tsùk tsùk tsùk tsùk ideo. depiction of

678
 noise that mice make vɛ̂ v. give npp. mvɛ́yâ recip. vɛ́yala
tsɔ̀p tsɔ̀p tsɔ̀p ideo. depiction of drip- vè’è v. try on (clothes) npp. mvègá
ping sound or sound walking in mud appl. vè’ɛlɛ (caus. meaning) recip. vè-
gala
vɛ́ɛ̀lá n. 7/8 decoration pl. be-vɛ́ɛ̀lá
U
vèkò n. 7/8 drawing, painting pl. be-
vèkò
-ù d- n. 5/6 oven, hearth pl. m-ù -vɛ́mbɔ́ le- n. 5/6 guenon (Cercopithe-
-ùdã̂ m- n. 1/2 woman, wife pl. b-ùdã̂ cus) pl. ma-vɛ́mbɔ́
-ùdũ̂ m- n. 1/2 man, husband pl. b-ùdũ̂ vɛ́mbɔ (kɛ̀mbɛ̀) v. blow nose (phlegm)
-ùdì m- n. 1/2 person pl. b-ùdì npp. mvɛ́mbâ recip. vɛ́mbala
-ùdì wà wɔ́ngɔ́ m- n. 1/2 soldier vɛ́sɔ v. have desire npp. mvɛ́sâ re-
pl. b-ùdì bá bé-wɔ́ngɔ́ cip. vɛ́sala
ùf ideo. depiction of sound when -vɛ́wɔ̀ le- n. 5/6 cold, malaria pl. ma-
something catches fire vɛ́wɔ̀
-úgó dv- n. 5/6 toilet pl. m-úgó vɛ̀wɔ v. breathe
-úmbɔ́ d- n. 5/6 wrap pl. m-úmbɔ́ vèyɛ v. measure npp. mvèyá re-
-úmbɔ́ lé ká d- n. 5/6 fish or meat cip. vèyala
wrapped and prepared in leaf pl. m- ví n. 7/8 wooden part in trap hiding
úmbó má ká the hole in the ground pl. be-ví
-úmbɔ́ lé nkɛ̃̂ d- n. 5/6 fish or meat vìdɛ v. turn, return, roll sth.
prepared in pot, dish with fish in npp. mvìdá and mvìdálâ appl. vìdɛlɛ
lemon sauce pl. m-úmbɔ́ má nkɛ̂̃ turn sth. recip. vìdala autoc. vìdɛga
-úndɔ̀ d- n. 5/6 galago pl. m-úndɔ̀ vídɛ́lɛ̀ n. 7/8 smoke pl. be-vídɛ́lɛ̀
-úú d- n. 5/6 nose pl. m-úú -vídósí le- n. 5/6 dawn, early morning
-ùwɔ̀ d- n. 5/6 daytime pl. m-ùwɔ̀ pl. ma-vídósí
-vídú le- n. 5/6 darkness pl. ma-vídú
V -vìlɛ ̀ le- n. 5/6 ginger species (Aframo-
mum) pl. ma-vìlɛ̀
vímala v. groan npp. mvímálâ
-váá le- n. 5 thing vímù n. 7/8 giant pangolin (Manis
vàà v. praise, be proud npp. mvàgá gigantea) pl. be-vímù
recip. vàgala víndo v. hate npp. mvíndâ recip. vín-
vã́ĩ̀vã̀ĩ̀ n. 7/8 generosity pl. be-vã́ĩv̀ ã́ĩ̀ dala
válɔ́ n. 7/8 polygamy pl. be-válɔ́ -vínó ma- n. 6 pus
vàmo kwɛ̀ v. knock over vìnɔ́ n. 7/8 finger pl. be-vìnɔ́
vásɛ v. rise (dough) npp. mvásâ vìnɔ́ yá sã́ n. 7/8 thumb (main finger)
appl. vásɛlɛ (caus. meaning) pl. be-vìnɔ bé sã́
vɛ́ inv. which vísɔ́ n. 8 sun

679
C Lexicon

vísɔ v. cover npp. mvísâ and mvísálâ vùvùlɛ̀ n. 7/8 baked bread or baguette
appl. vísɛlɛ recip. vísala pl. be-vùvùlɛ̀
vìsɔ́ n. 7/8 bone, skeleton, fish bone vùzí n. 7/8 abdomen pl. be-vúzì
pl. be-vìsɔ́ vyámbɛlɛ v. surround npp. mvyám-
vìsɔ́ yá nkáàlɛ̀ n. 7/8 backbone pl. be- bálâ
vìsɔ́ bé mí-nkáàlɛ̀ vyɛ̀ v. draw npp. mvyɛ̀ gá recip. vyɛ̀ -
víwɔ v. suck npp. mvíwâ recip. víwala gala
víyã̀sa v. be light npp. mvíyã́sâ
víyala v. touch npp. mvíyálâ
W
vìyɔ́ n. 8 fire
vɔ̂ v. 1) be calm 2) be cold npp. mvóyâ
caus. vɔ́lɛsɛ calm sb. down recip. vólala -wǎ le- n. 5/6 twin pl. ma-wǎ
-vɔ̀dá le- n. 5/6 rest, vacation pl. ma- -wã̂ ma- n. 6 fat
vɔ̀ dá -wâ ntúà m- n. 1/2 young woman
vòda v. rest, relax npp. mvòdá re- pl. b-wâ bá túà
cip. vòdala wàà n. 1/2 chimpanzee, bonobo pl. ba-
-vɔ́lɛ̀ be- n. 8 grief (after sb.’s depar- wàà
ture/death) wáádɔ́ n. 7/6 net pl. ma-wáádɔ́
vɔ́lɛ v. help npp. mvɔ́lâ recip. vɔ́lala wàlɛ̀ n. 7/8 bitter kola (fruit and tree)
vóvɔ́lɛ̀ n. 7 freshness, peace, tranquil- (Garcinia kola) pl. be-wàlɛ̀
lity wámɛ v. hurry
vòwa v. wake (up) npp. mvòwâ wámíyɛ́ adv. fast
caus. vòlɛsɛ recip. vòwala au- -wánɔ̀ m- n. 1/2 1) child, baby 2) small,
toc. vòlɛga wake up few pl. b-wánɔ̀
vû v. leave npp. mvúyâ appl. vúlɛ get -wánɔ̀ (wà) m-údã̂ m- n. 1/2 girl
rid of, take away recip. vúyala (female child), daughter pl. b-wánɔ̀
vũ̀ũ̀ v. worry, be excited b-údã̂
vúba nà v. hug sb. -wánɔ̀ (wà) múdũ̂ m- n. 1/2 boy (male
vúdũ̀ num. one child), son pl. b-wánɔ̀ b-údũ̂
vúɛlɛ v. blow (with mouth, e.g. into -wánɔ̀ nláwɔ́ m- n. 3/4 twig (child of
fire) npp. mvúálâ branch) pl. b-wánɔ̀ mí-nláwɔ́
-vúlɔ̀ ma- n. 6 cutting edge (of e.g. -wányɛ̀ le- n. 5/6 young man pl. ma-
knife or machete) wányɛ̀
vúlɔ v. be sharp npp. mvúlâ wàwɛ v. spread (out) npp. mwàwá
-vúlù le- n. 5/6 foam pl. ma-vúlù recip. wàwala autoc. wàwɛga
vùlùngù n. 7/8 noose in trap pl. be- wáwɔ v. crawl
vùlùngù wáyà n. 7/8 wire pl. be-wáyà
-vúsí le- n. 5/6 hole pl. ma-vúsí -wê le- n. 5/6 cry pl. ma-wê
-vútɔ̀ ma- n. 6 oil (for body) wɛ̀ v. die npp. mwɛ̀ yá

680
wɛ̃ ́ɛ̀̃ v. skin (animals with fur; burn the liquids or granulars
fur, then scratch fur off) npp. ngwɛ̃n ́ gâ wùwù n. 7/8 small bat pl. be-wùwù
recip. wɛ̃n ́ gala
wómbɛlɛ v. sweep npp. mwómbálâ Y
recip. wómbala
-wɔ̀ le- n. 5/6 taro, cocoyam pl. ma-wɔ̀
wɔ́’ɔ̀ n. 7/8 broom pl. be-wɔ́’ɔ̀ yákú n. 7/8 fire fly pl. be-yákú
wɔ́lɛ̀ n. 7/8 hawk pl. be-wɔ́lɛ̀ yàlanɛ v. respond
wɔ̀m ideo. depiction of (sudden) yándɔ́ n. 7/8 trace pl. be-yándɔ́
silence yànɛ v. must
wɔ́ngɔ́ n. 7/8 helmet pl. be-wɔ́ngɔ́ yã̂yã̂ - n. 1/2 pan pl. ba-yã̂yã̂
wɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ɔ́ ide. depiction of moving by foot yɛ́ n. 7/8 mushroom pl. be-yɛ́
or motorbike yɛ́’ɛ́ n. 7/8 thirst, desire, craving
-wùdɛ̀ le- n. 5/6 cooking stone pl. ma- pl. be-yɛ́’ɛ́
wùdɛ̀ yɛ́dɛ́lɛ̀ n. 7/8 star (also used in Kwasio)
-wùlà le- n. 5/6 time, hour pl. ma-wùlà pl. be-yɛ́dɛ́lɛ̀
-wúmbɛ́ le- n. 5/6 wish, desire, want yɛ́lɛ̀ n. 7/8 whistle (both with mouth
pl. ma-wúmbɛ́ and whistle) pl. be-yɛ́lɛ̀
wúmbɛ v. want, wish, need yɛ́mɛdɛ v. tighten npp. myɛ́mâ re-
npp. mwúmbâ recip. wúmbala cip. yɛ́màlà
want each other’s things, desire each yɛ́ngɛ̀ n. 7/8 yodel at wedding pl. be-
other yɛ́ngɛ̀
-wùmbó le- n. 5/6 cotton pl. ma- yɛ̃̀ yɛ̃̀ yá m-ùdì - n. 7/8 retarded person
wùmbó pl. be-yɛ̀̃ yɛ̀̃ bé b-ùdì
wùmɛ̀ (kfúbɔ̀) v. pluck (chicken) yí n. 7/8 wood, firewood, fire pl. be-yí
npp. mwùmá recip. wùmala yíɛ̀ v. avoid, dodge npp. nyéyâ re-
-wúmɔ̀ le- n. 5/6 ten pl. ma-wúmɔ̀ cip. yéala
wúndɛ̀ n. 1/2 window pl. ba-wúndɛ̀ yílɛ̀ n. 7/6 viper pl. ma-yílɛ̀
wùndɛ̀ n. 7/8 groundnut pl. be-wùndɛ̀ yìmbá n. 7/8 age pl. be-yìmbá
wúngala v. wander, dangle -yímbálî le- n. 5/6 entrance pl. ma-
wúnjɔ̀ɔ̀ n. 2 Ewondo people yímbálî
wùsà n. 7/8 dry banana leaf pl. be- yímbɔ v. go for a walk, visit npp. yímbâ
wùsà recip. yímbala
wùsa v. forget npp. mwùsá re- yúlɛ̀ n. 1/2 decedent, deceased person
cip. wùsala pl. ba-yúlɛ̀
wúsɛ̀ n. 7/8 drought pl. be-wúsɛ̀ yúngú n. 7/8 sea eagle pl. be-yúngú
wùù wúú wùù wúú ideo. depiction of
sound of bees Z
wùùùù ideo. depiction of pouring

681
C Lexicon

(m-ùdì wà) zìmbà n. 1/2 soldier

pl. (b-ùdì bá) ba-zìmbà
zíngɔ́ n. 7/8 short dress pl. be-zíngɔ́
zìbí n. 7/8 tsetse fly (Glossina) pl. be-
zìbí

682
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697
Name index

Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y., 290 Clements, George N., 54, 86, 87

Alexandre, Pierre, 156, 167 Comrie, Bernard, 358, 364, 411, 412
Anderson, Gregory D. S., 146, 401 Contini-Morava, Ellen, 304
Andrews, Avery D., 287, 288, 519 Corbett, Greville G., 290, 291, 303,
Angenot, J. P., 386 304
Costa, J., 386
Bahuchet, Serge, 9 Creissels, Denis, 157, 227, 442, 456–
Baker, Mark C., 122 459
Basciano, Bianca, 280 Cristofaro, Sonia, 519
Bates, George L., 44, 156 Curnow, Timothy J., 438
Beavon, Keith H., 326, 370
Berlin, Brent, 156 Dahl, Östen, 364, 366, 396, 413, 414,
Bhat, D. N. S., 122, 153 433
Bickel, Balthasar, 331 Daniel, Michael, 466
Bickmore, Lee, 109, 460 Dench, Alan Charles, 1
Blench, Roger, 4, 5 Devin, Luis, 20
Blevins, Juliette, 86, 87 Dik, Simon C., 488
Blood, Cynthia, 300 Dimmendaal, Gerrit, 386
Borchardt, Nadine, 319, 347, 357 Dingemanse, Mark, 167, 170, 534
Bostoen, Koen, 50, 272 Dixon, R. M. W., 153
Botne, Robert D., 376 Doke, C. M., 167
Bowden, John, 279 Donzo, Jean-Pierre, 50
Bowerman, Melissa, 29 Downing, Laura J., 59, 351, 489, 520,
Braginsky, Pavel, 376 528
Butt, Miriam, 389, 399 Dryer, Matthew S., 18, 279, 287, 288,
Bybee, Joan L., 366 290, 401, 437, 438, 441, 442,
455, 464, 470, 472
Chacha Mwita, Leonard, 58, 59 Duke, Daniel, 57
Cheucle, Marion, 7, 19, 50, 51, 54, 66, Dumestre, Gérard, 167
73, 79, 80, 83, 85, 115–118, Dwyer, David, 171
259
Clark, Herbert H., 534 Evans, Nicholas, 1, 122
Name index

Fiedler, Ines, 33, 290, 291, 488 Klein, Wolfgang, 376

Fomogne-Fodjo, M. C. Y., 19 Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Maria, 122, 123
Krifka, Manfred, 196, 210, 477
Gensler, Orin D., 464 Kula, Nancy C., 386, 459
Germond-Duret, Celine, 20
Gerrig, Richard J., 534 Lee, EunHee, 414
Gil, David, 122, 319 Lehmann, Christian, 123
Good, Jeffrey, 262 Letouzey, René, 19
Greenberg, Joseph H., 347, 357 Levin, Beth, 287
Grimm, Nadine, 2, 28, 54, 57, 156, 289, Levinson, Stephen C., 28, 29, 156
355 Lewis, M. Paul, 2–5, 20
Grollemund, Rebecca, 6 Lionnet, Florian, 104, 386, 460
Güldemann, Tom, 33, 58, 62, 136–139, Lorenz, Christopher, 20
167, 172, 219, 290–292, 487,
489, 494, 534, 535, 537 Maddieson, Ian, 73, 97
Guthrie, Malcolm, 6, 137, 316 Maho, Jouni F., 6, 7, 9
Majid, Asifa, 28, 156
Hadermann, P., 386 Makasso, Emmanuel-Moselly, 370,
Hagège, Claude, 223 386
Haspelmath, Martin, 237, 306, 313, Maldonado, Ricardo, 274
509, 517, 519 Marlo, Michael R., 109, 111
Heath, Teresa, 19, 326 Marten, Lutz, 351, 459, 462
Heine, Bernd, 290 Matthewson, Lisa, 412
Henson, Bonnie J., 326 Mauclère, Philippe, 19
Hetterle, Katja, 539, 548 Mauri, Caterina, 517
Hockett, C. F., 291 McArthur, Tom, 528
Hovav, Malka Rappaport, 287 Medjo Mvé, Pither, 290
Hyman, Larry, 460 Meeussen, Achille Emile, 38, 207,
Hyman, Larry M., 38, 61, 88, 103, 104, 274, 316–318
137, 301, 386, 460, 489 Melchert, H. Craig, 375
Miestamo, Matti, 367, 390
Jackendoff, Ray S., 287 Mikkelsen, Line, 443
Jacques, Guillaume, 456 Moravcsik, Edith, 123, 466
Jespersen, Otto, 86 Moshi, Lioba, 171
Joiris, Daou V., 19, 24 Mundeke, Léon, 272
Kay, Paul, 156
Nagano-Madsen, Yasuko, 54, 55, 73
Kemmer, Suzanne, 273, 274
Nelson, John, 20
Kießling, Roland, 279
Newman, Paul, 167
Kisseberth, Charles, 104, 118

700
 Name index

Ngima Mawoung, Godefroy, 2, 17, 19 Shopen, Timothy, 119, 120, 122, 125,
Ngue Um, Emmanuel, 54 135, 156, 157
Nichols, Johanna, 292, 331 Siewierska, Anna, 265
Nikitina, Tatiana, 534 Sims, Andrea D., 237
Noonan, Michael, 530 Skopeteas, Stavros, 489
Ntaryike, Divine, 21 Snider, Keith, 294
Nurse, Derek, 6, 260, 379, 386, 396 Song, Jae Jung, 269
Nuyts, Jan, 365 Soulaimani, Dris, 534
Spronck, Stef, 534, 537
Odden, David, 104, 109, 111, 118, 460 Stassen, Leon, 505
Olsson, Bruno, 396 Stolz, Thomas, 347
Osu, Sylvester, 54 Swing, Kelly, 20
Patin, Cédric, 496 Tadmor, Uri, 306, 313
Pederson, Eric, 29 Talmy, Leonard, 376
Pelican, Michaela, 20 Tchouomba, Belmond, 20
Peterson, David A., 271 Thomopoulos, Nikos, 20
Petzell, Malin, 322 Thompson, Sandra A., 539
Philippson, Gérard, 6 Thornell, Christina, 54, 55, 73
Polinsky, Maria, 271 Timberlake, Alan, 364
Renaud, Patrick, 2, 4, 9, 15, 16, 19, 24, Van de Velde, Mark, 41, 66, 88, 202,
55, 91, 103, 114 206, 207, 321, 322, 343, 456,
Riedel, Kristina, 462, 496 458
Rijkhoff, Jan, 122, 195, 288 van der Wal, Jenneke, 460
Roberts, James, 294 Vendler, Zeno, 377
Rubino, Carl, 319 Veselinova, Ljuba N., 347
Ruhlen, Merritt, 7, 8 Viberg, Åke, 135

Sasse, Hans-Jürgen, 375 Wälchli, Bernhard, 396

Schachter, Paul, 119, 120, 122, 125, 135, Wegener, Claudia, 509
156, 157 Welmers, William E., 8
Schadeberg, Thilo C., 137, 275, 280, Westermann, Diedrich H., 167
281, 284, 386, 458 Wichaya, Bovonwiwat, 375, 376
Schmitt, Bernadette, 29 Wilkins, David P., 317, 342
Segerer, Guillaume, 153 Williamson, Kay, 4, 5
Seiwert, P. Johannes, 19 Woungly, Massaga M., 51, 423
Selkirk, Elisabeth, 86
Yip, Moira, 97
Senft, Gunter, 28
Zerbian, Sabine, 196, 210

701
A grammar of Gyeli

This grammar offers a grammatical description of the Ngòló variety of Gyeli, an endan-
gered Bantu (A80) language spoken by 4,000–5,000 “Pygmy” hunter-gatherers in south-
ern Cameroon. It represents one of the most comprehensive descriptions of a northwest-
ern Bantu language.
The grammatical description, which is couched in a form-to-function approach, cov-
ers all levels of language, ranging from Gyeli phonology to its information structure and
complex clauses.
It draws on nineteen months of fieldwork carried out as part of the “Bagyeli/Bakola”
DoBeS (documentation of endangered languages) project between 2010 and 2014. The re-
sulting multimodal corpus from that project, which includes texts of diverse genres such
as traditional stories, narratives, multi-party conversations and dialogues, procedural
texts, and songs, provides the empirical basis for the grammatical description. The doc-
umentary text collection, supplemented by data from elicitation work, questionnaires,
and experiments, are accessible in the Bagyeli/Bakola collection of the Language Archive.
With additional ethnographic, sociolinguistic, diachronic, and comparative remarks, the
grammar may appeal to a wider audience in general linguistics, typology, Bantu studies,
and anthropology.
In 2019, the grammar received the Pāṇini Award by the Association for Linguistic
Typology.

ISBN 978-3-96110-311-9

9 783961 103119