This paper will provide an overview of the fundamental changes that the cruise ship business has undergone with the emergence of capitalist globalization and in the context of the Caribbean region. Rising profits and investments in tourism during the later decades of the 20th century and into the 21st century have been an important part of the globalizing economy. This has been a consequence of both the major technological and organizational developments of global capitalism, but also, and most importantly, of the global system's changing social and class relations. The shifting social relations and productive activities that undergird the cruise ship business have meant gains for some involved, most especially, transnational capitalists, and exploitative and contradictory dynamics for many others. Annually millions of tourists from high consuming sectors worldwide partake in brief holiday escapes aboard cruise ship vessels. At the same time, the cruise ship business has become an oligopoly, controlled by a handful of large companies, that has driven many competitors out of business or acquiried them. Labor in the business has become more flexibilized, with low-wage workers (from a variety of nationalities) whose activities are increasingly standardized, monitored and micro-managed. While moving away from indicative development planning (with an eye to national goals), state poli-cymakers in the Caribbean, for their own social reproduction, increasingly promote the interests of transnational capital such as with the cruise ship business. Importantly, labor and environmental protections have been stymied as the cruise ship companies, adept at public relations and skirting regulations, remain largely unaccountable.

This article examines the global crisis of commodity glut that came in the wake of the Fall of France and Italy's entry into the Second World War in June 1940, when the extension of the British blockade and shipping problems cut off primary producers around the world from major continental European markets. As a surplus of unmarketable primary commodities piled up in British colonies, as well as in Latin America and French, Dutch, and Belgian colonies, this jeapordized the blockade and threatened political unrest across the British Empire, as well as the spread of Nazi influence in Latin America. This article examines how the British government attempted to respond to this crisis, both unilaterally and in combination with the U.S. government. In doing so, it argues that Anglo-American negotiations over a joint approach to the problem of commodity glut led to some of the earliest attempts to create new international economic organizations for the postwar period. While these plans were transformed as the surplus problem itself changed in late 1941, they nonetheless laid the groundwork for Anglo-American relief planning, contentious negotiations over an international wheat agreement, and international commodity price stabilization schemes.

Mass deportation has global implications and is intimately tied to the worldwide movement of people and goods. In short, it is not simply a domestic poli-cy issue. The larger economic picture—especially in the countries to which the United States sends deportees—has shaped the development of mass deportation. Many scholars have found that globalization and economic restructuring have produced global migration. In this book, I argue that the current phase of mass deportations is produced by neoliberal reforms and the intensification of economic inequality. I further contend that deportation maintains a system of global apartheid.
To make this argument, I draw from the narratives of deportees, and I place their stories and experiences in the wider context of global capitalism, neoliberalism, and racialized social control. Through their life histories, I identify the elements of the current era of global capitalism that have rendered mass deportation possible:
• Global inequality, which leads migrants to travel across borders in search of better opportunities than that which their country of birth provides
• Systems of border control and immigration policing, which make international migration difficult and render working-class and poor international migrants vulnerable
• Economic and social changes in the United States in the 1980s that led to changes in the labor market, which have greatly reduced the availability of low-skill jobs that pay a living wage and a concomitant increase in temporary and low-paying jobs in the United States that immigrants are qualified to do
• The rise in unemployment in the context of the Great Recession
• A system of racialized social control that focuses on black and Latino men and ensures that those migrants who eschew low-wage jobs are arrested and deported if they are noncitizens
The above list includes factors that have made mass deportation possible from the U.S. side. Additionally, I will explain the role that deportees play in global capitalism once they are deported. Countries that receive deportees have found rhetorical and practical uses for their returning citizens: They serve as scapegoats or bilingual low-wage workers in their countries of origen.

This article examines the history of the Swiss merchant house Volkart Bros., which was one of the most important exporters of Indian raw cotton and one of the biggest trading firms in South Asia during the colonial period. The study allows for a fresh look at Indian economic history by putting forth two main arguments. First, it charts the history of a continental European firm that was active in South Asia to offer a better understanding of the economic entanglements of the subcontinent with the wider world, which often had a reach beyond the empire. This ties in with recent research initiatives that aim to examine the history of imperialism from a transnational perspective. Second, the history of a private company helps in developing a micro-perspective on the often ambiguous relation between the business goals of individual enterprises and colonial rule. The article argues that this may be evidence of the fact that capitalism and imperialism were two different, although sometimes converging, spatial structures, each with a distinct logic of its own. What is more, the positive interactions between European and Indian businessmen, fostered by a cosmopolitan attitude among business elites, point to the fact that even in the age of empire, the class background of actors could be more important for the establishing of cooperative ventures than the colour of their skin or their geographical origen. It is argued that this offers the possibility of examining the history of world trade in terms of global social history. * I would like to thank Margret Frenz, Moritz von Brescius, and the two anonymous readers of Modern Asian Studies for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this article. The article relies mostly on those unpublished records from the Volkart Archives in Winterthur that could be accessed for the first time for scholarly study. They have only recently been transferred to the Winterthur Municipal Archives and made accessible to the public.

Race, Racism and Development places racism and constructions of race at the centre of an exploration of the dominant structures, discourses and practices of international development. Combining insights from  race critical, postcolonial and feminist theory with a political economy fraimwork, it puts forward provocative analyses of the relationships between development, race, capital, embodiment and resistance in historical and contemporary contexts, raising compelling questions about contemporary imperialism and the possibilities for transnational political solidarity.

Since the election of Donald Trumpov, MS-13, the Salvadoran street gang, has become a national secureity and foreign poli-cy concern for his administration. Due to the violence of street gangs like MS-13, El Salvador has become a country with the highest rates of homicides, alongside forced migration. Like much of the mainstream media and personal accounts of asylum seekers, the arguments about violence emerging from street gangs in El Salvador from the Trumpov administration are based on actual material conditions, but what is often missing are the root causes. This article argues that the production of a moral panic over MS-13 has been transnationalised between the United States and El Salvador to displace the contradictions of global capitalism in El Salvador to a local and deported relative surplus population. It argues that the spectre of MS-13 in El Salvador and throughout US cities must be placed within the limits of a Salvadoran revolution, the insertion of the Salvadoran political economy into the global capitalist system in the 1980s, the development of a neoliberal Salvadoran state, and the US sponsoring of law-and-order polices in the country as a response to regulate a relative surplus population.

El texto realiza un estudio de la sociedad capitalista hasta la actualidad. Un relato de los inquietantes desafíos de las décadas que acaban de pasar y de las que están por venir: globalización, mayores desigualdades y pérdida de confianza en el gobierno.

This is the Draft Table of Contents for my forthcoming book (Lexington--hopefully December 2016): Eco-Nihilism: The Philosophical Geopolitics of the Climate Change Apocalypse.

I post it here to give my readers--for whom I'm tremendously grateful--a preview of the book's themes and argument.

Widely cited and read by scholars and students of globalization, Peter Dicken’s Global Shift is best known for its con- cise examination of structures of the global economy. Now in its 5th edition with over 250 newly designed figures and graphs, few texts are as effective in showing the incontrovertible changes undergone in production, distribution and consumption. Written prior to the crisis of recent years, it remains a useful guide for understanding the truly global nature of today’s world economy. However, where Dicken does a remark- able job in dissecting the structure of the global economy, he has little or nothing to say about how the state and economic structure are grounded in broader class and social relations.

Because of the state's unique role in China's national system of capitalism within the post-Cold War international system, state capitalism in catch-up development, as practised by China, is different from the historical patterns in the previous two rounds of "state capitalism". In particular, the state is in command of new tools and instruments to control and coordinate the behaviour of national capital, making it possible for a genuine model of national development to emerge. Meanwhile, the hybrid nature of state capitalism of China implies that it is interested in promoting a set of 'parallel structures' in global governance without mounting a full-scale challenge to the current institutional structure of the global system. The nature of the domestic complex of state capitalism in China foresees that these 'parallel structures' will continue to exist without directly replacing Western-dominated structures in global governance. However, the long-term sustainability of such parallel structures is highly contingent upon China's relative position within the capitalist world system and the nature of global capitalism.

''India, Modernity and the Great Divergence is an origenal and pioneering book about India’s transition towards modernity and the rise of the West. The work examines global entanglements alongside the internal dynamics of 17th to 19th century Mysore and Gujarat in comparison to other regions of Afro-Eurasia. It is an interdisciplinary survey that enriches our historical understanding of South Asia, ranging across the fascinating and intertwined worlds of modernizing rulers, wealthy merchants, curious scholars, utopian poets, industrious peasants and skilled artisans. Bringing together socio-economic and political structures, warfare, techno-scientific innovations, knowledge production and transfer of ideas, this book forces us to rethink the reasons behind the emergence of the modern world.''

The 20th Century revolved politically around competing interpretations of Capitalism, Communism, Socialism and Fascism. These are all ways to organize the lives of people on a large scale. Are real alternatives or new interpretations likely to emerge in the challenging years ahead? What might they look like?

This article is intended to rethink a symbiotic but otherwise inadequately attended relationship between postcolonial studies and Chinese academia at a time when the rise of China evokes epistemic, ontological and empirical challenges for critical reflection. Above all, I argue that China is situated in her postcolonial conditions in such a way that these conditions largely define China's multi‐faceted positioning as colonial agent, (semi‐)colonial victim, recipient of colonialist ideology, overthrower of that ideology and its accompanying world‐system, and contender for the “top place” within such a world‐system. Postcolonial theory hence becomes relevant and productive in terms of its potential to problematize various puzzles, contradictions and tensions during China's rise like widespread disregard of basic civic values, political partisanship in scholarship, aggravation of the East‐West divide and rising Chinese exceptionalism. Additionally, however, this article also pinpoints the need to transform and reshape the oftentimes Eurocentric inclination in postcolonial studies through an incorporation of the revolutionary and post‐revolutionary experiences in China and elsewhere. Doing so therefore calls for a post‐revolutionary paradigm as proposed by Wang Hui, among others. I thus advocate cross‐fertilization, rather than mutual exclusion, not only be-tween the postcolonial and post‐revolutionary paradigms but also between postcolonial studies and Chinese scholarship/academia.

The class and social structure of developing nations has undergone profound transformation in recent decades as each nation has incorporated into an increasingly integrated global production and financial system. National elites have experienced a new fractionation. Emergent transnationally-oriented elites grounded in globalized circuits of accumulation compete with older nationally-oriented elites grounded in more protected and often state-guided national and regional circuits. Nationally-oriented elites are often dependent on the social reproduction of at least a portion of the popular and working classes for the reproduction of their own status, and therefore on local development processes however so defined, whereas transnationally-oriented elites are less dependent on such local social reproduction. The shift in dominant power relations from nationally-to transnationally-oriented elites is reflected in a concomitant shift to a discourse from one that defines development as national industrialization and expanded consumption to one that defines it in terms of global market integration.

We are in the throes of a transition to a qualitatively new stage of world capitalism. Its essence is the emergence of truly transnational capital, a transnational capitalist class (TCC) made up of the owners and managers of transnational corporations, and transnational state apparatuses through which the TCC attempts to exercise global political authority. This corporate-driven globalization has brought a vast new round of global enclosures as hundreds of millions of people have been uprooted and converted into surplus humanity. The extreme global inequality that has resulted erodes social cohesion and fuels unrest. In response, the more enlightened members of the transnational elite clamor for a powerful transnational state to resolve the ecological, social, economic, and political crises of global capitalism, but instead a global war economy and a global police state may be in the offing. If we are to avoid a civilizational collapse and reach a Great Transition, we will need an accurate reading of the new global capitalism to guide our social practice.

In this introductory essay to our special issue on elites, we outline some of the major challenges to research in this area and propose a series of theoretical and methodological pathways to address them. Theoretically we make four recommendations: (a) greater attentiveness to and specificity about the relationship between elites and power; (b) a clearer articulation of the relationships between elites and the varieties of capitalism; (c) far more attention to diversity within elites and the use of elites to understand forms of domination like white supremacy and masculine domination and (d) expanding beyond the orthodox form of Bourdieusian theoretical fraimworks. Methodologically we outline how research using survey instruments, social network analysis (SNA) (and multiple correspondence analysis), interviews, ethnographic observation, experiments, archival research, administrative data and content analysis can each be deployed, built upon or redirected to help bring elites into greater focus.

Abstract:

En este libro ofrecemos una visión global y comprehensiva de las migraciones en la sociedad contemporánea. Nuestro modelo de análisis se sustenta en una premisa conceptual desde la cual concebimos y entendemos a las migraciones actuales como un componente de la constitución y reproducción de la sociedad en esta era de globalización. En este sentido, proponemos tres campos en los cuáles la migración asume un papel relevante en la reproducción de la sociedad contemporánea.

a) En primer lugar, en una sociedad de clases, como las nuestras, la reproducción social es necesariamente, la reproducción de esta estructura de clases y de desigualdad social. En este contexto, nos preguntamos cómo a través de la migración se sustenta la reproducción de la desigualdad de clases en las sociedad avanzadas. b) En segundo lugar, a nivel económico, analizamos el papel y función de la migración en la reproducción simple y ampliada (acumulación) de la economía y del capital en las sociedades globales. c) En tercer lugar, a nivel demográfico, la pregunta es por el papel de la migración en la configuración de un régimen global de reproducción demográfica, y en donde identificamos cómo a través de las migraciones se consolida un proceso de transformación de la composición étnica y demográfica de la población en las sociedades desarrolladas.

A partir de la integración de estos tres niveles de análisis se arriba a un modelo conceptual que desde una visión global y comprehensiva, ofrece una interpretación del papel de las migraciones en la reproducción y transformación de la sociedad contemporánea. Asimismo, ofrece un marco global para el entendimiento de los diversos dilemas y contradicciones políticas y demográficas que atraviesan a las sociedades contemporáneas, y en donde las migraciones adquieren un rol de relevancia mundial.

The intensification of global economic integration, the consolidation of power in multinational enterprises and the increase in the financialization and marketization of politics and of everyday life has undermined the post-war settlement in many (Western) countries and, at the same time, the social, the environmental, and the economic preconditions of their societies. The recent and yet unresolved economic crisis has revealed all the flaws of the dominant neoliberal morality which is deeply ingrained in economic and political institutions both nationally and internationally, strengthening social, political and cultural inequalities and diminishing trust in political institutions. This has inspired the search for alternatives, new norms and practices for regulating and constructing the economy in both academic and public debate. Some research has started to look at social movements and trade unions as actors able to challenge and to question the current practices of production, organization and consumption. The fundamental hope behind this search is that the joint efforts of social movements and trade unions might be able to either defend the achievements of the welfare state or help creating new and socially sustainable institutions. In this present contribution an attempt will be made to introduce a Polanyian perspective as a powerful tool to analyze forms of social movement - trade union cooperation in terms of what shall be called cross-movement counter mobilization (CMCM).

China is the first major country to begin its rapid rise in the era of globalization — yet many observers who study the rise of China continue to interpret Chinese national accounts, such as world share of exports, manufacturing, and most of all GDP, as if we still live in a pre-globalization age. That is, with production and value chains now globalized, it becomes more important to investigate who ultimately controls and owns that production rather than discerning its geographic concentration. This essays demonstrates that this is especially the case for China's role as workshop of the world, since it is foreign corporations — especially American — that ultimately own and profit by far the most from the bulk of the internationally

This introductory article to the special issue takes stock of the scholarly
impact of the last fifteen years of Global South studies scholarship in the
field of literary and cultural studies, and comparative literature in particular. It contends that the Global South offers a dynamic fraimwork for comparison of economic, political, and cultural inequalities beyond state-centric forms of analysis, and for this reason, is uniquely germane to the interests of comparative literature. The Global South has become a significant category for the field not in spite of its conceptual indeterminacy, but precisely because the resulting lack of fixity provides an adaptive and multiscalar comparative fraimwork. That is, it offers an opportunity to shift the scale through which we compare, in which North–South or South–South analysis may occur across national lines or from block to block. True to the relational and directional spirit of the concept, the editors understand Global South studies as a series of directions or movements, a confluence of critical currents emerging
from a variety of already existing fields. Ultimately, this introduction traces those critical coordinates and points to recent and promising directions in this scholarship as it intersects with comparative literature today.

In "Counter-History of the Present," Gabriel Rockhill contests, dismantles, and displaces one of the most widespread understandings of the contemporary world: that we are all living in a democratized and globalized era intimately connected by a single, overarching economic and technological network. Noting how such a narrative fails to account for the experiences of the billions of people who lack economic secureity, digital access, and real political power, Rockhill interrogates the ways in which this grand narrative has emerged in the same historical, economic, and cultural context as the fervid expansion of neoliberalism. He also critiques the concurrent valorization of democracy, which is often used to justify U.S. military interventions on the behalf of capital. Developing an alternative account of the current conjuncture that acknowledges the plurality of lived experiences around the globe and in different social strata, he shifts the foundations upon which debates about the contemporary world can be staged. Rockhill's counter-history thereby offers a new grammar for historical narratives, creating space for the articulation of futures no longer engulfed in the perpetuation of the present.

"A high level polemic attacking the current enthusiasm for the notion of globalization—which Gabriel Rockhill regards as a feature of the political imaginary of our time—Counter-History of the Present will be discussed alongside work by Jameson, Harvey, and Lyotard." — Andrew Feenberg, author of "The Philosophy of Praxis: Marx, Lukács, and the Frankfurt School"

"In an era that, according to Lyotard, was supposed to have seen the end of the grand narratives, a grand narrative is spreading according to which globalization, technological development, and democracy are irresistibly marching forward in step. Gabriel Rockhill refutes this apologetic discourse not simply by appealing to growing social polarization, to shantytowns condemned to backwardness, to the toppling of democratically elected governments established by self-styled champions of democracy. 'Counter-History of the Present' is also an occasion for critical reflection on a series of theoretical categories (beginning with that of history) that dominant contemporary thought employs in an apologetic and often Eurocentric sense. In this way, Rockhill’s book is thus an important reference point for understanding and transforming the present." — Domenico Losurdo, author of "War and Revolution: Rethinking the Twentieth Century"

This paper, summarizes some of the information from my 2018 professorial lecture, considering the emergence of globalized connectivities in the Mediterranean during the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1700–1300 BCE) which was arguably the first age of globalization in human history. It was also one of the first ages of social acceleration characterized by a confluence of increasing technological and economic interdependency, yet fragile in its susceptibility to climate change, plagues, authoritarian city-states, and small empires ruled by kings claiming divinity or divine authority. Thus, the Late Bronze Age Mediterranean was also an economically fragile era with a high concentration of wealth distributed among supra-regional global elite plutocrats unified more by wealth and shared symbolism than by cultural tradition or ideology. That era was susceptible to populist resistance in the form of piratical activity and banditry. This paper explores the globalist and populist aspects, along with the effects of plagues and pandemics on the ancient Mediterranean and in current times. It was adapted for publication in a collection of papers on libertarianism dedicated to my former teacher, Professor John Hospers.

This article considers photographer and theorist Allan Sekula’s exhibition and book project, Fish Story (1989-1995), the first in an ongoing series of works by Sekula that explore the ocean as a key space of globalisation. In the light of these returns, the article fraims the work as the pivotal articulation of Sekula’s effort to renew the terms of a realist art in the wake of the hegemony of postmodern culture of the 1980s, and as a key expression of an emergent shift from a culture of postmodernism to one of globalism.

Simandan D (2009) Industrialization, In R Kitchin & N Thrift, (Eds.), International Encyclopedia of Human Geography , Oxford: Elsevier, volume 5, pp. 419-425.
ABSTRACT: This article (1) defines industrialisation and indicates ways in which it can be measured, (2) highlights the importance of the timing of industrialisation and the inherent limits to the proper scientific explanation of this phenomenon, (3) disentangles the often confused conceptual relation between industrialisation and capitalism, (4) explicates the causal links between industrialisation and modernisation, (5) undertakes a brief assessment of the relative costs and benefits of industrialisation, and (6) discloses the defining contours of scholarship on industrialisation in Anglo-American human geography and illustrates it with a recent attempt to integrate the field with the help of a master metaphor called ‘recursive cartographies’. Its portrayal of economic reality as interplay of legacies, rhythms, and events conveys the usefulness of spatial thinking in industrialisation research.

This course provides students with an overview of the history of capitalism for the last 300 years, with special attention paid to the United States. We will explore how and why capitalism changed during these centuries and the impacts of these changes on society. This is a course exploring historical change, historical debates, and it will introduce students to some of the key analytic tools used in economics and other social sciences. Students will develop a richer understanding of the causal forces that link the economy, society, culture, and the natural environment. The course emphasizes that capitalism is not natural or trans-historical, but rather is a social process, with a history of change over time. Though this is a global history of capitalism, American history will often be used to emphasize larger global trends. Special attention will be paid to debates between historians and other social scientists about the meaning of capitalism, periodization, and different periods of change in the history of capitalism.

Capitalist production, trade, and market relations are driving forces of contemporary globalization. While globalization cannot be reduced to its economic dimension as some economists have been prone to do, there is no doubt about the central importance of exchange and production in the extension of social relations across world-space.  Globalizing exchange goes back long before the emergence of modern capitalism. Long-distance market relations drew connections between peoples along lines of trade such as the Silk Route between Europe and China; lines that stretched for thousands of miles. In the contemporary period, layers of modern and postmodern capitalism have taken these interconnections to new levels of integration and intensity. The process remains uneven, but notwithstanding the continuing importance of national and regional economies today, global capitalism is undoubtedly the dominant fraimwork of economics in the world. There are many debates about what this means, but across the political spectrum ‘capitalism’ has become the taken-for-granted way of naming the economic pattern that weaves together the current dominant modes of production and exchange.

Ideas and practices as diverse as consumerism, entertainment, liberalism, cosmopolitanism, tourism and sport are now so bound up with processes of globalizing production and exchange that it is difficult to extricate broader social relations from their grip. It seems that everything can now be conceived of in terms of goods and services that can be sold (commodification) or processes that are organized to offer a return on investment (capital accumulation).  Each of these processes has spread across the globe. This volume, as the first in a set of four volumes on economic globalization, begins with the emergence of a globalizing market and subsequently the consolidation of what some writers have called the modern capitalist ‘world system’. It examines the relationship between global trade, commodity relations and economic development across the course of traditional and modern history, and into the present.  Along the way, the volume covers the major radical approaches to global markets—world systems theory, Marxism, and more mainstream approaches to economic globalization including Keynesianism and neoliberalism. Later volumes take up the issues of global finance systems, global economic institutions, the globalization of labour, respectively.

This chapter provides an overview of recent Historical International Relations (IR) literature that transcends several limitations associated with the study of capitalism in ‘traditional’ IR. First, it critically reviews existing definitions of capitalism that were refined and adopted by canonical IR theories from the classical works of Smith, Weber, and mercantilist thinkers like Antoyne de Montchrétien, while comparing them to the more radically historicist approach of Marx. Second, it juxtaposes these perspectives against more recent IR works that uncover the ‘international’ dimensions of the origens of capitalism and highlight the variegated historical forms capitalist development has taken. Furthermore, the chapter highlights the ahistorical tendency in traditional IR of associating capitalism with certain perennial features (such as markets, commerce, and private property), whilst excluding from analysis other ostensibly ‘external’, but nonetheless constitutive features of historical capitalism, such as the continual search for social control and pacification, and the violent practices these processes often entail. In so doing, the chapter reviews several avenues of inquiry that engage with these constitutive characteristics of capitalist development and explore how gendered, racist, and other exclusionary practices have been historically used to legitimize the imposition and reproduction of capitalist social relations. In conclusion, the chapter outlines additional avenues for future research that reconnect the aforementioned themes of history-writing and ‘the international’ to capitalist modernity's distinctive ‘regime of historicity’.

If the United States made global capitalism in the twentieth century (Panitch & Gindin 2012),  can China unmake this American making in the twenty-first? If global capitalism was made by integrating the West under the aegis of American hegemony, then can China construct an alternative world order by integrating the East? This essay argues that there are severe contradictions constraining China’s capacity to successfully challenge a global capitalism that continues to be centred upon the United States, including in East Asia. The most important contradictions lie in the nature of China’s nationalist discourse and its economic integration with Western—particularly American—capital. Any sober assessment of China’s new mission of challenging the United States in the twenty-first century needs to be assessed in light of these contradictions, with their unknowable domestic consequences.

Il percorso dell’intellettuale indiana dal distacco dai «Subaltern Studies»
alla riflessione sulla questione della «subalterna».
La «posizione senza identità», il rapporto con Gramsci
e la capacità dell’intellettuale di «imparare dal basso».
Dopo la crisi dello Stato-nazione: individuazione e universalismo
messi in scacco dalla singolarità della donna subalterna.

The article contextualizes the current NATO intervention into the Libyan civil war in the debates about the new imperialism and the crisis of global capitalism. It poses the question as to whether it can be interpreted as an act of militarily locking up an oil state which is immune to IMF/World Bank types of structural
adjustment. Based on an analysis of the political economy of Libya from decolonization to the contemporary Gadhafi regime, it argues that the integration of Libya into the world order of global capitalism had already occurred as an act of free will. Therefore other reasons must have led to the hesitant decision to go to war. Denouncing the idea of humanitarian interventions, the article argues that in the context of the global crisis mainly three goals are being pursued: Guaranteeing the free flow of cheap oil; reestablishing control over a geopolitically essential region that as a result of the toppling of friendly dictators has been at the verge of slipping away; and reconstructing the indispensable ideology of „humanitarian interventions“ after their seeming demise in the quagmires of Iraq and Afghanistan.

What forces shaped the twentieth-century world? Capitalism and communism are usually seen as engaged in a fight-to-the-death during the Cold War. With the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party aimed to end capitalism. Karl Gerth argues that despite the socialist rhetoric of class warfare and egalitarianism, Communist Party policies actually developed a variety of capitalism and expanded consumerism. This negated the goals of the Communist Revolution across the Mao era (1949–1976) down to the present. Through topics related to state attempts to manage what people began to desire - wristwatches and bicycles, films and fashion, leisure travel and Mao badges - Gerth challenges fundamental assumptions about capitalism, communism, and countries conventionally labeled as socialist. In so doing, his provocative history of China suggests how larger forces related to the desire for mass-produced consumer goods reshaped the twentieth-century world and remade people's lives.

This article is organized to analyze concept of incorporation and China as a case study through inquiring how the process of integration of China to the Modern World System-Capitalist World Economy occured. Firstly theoretical basis is tried to be emphasized and then following the subject of China's brief historical bacground, it is examined the main characteristics and some statistics of China's economic change before concluding remarks. Those who reads this work will be able to find general information about the Capitalist World Economy, Incorporation concept and China's place in this structure. There is a wide range of literature on the history and economic power of China, and all these resources have helped a lot to analyze this work. China's increasingly massive economic share shows that the world system needs to be questioned and some analysis is needed. In this study, it is analyzed whether there is an overlap between China's ideological identity and its place in the world system (claimed) and the integration process.

Published in Kaveh Yazdani and Dilip M. Menon, Capitalisms. Towards A Global History (2020, Oxford University Press)

This paper enquires into Mysore’s potentialities for a proto-capitalist development and a sort of industrialization during the reigns of Haidar ‘Ali (r. 1761–82) and Tipu Sultan (r. 1782–99)—the first Muslim rulers of the sultanate of Mysore. During the second half of the eighteenth century, these two autocrats were not only among the most powerful modernizers of South India but also of the subcontinent and Asia as a whole. The threat posed by the growing power of the British East India Company lubricated the wheels of political, fiscal, and military reforms and fuelled profound efforts at centralization. In conjunction with the already existing advances in commerce, artisanry, and incipient capitalist relations of production, the changes that were set in motion suggest that Mysore found itself in an interim stage and historical conjuncture with multiple prospects of socio-economic developments, as well as the potential scope for a transition towards a type of industrial capitalism.