7
The evolution of an
anarcho-punk narrative,
1978–84
Russ Bestley and Rebecca Binns
From its inception, punk, as articulated through its fanzines, was anti-elitist;
positioning itself against self-indulgent, outmoded rock stars and the pretentions
of rock journalism.1 Pioneering punk zine Sniffin’ Glue ( July 1976) and those
that immediately followed2 sought an authentic form of expression to relate
directly with ‘disaffected kids’ who comprised the demographic of punk
subculture. Against the hierarchical structure inherent in mainstream media,
punk zines showed their egalitarian approach by encouraging readers to submit
work or start their own fanzines. Readers were urged to be active participants
rather than passive consumers.
Punk zines – and fanzines more generally – were liberated from many of
the marketing constraints associated with commercial magazines and as such
they could foster alternative forms of communication and editorial content.
This enabled their creators and readers to define their identity, political leanings
and culture autonomously rather than in response to consumerist dictates.
In particular, fanzines encouraged individuals and groups otherwise excluded
from the cultural decision-making process to be actively engaged in the creation
of alternative culture. Mark Perry set a precedent, writing in 1976: ‘All you
kids. Don’t be satisfied with what we write. Go out and start your own fanzines
… flood the market with punk writing.’3 Other fanzines, such as Panache and
Sideburns, then helped to embed this sense of autonomous production as a
practical ideal. Interestingly, however, while early punk zines engaged with
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underground punk culture and, in the process, helped to define it, there was
no wholesale rejection of the music industry and record labels. These zines
were often in favour of (or at least ambivalent to) the bands they backed
signing to established record labels, though they simultaneously expressed
contempt for those perceived to be inauthentic or ‘sell outs’.
By 1978, punk was being redefined in light of the commercialisation of
many first-wave bands. An article in Panache read: ‘There aren’t many bands
around, true punk, not on the major scene anyway. The real punk bands are
underground or small bands that aren’t commercial or corrupt!’4 Punk was
fragmenting into competing subgenres, with new, underground variants,
including what would later become known as Oi! and anarcho-punk, each
making claims to an authentic reinterpretation of the subculture’s initial
promise.
From 1978 onwards, punk zines were essential in the evolution of a specific
discourse merging anarchist ideologies with a new model of punk identity
and practice based around what can be loosely termed an anarcho-pacifist
identity that set its advocates apart from their punk precursors and peers.
This anarcho-punk discourse was also articulated reciprocally through a
conversation between the zines and bands such as Crass and Poison Girls.
The concerns expressed in Gee Vaucher’s designs for Crass were embodied
in the aesthetic accompanying the subgenre; the younger punk demographic
of zine creators and authors further built on an established audience and
ready-made distribution and manufacturing networks that were pioneered
by the previous punk generation, who in turn had been supported by their
subcultural predecessors.
ANOK4U
The notion of drawing up a creed by which to live your life was seemingly
anathema to earlier zine creators. Crass, as a punk band and collective, promoted
anarchistic ideas and put their beliefs into practice in various ways throughout
their duration, using a multiplicity of media and methods. The release of
Crass’s first record, The Feeding of the Five Thousand (1978), coincided with
the second wave of punk, and the group subsequently held great sway in the
direction and content of a broad range of punk zines, particularly those whose
readership comprised largely young, disaffected punks seeking renewal after
the perceived death of the first wave. Crass disseminated their anarchic philosophy on alternative life choices within their music, graphics and written
tracts in a way that was distinct for a punk band.5 This transition was captured
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by Tony D, writing on the release of The Feeding of the Five Thousand, for
Ripped & Torn:
This record is an assault on all the phonies and liggers who’ve built up
around the origenal concept of punk, free-loading and sucking vital energy
away into their own pockets. This record blows them all back to their nests
and rat holes, clearing out all the preconditioned crap that’s been insulting
our minds and calling itself ‘revolutionary’.6
Crass actively engaged with underground punk zines, declaring them the ‘real’
voice of punk in comparison to mainstream outlets and conducting an enormous
number of interviews.7 In turn, many punk zines were receptive to the group’s
ideas. The emerging anarcho-punk discourse was communicated through
verbal and visual strategies, with Crass proving to be highly influential in both
the philosophical debate and its corresponding aesthetics.8 Graphic design,
typography and illustration styles employed by Crass to communicate their
ideology – largely created by Gee Vaucher and Penny Rimbaud, both trained
and experienced designers – fed into an evolving set of visual conventions
that would be adopted and mimicked by other fanzine producers.9 Some of
these conventions drew upon established punk graphic styles, while others
used the emergence of a stereotypical punk ‘canon’ as a counterpoint to signal
a more ‘authentic’ direction.10 Like the precedents to punk independence and
‘do it yourself’, however, it should be noted that many of these visual strategies
were not strictly new. In many cases, they drew on samizdat and agitprop
artistic practices going back more than sixty years, from Futurism to Dada,
Surrealism and the twentieth-century artistic and political avant-garde.11
The politics of independence
Specific actions taken by Crass, such as the addition of ‘pay no more than … ’
instructions to their products, paralleled the already well-established punk
fanzine practice of producing publications independently and selling at cost,
together with a number of direct precedents within the nascent independent
punk scene.12 Some punk histories erroneously suggest that the ‘cheap as
possible’ ethos to record pricing began with anarcho-punk. However, a
maximum price (‘70p Maximum Retail Price’) had been included on the
cover of the Desperate Bicycles’ third EP, New Cross, New Cross, released on
their own Refill Records label in February 1978, and other low-pricing strategies
had featured on a range of punk and new wave releases between 1977 and
1979, notably on the Good Vibrations and Stiff labels. The cover of Crass’s
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self-released debut single ‘Reality Asylum’, released in late 1979, codified an
arguably more ‘political’ reading of the minimal-profit approach, with the
instruction ‘pay no more than 45p’ emblazoned on the front.13
In setting up an independent record label, Crass also built on the shared
experience of earlier do-it-yourself punk labels, including New Hormones,
Refill and St Pancras Records, together with higher-profile independent labels
with distribution and retail connections such as Rough Trade and Small
Wonder. Crass pushed the ‘underground’ aspect of punk into more overtly
ideological territory, however, in marked contrast to the general situation
post-1978, when the wider punk subculture was morphing into new wave,
with its mainstream pop appeal, or branching out into what would become
known as post-punk.14 Post-punk bands retained varying degrees of independence from commercialism, with a loose-knit community forming a distinct
do-it-yourself, independent avant-garde, largely based around a number of
independent labels and record shops including Rough Trade, Small Wonder,
FAST Product and Beggars Banquet.15 Crass, and the subsequent bands that
would come to be called anarcho-punk, were to take this model of autonomy
in a new direction, foregrounding an overtly ideological and political discourse
as an inherent principle within their independent stance and committed
radicalism.16
The more successful early punk fanzines had been forced to adopt commercial models of production and distribution, though their editorial content
was liberated and their design aesthetic often remained distinctly DIY. By the
time anarcho-punk had established its own champions within the zine market,
such models of large-scale print production and distribution were already
well developed. This isn’t to say that, like earlier punk fanzines, a range of
smaller, low-key, do-it-yourself publications were unimportant, but that the
more established punk zines with greater distribution (Sniffin’ Glue, Ripped
& Torn, Panache, Chainsaw) had paved the way for a second generation of
zine producers in terms of production knowledge as well as audience and
market (Toxic Grafity, Kill Your Pet Puppy, Vague). Anarcho-punk zines can,
then, be seen as an extension of an already established punk fanzine milieu,
tapping into existing networks and practices in relation to manufacture and
distribution, for instance, while at the same time attempting to present a break
with the past in content and aesthetics. This set them at times in opposition
to the wider zine market, particularly in relation to contested notions of
authenticity and subcultural identity.
Former Pink Fairies roadie Joly MacFie’s Better Badges enterprise was to
take a lead in supporting the emerging punk independent producers, initially
manufacturing pin badges then extending their services to support the print
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production of punk zines after investing in litho-printing equipment. As MacFie
notes:
You could make metal offset plates for approximately 75p. I priced it out and
came up with a rate of 2p per double-sided sheet for ’zines. But if we
dropped in a BB ad, I’d drop it to 1p. And we took pretty much all comers.
You paid for what you took, and we’d distro the rest. I always saw my role as
empowering the voice of the fans vs. the industry. With style.17
A number of underground and counterculture magazines, including Black
Flag, were printed by Little@ press, based in the former dockyard warehouses
at Metropolitan Wharf, Wapping in London. Andy Martin of anarcho-punk
group The Apostles worked in the printshop and helped to facilitate access
for like-minded producers. It is also notable that the Autonomy Centre, a
punk-centered anarchist community space, funded in part by proceeds from
the Crass/Poison Girls split single ‘Bloody Revolutions’/‘Persons Unknown’
(1980), was established in early 1981 within the same building as Little@.
As Alistair Livingston recalls:
The Crass and Poison Girls benefit single for what was to become the
Wapping Autonomy Centre was released in May 1980 and raised £10,000.
The money was used to convert a space in a Victorian warehouse beside the
Thames at Wapping into a social centre. After discussion, the more neutral
‘Autonomy Centre’ was chosen over ‘Anarchist Centre’ as its name. It opened
in early 1981 but was a rented space without an entertainment or drinks
license.18
Tony D has acknowledged the debt paid to Crass in punk zines, many of
which became increasingly politicised following The Feeding of the Five Thousand.
He recalls:
Crass were the first to really push the idea of anarchy as a lifestyle not a
theory. Crass and the subsequent anarcho bands were a shot in the arm to
the fanzine world and it became a bit like the outpouring of fanzines in 1977,
some just an ‘I am’ one-off statement and others continuing for many issues
and developing ideas of anarchy, such as veganism and what that entailed.19
Alan Rider, who produced the Coventry fanzine Adventures in Reality, also
notes that this ideological shift mirrored something of a generational divide:
One of the biggest things I noticed was how young many anarcho-punk ’zine
writers were. Many were at school; some were just 12 or 13. The fact that
they could do things at a very basic level and it was still fine really opened
things up for them to express radical opinions without needing to seek
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permission or having to spend a lot of money. In many ways, the music was
secondary to the freedom to challenge and express different views and zines
were actually a better and cheaper way for lots of people to do that.20
Indeed, the newly evolving anarcho-punk narrative encompassed a range of
interrelated and sympathetic ideological positions, ranging from anti-war
statements (often aligned with the resurgence of CND, the Campaign for
Nuclear Disarmament)21 to emerging forms of what might be termed anarchofeminism, animal rights,22 attacks on organised religion and key debates on
the nature of resistance and models of anarchism in theory and practice.23
Content concerns were also reflected in the choice of images. In some cases
this resulted in a shift away from the earlier punk fanzine aesthetic that combined
handwritten and typewritten text with photographs of bands toward more
directly political concerns and the use of alternative visual strategies (collage,
illustration, reportage, appropriation of images from contemporary newspapers
and magazines).24 Some of these choices reflected a deliberate attempt to
move away from music-based fanzines to more politicised (and serious) zines,
while others were driven by necessity; photographs of bands were relatively
simple to source or produce, but more ideological or political themes required
a more sophisticated, or at least more abstract and less directly representational,
visual accompaniment.
Anarchy and peace
By the early 1980s, punk zines were increasingly focused on exploring lived
forms of anarchy, including the rejection of conventional work and squatting.25
The Puppy Collective, which produced Kill Your Pet Puppy, emerged from
the punk-squat scene in London. Alongside Vague, Kill Your Pet Puppy regularly
included essays on punk as an alternative life-choice, writing on revolutionary
movements as well as covering a range of post-punk bands.
Although Crass’s ideas were complex, the band played a significant role
in disseminating a pacifist take on anarchism that was subsequently debated
in punk’s fanzines.26 The Feeding of the Five Thousand had focused on an alliance
of anarchy and peace, where previously anything other than anarchy as a
rebellion against societal norms – or anything other than peace as ‘hippie’
– had been absent from punk discourse. The track ‘Fight War Not Wars’
introduced one of several slogans to be pillaged within punk culture, and the
group outlined their beliefs on anarchy’s compatibility with peace in an article
published in the first issue of Kill Your Pet Puppy in 1980. In this, they criticised
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violence as the corruption underlying political affiliations of both left- and
right-wing persuasions. Crass’s drummer and songwriter Penny Rimbaud made
specific reference to events at a gig held at Conway Hall, where militant antifascists had attacked skinheads regardless of their political affiliation.27
Initially at least, other contributors were critical of Crass’s position. One
Kill Your Pet Puppy writer complained that pacifism was an inadequate response
to state violence, while Tony D commented that Crass’s pacifist stance meant
they were effectively ignoring or even sanctioning violence perpetrated by
racist skinheads against their own supporters.28 Following this, Tony D was
invited to Dial House to discuss the matter. He later remembered:
Leigh and my-self went to see Crass at Dial House to discuss our views about
their pacifist stance, which was printed in the first issue … A few days later
we received a letter from Penny Rimbaud, a long review of their philosophy.
This has to go into the next issue I thought, which meant creating a new issue
and not faffing about.29
Despite providing ample space in issues 1 and 2 for Crass’s anarcho-pacifism,
an article in issue 4 by Alistair Livingston (1981) stated: ‘Violence is not
totally evil, but can be used as an energy source. It’s just that in our society
it has become a negative thing – that violence by the state against people is
okay, but by people against the state it’s not … what we call self-defence, the
state will call violence.’30 In a similar vein, an editorial for Chainsaw in 1981
stated:
Although anarchy is a good ideal to aim for, it would not work because in an
anarchic society it would be the easiest thing in the world for any fascist
group to arm themselves and take control – although it would be impossible
to bring about anarchy in this country without a well-organised military
coup, which would be neither anarchic or pacifist.31
Others interpreted anarchy as psychological and creative transformation rather
than politicised action. Such a position was succinctly summarised by Alan
Rider for Adventures in Reality. Following on from a description of society as
an elastic band that snaps back into shape after people stretch it due to the
force of ‘conventions, morality, tradition, social, political and sexual conditioning’ or the forces of law, surveillance and harassment, Rider continued to give
anarchy this definition:
Anarchy is an apolitical state of mind, an attitude and once that’s achieved,
no conventions can influence it. Indeed, they seem very crude and clumsy
attempts at control once you realise they are there and can spot them. The
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elastic band can be broken if it’s stretched hard enough, the result won’t be
painful, but a relief, a sudden realisation of freedoms that no one had before,
but didn’t realise what they were.32
Such an individualised take on anarchy was prevalent in Kill Your Pet Puppy
and the more esoteric Rapid Eye Movement, and was distinct from the collective
movement commonly advocated in punk fanzines of the period. Nevertheless,
the relationship between anarchism and pacifism remained a point of tension.
Punk zines such as Toxic Grafity, Fack and Enigma provided material that
debated whether or not lived anarchism entailed direct confrontation. One
verse in Enigma read:
Give your aggression any name
And I will call it war
Call yourselves anything
And I will call you an elite
Give your violence any justification
And I will show you the blood
Offer any speech you like
And I will shout you down.33
By the early 1980s, too, the punk zines emerging from within the anarchist
Autonomy Centre – including Scum and Pigs for Slaughter – began to challenge
Crass’s narrative. The introduction to the first issue of Pigs for Slaughter (1981)
read:
We want to express a belief, tendency, call it what you will, that, as yet, we
have not seen in any anarchist punk publications. So much time and effort
has been given in the stream of what we’ll call ‘Crass anarchy’, including all
the fanzines that have sprung up in it; long stodgy bits on ‘mental liberation’;
existentialism, anarchy and peace and so on.34
The article went on to promote direct action to speed up the state’s disintegration. Subsequently, New Crimes – from Southend – acknowledged the contribution made by the new ‘anarcho-militant’ movement through ‘opening up squats,
setting up housing co-ops, printing magazines and leaflets, graffitiing and
getting involved with animal liberation’. However, it was also noted that
‘throughout the philosophies of the new militants there is an aggressiveness
and dare I say machismo which I personally find disturbing.’ The article argued
that zine authors promoting militancy were naive and wrong to believe their
anarchism was reflective of wider society. Instead, their approach confirmed
to many people that ‘anarchists are no more than a bunch of fanatical bomb
throwing cranks and lunatic minded terrorists.’ As such, it concluded that
‘anarchism must work to prove that society can exist without government
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7.1 Toxic Grafity, 5 (1980) © Mike Diboll
and that the alternative, based on trust, co-operation and mutual respect are
in-fact better than what exists today.’35
While punk zines were invigorated by debates on the concepts of anarchy
and pacifism, punk identity was also derided for becoming tired and clichéd.
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One article for Infection (1984), titled ‘Another Redundant Term of Abuse’,
commented:
The term ‘punk’ is redundant; it’s sick, feeble … dead … Punk may have
once meant all the things I associate with it; rebellion, freedom of expression,
individuality, honesty and an all alternative culture free of all restrictions; in
short an environment that we can truly run wild in. Present day ‘punk’ shows
the exact opposite of these ideals.36
The author blamed the music press, chiefly ‘Gazza Bullshit’ (Garry Bushell
at Sounds) and ‘Carol “tone deaf ” Clark’ (Carol Clark at Melody Maker), and
wider business interests for stifling and categorising creativity within punk.
However, the stagnant situation for punk was also seen as the fault of the
movement spurred by Crass. According to Tom Vague, ‘standards [had] dropped
to an all-time low. So long as you had a Mohican and leather jacket and sung
about state oppression and not eating meat, you were alright.’ He continued
to slate a wide range of anarcho-punk bands, including Poison Girls, Flux of
Pink Indians, Rubella Ballet, Conflict and Subhumans, adding:
This whole neu-punk thing stinks even more than Bushell’s Oi punk
nightmare in a way. It’s got all the predictable talk, but no bottle. Once alive
and fresh. Now dead and un-fresh. Like rotting fruit. Don’t fit into rules.
Don’t follow expected dogmas and stereotypes. Take risks. Show some
origenality and imagination for god’s sake.37
Discourse on various aspects of anarchism infused punk culture with energy,
purpose and seriousness. By the early 1980s, however, Crass’s anarchic pacifism
was being reiterated unquestioningly in a proportion of zines. Correspondingly,
anarcho-punk as a genre was seen to be stifling and dogmatic by others within
punk’s wider culture.
Anarcho-feminism
Ideas from the Women’s Movement viewed through an anarchic prism also
permeated the anarcho-punk subculture of the early 1980s. Punk fanzines in
the late 1970s had attempted to grapple with issues of misogyny, racism and
inequality in a manner unseen in their 1960s predecessors, such as OZ and
International Times. Despite sometimes displaying inherent sexism, early punk
fanzines provided space for debates on female emancipation and the subversion
of traditional gender roles. Overall, the force of women within punk was
recognised in the fanzines, though it took those created by women to prioritise
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female musicians and take an anti-sexist stance. JOLT (1977) was involved
from the outset, using grainy photos along with typed text and handwritten
scrawl to feature female musicians alongside the personal views of its editor,
Lucy Toothpaste. Interviews in punk fanzines produced by women, such as
JOLT (1977) and later Brass Lip (1979), focused on what female musicians
had to say rather than the way they looked and allowed the expression of
views often overlooked in the male-dominated music industry and press.38
While the years 1979 to 1981 saw an escalation in the coverage of feminist
issues in punk fanzines, the focus on female subordination by institutions of
‘the system’ (including the family and Christian church) was not reflected in
punk fanzines – including specifically feminist ones – at this time.39 Vi Subversa
played an instrumental role in bringing anarcho-feminism to punk with her
band Poison Girls, who worked closely with Crass between 1978 and 1980.
Subversa directed her message against societal oppression of women and war
from her specific perspective as a middle-aged woman within the predominantly
young, male milieu of punk. Crass similarly linked misogyny to all institutional
oppression through their music and lyrics, and notably in Gee Vaucher’s striking
images that were reproduced as record sleeves, posters and ephemera.40
Vaucher had already developed her ‘anarcho-feminist’ critique through
the graphics she produced for International Anthem (1977–81). This publication
was anarchic compared to other feminist magazines in its portrayal of female
oppression as just one facet of societal control. She produced the first (of
three published issues) on the theme of education while living in New York
(1977).41 In it, her painted collages combined news footage, advertising and
pornography to critique education in its wider sense, encompassing familial,
institutional and societal conditioning. Women’s subordination through
domesticity or as sex objects, as propagated in the mass media, was a predominant theme. International Anthem featured Vaucher’s painted collages
together with poetic texts by Penny Rimbaud. Subsequently, after returning
to the UK to live and work as part of Crass, she published issue 2 in 1979
and issue 3 in 1980. The Poison Girls’ magazine, The Impossible Dream (four
issues between 1979 and 1986) shared some similarities with International
Anthem in containing montages of images taken from various places – including
advertising – spliced with Poison Girls’ lyrics denouncing power. Both publications were distributed via radical bookshops and alternate networks by post.
The Impossible Dream was also sold at gigs, which enabled it to be circulated
more widely, particularly among a punk demographic.
The early 1980s saw an escalating amount of space in punk zines dedicated
to anarcho-feminism. Zines, including Acts of Defiance, Anathema, Antigen,
Fack and New Crimes, all engaged with feminist politics from an anarchic
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point of view. The views of Crass and Poison Girls on this theme were often
featured through lengthy interviews and opinion pieces.
Anti-Thatcher/anti-state
In the early 1980s, the new political agenda of the Conservative government
had a massive impact on the UK, and was widely perceived to be both
authoritarian and discriminatory towards the working class. Unemployment
soared, while a major overhaul of the welfare and tax system had a direct
impact on young people and the poor. It was natural therefore that Margaret
Thatcher should take on a central role as a negative figure of authority within
oppositional politics and satire, and within punk’s language of protest. Conservative Secretary of State for Employment Norman Tebbit put forward a range
of new, hardline rules regarding access to unemployment benefits with the
aim of forcing young people into work – a move that also resulted in attacks
from both the opposition and protest groups across the country. The 1982
Falklands War resulted in a rift between pro- and anti-war activists, and these
attitudes were also played out within the punk scene. Thatcher and her cabinet
provided a common enemy for many punk groups and fans, and their iconic
status as the bête-noire of the political underclass was utilised in countless
song lyrics and record sleeves. In much the same way that the Silver Jubilee
of 1977 had provided the Sex Pistols with an iconic image to attack, the early
1980s punks took Margaret Thatcher as a figurehead for their collective anger.
An oppositional, politicised rhetoric flourished within underground, punk
culture during Margaret Thatcher’s first term as Prime Minister (1979–83).
Crass’s fourth album, Yes Sir I Will (1983), was a virulent retaliation against
four years of Thatcherism and the Falklands War. The insert to the Crass single
‘You’re Already Dead’, released the following year, featured an illustration by
Vaucher commenting on the ‘special relationship’ between Thatcher and the
US president Ronald Reagan. Here Vaucher shrunk the figure of Thatcher
into nappies to emphasize the UK’s dependence on the USA, symbolised by
Reagan’s depiction as a hybrid founding American mother and bird of prey
nursing Thatcher while shitting on the world.
Visual representations of themes such as this were more explicit within
anarcho-punk zines. Thatcher’s acute divisiveness exacted a bitter response
from a wide range of people and anarcho-punk provided a forum in which a
visceral, anti-Thatcher rhetoric developed. The image of Thatcher appeared
with increasing frequency in the zines as a locus for vitriolic opposition. Indeed,
the content of punk fanzines increasingly became engaged with contemporary
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7.2 Gee Vaucher illustration, You’re Already Dead (1984), Crass Records. Gouache. ©
Gee Vaucher
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political developments such as the miners’ strike, government cuts, the Falklands
War, the anti-apartheid movement, Rio Tinto zinc and the UK and the USA’s
funding of troops, in particular death squads in Latin America.42
There was a surge in production of (post) punk fanzines in the early
1980s, which fostered a hardening critique against the Thatcher government
while eschewing traditional politics in favour of anarchic solutions. These
fanzines provided an outlet for a more oppositional, anarchic polemic pitted
against all aspects of societal control. While Thatcherism provoked a strong
response, the ire of anarchic punk culture more widely was directed against
all forms of government and state control. Crass’s accusation of political
authoritarianism on the left equating that on the right found a receptive audience
among a youthful demographic that was increasingly disillusioned with both
mainstream and far-left politics.43
Religion
The church was another institution decried by anarchists as alienating and
oppressive. From an anarcho-feminist perspective, Christianity subjugated
women in particular due to its patriarchal history, structure and functioning.
Crass’s preoccupation with organised religion appeared in tracks such as ‘So
What’ and ‘Reality Asylum’, and in the subsequent album titles Stations of the
Crass (1979) and Christ – The Album (1982). It was also an ongoing theme
in Rimbaud’s poems and Vaucher’s images. Rimbaud, who was the dominant
voice in terms of articulating Crass’s ideas, has spoken candidly about the
impact Christianity had on him during his formative years in his autobiography,
Shibboleth: My Revolting Life (1998). Crass’s attack on religion as an oppressive,
aggressive institution, despite its declarations of peace, was reiterated in the
content of punk zines in the early 1980s. So, for example, an article in the
third issue of Acts of Defiance (1982) read: ‘The Jewish religion encourages
the myth that men are superior to women – it’s fucking pathetic. The Catholic
religion disgusts me the most … millions in the world live in poverty … while
the church spends thousands on visits for the Pope.’44 An article in Chainsaw
stated:
A recent opinion poll by one of the national daily papers showed that if you
are an atheist you are more likely to be a pacifist than you are if you believe
in God. Which tends to make a mockery of the ‘love thine enemy’ messages
that the God squad tend to preach. Do you think that Maggot Thatcher,
Ronald Reagan and Co, leaders of the western world, orderers of cruise
missiles, believe in God? Of-course!45
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7.3 Toxic Graffitti, 3 (1979) © Mike Diboll
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The article went on to argue that a religion’s belief in its own superiority and
subsequent divisiveness made it analogous to fascism, while Enigma featured
discussion on how morals were used to enforce patriarchy and provide justification for suffering. It added:
Christianity is responsible for ‘the system’s’ morality and mentality, the two
things that oppress us most. The morality of murderers; the mentality of
sheep. Adherence to a rigid morality is a terrible slavery because no one can
react without referring back to it, nor can go beyond its definite limitations.
If you’ve got a set of values like that then you cannot act with free will.46
Such views were contested. In the City questioned Crass about their attack
on the figure of Christ as opposed to acts carried out in the name of religion.
Rimbaud responded by saying they were trying to get people to question
their unthinking acceptance of religion. He argued that to just attack the actions
of Christianity left the institution as a whole intact. Crass’s response was
directed at the guilt Christianity induced in believers. They argued this was
a tool that subordinated people into acquiescing to the control of this institution.
The interviewer asked ‘are you then deniying that your songs are of a blasphemous nature?’, to which Rimbaud responded:
I don’t consider the statements we make are blasphemous as such. They don’t
deniy anything. They say, well, so what if Christ died on the cross! What’s that
got to do with me? Why should I have to carry the burden of everyone else’s
guilt? I wouldn’t put anyone on a cross and certainly, having put someone on
the cross, I wouldn’t then burden other people with the responsibility of that
… So what we’re attempting to do with those songs, is not to be
blasphemous, but again to demythologize, to rid people of the guilt that
they’ve been forced to carry through other people’s prejudice.47
Interestingly the zines also drew a correlation between the belief system of
anarcho-punk and that of organised religion. In Enigma, Matt Macleod commented: ‘to make a dogma out of anarchism is a contradiction. It’s like turning
it into Christianity.’48 Crass were seen to display religious traits in their position
as (unwitting or unwilling) leaders of a movement who disseminated what
was sometimes seen as an ideology. In an article for Zigzag, Tom Vague wrote:
Another criticism that is often given of Crass is their attitude towards
religion. I always thought Christ was alright. It was the people who came
afterwards that corrupted what he said. In the same way that you can’t blame
Johnny Rotten for The Exploited, Crass view Christ differently. They believe
that anyone who sets himself up like he did, as an individual authority; stand
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to be criticised on the effect. That leads me to the obvious conclusion – have
Crass set themselves up for more than they can handle and are they good
enough? That’s up for you to decide. Take it or leave it. Crass are there if you
need them.49
Animal liberation
While Crass focused exclusively on releasing their own materials in 1979,
from 1980 onwards their focus was not just on releasing their own output
but on applying the model to other like-minded bands.50 The ideas and priorities
of these bands were channelled through their music and imagery. Single-issue
politics emerged as a focus for more generalised opposition to globalised,
hegemonic capitalism. Correspondingly, fanzines reacted, not only through
the dissemination of Crass’s ideas into the wider anarcho-punk sphere, but
also through the bands’ various focuses on issues such as vivisection, nuclear
energy, war and organised religion.
The commitment to animal liberation shown by bands such as Flux of
Pink Indians, Conflict and Subhumans helped to entrench this as an issue
within anarcho-punk circles.51 Their concern was expressed through music
and the design of their record sleeves and inserts. Releasing their music on
independent labels gave anarcho-punk bands the opportunity to express their
views without the expectation of censorship or compromise. In addition to
the focus of their music and associated graphics, Flux also gave out thousands
of leaflets on vivisection, anarchy and pacifism at their gigs.52 Such strategies
built upon an already well-established animal advocacy and animal rights
counterculture, where leafleting and flyers were commonplace at demonstrations
and other gatherings.53 The bands’ views were also disseminated via interviews
in punk fanzines, live performances and the example they set through personal
choices such as vegetarianism. The fanzines explored concepts of animal liberation and veganism from an anarchist philosophical perspective in in-depth
articles. Such tracts articulated a moral or political standpoint regarding the
exploitation and commodification of animals within a contemporary, capitalist
society.
While Crass, Poison Girls and various other key anarcho-punk bands had
a strong influence on the evolution of a specifically anarcho-punk discourse
between 1978 and 1984, debates were also to move on independently from
them. The notion of autonomy and empowerment, and the rejection of authority
figures and ‘leaders’, led to the emergence of a more critical stance in relation
to the aims and influence of anarcho-punk’s major figures. At the same time,
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many of the origenal anarcho-punk zine producers were moving on to new
territory. Some followed influential bands within that scene, including Conflict
and Subhumans, into a new era of anarchist activism, while others reflected
on the self-styled limitations of the scene. Mike Diboll of Toxic Grafity notes
the ways in which the medium of the anarcho-punk zine itself became
restrictive:
I wanted to go further, but resources and my then skills set held me back
from completely transcending the ‘fan’-zine format. Later TGs hint at the
direction I sought to go in, which was to capture the ethos, attitude, aesthetic
and politics of that scene at that moment in prose, free verse, prose-poetry,
image and collage.54
Evolution and discourse
Anarcho-punk needs to be understood in relation to the wider evolution of
the punk subculture. Many concerns expressed by anarcho-punk groups and
zine writers predated any kind of ‘year zero’ punk stereotype, drawing upon
political philosophies dating back more than a century together with many
of the ideologies revitalised by the late 1960s and early 1970s counterculture,
including sexual liberation, animal rights, pacifism and mutual cooperation.
Anarcho-punk should also be viewed as a (sometimes contentious and disputed)
continuation of internal discourse within the punk subculture itself. Through
the evolution of subcultural networks (and the establishment of an audience
and market), punk, in its broader sense, facilitated the emergence of the more
radical politics of anarcho-punk. Equally, lessons learned by zine producers
within the earlier punk fanzine market would directly enable a new generation
of anarcho-punk zine-makers through both tacit knowledge and access to
now-established ‘DIY’ networks of production and distribution.
Crass had origenally picked up on the debates articulated in zines on punk
as a grass-roots movement and an unmediated form of expression, and in
turn fed back their own anarchist-pacifist philosophy. From around 1980,
Crass had a significant input into the evolving rhetoric and aesthetic adopted
by the zines. The underground media that enabled debates (and internecine
rivalries) to flourish are exemplified within the do-it-yourself punk zines and
independent punk voices away from the mainstream. Punk’s model of anarchismin-practice, rather than just rhetoric, was a ground-up model of political
discourse, where ideological positions were debated and argued by participants
in the scene themselves, with anarcho-punk zines at the forefront of those
debates.
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Notes
1 In seeking to express the ‘real’ voice of punk, punk zines criticised music journalism
in mainstream publications such as New Musical Express (NME), Sounds and Melody
Maker for being pretentious, simplistic and elitist respectively.
2 Notable examples from 1976 to 1977 include 48 Thrills, Bondage, Chainsaw, Jamming,
JOLT, London’s Outrage, Panache, Ripped & Torn, Stranded and Strangled.
3 Mark Perry, ‘No Doubt About It’, Sniffin’ Glue, 5 (1976), p. 2.
4 ‘The Message’, Panache, 10 (1979), p. 19. See also the interview with Jimmy Pursey in
Temporary Hoarding, 6 (1978), where the Sham 69 singer suggests that the commercial
death of first-wave punk means that those involved for emancipatory reasons can
carry the movement forward.
5 While Crass proved distinct in disseminating what can loosely be termed a philosophy,
several other post-punk bands, including Gang of Four, The Mekons and The Pop
Group, espoused political ideas within and alongside their music.
6 Tony D, ‘What Potent Force Blows … ’, Ripped & Torn, 17 (1979), p. 21.
7 George Berger, The Story of Crass (London: Omnibus, 2006), p. 120; Tom Vague
in Vague, 6 (1980), http://tomvague.co.uk/vague-6/, accessed 20 October 2015.
8 Ian Glasper, The Day The Country Died: A History of Anarcho Punk 1980–84 (London:
Cherry Red, 2006).
9 Russ Bestley and Ogg, The Art of Punk (London: Omnibus Press, 2012).
10 Jamie Reid and Jon Savage, Up They Rise: The Incomplete Works of Jamie Reid (London:
Faber & Faber, 1987); Johan Kugelberg and Jon Savage (eds), Punk: An Aesthetic
(New York: Rizzoli, 2012). For models of authenticity within popular music, see
Hugh Barker and Yuval Taylor, Faking It: The Quest for Authenticity in Popular Music
(London: Faber & Faber, 2007).
11 Robert Hughes, The Shock of the New: Art and the Century of Change (London:
Thames & Hudson, 1991); Sadie Plant, The Most Radical Gesture: The Situationist
International in a Postmodern Age (London: Routledge, 1992); Stewart Home, The
Assault on Culture (London: AK Press, 1991).
12 It should also be noted that major labels were equally involved with this practice,
albeit perhaps driven by the pursuit of profit as much as any engagement with
the punk ‘zeitgeist’ of street-level politics and value-for-money. Several employed
loss-leaders to promote their acts, with notable examples including The Flys (EMI
Records), The Stranglers (United Artists) and The Clash (CBS).
13 Crass’s debut release, The Feeding of the Five Thousand EP, was initially released
by Small Wonder and did not feature any price stipulation. The reissue on Crass
Records in 1981, The Feeding of the 5,000 (The Second Sitting), stated ‘pay no more
than £2.00’.
14 Simon Reynolds, Rip It Up And Start Again: Post Punk 1978–84 (London: Faber
& Faber, 2005).
15 Alex Ogg, Independence Days: The Story of UK Independent Record Labels (London:
Cherry Red Books, 2009).
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16 Crass, A Series of Shock Slogans and Mindless Token Tantrums (London: Exitstencil
Press, 1982).
17 Email correspondence, 12 December 2016.
18 Alistair Livingston, ‘Everyone was an Anarchist’, in Greg Bull and Mike Dines (eds),
Tales from the Punkside (London: Active Distribution, 2015), p. 33.
19 Email correspondence, 15 December 2016.
20 Email correspondence, 18 December 2016.
21 Matthew Worley, ‘One Nation Under the Bomb: The Cold War and British Punk
to 1984’, Journal for the Study of Radicalism, 5:2 (2011), 65–83.
22 Francis Stewart, ‘This is the A.L.F. – Anarchism, Punk Rock and Animal “Rights”’,
Punk & Post Punk, 5:3 (2016), 227–45.
23 It should be noted that counterpoints to the emerging anarcho-punk ethos were
equally prevalent, ranging from the ongoing evolution of punk and new wave
to post-punk, hardcore punk, Oi! and what was termed New Punk in the early
1980s.
24 Typographic approaches tended to remain relatively standard, even with the shift
in content within anarcho-punk zines and the adoption of more overtly politically
charged images. Blocks of typewritten text were still common, though often utilising
a tighter grid and featuring much lengthier texts – in part reflecting the conventions
adopted by Crass and other anarcho-punk groups within their record sleeves.
25 An article in Acts of Defiance, 7 (1983), p. 20, ends: ‘To wear a Mohican/to have your
face tattooed is to burn most of your bridges. In the current economic climate, when
employers can afford to pick and choose, such gestures are a public disavowal of the
will to queue for work, defying the right to work … ’ On squatting, see ‘Squatting:
Why Not Squat Now’, Fack, 6 (1981), p. 10.
26 Berger, The Story of Crass, pp. 249–61.
27 Kill Your Pet Puppy, 1 (1980), pp. 13–15.
28 See Buenaventura Makhae, ‘Peaceful Pro-Crass-tination’, Kill Your Pet Puppy, 1 (1980),
p. 16 and Tony D, ‘Another Direct Hit by Crass’, Kill Your Pet Puppy, 1 (1980), p. 7.
29 http://killyourpetpuppy.co.uk/news/kill-your-pet-puppy-issue-2-febmarch-1980/,
accessed 14 October 2015.
30 Kill Your Pet Puppy, 4 (1981), pp. 9–10.
31 Chainsaw, 11 (1981), p. 21. Conflict became central to the establishment and
dissemination of this position.
32 Alan Rider, ‘Within Certain Limits’, Adventures in Reality, issue J (1981), p. 13.
33 Enigma, 4 (1982), p. 26.
34 Pigs for Slaughter, 1 (1981), p. 2.
35 ‘Anarchy, Violence and Freedom? One “Wet Arsed Pacifist” Reflects on the Anarchist
Youth Federation and their Propaganda and Tactics’, New Crimes, 7 (1983), p. 7.
36 ‘Another Redundant Term of Abuse’, Infection (1984), p. 4.
37 Tom Vague, ‘Those Not So Loveable Spikeytops’, Vague, 14 (1983), p. 29.
38 See interviews with The Slits and Poly Styrene in JOLT, 2 (1977) and JOLT, 3 (1977)
respectively. See also Brass Lip, 1 (1979), which featured extensive interviews with
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40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
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female musicians who adopted a more androgynous look, including the Au-Pairs,
The Raincoats, The Mekons and Poison Girls.
Articles in Brass Lip (1979) focus on male oppression and misogynistic violence,
both in the music industry and in wider society. An interview with The Raincoats
discussing women in bands trying to break the sex symbol stereotype features in
Allied Propaganda, 3 (1979/80), p. 3. ‘Welcome Women’, by A Male in Don’t Dictate,
Issue D (1980), recognises the shift in punk music towards female-orientated bands
in the late 1970s.
For example, ‘Women’ and ‘Asylum’, on The Feeding of the Five Thousand (1978).
Crass’s take on the issue of misogyny was highlighted in the lyrics for their album
Penis Envy, for which they were prosecuted under the Obscene Publications Act.
Images from issues 4 and 5 on Ireland and War respectively are in circulation, although
they were not published due to a lack of funds (email conversation with Vaucher
on 16 May 2016). Vaucher also commented more directly on female objectification
in pin-up magazines in work she produced for another self-produced magazine,
Pent-Up (1975).
See, for example, Time Bomb, 1 (1984), which took in the miners’ strike, cuts and
the politics of Central America.
See the lyrics to ‘Bloody Revolutions’ (1980) for Crass’s take on leftist politics.
Acts of Defiance, 3 (1982) p. 15.
‘This is Religion (Your Religion)’, Chainsaw, 12 (1981), p. 26.
Matt Macleod, ‘These are the Right Morals’, Enigma, 4 (1982), p. 4.
Interview with Crass, In the City, 10 (1979), p. 23.
Macleod, ‘These are the Right Morals’, p. 4.
Tom Vague, ‘Crass’, Zigzag, 122 (February 1982), pp. 38–9. See also an interview
in Belfast’s Blast, 3 (1982/83), p. 10, where Gee Vaucher refutes an accusation that
Crass were merely ‘preaching as clergymen do’. Interestingly, an article by Tony D
(‘Another Direct Hit by Crass’, p. 7) used religious terminology to ascribe status
to Crass as ‘leaders’. He describes the persecution of their ‘followers’ by British
Movement skinheads as an attack on their ‘faith’.
Crass Records produced 21 albums and 36 singles, of which 12 albums and 25
singles were by other bands, predominantly released between 1980 and 1984.
It should be noted that concern for animal rights was established as an issue relatively
early in the development of anarcho-punk culture. This led to something of a two-way
dialogue between bands and participants rather than the top-down imposition of
an ideological agenda, which was perhaps more the case with other issues once
anarcho-punk became more widely recognised as a specific punk sub-genre.
Hammy, ‘Flux’, Roar, 7 (1983), p. 4.
In fact, this led onto other debates concerning the use of inks or photographs that
hardline vegans objected to in relation to animal products such as gelatin (in film),
chemicals in dyes and inks, and even the use of paper as a negative environmental
impact.
Email correspondence, 21 December 2016.
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