Articles by Nur Köprülü
Scholars have recently debated whether non-recognition is a blessing or a curse for democracy. So... more Scholars have recently debated whether non-recognition is a blessing or a curse for democracy. Some suggest that lack of recognition forces political elites to democratize and acquire internal legitimacy to compensate for the lack of external legitimacy. Others suggest that democratization is used as a strategy by which to acquire international recognition. Still others claim that non-recognition obliges unrecognized states to rely on a patron state which, in turn, hinders the quality of democracy. To contribute to this discussion, we have conducted an in-depth case study. Focusing on democratic quality in Northern Cyprus from 2010 to 2016, it is observed that reliance on a patron state leads to dynamics of tutelage, in turn hindering the quality of democracy.
he Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, the key Islamist movement in the country, has had a long-standin... more he Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, the key Islamist movement in the country, has had a long-standing symbiotic relationship with the monarchy and, until recently, was not considered a threat to the survival of the Hashemite Kingdom.[1] But the rise and fall of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and the growth of militant Islamist groups such as the Islamic State (ISIS) have alarmed the monarchy and led to a drastic shift in the nature of its relations with the Brotherhood from coexistence to persecution. Will the Jordanian regime be able to contain the Islamists and, in turn, will the Brotherhood choose to challenge the throne rather than to acquiesce in its con-tinued suppression?
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/mepo.12075/abstract
The Arab monarchies remain relatively stable, largely unaffected by the ‘Arab Spring’ upheavals. ... more The Arab monarchies remain relatively stable, largely unaffected by the ‘Arab Spring’ upheavals. In particular, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has emerged relatively unscathed from the region's uprisings. The Jordanian case helps underscore the extent to which the polarization between Palestinian-Jordanians and native Jordanians continues to dominate the nature of public debate and political reform. While initially the ‘Arab Spring’ generated a spirit of cooperation between these two communities with calls to tackle unemployment culminating in demands for democratization, the persisting schism between them resurfaced when public debates on electoral law commenced. This article analyses the roots and ramifications of the ‘Arab Spring’ in Jordan, as well as the resilience of the kingdom to the nascent social upheavals.
Keywords:: Jordan, ‘Arab Spring’, Palestinians, resilience of monarchies, democratization, electoral law
http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13537121.2014.922803?scroll=top&needAccess=true
Lübnan içerisinde barındırdığı birçok mezhepten topluluklar ve kendine özgü siyasal yapısı sebebi... more Lübnan içerisinde barındırdığı birçok mezhepten topluluklar ve kendine özgü siyasal yapısı sebebiyle birçok araştırmacı tarafından Ortadoğu'nun 'minyatür' ülkesi olarak tanımlanmaktadır. olarak diğer Ortadoğu ülkelerinden farklı bir siyasal yapı ve meşruiyet zemini çerçevesinde yapılandırılan Lübnan'da devlet ve ulus inşa süreçlerini değerlendirebilmek için hem mezhepiçi hem de bu mezheplerin bölgesel ve küresel politikalarına ve ittifaklarına işaret etmek gerekmektedir. Osmanlı yönetimi sırasında çeşitli yönetim şekilleri denenen bugünkü Lübnan'da mezheplerin etkisinin yönetim şekillerine de yansıdığı bir siyasal yapı inşa edilmiştir. Ortadoğu'da yaşanan Filistin sorunundan derinden etkilenen Lübnan, 1975-1989 yılları arasında iç savaş yaşamış ve bunun sonucunda toplum içerisinde ayrışmalar başlamıştır. 2005 yılında Lübnan toplumunun simge ismi olan Refik Hariri'nin bir suikast sonucu hayatını kaybetmesi ile mezheplerarası ayrışma derinleşmiş ve bu ayrışma 8 ve 14 Mart Hareketlerini ortaya çıkarmıştır. 2005 yılından bu yana Lübnan iç siyaseti bu iki hareket üzerinden şekillenirken, iç ve dış aktörlerin etkisi ile Lübnan siyaseti âdete ülkelerarası bir güç mücadelesine sahne olmuştur. Arap dünyasında 2011 yılı itibarı ile süregelen toplumsal hareletlerin -özelde Suriye'de -sekteryan karakteri Lübnan'nın kırılgan çoklu güç paylaşım mekanizmasının geleceğini bir kez daha gündeme taşımıştır.
Book Reviews by Nur Köprülü
Book Chapters by Nur Köprülü
Guardians or Oppressors Civil-Military Relations and Democratisation in the Mediterranean Region,... more Guardians or Oppressors Civil-Military Relations and Democratisation in the Mediterranean Region, Edited by Amany Salaheldin Soliman and Gülçin Balamir Coşkun
Papers by Nur Köprülü
Kadın/Woman 2000 Vol. 20 No. 2, 2019
European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies , 2017
The communal identities rooted in the millet system are still salient in post-Ottoman lands. Cypr... more The communal identities rooted in the millet system are still salient in post-Ottoman lands. Cyprus and Lebanon offer two cases where ethnic and sectarian identities are more prominent than national identities. In this respect both countries represent highly divided societies in post-Ottoman territories. This article discusses the failure of power-sharing systems in Cyprus and Lebanon, arguing that the lack of cultivation of a common national identity at the founding of these republics remains even today a central obstacle to implementing stable multinational/sectarian democratic systems. As a part of Greater Syria, today's Lebanon is a homeland to many ethnic and sectarian communities. Lebanese politics historically has been governed by a system of consociationalism, which prevents any one group from dominating the political system. This system of power sharing dates back to the 1943 National Pact, and as a result of the sectarian nature of this arrangement, religious communal identities have a stronger pull than a Lebanese national identity. These communal identities crystallized over the course of a 14-year civil war, and were exacerbated by the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq al-Hariri in 2005. In the case of Cyprus, the possibility of cultivating a shared national identity between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots has historically been suppressed by kin-state relations and colonial policies which have, in turn, resulted in inter-communal conflict. An understanding of this conflict and the nature of the nationalisms of each community helps explain how the 1960 Constitution of a bi-communal and consociational Republic of Cyprus hindered inter-communal relations – a precondition for the cultivation of a common national identity – and ultimately failed. From enosis to taksimto the April 2004 referendum on the UN'sAnnan Plan, the contentious interaction between external constraints and collective self-identification processes subsequently reinforced ethno-religious identifications. Through an examination of such processes, this article aims to identify and illuminate the shifting forces that shape deeply divided societies in general, and that have shaped Cyprus and Lebanon in particular. Understanding such forces may help break down barriers to the development of common national narratives.
Reutledge,Taylor and Francis, Mediterranean Politics Online ISSN: 1362-9395 (Print) 1743-9418, 2017
In order to capture how young people in northern Cyprus see the Cyprus Question, we asked more th... more In order to capture how young people in northern Cyprus see the Cyprus Question, we asked more than 300 students to ‘draw Cyprus’ and surveyed their political
attitudes, as well as their identities and preferences for the future of the island. The results show that the Turkish Cypriot students, in comparison with the students
from Turkey and from the other countries, are more supportive of a decentralized federative structure, identify themselves with the Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot
identities, and more willing to embrace a consociational approach to the Cyprus Question.
Uploads
Articles by Nur Köprülü
Keywords:: Jordan, ‘Arab Spring’, Palestinians, resilience of monarchies, democratization, electoral law
http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13537121.2014.922803?scroll=top&needAccess=true
Book Reviews by Nur Köprülü
Book Chapters by Nur Köprülü
Papers by Nur Köprülü
attitudes, as well as their identities and preferences for the future of the island. The results show that the Turkish Cypriot students, in comparison with the students
from Turkey and from the other countries, are more supportive of a decentralized federative structure, identify themselves with the Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot
identities, and more willing to embrace a consociational approach to the Cyprus Question.
Keywords:: Jordan, ‘Arab Spring’, Palestinians, resilience of monarchies, democratization, electoral law
http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13537121.2014.922803?scroll=top&needAccess=true
attitudes, as well as their identities and preferences for the future of the island. The results show that the Turkish Cypriot students, in comparison with the students
from Turkey and from the other countries, are more supportive of a decentralized federative structure, identify themselves with the Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot
identities, and more willing to embrace a consociational approach to the Cyprus Question.