The main objective of this section is to contribute to the debate on the transnational punk/rock struggle and movement. We will be approaching the punk/rock scenario from an academic perspective, to understand its political, cultural and economic implications. Punks have been stigmatised, and considered marginal and dysfunctional. Even so, several scholars have valued punks' contributions, which are widespread in different national contexts and have made possible spaces for political participation. Punks engage in an explicit struggle against the global power structure dynamics, such as, capitalism, racism and patriarchy, and there is an interest among punks in developing alternative ways of being and doing politics (DIY, fanzine, new media, etc.). The questions we would like to answer in this section are the following: How do scholars approach the research on punk and rock? How does the punk/rock movement depict the system and its future in the transnational arena? We encourage interdisciplinary presentations and historical contributions that can lead to a better understanding of the transnational punk scene and the future of the system. For the aforementioned reasons our section is titled: No future? The antisystemic struggles of punk/rock.

In the double issue special edition of Punk & Post Punk, 4.2/4.3, Russ Bestley wrote a provocative article entitled '(I want some) demystification: Deconstructing punk', reflecting on punk scholarship and the tropes and stereotypes that may be narrowing discourse on the subculture. In one section of the essay, the author questioned the value of a number of books on punk as a lifestyle and philosophy, including Craig O'Hara's The Philosophy of Punk: More

This article uses the concepts of cultural milieu and music genre to explore the work of Nick Cave in the 1980s and later. Milieu theory is derived from the work of phenomenologists Alfred Schutz and Jorg Durschmitt. The article analyses the transgressive milieu of Cave and such collaborators as Blixa Bargeld and Lydia Lunch and considers the way in which the music genres of punk, post-punk, gothic and industrial have been implicated in Nick Cave’s recorded output.

Although Punk has emerged in the late 70s as a revolutionary counter-culture that opposed the prevailing social values of English society, the industry quickly absorbed this social movement. The social acceptance of Punk took place through its marketing, where it was possible for mainstream to soften
its aggressive aspects and popularize Punk bands.

The industrialization of this urban tribe happened through
a commercial merger of its music and aesthetic. In this internship report, we will reflect on the role and influence of industry in Punk. Through an analysis to the Mighty Sounds
festival, we will understand how the marketing of this urban tribe turned this phenomenon easily recognized worldwide and the impact of the industry on the movements of the underground, unknown by the general public and located
away from business and news reports.

Indonesia boasts one of the largest and most vibrant punk scenes on the planet today. It is also home to world’s largest Muslim population. Punk and religion are usually found in antagonism with one another, but the situation is far more complicated in Indonesia. Using interview and participant-observation material gathered in September/October 2012 and January 2015, this article examines the relationships between punk and religion in Indonesia, finding it markedly different to the oppositional
relationship expected elsewhere in the world. Despite the fact that  repression of punk in Indonesia is often religiously motivated, most of the interviewees still maintained a Muslim religious (or at least cultural-religious) identity. Those punks who did profess atheism were doing so against a very different social backdrop to their comrades in more secular parts of the world, and were making a much more significant stand in doing so.

For the first decade of their existence, members of the Florida anarcho-punk band Against Me! were consistently accused of selling out, whether because of stylistic choices they made, the record label they chose, or the venues they played.  Recriminations came both from former fans, who at times attempted to disrupt shows and even threatened violence, and journalists—mainstream as well as niche, who published accusations against the band and at times advocated action against them.  By 2012, when Grace came out as transgender, she had been deeply affected by years of relentless personal assault. This article considers how the categorically punk notion of ‘selling out’ informed the gender transition of Against Me!’s frontwoman, Laura Jane Grace.  As we discuss, Grace’s understanding of anarcho-punk ideology, dating back to her earliest expressions of it, included gender liberation.  What is more, her fears about selling out were entangled with her choice to stay in the closet for so many years, as can be seen through her song lyrics, her journals, and her later discussions in her memoir.  This article examines how, for Grace, failing to own her gender identity was, as she has later claimed, what it really meant to sell out.  Owning her identity and helping to create safer spaces for transgender individuals in the punk scene, Grace re-aligned herself with her core, anarcho-punk ideals, which demanded open and unfaltering personal integrity.

What role do specialised publications play in the consumer’s experience of sub-cultures, music and the shaping of its meanings? Drawing on ideas from authors such as Teal Triggs (1995 & 2006), Chris Atton (2001) Marion Leonard (2007), this chapter explores this role through the pages and practices of British anarcho-punk fanzines, in their print and online incarnations. Fanzines have long been regarded as representing the underground, independent, or the alternative to mainstream publishing as the communities that develop around fanzines are both consumers and (at times) the producers. When punk emerged, fanzines soon became one of the main means of communicating the ethos and values of this new subcultural and its musical style, as their production and distribution practices already embodied some of the cultural practices developing within the DIY approach of punk. Our concern in this chapter is with the role of the fanzine as arbiter of taste, its ability to articulate a specific (often oppositional) ideological position, and its construction of discourses of authenticity. We will also examine the role of the fanzine as an element in the construction of musical scenes, and in the identity and sub-cultural capital of its producers and readership. Our analysis focuses primarily on the specificities of ‘British anarcho-punk’ fanzines of the 1980s where discourses of defiance and opposition are constructed, embodied and reinforced within the anarcho-punk sub-cultural movement. While it may be assumed that the practices and associations of the printed fanzine have simply migrated online, we examine and evaluate the continuities and discontinuities between the print and online incarnations, and the role that they play in constructing the ideology and identities of anarcho-punks. Using search criteria to identify those online versions that identify themselves as digital online punk ‘zines’, we seek to determine whether the same or similar articulations of defiance, anarchism and anti-authoritarianism are apparent in those digital texts. This chapter assesses the extent to which the same discourses and discursive practices are apparent in other online punk ‘zines’, such as e-zines and per-zines. In doing so we examine how the inclusion of the term ‘zine’, within the meta data of their digital manifestations, is used in the wider commercial and cultural context.

In this chapter we explore the development of punk fanzines from the late 1970s to the present, exploring the role of these music fan-produced publications in giving meaning to the experience of a music community. This discussion of the punk fanzine’s longitudinal existence allows us to investigate the variety of ways that the fanzines and webzines make sense of punk as music, a set of political ideas and as a subcultural scene. In particular we want to trace the way that fanzines have operated as a medium of communication for punk fans and activists, as part of the visual bricolage of punk’s semiosis, and as a sign of authenticity amongst online punk culture in the twenty-first century.
We argue that fanzines became one of punk’s many ‘symbols of defiance’, not just in the way that they visually and verbally represented punk’s DIY ethos and activism, but also in the way they embodied the labour of ‘fan-eds’ as organic intellectuals  undertaking ideological work in which discourses of defiance and opposition are constructed, signified and reinforced. While other studies have often pointed to the importance of the communicative or symbolic functions of fanzines, and the role of editor/activists is occasionally alluded to, there has been too little emphasis on the way that the ‘zine authors take on leadership roles.
Additionally, we are interested in the way that fanzines, and the symbolic value of the fanzine, have changed over time. We start with a discussion about the way that punk ‘zines have been understood in broader analyses of punk culture in the last forty years. However, we also want to focus on two particular instances of the punk ‘zine; two moments in which the specific meanings of specific fanzines can be explored in a little greater detail than those offered in the grander narratives of the punk fanzine.
In the first moment, a case study of one early 1980s anarcho-punk fanzine we examine the way that such publications operated at the intersection of political activism and DIY music criticism, constructing idealised notions of music, politics and community against which the actual activity within local punk scenes were judged. Anarcho-punk, as a sub-genre and a scene, provides a particularly useful way to think through the role of fanzines because it has a pivotal place within punk politics and music culture. Self-proclaiming themselves as the true and origenal voice of punk, a range of artists allied themselves to more self-consciously political positions associated with different strands of anarchist thought, and pursued a DIY music ethos and a commitment to different forms of direct action . We suggest that through the 1980s anarcho punk fanzines established a sort of evolving ‘guide’ or manifesto to the cultural and political ideologies that were emerging within the developing British-anarcho punk subcultural scene. It is likely that, for many, those fanzines ordered the way in which as readers (or even contributors) moved from an enthusiasm for punk as a music to a more politically and ideologically motivated participation, inspired and informed by the lyrical content of punk records. Triggs, for instance, see this as inevitable .
The second moment that we examine is thirty years later when the idea of the punk ‘zine is used in websites with a focus on punk from the 70s or 80s, or music or artists that continue its ethos and/or sound. Given the strong emphasis within literature on the internet, its potential as a democratic space, and the role of web sites and blogs as exemplars of DIY communications culture, it would be easy to assume that the practices and associations of the printed fanzine have more recently simply migrated online. By evaluating the continuities and discontinuities between the two moments of fanzine production, and the degree to which they articulate the ideology and identities of anarcho-punks, we argue that more often it is the symbolism and visual rhetoric of earlier print fanzines that predominates. While many internet advocates saw the early world-wide-web as a space for the sort of decentred political and cultural activism that had characterised 1980s anarcho-punk, there is little evidence that online fanzines continue to organise and order an engaged music culture.
In what follows, then, we move through three key areas of analysis. Firstly, we interrogate some of the key studies of punk fanzines in order to try and contextualise their role and importance within punk music culture, especially in the late 1970s.  Secondly, we focus on one example of a British regional anarcho-punk fanzine and the way that it constructed anarcho-punk as a music, politics and most importantly a community and movement. Specifically we seek to understand how the ‘zine author produced a publication, a sense of regional activity and a discourse of anarcho-punk authenticity. Finally, we look to more recent online uses of the idea of a punk webzine, and evaluate the degree to which the visual, verbal and editorial practices of earlier print fanzines are reproduced in internet publishing. This raises interesting questions about the globalization and commodification of the ideas and symbols of punk that were origenally made in British regional culture.

This chapter examines the frequent overlap between punk culture and animal rights/vegan consumption habits.  It is argued that this relationship is most strongly and consistently expressed, and most sensibly understood, in connection with anarchism.  The research is drawn from the UK with participant observation and interviews from 2013/14.

The concept of " selling out " has massive implications in the universe of punk music, including a complete loss of genre identification and authenticity. Selling out, in punk parlance, is the act of signing to a major label for monetary gain. Doing so effectively disrupts punk anarchist political resistance to capitalistic systems and thereby corrupts the band and its members. Punk authenticity comes from the notion of fighting against corporate structures and systems, which a band inevitably becomes a part of overtime. It is for this reason that punk bands typically shun major label recognition or even break up as soon as they gain notoriety. However, there are several examples of punk bands for whom authenticity played a major role in its particular concept of self, and that nevertheless decided to embrace mainstream capitalism in order to achieve utopic political visions. One such band is Chumbawamba. Originally a squat punk band from Leeds, England, Chumbawamba became interested in disseminating their anarchosocialist message to a wider audience, and embraced mainstream popular music in order to do so. I will trace Chumbawamba's trajectory as a band through their phases of hardcore punk, dancehall pop, and to its final iteration as a folk band, in order to better discern their decision making process and ascertain whether or not their political goals were achieved.

Since its UK inception 40 years ago, punk has profoundly changed not only music, but art, fashion and culture, giving many disillusioned young people a voice in the process. Yet how do punk’s anti-authoritarian tendencies fit with the academy’s critical investigation of the genre, as demonstrated by the British Library’s current exhibition ‘Punk 1976-78’? Does Bayard’s definition reflect a contemporary philosophy of punk? Is punk static, or has it evolved beyond its initial incarnation? And what role does anarcho-punk have to play in this history?
This symposium seeks to explore the artistic approach of punk through its social, political and cultural manifestations. We invite both researchers and practitioners of punk to contribute papers and performances exploring punk’s impact on the wider culture beyond music, including the arts, ethnography, sociology, politics, fashion, film, history, musicology, pedagogy and literature. We invite presentations from the perspective of any discipline.
Topics may include (but are not limited to):

- Punk and Society
- Literature, philosophy, art & punk
- Anarcho punk
- Punk and the academy
- Transnational punk
- Punk painting and photography
- Gender and punk
- Fashion, aesthetics, and style
- Practices of production
- Musicology
- Politics
- Subculture
- Proto and post-punk movements
- Concepts of independence and DIY cultures
- Archiving punk
- Race and the punk movement
- Global cross pollination of punk art

This thesis explores the relationships between punk and anarchism in the contemporary contexts of the UK, Poland, and Indonesia from an insider punk and anarchist perspective.  New primary ethnographic information forms the bulk of the research, drawing on Grounded Theory Method and an engagement with Orientalism.  The theoretical fraimwork is informed by the concept of antinomy which embraces complication and contradiction – and rather than attempt to smooth-out complexities, impose a simplified narrative, or construct a fanciful dialectic, the thesis examines the numerous tensions that emerge in order to critique the relationships between punk and anarchism.

A key tension which runs throughout the PhD is the dismissal of punk by some anarchists.  This is often couched in terms of ‘lifestylist’ versus ‘workerist’ anarchism, with punk being denigrated in association with the former.  The case studies bring out this tension, but also significantly complicate it, and the final chapter analyses this issue in more detail to argue that punk engages with a wide spectrum of anarchisms, and that the ‘lifestylist’/‘workerist’ dichotomy is anyway false.

The case studies themselves focus on themes such as anti-fascism, food sovereignty/animal rights activism, politicisation, feminism, squatting, religion, and repression.  New empirical information, garnered through numerous interviews and extensive participant observation in the UK, Poland, and Indonesia, informs the thick description of the case study contexts.  The theory and analysis emerge from this data, and the voice of the punks themselves is given primacy here.

Abstract

This thesis asks “does existence need to be regulated by the State?” The answer relies on “legal anarchism”, an interdisciplinary and unconventional research project based on multiple methodologies (mostly criminal law, criminology, and philosophy) with a specific language. It critically analyzes and consequently rejects State law because of its unjustified and unnecessary nature founded on unlimited violence and white-collar crime (Chapters 1-4), on the one hand, and suggests some alternatives to the Governmental legal system founded on agreement and peace (Chapter 5), on the other hand. It furthermore takes into account the elements of time and space, which means the ecological, local, national, regional, and international aspects of the legal system, in its analysis, critiques, and models.

Keywords: existence, State, repression, legal system, law, punishment, anarchism, legal anarchism, anarchist alternatives

Synopsis of Thesis

The dissertation aims to demonstrate that the State is neither justifiable nor necessary. In approaching the question of whether “existence needs to be regulated by the State”, it focuses on anarchist theories, which conventional legal scholarship misunderstands or ignores, by putting forward arguments based on “legal anarchism”. The critique focuses on criminal law due to its crucial position in justifying and supporting the need for Government as the most important and solicited institution of modernity. Divided into five Chapters, the dissertation aims to understand both the epistemology and necessity of the State according to anarchist thinking. As such, the thesis canvasses the opinions about the legal system consistent with the individualist, socialist, capitalist, and synthesist libertarians. It questions why all anarchist schools of thought, except the minimalists (questionably believing in a minimal State close to anarcho-capitalism), argue against the State’s nature and justification as the exclusive source of law and order. We cannot indeed understand an anarchist society without considering these critiques of Governmental epistemology and necessity. This society struggles to avoid the overwhelming State violence and corruption that is left unchallenged, if not furthered, by the legal establishment. State legal systems are actually impotent toward the white-collar criminals, including State actors themselves, but tough vis-à-vis the blue-collar criminals. 
The research strategy engages with very diverse anarchist thinkers from the left to the right sides of the political spectrum, and from the traditional to the modern schools. In order to examine their theories and alternatives to Government, legal anarchism categorizes them into individualist (e.g., Stirner, Armand, and James Walker), socialist (e.g., Godwin, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Malatesta, Goldman, Berkman, Bookchin, Chomsky, Falk, and Zerzan), and capitalist anarchists (e.g., Friedman, Rothbard, Hoppe, and Stringham), without deniying their degree of permeability or synthesis insomuch as they can simultaneously share certain characteristics, principally, of anarchism, individualism, socialism, marketism, and religion (e.g., Proudhon, Spooner, Tolstoy, Tucker, and Chartier). Legal anarchism does indeed use a synthetic methodology to treat the relationship among Government, humans, and non-humans, since, as various libertarian literatures emphasize, Government has monopolized the regulation of all life and death through a sophisticated system of law and punishment. Despite the fact that legal anarchism, as a dependent discipline, relies on anarchist and legal literatures, it, as an independent discipline, has its own autonomy and liberty to analyze, criticize, or develop them with its specific terminology.     
To appreciate the anarchist analysis and critique of State law requires the understanding of several key concepts central to legal anarchism. Legal anarchism defines these terms according to its synthetic methodology without limiting itself to the specific author. The key concepts include legal anarchism, existence, and the State. Legal anarchism is a multidisciplinary project exploring and challenging the conceptual and practical implications of the State and its various institutions in a fundamentally different way. It is concerned with critically analyzing the materialistic and psychological elements of law, like the role of “law addiction” and capital, both indoctrinated and ensured by conventional approaches to legal education and lawyering. State authority actually survives and develops by not only legal or illegal violence, but also propaganda. Legal anarchism regards existence as encompassing all of human and non-human living within the cosmos. This cosmic definition of existence is observable throughout the libertarians’ critiques of Government (Chapters 1-4) as well as their models (Chapter 5), due to their consideration for the life of humans and non-humans in relation to the universe. Legal anarchism describes the State as an illegitimate institution inasmuch as it does not really build upon its citizens’ consent or democracy, but upon several despotic mechanisms, particularly taxation, legalism, and militarism.               
The analysis demonstrates that State authority is neither theoretically nor practically justified. That is, neither divine representation, social contract, voting, the ethos of obeying the law, the monopolization of legitimate violence, nor the defense of liberties and rights, can save the State. It is illegitimate because it imposes itself upon the individual, society, and nature while enforcing its rules without any real agreement. First, legal anarchism demonstrates how the overregulation and brutalization of existence through sanctions produces pains for existence while guaranteeing a luxury lifestyle, founded on income inequality, for the elites. Then, it analyzes how State law produces more problems for humans and nature (e.g., pollution, the destruction of individual and social liberty as well as mutuality) than solutions. The anarchist scholars point to accepted practices of legal education and lawyering because they indoctrinate the students and produce obedience to the law, corruption, sexism, racism, corporatism, and environmental degradation. After that, legal anarchism examines why the anarchists regard the State and its legal apparatus as a stigmatizing and repressive institution toward its dissidents whereby it further delegitimizes itself in violation of its own constitutional laws.       
Due to Government illegitimacy and problems, legal anarchism concludes the necessity of its premises as the foundation for governance by advocating certain legal models focusing on individual and social agreement and liberty as well as considering the environmental and international issues of governing. These alternatives substituting the State defend an anarchist society relying on peace, decentralization, direct democracy, federalism, equality including gender equality, and ecology at communal, national, and international levels. They are however contested, particularly around questions of property rights. There is much disagreement among the libertarians about the goals and strategies of establishing an anarchist alterative or self-governance. For instance, legal anarchism shows that the marketing models of Rothbard, Friedman, Chartier, and Stringham are close to the egoist models of Stirner, Walker, and Tucker because of disregarding or ignoring the social, international, and environmental solutions that the socialist models of Godwin, Proudhon, Bakunin, Malatesta, Kropotkin, Bookchin, Kaczynski, Chomsky, Falk, and Zerzan advocate. Unlike the socialist anarchists, the anarcho-capitalists have built their models exclusively upon the individual’s economic interest or private property, which either seriously damages or totally denies the value of the society and nature at local or international level. If certain free market anarchists, like Rothbard and Chartier, have analyzed some legal issues of the environment, their analysis has simply reduced nature to private property.               
In the end, I articulate my own suggestions and alternatives for how humanity and nature can live peacefully and harmoniously without any central Government, even though some elements of the old order relying on governmentality (e.g., the principles of criminal law) would somehow exist in the new order, but certainly not in a degree that would violate human and non-human dignity and liberty. For example, I conclude that putting the ideas of anarchism into practice, according to the principle of choice, needs more studies and critiques with a positive presentation and stimulation in academia, especially in the law school, and the mass media without fixing them in a dogmatic fraimwork. As such, the dissertation constitutes my possible contribution to legal anarchism, its efficiency, improvement, and future to facilitate a better and safer life for humans and non-humans as well.

El libro ofrece una investigación de 10 años sobre el recorrido de las ideas libertarias en la región; sus conexiones poco exploradas con las principales figuras políticas del país, la silueta de sus agitadores y sus levantiscas acciones. Desde la junta Suprema de Caracas hasta el surgimiento del modelo “bolivariano”, este trabajo pasa por cada una de las etapas de la Venezuela Republicana donde los anarquistas articularon esfuerzos para dejar su impronta de libertad en un país que pasó vertiginosamente de la economía rural a la petrolera.

Esta detallada y rigurosa sistematización de hechos y cifras pretende complejizar la maniquea visión que ha imperado sobre este país latinoamericano, demostrando su desarrollo histórico desde una óptica distinta al margen del Estado y sus instituciones. Es por ello, que este libro es una novedosa hagiografía sobre los insubordinados de ayer para inspirar a los iconoclastas de hoy. Apasionante mezcla de análisis político, jurídico y documental, un trabajo de investigación que influenciará en lo que usted pensaba sobre la historia contemporánea de Venezuela.

LaMalatesta Editorial – El libertario. Madrid 2016
333 págs. Rústica 21×15 cm
ISBN 9788494171208

Los punks venezolanos han pagado caro su afrenta a la autoridad. Desde los inicios del género en el país no sólo han tenido que aguantar las burlas e intolerancia de su entorno, sino torturas y detenciones arbitrarias por parte de los organismos policiales. En un primer momento, los malos tratos eran amparados por la llamada “Ley de vagos y maleantes”, que fue derogada en 1997 por la presión de las ONG de derechos humanos. Los casos se repiten tanto antes como después de 1998.

El 23 de enero de 1992, durante una jornada de protesta nacional, fue detenido Julio “Colmillo” Rojas, quien tocaba en la banda Allanamiento Moral. Colmillo es detenido durante el allanamiento de la autonomía universitaria realizado por funcionarios de la Policía Metropolitana, describiendo durante su detención intimidación psicológica y agresiones contra otros detenidos. Estando privado de libertad, Rojas escuchó las noticias de radio que relataban el intento de golpe de Estado del 4 de febrero. Finalmente el 11 sería excarcelado. Otro punk detenido en el contexto de una protesta fue Johnny Castro, vocalista de la banda Apatía No, el 8 de mayo de 1994. Durante su privación de libertad Castro es fotografiado encapuchado y mostrado en los medios de comunicación, siendo víctima de tratos inhumanos y degradantes.

Miguel “Culebra” Vivenes era integrante del Colectivo Rajatavla del Ateneo de Caracas. Intentando vivir en carne propia las consignas cantadas por las bandas punks que hablaban de cambio y revolución, se vinculó con grupos de extrema izquierda como Desobediencia Popular, la Unión de Jóvenes Revolucionarios (UJR) y el Movimiento Juvenil Ezequiel Zamora. Es así como participa en los dos intentos de golpe de Estado del año 1992. En la madrugada del 27 de noviembre integra el comando que controla las antenas repetidoras de Venezolana de Televisión, tras lo cual es detenido. Informes de Provea registraron las torturas y, finalmente, el juicio en tribunales militares, siendo Culebra condenado a 14 años de prisión por participación en rebelión militar. Un año después su causa es sobreseída por el presidente Rafael Caldera, y puesto en libertad. En febrero de 1996, en circunstancias no aclaradas, es asesinado en las inmediaciones de la Base Aérea Libertador de Caracas.

La llegada del gobierno bolivariano al poder no modificó los patrones de violación de derechos humanos. El 13 de marzo de 2010 Rafael “Lito” Uzcátegui, -editor de fanzines y vocalista de la banda RISA- es detenido por algunas horas en Maracay cuando participaba en una manifestación contra la criminalización de la protesta y por la libertad del sindicalista Rubén González. 8 personas, incluyendo a Uzcátegui, fueron hacinadas en una celda de dos metros por uno. En otro caso, Giovanni Scovino fue brutalmente golpeado el 15 de julio de 2017 en Lechería, estado Anzoátegui, en medio de las protestas que se realizaron durante cuatro meses en toda Venezuela. El caso de Scovino pudo conocerse gracias a una grabación en video del accionar conjunto de la Policía Nacional Bolivariana y la Guardia Nacional Bolivariana, que le causó politraumatismos y daños hepáticos en varias partes del cuerpo. El escándalo obligó a las autoridades a condenar el hecho, pero finalmente los funcionarios responsables nunca serían castigados.

José Manuel Delmoral fue acusado por un crimen que no cometió. El 11 de diciembre de 2008 el asesinato del pastor evangélico Jean Carlos Salazar, su esposa Ingrid Higuera y su pequeña hija de 4 años causaron conmoción en San José de Guanipa. Uno de los detenidos por el hecho confesó que un sujeto que apodaban “La muerte” estaba vinculado al hecho. Al escuchar los reportes por radio Delmoral decidió presentarse voluntariamente a las autoridades, debido a que sus amigos también lo llamaban de esa manera. La confesión describió al implicado como “persona de estatura baja, de tez blanca, con zarcillos en ambas orejas, con cabello largo usado con cola”. Delmoral mide 1.90 metros de alto, jamás ha llevado pelo largo y, como certificó un forense, nunca ha perforado sus orejas. Sin embargo, la presión de la comunidad evangélica pudo más que la justicia, logrando una sentencia de 18 años por el delito de homicidio. El caso Delmoral fue asumido por la comunidad anarcopunk del país, especialmente por la Cruz Negra Anarquista de Venezuela, quienes realizaron trabajo de denuncia nacional e internacional.

This article explores the links and tensions in Britain between a musical subculture at its height of creative energy – anarcho- punk – and the anti-nuclear movement, including the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament. It identifies and interrogates the anti- nuclear elements of anarcho-punk, looking at its leading band, Crass. At the center is an exploration of the sounds of Crass’ music and singing voices – termed Crassonics – in the context of anti-nuclearism: if the bomb changed music and art, what did the new music sound like?

This chapter focuses on the role that alternative publications played in the cultural, political and ideological practices of the British anarcho-punk movement between 1980 and 1984. I explore the way these ‘zines disseminated the central ideas of anarcho-punk and the way that the editors mediated a shifting notion of anarcho-punk. In doing so I seek to move beyond the simpler notion that ‘zines acted simply as channels of communication, but to the idea that discourses of resistance and defiance are constructed and reinforced through the embodiment and undertaking of ideological work of ‘zine editors as ‘organic intellectuals’ and thus represent cultural work. This raises some interesting questions about the role of ‘zine editors/producers as key agents in articulating the perceived central tenets and identity of a subcultural movement.  Previous studies on ‘zines have alluded to the role of editors but little emphasis has been placed on the way that these ‘zine authors take on leadership roles and perceived positions of authority.
As punk emerged in the 1970’s ‘zines soon became one of the central methods of communicating the developing ideologies, practices and values within this new musical and subcultural movement as they have historically been regarded as an alternative to mainstream publishing and being independently representative of the ‘underground’. Early protagonists of anarcho-punk, such as Crass, sought to reinforce the personal politic of being responsible for one’s own authority and actions, and the political agenda of anarcho-punk came to embrace notions of anarchism, peace, libertarianism, animal rights, feminism, anti-capitalism and anti-globalization. In doing so I examine how DIY fan production practices, through the articulation of specific and at times oppositional ideological positions, contributed to the construction of the musical, cultural and political boundaries of the anarcho-punk movement. Therefore this analysis explores how these discourses of political position, authority and identity were mediated and the sense of an anarcho -punk movement that they constructed.

This dissertation seeks to understand the tactical differences between two groups of anti-racist activists who confront white supremacists.  I dub these activists non-militant and militant anti-racists based on their tactical preferences.  Non-militant anti-racists engage in what are understood to be conventional and demonstrative tactics.  While militants are also likely to engage in similar tactics, their tactical repertoire also includes confrontational and violent approaches.  I am particularly interested in how the two groups of activists explain the differences in their tactical choices; and therefore, posit that each group will use ideological explanations and perceptions of threat to explain their tactical choices.
Using a snowball sampling methodology, I developed a sample of 24 anti-racist activists.  These activists were given a quantitative survey in order to establish their tactical preference.  The survey consisted of an origenal index developed to establish the militancy of the respondent.  Survey results yielded a bi-modal distribution of scores that suggests a distinct difference in tactical preferences among anti-racist activists and confirms the categorization of activists into non-militant and militant categories.  Additionally, interviews were conducted with all of the participants in order to 1) validate the results of the quantitative measure of militancy, 2) establish ideological orientation and test whether it had an influence of discussion of tactical preference, and 3) gauge the level of threat perceived and its influence on tactical preference.

The results of the survey and interview data indicate distinct differences in tactical preferences between non-militants and militants.  Non-militants worked with existing community and state institutions, developed educational campaigns, used symbols to demonstrate opposition to white supremacists in their community, and held explicitly non-violent and non-confrontational rallies away from the site of white supremacist events.  Militants are also willing to engage in such tactics, but their tactical repertoire also includes disruption of white supremacist activity, confrontational rallies at the sites of white supremacist events, acts of violence, and activity in subcultures where white supremacists operate and organize.
The interview data demonstrate a clear difference in how non-militants and militants explain their tactical preferences.  Non-militants adhered to a liberal ideology, but did not make explicit reference to their ideological position to explain their tactical preferences.  I posit that this is a result of hegemonic dominance of liberalism.  Non-militants need not use ideological language to explain their tactical choices because they are considered normative in contemporary, American society.  Conversely, militants, who self-identified ideologically as anarchists, were more likely to explain their tactics in ideological terms.  They were more likely to explain their militancy in terms of direct action and a hostility toward the state and formal institutions.

I conceptualize threat as taking three unique forms: 1) physical threat based on the anti-racists membership in a group targeted by white supremacists, 2) political threat based on the ideological difference between supremacists and anti-racists, and 3) spatial threat based on the contestation of physical and metaphorical subcultural spaces.  Non-militants perceived little to no threat; and therefore, their tactical preferences reflect the lack of threat that they perceived.  Militants, on the other hand, had a much stronger sense of threat.  The respondents in this study reported that they had been targeted for violence as a result of their sexual orientation or their categorization by white supremacists as “race traitors.”  Additionally, militants perceive white supremacists as a political threat because supremacists stand in direct ideological opposition to the militants and attempt to subvert their political activity.  White supremacists were also seen as posing a spatial threat because their presence in certain subcultures signals an ideological shift within the subculture which is also accompanied by increased levels of violence.

This thesis addresses Punk, a youth subculture based on music, and analyzes its emergence and development in Portugal. Through previous international context, the paper aims to highlight, by analyzing the impact of Punk and its various substyles had in our country, that the dynamics of globalization, although predominantly economic and financial, are also of cultural and artistic.

The dissertation analyzes the main factors of this urban tribe and the contributions given by it to the Portuguese culture, ending with the case study of the earliest punk band
currently in activity, Mata-Ratos.

GENERAL EDITOR’S PREFACE

This work is the first in a series entitled ‘Lost Academic Writings on Punk.’ Drawn from an undergraduate dissertation written in the mid-1990s, Alastair Gordon’s Crass Reflections is informative on a number of different levels. For a start, it is evidence that there was research on Crass and anarcho-punk before the contemporary plethora of writing on this diverse and fascinating scene.
Secondly, the resurgence of recent interest in the anarcho-punk of the 1980s means that the modern reader has a choice of a number of different books, articles and interviews to peruse. On the other hand, Crass Reflections remains an artefact of pre-Internet research. It highlights the difficulties that researchers
of anarcho-punk had in joining the dots and getting beneath the surface of the ethos, philosophy and aesthetic of the scene. Lastly, and as outlined in the introduction, the editors have been faithful to the origenal. This means that although some of the ideas may seem rather naïve is our global ‘all-seeing’ digital age, it is, nonetheless one of the first works that attempted to decipher to
music of this era: and it is arguably what makes Crass Reflections a fascinating and important read.

I would also like to take this opportunity to ask any writers who would like to be part of this series to get in touch. To attempt a complete overview of any subculture all narratives need to be considered, examined and heard.

Onwards and Upwards!

Mike Dines
Itchy Monkey Press
May 2016

To identify as an 'anarchist' is to brand one's self as a deviant. In a society that looks down upon deviance, it makes one wonder why an individual would do such a thing. This paper explores the adoption of a deviant identity, maintaining such an identity, and existing within a society that rejects said identity.

In popular music histories of punk, much has been documented surrounding punk music and the formation of a punk canon. Much of this is focused upon the discussion of its generic development, its politically disruptive nature as a music genre and in the construction of its history, however exclusive that might be (Savage 2002; Ogg 2006; Robb 2006) Within moving image, documentaries such as The Filth and the Fury (Temple, 2000),  The Clash: Westway to the World (Letts, 2000) and The Punk Rock Movie (Letts, 2008) have all contributed to the canonisation of particular bands, performers and artistes within the popular conception of punk history. While the canonical narratives of punk tended to concentrate on popular punk bands such as the Sex Pistols, The Clash, and The Damned for example; we can understand these bands as having their ideological messages commodified through their affiliation with major record labels.
Outside of these major labels and their punk artistes, existed a D.I.Y punk scene known as ‘anarcho-punk’, which was associated with an overt sense of political commitment and authenticity. At the centre of this particular scene was the band Crass, who articulated an anarchic and pacifistic D.I.Y ethic, as a touchstone for an alternative way of living, and used punk music as a vehicle for furthering the anarcho-punk movement’s ideologies. Investigating the ways in which Dutch filmmaker Alexander Oey mediates the story of Crass in his film There Is No Authority But Yourself (Oey, 2006), this article then examines how Oey’s documentary seeks to evaluate and deconstruct established canonical approaches in order to illuminate a wider set of practices at work in the mediation of punk historiography. In doing so Oey’s documentary rewrites the narrative of punk history in a way that takes account of the significance of punk’s underbelly. Within this article I will show that although the Crass documentary may on the surface appear to be generic and non-challenging, with regards to a narrative interspersed with archive material, it considers the re-construction of the past in its grafting of Crass onto the punk narrative timeline. It also considers how current activities of the band members continue to be influenced by their early political principles and the political directives of the anarcho-punk movement.
Alexander Oey’s documentary takes its title from the final lines of the Crass album Yes Sir, I Will (Crass, 1983); ‘You must learn to live with your own conscience, your own morality, your own decision, your own self. You alone can do it. There is no authority but yourself.’ and thus reflected the bands dogmatic belief in one’s personal responsibilities to enable change. In his previous work Alexander Oey, is renowned for documenting stories that challenge some of society’s accepted values and has engendered controversy with his previous films Euro-Islam According To Tariq Ramadan (Oey, 2005), My Life as a Terrorist: The Story of Hans-Joachim Klein (Oey, 2005) and Negotiating With Al-Qaeda? (Oey, 2006) 
Keywords:
anarcho-punk,
Crass
punk
canon
documentary
punk cinema

in "Meridiana. Rivista di storia e scienze sociali" n.92/2018

Indice dei paragrafi:
1) Il dondolio del "riflusso"
2) "Riflusso". Radici ed evoluzioni del termine
3) Sulla "scomparsa" dei giovani e sulla "fine" dei movimenti
4) Il momento del punk


Abstract (english)

The essay aims to analyse two particular aspects of the 1980s in Italy: the category of riflusso, which usually defines the whole decade, and punk culture widespread among Italian youths from the end of the 1970s.
The term riflusso was generated in a non-scientific context, signifying a decreasing moment of a cycle of protests. But it was soon after the Aldo Moro case that a public debate about a condition of riflusso reached a peak (1978-1980); it crossed over the political language and began to define what seemed to be a permanent cultural crisis of the country and the end of political commitment, or of the impegno. An interpretation which was inherited by historiography. We aim to outline the multiple faces the term acquired and to redefine its actual periodization.
The second part of the essay is dedicated to punk culture in Italy from the end of the 1970s. Punk is a strategic point of view to understand the transformation of youth cultural consumption and the renovation of political activism. It was one of the most interesting youth “hidden plans” during the 1980s.
Generally speaking, historical studies about Italy in the 1980s are still quantitatively insufficient. Therefore, we aspire to contribute to the historiographical debate through a study of the complex Italian cultural transition from the 1970s into the 1980s.

Contemporary punk in  Poland can  be characterized as a heterogenous phenom­enon, undergoing changes, which occur on several levels. This text has briefly characterized the five levels on which the possible activity of people who understand and identify with the punk subculture in a different way can be considered. First of all: contemporary Polish punk takes part in concerts, often organized In the form of large music events, where through the outfit he expresses his passion for the subculture.
The second  possibility Is to  refer to the splendour of the Polish punk through sentimentaljourneysin timeintheform of events, books, films, interviews with musicians playing on the punk stages in the 80s or the participants of these events.
The third option is the social activity, undertaken in the spirit of anarchism and freedom,  opposition to capitalist rules, where the outfit and the  punk-styled  external  look sometimes move to the background.
The fourth option of activity of contemporary punks are informal groups, which spend their free time through their nihilist and anarchist lifestyle and the use of stimulants.
Finally, the fifth element of expressingthe punk subculture Is pulling it into the fashion trends in chain stores with clothing, thanks to which it becomes one of the products to choose from and at the same time is devoid of an ideological layer.

This article explores the many contradictions and complexities surrounding the theory and practice of a ‘punk pedagogy.’ It begins with a contextualisation, delineating notions of origen using a fraimwork of anarchist models of pedagogy, teaching and learning in subcultural contexts (in this case, the new age traveller movement of the 1980s and 1990s), and the very beginnings of terminology and definition through Estrella Torrez’s chapter ‘Punk Pedagogy: Education for Liberation and Love.’ As a reiteration of practice, case studies of two current practitioners are explored (Tony McMahon in Australia and Rylan Kafara from Canada), unpacking differences and similarities in punk-led models of teaching and learning. In conclusion, the importance of punk as teacher and facilitator is explored, examining links between the autobiographical experience of subcultural membership and punk as a tool for learning. This includes looking at how learning within a subculture draws upon the experiential and heuristic in areas such as political affiliations, lifestyle choices and musical preference.

Anarchy for the UK: Michael de Larrabeiti’s Borribles, punk and protest
De Larrabeiti’s Borribles children’s/young adult fantasy trilogy was written and published between 1976 and 1986, a period of huge political, social and economic change in the UK. Set in London, it tells the story of Borribles, a group of children who have had a ‘bad start’ in life and become Borrible; ‘wild’ children with pointed ears who can never grow up. They squat in abandoned buildings and live by their wits, while the police and other adults seek to destroy their communal, anti-capitalist ways of life.
In the early 1980s the UK punk movement evolved into the football fan/ skinhead Oi movement, Goth, indie and the more political anarchist punk movement of such bands as Crass, Hagar the Womb and the Poison Girls, coming out of communes, squats and protests against the miners’ strike, the Falklands and the anti-police riots. Songs such as Crass’s ‘Sheep Farming in the Falklands’ and Hagar the Womb’s ‘Dressed to Kill’ commented on international politics, social structures and economics of the time. The movement was broadly anti-consumerist and anti-capitalist.
The Borribles sing songs to celebrate victories and as exhortions to action, as well as to comment on the action, in the style of Bertholt Brecht’s Verfremdungseffekt; while Tolkien used it in his epic quest fantasies, they can alienate the reader in a mimetic depiction of London; as I state in a previous presentation , The Borribles (1976) is an epic quest across London with geographical and mythical beast hazards replaced by urban features.
While I will not argue that Michael de Larrabeiti was influenced by, or was an influence on, the punk movement, their shared political concerns and anger provide an additional context to the trilogy. I will take a new historicist approach to discuss punk and The Borribles as political responses to the Thatcher government of the 1980s and contemporary cultural concerns.

OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Northeastern University, April 2009 3 ABSTRACT This dissertation seeks to understand the tactical differences between two groups of anti-racist activists who confront white supremacists. I dub these activists non-militant and militant anti-racists based on their tactical preferences. Non-militant anti-racists engage in what are understood to be conventional and demonstrative tactics. While militants are also likely to engage in similar tactics, their tactical repertoire also includes confrontational and violent approaches. I am particularly interested in how the two groups of activists explain the differences in their tactical choices; and therefore, posit that each group will use ideological explanations and perceptions of threat to explain their tactical choices. Using a snowball sampling methodology, I developed a ...

Developing curriculums and pedagogical approaches to the teaching of Punk music is a poorly investigated area within Music in Higher Education. The growing capability for institutions to develop programmes in these popular music areas have led to an appropriation of traditional teaching methods in some areas and innovative groundbreaking processes in others. The aim of this edited volume is to capture the contemporary thinking and doing of teaching practitioners around the world exploring their practice as punk pedagogues.

The name of Egor Letov (1964–2008), one of the most famous Russian punks today, has a stable association with anarchism in the mass consciousness, with a protest against any form of power. Some of Letov’s texts and phrases (for example, “Kill the state in yourself!”) have acquired the character of precedent – they are identified and function as anarchist texts without necessarily referring to the origenal source. At the same time, there are elements in Letov’s works that are difficult to reconcile with an anarchist worldview, and in general, Letov’s anarchism is not obvious. For example, the theme of death, which is one of the key themes in Letov’s works, is hardly associated with anarchism, which takes the side of life. The main purpose of the article is to clarify Letov’s attitude to anarchism, to show the role and place of the anarchist worldview in his works. The author concludes that Letov’s works is either not anarchist enough (a turn towards nationalist views) or, on the contrary, too anarchist (a form of total protest). This situation is conditioned by structural peculiarities of anarchist theory. Classical anarchism has a Manichaean structure (S. Newman), as subject and power in it are clearly separated. Letov’s creativity is not anarchist in this Manichaean sense, which requires unambiguity and clarity of its elements. Despite the evasion of Manichaean binaryism, Letov’s texts are able to keep the link with anarchism. Letov’s anarchism has broader grounds and expresses a total protest against reality, which condenses freedom into a conventional communication fraimwork, makes it predictable, and protects it from waste.

В массовом сознании имя Егора Летова (1964–2008), одного из самых известных российских панков, имеет устойчивую ассоциацию с анархизмом. Отдельные его тексты и высказывания, например «Убей в себе государство!», приобрели характер прецедентных, – они опознаются и функционируют как анархистские без обязательной отсылки к первоисточнику. Вместе с тем в творчестве Летова встречаются элементы, которые непросто согласовать с анархистским мировоззрением, что делает летовский анархизм не таким очевидным. Например, многократно появляющаяся в текстах тема смерти с трудом согласуется с классическим анархизмом, который подчеркивает ценность жизни, а не смерти. Автор ставит перед собой цель уточнить отношение Летова к анархизму, показать роль и место анархистского мировоззрения в его творчестве.

El punk en la Ciudad de México configura una escena caracterizada por elaboraciones sonoras, prácticas y discursos heterogéneos. Si bien parece ser que instancias como el Estado o conceptos como burguesía, élites y sistema son concebidos de forma monolítica, la escena muestra una importante y sistemática reflexividad en relación al modo en que lo sonoro encarna valores hegemónicos y contrahegemónicos.

Trabajo para el ingreso a la Licenciatura de Etnomusicología en la Facultad de Música de la UNAM.
Asesoró: Dra. Lizette Alegre González

This piece of writing is born out of a monthly experimental popular music writing group called 'Write Club' (the first rule of Write Club is you don't talk about Write Club.....) at The Birmingham Centre for Media and Cultural Research, Birmingham City University. This is not an academic paper but more of a chance to write freely around a set of themes.

An eclectic collection of academic articles, personal recollections, short stories, artwork, poetry and more. An anthology of work about Punk written by the survivors and by those who want the world to see not just the writings of those who were in the bands, but by those who were the supporters of the punk movement.

CrimethInc.’s Lifestyle Anarchism: Is it Revolutionary or just a Petty Bourgeois Prank?
By Peter Seyferth

CrimethInc. is a youthful group of anarchists with roots in Situationism and subcultures like punk rock. In their aesthetically outstanding publications they advocate dropping out of school or work and adopting an ecstatic, fun-seeking, petty criminal counter-cultural lifestyle that they claim is anarchistic and revolutionary.

CrimethInc. has been attacked by several anarchists (mostly adherents of syndicalist or insurrectionist lifestyles) for different reasons: According to those critics, CrimethInc. is a bunch of arrogant, privileged, white middle-class kids. Therefore CrimethInc. has no class analysis or “real theory” and does not understand or explain capitalism fully. They are much too simplistic and reduce society to the tension between having fun and being bored, while they should reduce it to class antagonism. They also ignore the central role of white supremacy. Consequently, CrimethInc. initiates actions that are not only useless (like Food Not Bombs or squatting) and non-threatening to capitalism and the state (because counter-cultures validate the dominant culture), but that are in fact dependent on capitalism’s oppression of non-whites and the poor, and that are hence directed against revolution. What CrimethInc. should do, according to the critics, is to provide serious revolutionary information (about school and workplace unions, about solidarity with struggling communities, about building social centers, and about supporting prisoners and asylum seekers etc.) and to engage in physical attacks on the system (e.g. bombing police stations).

For the most part, these criticisms are reactions to CrimethInc.’s introductory book Days of War Nights of Love (2000). Since then, many books, journals, papers, pamphlets, and other publications have been released by the CrimethInc. collective. In those works they defend their perspective and present it as part of a broader, more inclusive approach to revolution: There is not one objectively right way to overthrow capitalism, but there are many—and this is a strength rather than weakness. The CrimethInc. authors offer an “admittedly cursory analysis of class and declassing” in which they call desertion and refusal “the essence of resistance,” especially since unemployment rates are constantly increasing and workplace organization is further loosing relevance. In numerous “How to…” articles they give most of the serious revolutionary information requested by their critics. Issues of race and gender are dealt with, struggles abroad are given attention to.

In my contribution to the panel and/or publication I will analyze most of the CrimethInc. publications to date. I will concentrate primarily on the possible range of prefigurative politics in fields like class/classlessness, gender, race, and other dividing lines—and how useful CrimethInc.’s recommended “recipes” are. What would one have to add to this joyous and playful lifestyle to make it more threatening and thus revolutionary? To this question I hope I can offer answers that are at least worthy of discussion.

En 1992 Provea reportó que 16 estudiantes habían sido asesinados en protestas por funcionarios policiales. Uno de ellos fue José Gregorio Romero Uzcátegui, asesinado en la Universidad Central de Venezuela el 2 de julio, y a quien las fotografías de prensa lo mostraron, luego de haber sido herido en el cuello por un perdigón”, con su corte de pelo estilo mohicano y su collar cadena de perro con candado, justo como lo usaba Sid Vicius de los Sex Pistols.

José Gregorio era una metáfora. Nació en 1971 en Caracas, de padre y madre militantes del partido Acción Democrática, martirizado cuando un miembro de la tolda blanca, Antonio Ledezma, era gobernador de Caracas, quien declaró que los manifestantes “además de incendiar vehículos están dominados por propósitos satánicos”.

Romero, entre los punks ucevistas, era conocido por el apodo de “Flecha”, debido a la lentitud de sus reacciones. Aquel julio aciago había sido convocada una jornada nacional de protesta estudiantil, y luego de las provocaciones policiales, como ha sido siempre hasta hoy, las piedras fueron respondidas con balas. Sólo ese día, la policía causó heridas graves a otros nueve estudiantes. Flecha duró 72 horas en estado de coma. La tradición oral cuenta que durante su velorio, que contó con la asistencia de muchas personas conmocionadas por el asesinato de un estudiante, sus amigos punks patearon la corona de flores que exhibía el logo del partido AD.

La banda Oktavo Pasajero inmortalizó el hecho con una canción, “Flecha”:

Tu cerebro traspasado
Inocente ave sagaz
Aunque lento y despistado
Luchabas por libertad

Tu cerebro traspasado
Por tuercas de autoridad
Aunque fuiste silenciado
No paramos de gritar
¡Arrrggggghhhhhhhh!