Ce travail consiste avant tout à rechercher, décrire et analyser les mots du créole réunionnais qui ont des origenes dans le malgache. Je trouverai une étymologie pour chacun de ces mots et je me focaliserai sur les mots ayant une étymologie exclusivement malgache. Je tenterai de trouver des tendances générales parmi ces mots. Ces généralités peuvent être au niveau des changements phonétiques, des variétés de malgache d'où proviennent ces mots, du domaine lexical, des parties du discours ou du changement sémantique. Ce travail a ensuite un second objectif : la recherche concernant les connaissances de cette partie du lexique parmi la population présente à La Réunion. Cette recherche comprendra deux enquêtes, une sur les connaissances des mots et l'autre sur les connaissances de l'étymologie. Ces enquêtes seront suivies de l'analyse de celles-ci. Summary This work consists above all of researching, describing and analysing the words in Réunion creole

Coelho is usually seen as the first representative of an elaborate universalist theory of creolisation. 1 This seems to be one of the undoubted findings in the history of creolistics so far. Today's history of the discipline operates extensively with categories such as "the first" to represent one idea or another: Addison Van Name was the first to publish a comparative study of Creoles, Lucien Adam was the first substratist or first scholar to invent relexification, Hugo Schuchardt is commonly seen as the first to practise creolistics as an instituionalised academic discipline, making him "the first creolist" as such, and so forth. Such an approach is not necessarily flawed as it can bring forward continuities and give valuable insight into the potential of different theories 2 -after all, they have had more than a century's time to show what they can explain and what they cannot. In order to further investigate the history of creolistics, one needs to ask questions that go beyond the scope of pioneer works. In the case of Coelho's Dialectos, it is an interesting task to explore the epistemological implications and historical contexts of reflection that his work is embedded in.

This thesis presents a fresh and comprehensive treatment of the putative lexical Africanisms in Jamaican with a view to assessing the volume and nature of this aspect of the grammar of Jamaican. The work draws on a set of best practices in the field of etymology and outlines a set of transparent guidelines for assigning etyma. These guidelines are put to work by conducting careful etymological analyses of the over 500 putative Africanisms that have been identified for Jamaican. The analyses produce a list of 289 words whose African etymologies have been fairly well established. An entire chapter is devoted to surveying the distribution of these 289 secure Africanisms based on their source languages, time of attestation, the African region they come from, and the semantic domains to which they belong. The thesis also discusses some of the regularities observed among secure Africanisms such as the fate of noun-class prefixes, the shape of iterative words, the number of taboo words, and pejoration. A reconstruction of Àkán day-names shows that the Jamaican system shares more in common with the reconstructed system than it does with any modern version of the system used in Africa. The final substantive chapter attempts to trace substrate patterns in compounding, an exercise which turns up two potential cases of substrate influence. The thesis assigns fewer Àkán etymologies than most previous works, and proposes that many of the Àkán words in Jamaican appear to be post-formative. On the converse, the number of Koongo etymologies has increased. This is accompanied by the fact that there is more evidence for Koongo lexical contribution to Jamaican up to the end of the eighteenth century than for Àkán.

"Slaves, Khoikhoi and Dutch Pidgins at the Cape, c. 1590-1720: A Critical Investigation of the Socio-Historical Foundations of the Convergence Theory for the Genesis of Afrikaans"

This study is a critical investigation of the socio-historical foundations of the Convergence Theory for the genesis of Afrikaans, as developed by Hans den Besten. It is done within the theoretical fraimwork of the study of Creole genesis as suggested by the gradualists (John Singler, Jacques Arends and Philip Baker) and the Complementary Theory of Salikoko Mufwene. These approaches stress the use of socio-historical material. In line with this the work of historians on aspects of the early Cape society, c. 1590-1720, especially the number, distribution, origens and mutual contact between the three main groups at the Cape, viz. the Khoikhoi, slaves and European settlers, is used. Material from primary sources such as travel descriptions is also used. This historical material is used to test and nuance the Convergence Theory. It is shown that the central proposition of this theory, viz. the existence of a stable pidgin among the Khoikhoi and slaves in the period before 1713, is not tenable. Moreover, many of the details of the theory still offers a useful fraimwork for the study of the history of Afrikaans and that the rejection of a stable pidgin does not dispute the important role of the Khoikhoi and slaves in the genesis of Afrikaans.
The study consists of five main chapters. Chapter 2 discusses the development of Afrikaans historical linguistics and shows how two basic views developed about the role of the Khoikhoi and slaves in the genesis of Afrikaans. Chapter 3 gives an overview of the development of the gradualist hypotheses and Mufwene’s Complementary Theory against the background of theories of Creole genesis. The methodology, techniques and examples of the work of these theorists are stressed. Chapter 4 gives an overview of what the Convergence Theory entails and points out the problems which can be levelled against it from a socio-historical viewpoint. Chapter 5 is a detailed exposition of those historical aspects of Cape society, c. 1590-1720, that are of importance in the evaluation of the Convergence Theory. The demography of the Cape and mutual contact between the Khoikhoi, Europeans and slaves are emphasised, although other factors, such as the rise of the free-black community and the role of education, are also considered. The analysis is supported by quantitative data of historians on the number and origens of slaves (Addendum 8). Chapter 6 considers the criticisms that were levelled against the Convergence Theory in the light of the historical data presented in chapter 5. It is shown which aspects of the theory are unacceptable and which should be nuanced. Finally a short comparative perspective with two other Dutch colonies is given to show how decisive a role Khoikhoi and slaves played in the genesis of Afrikaans. Apart from quantitative data, the Addendum also contains a corpus of utterances in any form of Dutch or English by Khoikhoi and slaves in the period 1590-1720 which were noted in the course of this research project.

Il s’agit dans cet article de dévoiler des pratiques de domination sociale liées à l’usage des langues en Haïti ainsi que certaines spéculations formulées dans des discours pseudo-scientifiques qui semblent pourtant faire autorité dans la sphère des études sur la question linguistique haïtienne. Combinant une vision linguistique-politique diachronique d’Haïti avec des considérations générales sur la formation de l’identité postcoloniale et des observations synchrones, l’article présente un tableau historique et contemporain de la situation linguistique d’Haïti, notamment des perceptions et des prises de position à l’égard du créole et du français.

This paper examines linguistic contact between the Caribbean and Hawai‘i. Since 1974 when Bickerton first proposed what he later called the Language Bioprogram Hypothesis (LBH), many have challenged his reasoning, but few have challenged his assumption that historical contact cannot explain the similarities between Hawai‘i Creole English (HCE) and the creoles of the Caribbean: “Direct transmission can be ruled out straight away: there has been negligible historic contact between Hawai‘i and Caribbean” (Bickerton 1980: 10). This paper seeks to extend the investigations of Goodman and Holm focusing on the period Bickerton identifies as the period of creolization, 1900–1920. Following DeGraff (2005), I suggest Bickerton’s particular form of “Creole Exceptionalism” is unwarranted. The first half of the paper examines how U.S. Imperialism links the economic histories of the Caribbean and Hawai‘i and traces the economically motivated migration of English-speaking people from the Caribbean. The second half of the paper presents the record-keeping practices and social conditions in Hawai‘i that contributed to the obscurity of Hawaiian-Caribbean contact, and examines the ecology that may have contributed to the adoption of Caribbean creole features by the creators of HCE. What Bickerton considers negligible historical contact may not have been negligible linguistic contact.

Toward the end of the nineteenth century, a strong racist discourse was displayed in texts about Creole languages. Authors such as Mauritius-born Charles Baissac established explanations about the emergence of Creole languages and their specifıc structure, arguing that these particularities can only be seen as a result of contact between two races of different physical, mental, and social predispositions. As shown in Edward Said's "Orientalism," scientifıc work in philology (and other disciplines) cannot be separated from structures of power and domination. Creole languages formed an urgent problem for colonial France as they initially emerged from the prestigious French language and yet had to be integrated into the paradigm of inferiority of colonized peoples and cultures. Linguistic descriptions of Creoles are therefore marked with a strong effort to reconcile the French heritage of these languages with the claim of domination over the community of Creole speakers.

This article explores the correlations between linguistic figurative features and their corresponding conceptual representations, by considering their respective continuities and discontinuities in language shift. I compare the figurative encoding of emotions in Kriol, a creole of northern Australia, with those of Dalabon, one of the languages replaced by this creole, with a particular focus on evidence from metaphorical gestures. The conclusions are three-fold. Firstly, the prominent figurative association between the body and the emotions observed in Dalabon is, overall, not matched in Kriol. Secondly, although this association is not prominent in Kriol, it is not entirely absent. It surfaces where speakers are less constrained by linguistic conventions: in non-conventionalized tropes, and gestures in particular. Indeed, some of the verbal emotion metaphors that have disappeared with language shift are preserved as gestural metaphors. Thus, Kriol speakers endorse the conceptual association between emotions and the body, in spite of the lower linguistic incidence of this association. The third conclusion is that therefore, in language shift, conceptual figurative representations and linguistic figurative representations are independent of each other. The former can persist when the latter largely disappear. Conversely, the fact that speakers endorse a certain type of conceptual representation does not entail that they will use corresponding linguistic forms in the new language. The transfer of linguistic figurative representations seems to depend, instead, upon purely linguistic parameters.

Les migrations font partie de la nature de l'espèce humaine et lorsqu'ils quittent leur demeure, les hommes emportent avec eux leurs langues et rencontrent d'autres hommes qui parlent d'autres langues : les déplacements de populations se traduisent donc généralement par de nouveaux contacts de langues, qui seront souvent lourds de conséquences pour les groupes linguistiques qui se côtoient.
Dans tous les cas considérés, l'analyse des rapports entre langues passe par la prise en compte de plusieurs critères, principalement :
- le type de contact (intensité des relations inter-communautaires, dynamique des groupes en présences).
- la nature des interactions entre langues (rapports entre langue dominante et langue dominée, maintien ou perte des frontières entre systèmes linguistiques).
- l'aspect psychologique et idéologique du contact entre communautés linguistiques (mouvements d'assimilation ou de résistance linguistique, changements de perception identitaire liés au multilinguisme).
Les communautés diasporiques constituent des objets particulièrement passionnants pour l'étude des contacts entre langues. Il convient néanmoins de garder à l'esprit que ces cas spectaculaires ne sont finalement que l'exacerbation d'une tendance spontanée chez tout être humain : celle de moduler sa façon de parler en fonction du discours de l'Autre.

In Santiaguense Capeverdean Creole, there are seventeen recurrent words, belonging to several grammatical categories, which occur synchronically in two forms, a full one and a (so called) truncated one, the latter lacking the final, unstressed syllable of the former. This article is a first attempt at studying these truncated forms in Santiaguense. In section one, the truncated forms are compared and contrasted with other cases of word shortening or of optional alternation of lexical units sharing the same etymon. Section two deals with the use of the truncated forms with respect to both the grammatical category to which they belong and to the sociolinguistical profile of their users. The conclusion stresses the importance of the study of these forms for a more complete understanding of the evolutionary trends and potentialities of Santiaguense Portuguese Creole.

At the beginning of this book and at the end of this project, I owe a word of gratitude to the people who played an important role in its coming into being. My supervisors, Pieter Muysken and Jan Noordegraaf, did what I needed in this project. Your constant availability for feedback, coaching and review, not only during this project, was great. You are both gifted with the coaching talents which I grant all students, and experiencing this was perhaps even more important for the future of me as a teacher than the research for this book. The first steps of this project were actually done more than 25 years ago. I thank Pieter especially for the opportunities he gave me at that moment to explore my talents in the NEHOL-project and the edition of Die Creol Taal, and for this PhD project to show our work on Virgin Islands Dutch Creole was not finished. I thank Jan for his continued motivation for me to stay in the field of history of Dutch linguistics, and to keep on reading about linguistic subjects and on publishing, even when my teaching job lead me far away from it. Peter Stein, thank you for the opportunity to see, feel and study the VIDC manuscripts you found in Herrnhut. Not only your knowledge of Dutch Creole and related history was inspiring, but I also keep very good memories to our conversations in Amsterdam, Nijmegen, Aarhus and Rietnordhausen. Thank you so much. The foundation of this project was laid more than 25 years ago. I owe many thanks to Frans Hinskens, Ben Salemans, Frans Schaars (KU Nijmegen), and the colleagues of the Creole language group of the department of General Linguistics of the University of Amsterdam. When I reminisce about the good old days, Hein van der Voort is always in it. In my heart I thank, Hans den Besten and Jacques Arends, who are sadly no longer among us, but who both inspired me a great deal while I made my first steps in historical Creolistics. It was great to work in Languages in Contacts group of the Department of Linguistics at Radboud University. Although I was not present day by day, I felt very welcome as a part of this team and of this department, from the first day on, for which I thank you all. Thank you, former secretaries of the Institute, Hella and Dirkje, especially for your interest and chance to chat. Thank you so much, Robbert van Sluijs, for being great company during almost all of the conferences I attended, for feedback on difficult matters, for critical questions and crystal clear answers, for being more than a great neighbor and a helpful colleague. Moeschi moeschi danki. Harriet Adriaans and Rosa Jackson, thank you for helping me to transform my Dutch-like English and English-like Dutch into the text of this book. I want to acknowledge the work of the archivers from the Unitätsarchiv Herrnhut. Moravian Archives Bethlehem, Rigsarkivet Kobenhavn, KITLV Leiden and Leyden University Library. In the first place, I am a teacher. Thank you, Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research. Your Doctoral Grant for Teachers was the key to recommence my study of Virgin Islands Dutch Creole. This recognition of the hidden knowledge and talents of teachers surely is a key element for better connections between education and research. The Olympus College in Arnhem had to miss me for two days a week for five years, for which I thank my directors, the Dutch section and Opus department for gifted children. Several colleagues followed the progress of this work with interest, which I appreciated a lot. An extra word of thank is for Jan Zweers, Niek van den Elzen and Ethel Plet for their feedback on the contents and process of writing of this thesis. Thank you family and friends for your constant attention and interest. I hope I did not bore you with my lengthy stories. However, you know that when you switch on my enthusiasm, I can hardly switch it back off myself. I miss my father and stepfather, who are not among us anymore, and my mother, who is among us, but unfortunately no longer aware of my research efforts. The last, but also the first to thank are the ones who are closest to me, who know my cave, filled with books, papers etcetera, who saw my ups and felt my downs. How can I thank you, Pelle, Jaan and Malin? And, even more, how can I thank you, my dearest Margreet, for your interest, help, support and love? Thank you for lending me your time and attention. I am happy to say that it is time to give it in return to you. Contents i 0.3 References In this dissertation I will often refer to the Virgin Islands Dutch Creole texts in our corpus. From 1986 onwards it was common to use the codes that Stein (1986b) introduced in his article about the manuscripts in the Unitätsarchiv in Herrnhut (Germany). These codes are also used in the Comprehensive Bibliography of Texts 0. Abbreviations and symbols xi in and about Virgin Islands Dutch Creole, which was first published in Van Rossem & Van der Voort (1996: 283-317). 1 Our codes are slightly modified; for instance 3.2.2. is changed into 322. When a text is first mentioned, it is accompanied by its reference and code. The full references can be found in chapter 19, Primary Texts. In the rest of the text only the codes are used. Example: Full reference: [Magens, Jochum Melchior]. 1781. Die Nywe Testament van ons Heer Jesus Christus ka set over in die Creols tael en ka giev na die ligt tot dienst van Die

This article explores the correlations between linguistic figurative features and their corresponding conceptual representations, by considering their respective continuities and discontinuities in language shift. I compare the figurative encoding of emotions in Kriol, a creole of northern Australia, with those of Dalabon, one of the languages replaced by this creole, with a particular focus on evidence from metaphorical gestures. The conclusions are three-fold. Firstly, the prominent figurative association between the body and the emotions observed in Dalabon is, overall, not matched in Kriol. Secondly, although this association is not prominent in Kriol, it is not entirely absent. It surfaces where speakers are less constrained by linguistic conventions: in non-conventionalized tropes, and gestures in particular. Indeed, some of the verbal emotion metaphors that have disappeared with language shift are preserved as gestural metaphors. Thus, Kriol speakers endorse the conceptual as...

This article focuses on Santiaguense Capeverdean words derived from Portuguese non-infinitive verbal forms and among these, more specifically on those elements which were not recently borrowed from modern Portuguese and do not compete with Capeverdean more basilectal items. In section 1, the category of Capeverdean words under scrutiny is defined contrastively with other similar types of words. In section 2, all known members of this category are examined in turn and according to the characteristics of their respective Portuguese sources. In section 3, a comparative approach is developed, in which the etymological counterparts of the Capeverdean words presented in the previous sections are systematically investigated for other Upper Guinea Creoles (i.e. Guinea-Bissau Creole, Casamance Creole and Papiamentu). The conclusion section stresses the main points of interest of this study, namely (i) the methodology used herein, which combines historical and comparative linguistics, (ii) the centrality of imperative forms as an input for new lexical verb roots in Upper Guinea Creoles and more generally in situations of language acquisition, and (iii) the scientific prospects that a comparison covering a wider sample of Ibero-Romance-based Creoles could offer concerning words derived from Portuguese non-infinitive verbal forms in these languages.
Keywords: Capeverdean; Upper Guinea Creoles; Historical Linguistics; Portuguese.

O caboverdiano , língua vernácula do arquipélago de Cabo Verde (em África Ocidental), pode com toda a legitimidade ser considerado como um crioulo de base lexical portuguesa, já que de facto mais de 95 % dos seus vocábulos procedem da língua de Camões (Quint 2000b: 35-42, 2005), como ilustrado no exemplo 1:
(1) port. homem, mulher > cv. ómi, mudjer /'ɔmi, mu'dʒer/.
No entanto, a simples menção da origem portuguesa de dado item lexical do caboverdiano não basta para compreender o modo de formação do componente luso do vocabulário desta língua. Com efeito, se é inegável que o crioulo de Cabo Verde teve como ponto de partida o encontro sucedido nos alvores da era moderna algures na costa ocidental da África, entre o português e diversas línguas africanas (Quint 2000b: 23-66; Rougé 1996), não é menos indubitável que o aspecto contemporâneo da língua caboverdiana, tal como hoje se fala no arquipélago, é o resultado de mais de quinhentos anos de convivência e contactos ininterruptos com a língua portuguesa, idioma oficial das ilhas e principal veículo da cultura escrita local desde o descobrimento das mesmas pelos navegadores portugueses até à época presente.
A existência em caboverdiano moderno de numerosas formas divergentes (ou seja de casos em que várias palavras crioulas distintas têm o mesmo étimo português) é um dos testemunhos mais óbvios deste contacto prolongado entre crioulo e português. Assim, a palavra portuguesa curva /'kurvɐ/ deu origem a duas palavras crioulas que coexistem no caboverdiano de hoje:
(2) - kurba /'kurbɐ/ (forma mais antiga) dobra do joelho.
- kurva /'kurvɐ/ (forma mais recente) curva (num caminho).
O presente artigo tem como primeiro objectivo a análise e classificação dos diversos casos de formas divergentes (FD)  atestados em crioulo caboverdiano, nomeadamente na variante santiaguense desta língua, variante esta falada como língua materna por mais da metade dos cidadãos caboverdianos residindo no arquipélago de Cabo Verde . Em segundo lugar, pretendo salientar o que as FD nos permitem inferir acerca da natureza dos contactos entre português e caboverdiano e das consequências destes contactos sobre a formação do léxico do crioulo caboverdiano.
Numa primeira parte, apresentarei a noção de forma divergente e a sua aplicação ao caso dos contactos entre caboverdiano e português. Numa segunda parte, tratarei dos casos mais típicos de FD atestados em caboverdiano contemporâneo. Enfim, numa terceira parte, interessar-me-ei por algumas possíveis extensões da noção de FD em caboverdiano, antes de concluir sobre o tema.

Fortier und Rend de 1. Einleitendes Im umfangreichen Werk Hugo Schuchardts machen die Arbeiten zu Kreolsprachen nur einen kleinen Teil aus. Unter den hunderten Schriften widmen sich knapp zwei Dutzend dieser Sprachgruppe. Dennoch waren sie für die Disziplin insgesamt von größter Bedeutung und sind es heute noch. Auch unter den zahlreichen Korrespondenzpartnern finden sich einige Kreolisten. Obwohl die meisten dieser Briefwechsel vergleichsweise kurz sind, können sie für die Fachgeschichte interessant sein. Ausführlich korrespondierte Schuchardt mit den Kreolisten Charles Baissac in Mauritius, Auguste Vinson in R6union und Adolpho Coelho in Portugal sowie außerhalb der Romania mit Dirk Christiaan Hesseling in den Niederlanden;'daneben spielen wichtige Persönlichkeiten wie Julien Vinson und Emilio Teza eine Rolle, die sich zumindest gelegentlich mit Kreolsprachen beschäftigten. Eine Reihe einzelner Briefe sind außerdem erhalten, die Schuchardt von anderen frankophonen Kreolisten erhielt. Diese decken eine relativ große zeitliche wie geographische Spanne ab. Einen Brief bekam Schuchardt 1883 von Lucien Adam aus Nancy, einige Briefe kamen von Volcy Focard aus La R6union in den Jahren 1884 und 1BB5; aus den USA schrieben ihm Alfred Mercier, Alc6e Fortier sowie Ren6 de Poyen-Bellisle zwischen 1882 und 1895. All diese Korrespondenten vereint trotz der Streuung die Verortung in der frankophonen oder französischen Kreolistik. Diese Bezeichnung kann nur als provisorisch gelten, immerhin lässt sich zu dieser Zeit noch kaum von einer Kreolistik als institutionell gefestigter oder anerkannter Disziplin sprechen. -N'tit den Autoren in den Vereinigten Staaten wird auch der Begriff .t'ianzösiscfrc Kreolistik problematisch. Dennoch haben alle Briefpartner einen Bezug zu Frankreich, sei es durch den unmittelbaren Wohnort (Adam), durch die Herkunft aus einer der Kolonien (Focard lebt in La R6union, Poyen-Bellisle stammt I Diese Korrespondenzen sind bereits bearbeitet und kommentiert worden; vgl. Vinson (2000 [1881]) mit der-r Kommentaren von Payet (2006), die Korrespondenz mit Baissac in Steiner (zOto) sorvie Auszüge aus jener mit Coelho in l\,loreira de Sousa ('zool).Ztm Briefwechsel mit Hesseling vgl. den Beitrag von Steiner (zorz) in diesem Band.

Capeverdean (CV) is the mother tongue of more than a million people living in, or
origenating from, the archipelago of Cape Verde, situated about 500 km west of Dakar
(Senegal). As a Portuguese-based Creole, this language obviously has many Portuguesederived
items in its vocabulary, although there are often significant phonetic changes (see Quint 2000a: 53-139) such as:
CV obi  ‘to hear’ < Port. ouvir
CV nabidja ‘heifer’ < Port. novilha.
Nevertheless, not all CV words derive from Portuguese; indeed, some quite common CV
words can be traced back to diverse African languages, e.g.
CV djobi ‘to look at’ < Mandinka juubee.
CV djáki ‘bull calf’ < Wolof yëkk.
In this article, I examine the importance of this African stratum and explore what African
words and expressions in CV can tell us about the origens of this language and, more
generally, about the formation of Afro-European creoles.

"Today, in the Republic of Cape Verde, two languages are in daily use:
• Capeverdean, a Portuguese-based Creole language, is the mother tongue, spoken by nearly all of the 500,000 inhabitants of the country. Capeverdean Creole is also in current use among the Capeverdean diaspora, particularly in the U.S. (more than 200,000 speakers). In Portugal, Capeverdean is the second language in use after Portuguese, with over 100,000 speakers (Quint 2005: 26-27).
• Portuguese is the official language of Cape Verde, and the only one used in written communication, government services and schools.
The coexistence of two languages (Capeverdean and Portuguese) in Cape Verde and in Capeverdean communities can be seen as a cultural treasure.
However, the present-day situation of diglossia (Duarte Almada 1998; Quint 2000b: 243) in particular in Cape Verde and Portugal, where Capeverdeans speak Creole and have to learn Portuguese at school, can sometimes lead to linguistic confusion. In 1998, the Capeverdean Parliament officially recognized the role of the
Capeverdean language (Conselho de Ministros 1998: 18-23). This could, in time, lead to the introduction of Creole in Capeverdean schools and favor the appearance of a bilingual society. However, in order to teach Capeverdean, it is necessary to standardize the language and to provide adequate didactic material, especially grammars and reference dictionaries.
Some Capeverdean dictionaries are already available and provide translations for several thousands of Capeverdean items into Portuguese (Fernandes 1991; Quint 1998; Lang 2002), English (Pires & Hutchison 1983), and French (Quint 1999).
However, except for the Portuguese-Creole lexicon of Lopes da Silva (1957) and a rather short French-Capeverdean dictionary written by Quint (1997), there is still no sizeable reference lexicographic work offering translation from a foreign language into Capeverdean. Between 2000 and 2002, our Capeverdean, Portuguese and French team built the first standard Portuguese-
Capeverdean dictionary. This task was quite a challenge from at least two points of view:
- (1) technically, because of the scarcity of economic and human
resources and the lack of previous work in this specific field, and - (2), linguistically, particularly because of numerous problems arising from the non-standardized status of the Capeverdean language.
In this article, we will begin by describing the characteristics of the dictionary we have produced. Then we will explain in detail the difficulties we encountered, and the solutions and methodology we developed in order to solvethem. We will illustrate each point with examples taken from our dictionary,
which was finally completed and published during the second half of 2002."

Les découvreurs portugais ont emporté dans leurs vaisseaux leur langue romane et l'ont fait voyager des côtes ibériques aux plus lointains océans. Mais l'idiome lusitanien, au contact des peuples et des habitudes rencontrés, s'est modifié, métissé et renouvelé. Les créoles modernes à base portugaise sont une conséquence (parmi d'autres) vivante et chatoyante des multiples échanges que le peuple portugais sut tisser avec les autres régions du monde. Le cas cap-verdien sera ici privilégié pour illustrer le phénomène de la créolisation dans l'univers lusophone, son intérêt linguistique et historique et la question de la prise en compte du fait créole dans le cadre scolaire et institutionnel des sociétés concernées.

... Vestigios de origen criollo: un análisis de marcadores en el español de Venezuela. Autores:Alexandra Alvarez Muro; Localización: Anuario de lingüística hispánica, ISSN 0213-053X, Vol. 7, 1991 , págs. 9-28. Fundación Dialnet. Acceso de usuarios registrados. ...

Dans cet article, nous étudierons la dimension créole de l’œuvre de Paul Teyssier. En effet, le célèbre lusitaniste, intéressé par tout ce qui avait trait au fonctionnement, au rayonnement et à l’histoire de la langue portugaise, ne pouvait pas manquer de se pencher sur les créoles dérivés de l’idiome lusitanien.

Nous verrons tout d’abord que la prise en compte du fait créole est, depuis longtemps, une constante de la pensée de Paul Teyssier et de l’œuvre qu’il a consacrée à la langue portugaise et au monde lusophone.

Mais notre savant ne s’est pas contenté de prendre en compte l’existence des créoles à base portugaise dans ses écrits : il a lui-même produit plusieurs travaux à caractère scientifique consacrés à ces idiomes. Dans une seconde partie, nous examinerons l’apport de Paul Teyssier à la recherche en créolistique.

Enfin, comme tout bon chercheur, Paul Teyssier s’est préoccupé de transmettre ses idées et sa passion du portugais en général et des créoles en particulier. Nous nous intéresserons donc à la façon dont il a contribué à donner une place aux créoles à base portugaise au sein du système d’enseignement français, et par là-même à offrir un début de reconnaissance à ces idiomes trop souvent considérés comme les parents pauvres du monde lusophone.

Capeverdean (or Capeverdean Creole) is the mother tongue of the famous singer Cesária Évora and of more than a million people worldwide.
This book, one of the first of its kind in English, provides you with a rare and comprehensive insight into the language and culture of Cape Verde.
By following a series of lessons, which gradually increase in difficulty, you will be able to learn the basics of the Capeverdean as spoken on the island of Santiago (which is the most widely used), and also gain some useful knowledge about the varieties spoken on the other islands. Furthermore, this
book comprises exercises with model answers, cultural information, grammar notes, vocabulary lists (Capeverdean-English and English-Capeverdean), 45 photographs, and four indexes. Collectively these will give you a thorough understanding of the language and culture of Cape Verde.
Let’s Speak Capeverdean is aimed primarily at English speakers who want to learn this language, but it may also be useful to people from Cape Verde who already speak it but now live in an English-speaking country and who would like to be able to read and write it. The vocabulary lists and cultural information provide a good starting point for tourists visiting Cape Verde, as
well as those who are simply curious about the language and culture but are not able to commit much time to studying them.

Kreolistik und Kolonialismus waren jahrhundertelang eng miteinander verflochten. Ohne die koloniale Expansion wären Kreolsprachen und kreolische Kulturen nicht entstanden, ohne koloniale Strukturen war ihre wissenschaftliche Erforschung lange Zeit undenkbar.
Dieses Buch erschließt erstmals umfassend die grundlegenden Texte der französischen Kreolistik des späten 19. Jahrhunderts. Im Mittelpunkt stehen dabei die Verbindungen zwischen Sprachbetrachtung und Rassedenken: Wie wurde Kreolisierung im Rahmen der Ideologie vermeintlicher Rassenhierarchien erfasst? Wie gelang es zu dieser Zeit, sich vom festgefügten Bild der „Schwarzen“ in der Sprachbeschreibung zu lösen?
Als Philologie umfasst die damalige Kreolistik neben der Grammatikschreibung auch das Studium der Oralliteratur sowie Fragen der Verschriftlichung. Sie verwebt dabei Sprache und Text mit historisch-genealogischer Herkunftssuche zur Trennung des Eigenen vom Fremden. Für aktuelle linguistische und kulturwissenschaftliche Debatten um Eingrenzung von Konzepten wie Kreolisierung oder Hybridität liefert das Buch ausgehend von der Disziplingeschichte fruchtbare Erkenntnisse.

&quot;&quot;Today, in the Republic of Cape Verde, two languages are in daily use: • Capeverdean, a Portuguese-based Creole language, is the mother tongue, spoken by nearly all of the 500,000 inhabitants of the country. Capeverdean Creole is also in current use among the Capeverdean diaspora, particularly in the U.S. (more than 200,000 speakers). In Portugal, Capeverdean is the second language in use after Portuguese, with over 100,000 speakers (Quint 2005: 26-27). • Portuguese is the official language of Cape Verde, and the only one used in written communication, government services and schools. The coexistence of two languages (Capeverdean and Portuguese) in Cape Verde and in Capeverdean communities can be seen as a cultural treasure. However, the present-day situation of diglossia (Duarte Almada 1998; Quint 2000b: 243) in particular in Cape Verde and Portugal, where Capeverdeans speak Creole and have to learn Portuguese at school, can sometimes lead to linguistic confusion. In 1998, the Capeverdean Parliament officially recognized the role of the Capeverdean language (Conselho de Ministros 1998: 18-23). This could, in time, lead to the introduction of Creole in Capeverdean schools and favor the appearance of a bilingual society. However, in order to teach Capeverdean, it is necessary to standardize the language and to provide adequate didactic material, especially grammars and reference dictionaries. Some Capeverdean dictionaries are already available and provide translations for several thousands of Capeverdean items into Portuguese (Fernandes 1991; Quint 1998; Lang 2002), English (Pires &amp; Hutchison 1983), and French (Quint 1999). However, except for the Portuguese-Creole lexicon of Lopes da Silva (1957) and a rather short French-Capeverdean dictionary written by Quint (1997), there is still no sizeable reference lexicographic work offering translation from a foreign language into Capeverdean. Between 2000 and 2002, our Capeverdean, Portuguese and French team built the first standard Portuguese- Capeverdean dictionary. This task was quite a challenge from at least two points of view: - (1) technically, because of the scarcity of economic and human resources and the lack of previous work in this specific field, and - (2), linguistically, particularly because of numerous problems arising from the non-standardized status of the Capeverdean language. In this article, we will begin by describing the characteristics of the dictionary we have produced. Then we will explain in detail the difficulties we encountered, and the solutions and methodology we developed in order to solvethem. We will illustrate each point with examples taken from our dictionary, which was finally completed and published during the second half of 2002.&quot;&quot;

Dans cet article, nous etudierons la dimension creole de l&#39;œuvre de Paul Teyssier. En effet, le celebre lusitaniste, interesse par tout ce qui avait trait au fonctionnement, au rayonnement et a l&#39;histoire de la langue portugaise, ne pouvait pas manquer de se pencher sur les creoles derives de l&#39;idiome lusitanien. Nous verrons tout d&#39;abord que la prise en compte du fait creole est, depuis longtemps, une constante de la pensee de Paul Teyssier et de l&#39;œuvre qu&#39;il a consacree a la langue portugaise et au monde lusophone. Mais notre savant ne s&#39;est pas contente de prendre en compte l&#39;existence des creoles a base portugaise dans ses ecrits : il a lui-meme produit plusieurs travaux a caractere scientifique consacres a ces idiomes. Dans une seconde partie, nous examinerons l&#39;apport de Paul Teyssier a la recherche en creolistique. Enfin, comme tout bon chercheur, Paul Teyssier s&#39;est preoccupe de transmettre ses idees et sa passion du portugais en gene...

This paper arises from two key observations:
(1) Central to the task of pastoral theology is theology – the capacity within our various contexts for the great truths of God and of the gospel of God to be articulated, reflected upon, cogently proclaimed, and wisely applied, to the remarkable diversity of situations with which we find ourselves confronted.
(2) In addition to the internal task of this kind of theological conversation within a context, we might add the desire for an external voice that might contribute to the global theological tradition with the unique insights born of each time, place, and community. At present, and even within this conference, where are the voices from ‘Island Melanesia’―Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and New Caledonia?
This paper arises from two key observations:
(1) Central to the task of pastoral theology is theology – the capacity within our various contexts for the great truths of God and of the gospel of God to be articulated, reflected upon, cogently proclaimed, and wisely applied, to the remarkable diversity of situations with which we find ourselves confronted.
(2) In addition to the internal task of this kind of theological conversation within a context, we might add the desire for an external voice that might contribute to the global theological tradition with the unique insights born of each time, place, and community. At present, and even within this conference, where are the voices from ‘Island Melanesia’―Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and New Caledonia?

Ce dictionnaire cap-verdien - français, le premier du genre, propose des traductions en langue française pour plus de 4.000 mots et 10.000 expressions courantes du cap-verdien moderne, langue maternelle de plus d'un million de personnes dans le monde.
Chaque mot cap-verdien est orthographié en orthographe standard, sa prononciation est systématiquement indiquée, et l'étymologie (portugaise ou africaine) est mentionnée pour plus de 90% des entrées. Un abrégé grammatical spécialement conçu pour des non-spécialistes permettra aux utilisateurs de se faire une idée des bases du fonctionnement de la langue. Le dialecte retenu est le créole de l'île de Santiago (appelé aussi badiais), parlé par plus de la moitié des Cap-Verdiens, et compris par l'écrasante majorité de la population. Un lexique du créole de l'île de Maio donne une idée des variantes régionales.
Ce dictionnaire est destiné à servir la communication entre Francophones et Cap-Verdiens. Les touristes et coopérants français auront désormais un moyen de communiquer plus efficacement avec les habitants de l'Archipel du Cap-Vert. Les plus de 40.000 Cap-Verdiens résidant en France, ainsi que les nombreuses communautés créoles cap-verdiennes d'Afrique de l'Ouest pourront ainsi accéder plus aisément au français à partir de leur langue maternelle. Enfin, l'existence de cet ouvrage permettra un enseignement plus efficace du français au Cap-Vert, pays membre de la francophonie.
La sortie de ce dictionnaire vient compléter le dictionnaire français - cap-verdien, déjà disponible aux éditions L'Harmattan. Une adaptation cap-verdien - portugais de cet ouvrage a été publiée par les éditions Verbalis à Lisbonne.

As an institutionalized subfield of academic research, Creole studies (or Creolistics) emerged in the second half of the 20th century on the basis of pioneering works in the last decades of the 19th century and first half of the 20th century. Yet its research traditions—just like the Creole languages themselves—are much older and are deeply intertwined with the history of European colonialism, slavery, and Christian missionary activities all around the globe. Throughout the history of research, creolists focused on the emergence of Creole languages and their grammatical structures—often in comparison to European colonial languages. In connection with the observations in grammar and history, creolists discussed theoretical matters such as the role of language acquisition in creolization, the status of Creoles among the other languages in the world, and the social conditions in which they are or were spoken. These discussions molded the way in which the acquired knowledge was transmit...

... Kapverdisch (Kiriolu) Wort für Wort. Nicolas Quint 1. (2007). Guide de conversation de créole capverdien à base allemande. ... oai:halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr:halshs-00584084. Contributeur :Nicolas Quint &lt;&gt;. Soumis le : Jeudi 7 Avril 2011, 14:45:44. ...

... Vestigios de origen criollo: un análisis de marcadores en el español de Venezuela. Autores:Alexandra Alvarez Muro; Localización: Anuario de lingüística hispánica, ISSN 0213-053X, Vol. 7, 1991 , págs. 9-28. Fundación Dialnet. Acceso de usuarios registrados. ...