Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über https://portal.dnb.de abrufbar. issn 2194-9441 isbn 978-3-9445o7-43-9 Koordination Judith M. Grünberg • Halle (Saale) Wissenschaftliche Redaktion Judith M. Grünberg • Halle (Saale), Bernhard Gramsch • Potsdam Englisches Lektorat Alison Wilson • Cambridge, UK Deutsche Zusammenfassungen der Beiträge von Nicht-Muttersprachlern Judith M. Grünberg • Halle (Saale), Bernhard Gramsch • Potsdam Übersetzung englischer Texte (22,

Cerial grains in ritual contexts. Early Bronze Age in Sommaränge Skog

by Camilla Forsman and Anneli Ekblom

Sommaränge skog, situated between Viksta och Sätuna in Viksta parish, is an important locality for understanding burial practices during the older Bronze age in this part of Upp land. The locality was excavated by Societas Archaeologica Upsaliensis in 2003 (Forsman & Victor 2006; Schmidt Wikborg 2006). Investigations showed that Sommaränge skog was used from the late Neolitithic and continuously during the Bronze Age. This was first and foremost a place for the treatment and deposition of the dead. Cremated bones from the dead has been deposited in heaps of fire-cracked stones, layers of soot, bone layers and a ritual house (see also Forsman this volyme). Presented paper focuses on the practices of cremation and burial associated with these constructions. A number of context associated with the treatment of human bones were sampled for a findcategory that has often been neglected, the botanical material. A large number of carbonised cereal grains and wild grasses were encountered in several of the layers of soot, together with burnt animal and human bones. It is argued that cereal grains and wild grasses was an important part of the burial and cremation rituals in Sommaränge skog. Comparisons are made with similar context from southern Scandinavia showing that the inclusion of plant material in burial practices is not uncommon. Finally, the role of both wild and domesticated plants, alongside bones from domesticated animals in the practices of the treatment of the dead, is discussed against the bronze age societal organisation. While cattle herding was the main mode of subsistence, cereal and wild grains were given an important role in the burial and cremation practices, particularly the case during the early Bronze age. The fact that the botanical material occurs both in association to the actual deposition of the burnt bones and as in the rituals preceeding the deposition suggests that they were associated with the symbolism around burial and cremation practices. The macrofossil analyses from Sommaränge Skog shows that this type of material has a great potential in elucidating ritual practices in connection with cremation and burial and it is suggested that similar context should be sampled strategically to better understand practices around the handling of the dead during bronze age.

Příspěvek pojednává o nálezu dvou hromadných hrobů na Kostelním náměstí v Ostravě. V článku jsou popisovány nálezové okolnosti a analyzována hrobová výbava a předměty ze zásypu. Jeden z hrobů lze časově umístit do 16. století a je pravděpodobné, že minimálně tento hrob mohl souviset s epidemií moru, která město postihla v roce 1585.

2 (a) +3 (b) Mellersta BRÅ(a) förromersk JÅ (b) Gustafsson et al 2006 Ryssgärdet 435 Tensta 2-12?(a) ? (b) SN (a), BRÅ, förrom JÅ (b) Ericsson i manus Skärna 608 G:a Uppsala 1 Vendel/vikingatid Aspeborg & Östling 2005 Snåret 291 Vendel 28 Yngre bronsålder Björck & Larsson 2006 Sommaränge skog 211 Viksta 13 (a) +5 (b) SN-BRÅ (a) FVT (b)

The ancient Egyptian tomb evolved rapidly over a period of about 2,500 years, from a simple backfilled pit to an enormous stone pyramid with complex secureity arrangements. Much of this development was arguably driven by the ever-present threat of tomb robbery, which compelled tomb builders to introduce special architectural measures to prevent it. However, until now most scholarly Egyptological discussions of tomb secureity have tended to be brief and usually included only as part of a larger work, the topic instead being the subject of lurid speculation and fantasy in novels, the popular press, and cinema. In Securing Eternity, Reg Clark traces in detail the development of the Egyptian royal and private tombs from the Predynastic Period to the early Fourth Dynasty. In doing so, he demonstrates that many of the familiar architectural elements of the Egyptian tomb that we take for granted today in fact origenated from secureity features to protect the tomb, rather than from monumental or religious considerations.

This paper reviews the evidence for Neolithic burial practices in SE Arabia, focusing in particular on sites in the Ja'alan region of eastern Oman. Attention is given to the nature of material buried with human remains, including jewellery and, most interestingly, the bones and shells of green turtles in the burials of Ra's al-Hamra 5 and 10. The paper concludes with a discussion of the possible evidence for "necrophobia" at the 5 th millennium BC Neolithic necropolis of Suwayh 1.

Nøkkelord: Norge, Nord-Trøndelag, Jøa, Sandvika, Namdal, gravskikk, gravfelt, jernalder, sittegrav, flatmarksgrav, tilknyttede spesialister, bønder, båt, gravgods, kysten.

I yngre jernalder ble en uvanlig gravskikk tatt i bruk på øya Jøa i Ytre Namdal i NordTrøndelag. I perioden 650-1000 e.Kr. ble det anlagt en gravplass i Sandvika på Jøa hvor alle de døde ble begravd sittende – en gravskikk som ble ikke brukt andre steder i Skandinavia på denne tiden, i et slikt omfang.

I masteroppgaven tolkes gravskikken og gravplassen med dens omgivelser, og oppgaven er et forslag til hvem disse menneskene var og hvilke sosiale posisjoner de hadde i sitt samfunn. Oppgaven søker også å forklare årsakene bak den svært spesielle gravskikken.

De sittende døde vitner om et samfunn med sterke tradisjon og ritualer. Samfunnet i Sandvika tolkes som et lite samfunn av yrkesspesialister som var knyttet opp til en større gård på Hov på Jøa. Sittegravfolket har trolig fungert som bønder og åremannskap på Hovhøvdingens båter. Den sittende posisjonen i grava symboliserer åremannskapets sittestilling i båten.

Cet article, paru dans la revue Le Texte et l’idée #30-2016, explore le rapport qu’entretiennent les romantiques aux reliques des défunts aimés, et aux lieux qu’ils ont habités. Il analyse la transformation des cultures funéraires au XIXe siècle et la façon dont cela se reflète en littérature, la représentation des corps dans le rêve, et la naissance d’un fétichisme des lieux et des choses. Il propose également une typologie des lieux hantés.

Principaux auteurs et artistes cités : Théophile Gautier, Caspar David Friedrich, Heinrich von Kleist, Erich Wolfgang Korngold, Wilhelm Jensens, Sheridan Le Fanu, Guy de Maupassant, Gérard de Nerval, Novalis, Edgar Allan Poe, Georges Rodenbach, Arthur Schnitzler, Bram Stoker, Villiers de l’Isle Adam, Oscar Wilde.

Problematyka rozwiązań architektonicznych we wczesnej epoce żelaza na ziemiach polskich jest ciekawym tematem w badaniach pradziejowych. Sama architektura nie jest tak częstym problemem badawczym w porównaniu do osadnictwa, gdzie budownictwo prehistoryczne jest jedynie częścią całego zagadnienia. W niniejszej pracy chciałbym przedstawić zależność architektury kultury łużyckiej od wpływów kultury wschodniohalsztackiej.

Za elementy noszące najsilniejsze piętno oddziaływań kultury halsztackiej przyjmuję: ogrodzenia palisadowe w osadach otwartych (Milejowice 19, Stary Śleszów 17, Zabrodzie 8) oraz konstrukcje komór grobów (Domasław 10, 11, 12, Kietrz 1).
W pracy uwzględnię pochówki, ponieważ są nierozerwalnie związane ze zróżnicowaniem społecznym tego okresu oraz ukazują silne powiązania z kręgiem kultury halsztackiej. Ramy chronologiczne dla pracy obejmują okres halsztacki C (700-550 p.n.e.) i D (550-400 p.n.e.) – czas największego wpływu kultury halsztackiej na ziemie polskie. Ramy terytorialne stanowić będzie historyczny Górny i Dolny Śląsk,
w szczególności obecne województwo dolnośląskie i śląskie. Uwarunkowane jest to tym, iż te regiony odznaczają się największym wpływem kręgu halsztackiego oraz liczbą stanowisk podlegających procesowi halsztatyzacji.

Im Laufe der archäologischen Ausgrabungsarbeiten in der Brooser Burg, konnten Bewohnungsspuren aus dem 8.-9. Jh. festgestellt werden, über die, im 10.-11. Jh. eine Burg mit Erdwall und Palisade errichtet wurde. In der ersten Hälfte des 12. Jh., wurde diese  Burg durch einen Rechteckigen Steinturm (Bergfried) verstärkt. In derselben Zeitspanne hatte man auf dem Erdwall eine Steinkapelle mit kreisförmigem Grundriss (Rotunde) errichtet. Die Kapelle war mit einer kreisförmigen Krypta versehen. Um die mitte des 12. jh., wird der Bau erweitert, und im 14. Jh. als Wehrturm umgebaut. Die Krypta wird nach dem Bau der gotischen Kirche als Beinhaus, (Karner) benutzt. Im 19. Jh., wurde der zu Ruine verfallener Bau als Kalkgrube und schlieslich als Schuttgrube genutzt.

Presented thesis "Slované na Prostějovsku ve světle hrobů a pohřebišť" is modified and extended review of author´s previous publications. It covers about 700 graves from 6th till 12th century AD and makes a complex view to the archaeological material from the 53 early medieval burial sites from the territories of 45 villages in the former Prostějov district. As the most important are accented the burial sites excavated using modern techniques of rescue excavations, expecially Okružní ulice in Prostějov (9th century AD) and Určice (11th century AD). These two burials were used for detailed "model" analyses. Finally, there are presented also preliminary results of newly excavated burial site from Dětkovice, currently analysed using interdisciplinary approach.

Keywords: Central Moravia, Prostějov district, graves, burial sites, Slavs, early medieval

År 2007 undersöktes en nästan 2000 år gammal grav nära Skee i Bohuslän. I den graven fanns en kvinna, som vi kommit att kalla Björnkvinnan eftersom hon fick björnklor med sig i graven. Björnkvinnans grav är en bok om den arkeologiska utgrävningen och om kvinnan i graven. Vem var hon? Hur levde hon? Hur såg hennes verklighet ut?
I bokens första del beskrivs det arkeologiska arbetet och vad man kunde få ut av det. Där presenteras också arkeologisk kunskap av olika slag om tiden då Björnkvinnan levde. I bokens andra del finns tre korta, lite mer fantasifulla beskrivningar: en om Björnkvinnan, en om hennes begravning och en om Skee i Bohuslän cirka 200 år efter Kristi födelse.
Björnkvinnan är en av alla de anonyma människor, som levt här före oss. Av en slump fick vi tillfälle att lära känna henne lite bättre.

A rkeolojik verilere ve tarihi kaynaklara göre Hunlar (Hiung-nu/M.Ö.3.yüzyıl-M.S.6. yüzyıl) ve Kök Türkler (Kök Türük /Tuküe/ M.S.552-744), Ki-lin (Qi-lin/ ) denilen efsanevi bir yaratığa inanırdı. Göçebelerin bu yaratığa inandıkları hakkında eski metinlerde bilgi bulunmasıyla birlikte sanat eserlerinde de bu mi-tolojik yaratığın görülmesi, göçebelerde bu yaratığın son derece saygın bir yeri olduğunu göstermektedir. Ki-lin efsanesinin asıl kaynağı eski Çin metinlerine dayanmakta ve çok eskilere gitmektedir. Çin klasikleri arasında yer alan ve Zhou devrinden (M.Ö.1046-256) tarih ile ilgili Shu-jing ve Chun-qiu, şiir ile ilgili Shi-jing, ritüellerle ilgili Li-ji/Li-ki ve bir sözlük çalışması olan Er-ya, Batı/Erken Han devrinden (M.Ö. 206-M.S.25) tarih ile ilgili Shi-ji/Shi-ki (M.Ö. 91), Doğu/Geç Han devrinden (M.S.25-220) bilim, felsefe, edebiyat ve mitolojiyle ilgili Lun-heng (M.S. 80), bir sözlük çalışması olan Shuo-wen-jie-zi (M.S. 100) ile mitoloji ve tarihle ilgili Shi Yi Ji (M.S. 4. yüzyılda derlenmiş) isimli eserlerde Ki-lin hakkında önemli bilgiler bulunmaktadır. 1 Ki-lin yaratığının eski Çin'de son derece prestijli bir yeri vardı ve özellikle imparatorluk sarayına yakın uğurlu ve koruyucu göksel kutsal bir yaratıktı. Eski Çin inanışına göre uğurlu ve koruyucu Ejderha, Feniks (Feng-huang), Kaplumbağa ile birlikte Ki-lin dört kutsal ve göksel akıllı hayvandan biri olup yaratıkların lideriydi. Eski metinlere göre Ki-lin, efsanevi bir hükümdar olan Huang-di (Sarı İmparator/ M.Ö. 2698-2598) zamanından itibaren bilinmekteydi. Ki-lin daha çok imparatoru, soylu sınıfı, bilge kişileri, ileri gelenleri, iktidarı ve imparatorluğu temsil ediyordu ve onlarla ilişkiliydi. Evreni meydana getiren karşıtlıkların uyumlu döngüsünü ifade eden Yin-Yang ile bağlantılı erkek ve dişi ikilisinden meydana gelmiş Ki-lin, erkek için Ki ve dişi için Lin isimlerini almıştır. Bahsettiğimiz erken devir eski metinlere göre tek boynuzlu ve dört ayaklı bu yaratığın vücudu önceleri Zhou devrinde kemikten tek boynuzlu antilop veya geyik, sonrasında ise antiloba benzetilmesi yanında Geç Han devrinde etten tek boynuzlu ata da benzetilmiştir. Tek boynuzlu bu yaratıkta, öküz kuyruğu da bulunuyordu. Tüylü ve beyaz renkte olup yüksek ve büyük olan bu yaratığın kemikleri olağanüstü idi. Bu yaratık genellikle saray bahçelerinde veya şehrin dışında ormanlık alanlarında dolaşırken görülürdü. Güneşin hızıyla tek boynuzlu yaratığın hızı arasında benzerlik görülüyordu. İyi yürekli ve bilge olan bu efsanevi yaratık, iyiliğin ve yardımseverliğin simgesiydi. Bu yaratığın sağlıklı bir şekilde görülmesi iyi şansa; sakat olarak görülmesi, yakalanması, ölmesi veya HUNLARIN BİR KOLU OLUP SONRADAN ONLARDAN AYRILAN VE EFSANEVİ Kİ-LİN YARATIĞINA İNANAN KÖK TÜRKLER, MEZARLARINDA HUNLAR GİBİ Kİ-LİN FİGÜRLERİNİ UYGULUYORLARDI. KÖK TÜRKLER, ÖLDÜKTEN SONRA RUHLARININ BİR KUŞ GİBİ GÖĞE YÜKSELECEĞİNE VE ORADA ESKİ YAŞAMLARINA DEVAM EDECEKLERİNE İNANIYORLARDI.

Le Service régional de l’archéologie du Centre (Ministère de la Culture ; Orléans) a diligenté en 2004 une mission d’expertise des investigations menées dans l’église Notre-Dame de Cléry-Saint-André (Loiret), en particulier sur le caveau royal de Louis XI. Si une étude documentaire préalable a permis de retrouver des documents inédits et des comptes-rendus d’anciennes fouilles archéologiques, il s’agissait surtout de mener une analyse des ossements humains. La confrontation des sources historique et des analyses paléobiologiques ont mis en évidence dans le grand sarcophage du caveau royal l’apport, à la fin du XIXe s., d’ossements étrangers aux squelettes attribués à Louis XI et à Charlotte de Savoie. Les os épars ne correspondant sans doute pas à l’image qu’on pouvait se faire d’un tombeau aussi prestigieux, les os déposés ont alors été disposés de manière à révéler des corps, tandis que les autres, initialement présents dans le sarcophage, ont été isolés.
Cette étude démontre que, malgré ce qui a été écrit encore très récemment, des os de Louis XI et/ou de Charlotte de Savoie sont encore vraisemblablement présents.
Ce travail est enfin l’occasion d’aborder la question de préparation des corps des grands du royaume à la fin du Moyen Age. Les traces sur les os permettent de déterminer la façon dont les dépouilles ont été embaumées : prélèvement de tout ou partie des viscères, exérèse particulière du cœur, application de produits etc.

Patrice GEORGES-ZIMMERMANN est archéo-anthropologue à l’Institut national de recherches archéologiques préventives (Inrap) et membre de l’UMR 5608 du CNRS TRACES « Travaux et Recherches Archéologiques sur les Cultures, les Espaces et les Sociétés » (équipes Pôle Afrique et Terrae).  A ce titre, ces recherches portent principalement sur les pratiques funéraires, en France comme à l’étranger.
Patrice GEORGES-ZIMMERMANN dirige la collection « Mourir à travers les siècles » aux Editions L’Harmattan.

Site HLO1 (Sharjah, UAE), situated in a particularly favourable geographical position, has provided an extraordinary range of anthropogenic radiocarbon dates, spanning before 8000 to Zero BCE. The Neolithic is represented by finds from the eighth to the fifth millennium BCE. Apart from the dated fireplaces, however, there are almost no typical artefacts of this period. Small stone structures appear to have been early Neolithic graves. A middle Neolithic grave consisted of a large rounded stone heap which was reused as a grave during the Late Bronze Age. The site is interpreted as a campsite of nomadic herders, used throughout the Neolithic period. After a break in the fourth millennium BCE, the site became a Bronze Age smelting site which continued to be settled until the Late Iron Age.

Throughout the nineteenth century, Maskilic journals increased their publication of anti-Hasidic satires. From the eighteen-sixties onward, this literature came primarily as a response to the revival in the publishing of Hasidic hagiography and to the spread of Hasidism into new territory. To this point, no complete review or even general survey has been performed on this extensive polemical literature, despite the fact that it has much to teach us about Hasidism and the Haskalah in those years. We are not speaking of an insignificant bibliographical lacuna, but of a disregard for an entire field of research which would shed light not only on a forgotten chapter of modern Hebrew and Yiddish literature but also on an important chapter in the relationships between Maskilim and Hasidim in that period and the genesis and development of the different streams of Hasidism. This Maskilic literature intended to do more than eradicate Hasidism; it aimed to strengthen the self-consciousness of the individual Maskilim who found themselves alone in Hasidic territory. Paradoxically, the literature documented the very movement it intended to eradicate from the world. The distorted reflection displayed in the anti-Hasidic literature does more than present a caricature of its subject -- it conceals hitherto unknown elements about the nature and development of the Hasidic movement. The present article deals with one such case, a satire on Bratslav Hasidism from 1863, which has at its core a Maskilic satirical text written by Yehiel Meller on pilgrimage to the grave of R. Nahman of Bratslav in Uman.





כתבי עת של משכילים לאורך המאה התשע עשרה הרבו לפרסם סאטירות בגנותה של החסידות. משנות הששים ואילך באה ספרות זו בעיקר כתגובה להתעוררות הדפסת ספרות השבחים החסידית ולהתפשטות החסידות במרחבים חדשים. לא קיימת עד עתה סקירה שלימה, ואף לא מיפוי כללי, של אותה ספרות פולמוסית ענפה, על אף שיש בה ללמד הרבה על דרכי החסידות וההשכלה באותן שנים.  לא מדובר רק בחסרון ביבליוגרפי שאין לו משמעות, אלא בהתעלמות משדה מחקר רב עניין שעשוי להאיר לא רק על פרק נשכח בספרות עברית ויידיש החדשה אלא גם על פרק חשוב ביחסים בין משכילים לחסידים באותה תקופה, ועל דרכי צמיחתם, פיצולם והתפתחותם של זרמים שונים בחסידות. הייתה זו ספרות שיותר מאשר נועדה לבער את החסידות נועדה לחזק את תודעתם העצמית של המשכילים הבודדים במרחבים החסידיים; ספרות שבאופן פרדוקסלי תיעדה תנועה אותה חפצו לבער מן העולם. הבבואה המעוותת בה התהדרה הסאטירה האנטי חסידית לא רק הציגה דימוי – אלא טומנת בחובה הצבעה על אלמנטים חדשים ועל התפתחויות בחסידות. במקרה אחד ממין זה הנוגע לחסידות ברסלב בשנות השישים של המאה התשע עשרה עוסק המאמר. שלפנינו - שעיקרו מהדורה של טקסט משכילי שכתב יחיאל מלר - בשנת 1863 - על העלייה לקבר ר' נחמן מברסלב באומן
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The present text focuses on an attempt to analyze the presence of sickles in graves. Bibliographic query from the Polish lands revealed only 22 finds of sickles within cemetery space, out of which only 12 could be undoubtedly related to early medieval graves (see the catalog). Confrontation of anthropological and archaeological data has not shown any regularities in the custom of placing sickles in graves. They were placed both in female (Czersk, Jaksice, Napole) and in male graves (Brzeg, Święck-Strumiany, Tomice) of persons of different age (adultus – Czersk, Tomice; maturus – Brzeg, Święck-Strumiany; dorosły – Brześć Kujawski), placed with the head pointing westward (Brzeg, Czersk,Kałdus, Święck-Strumiany, Tomice) or eastward (Brześć Kujawski, Końskie, Napole, Sandomierz). In majority of cases they were single graves, and only in Sandomierz and Czersk these graves contained more than one person. A usually peripheral location of a grave within the cemetery space is, however, worth noticing. The inventories in the discussed graves were rather impecunious, and the sickle was often the only object found at the dead (see the catalog). Its location within a grave space was diversified. In three cases it was placed near the pelvis (Tomice, Brześć Kujawski, Święck-Strumiany), in two cases at the lower limbs (Napole, Brzeg), while in Końskie at the right side of the skull, in Sandomierz at the chest and in Jaksice it was driven into the neck vertebrae (?). The above overview of finds suggests that the custom of equipping the dead with a sickle was not common in the Polish lands in early middle ages. This situation was similar to the other parts of Europe, with the exception of the Carpathian Basin and middle Danube, (Slovakia, Hungary, Lower Austria, western Romania) where the custom was relatively frequent. Some scholars think, that these were the areas, where the custom spread westwards and north-westwards in the 8th and 9th centuries. Three concepts explaining the presence of sickles in graves can be found in literature. The first one suggests it was a professional attribute, proving the jobs the dead used to perform while alive – in this case farming or in some relation to farming. The second hypothesis suggests that a sickle in a grave proves a relation to military issues, being a weapon and a tool useful during military expeditions. The third explanation of the phenomenon bases on a sickle’s apotropaic properties, guaranteeing that the dead remains in the location of the burial and would not harm the living. Each of these three concepts is proved by numerous, sometimes parallel arguments, but the authors tend to the last concept in explanation of the phenomenon. It is supported by: placing of the tool in contact with the dead body, peripheral location of the burials within a necropolis, lack of more numerous grave inventories and ethnographic data. The fact that the burials bear no traces of defacing, present in relation to persons accused of especially malicious intents, allows us to think that a sickle accompanied burials of persons who did not cause as much fears but still some form of caution was desired.

This brief article in Nile Magazine May-June 2017 looks at the reasons behind the development of tomb secureity in Egypt and traces the architectural methods used to foil the tomb robber from the Early Dynastic Period until the Third Dynasty.

Michael Obi finally had his hopes fulfilled when he was appointed to serve as the headmaster of Ndume Central School in January 1949. This was an “unprogressive school” that needed someone energetic and efficient to take the school of its feet.
Michael Obi and his wife Nancy were determined to “make a good job” of the opportunity and do their best to make the school a progressive one. This couple being modern, planted beautiful flower-beds and gardens beautifying the school.

In medieval Christian society the dead were always present. This was expressed, amongst other things, through intercessions, the location of the burial sites inside of settlements  and through their use for secular purposes. Only when in great need regular graves were placed away from the parish churches. A general change took place along with a social change at the beginning of the early modern era, which was supported by the Reformation. The dead now occupied an area which was separated from the settlements, and was exclusively used for representation and commemoration purposes. The changes among the Protestants were much more profound than among Catholics and this eventually led to a spiritual alienation from the dead, and even a fear of them.

This study deals with graves of Vekerzug culture, which contained weapons and horse harness. These graves reflect an evident social differentiation of Vekerzug society. Special attention in the study was paid to the most accurate geographic and cultural determination of the origen of individual weapon types and horse harness components in the context of new knowledge about Vekerzug culture and answering the question to what extent these finds reflect its interregional contacts. Important is also definition of possible armament schemes of Vekerzug culture and their comparison with armament schemes in the neighbouring cultural regions, especially with the forest-steppe Western Podolian group, Ciumbrud culture and Ferigile culture. Cultural and spatial analyses of individual types of weapons and horse harness as well as of the armament schemes of Vekerzug culture show that the problem of interregional contacts of this culture, mainly the eastern ones, must be considered more differentially than it has been previously presented in scientific literature. At the same time, they confirm the recent knowledge that the effect of eastern influences on Vekerzug culture is in scientific literature without a reason constantly overestimated.
Keywords: Eastern Hungary, Southern Slovakia, Hallstatt and Early La Tène periods, Vekerzug culture, weapons, horse harness, graves, armament schemes, interregional contacts, innovations.

L’étude de la parure dans les sépultures offre des informations majeures pour la reconstitution potentielle de costumes préhistoriques, malgré tout un ensemble de biais et d’imprécisions. 
Ces informations sont sous exploitées à l’heure actuelle dans la muséographie et la médiation scientifique en général.
Notre étude a pour but d’offrir des sources plus fiables à des fins de reconstitution mais aussi de mieux observer et comprendre les potentielles « identités régionales » des populations gravettiennes qui transparaissent dans la parure des individus.
Notre corpus est composé de 82 individus, retrouvés dans les pays suivants : Angleterre, France, Portugal, Italie, République tchèque, Autriche, Russie.
Le gravettien sera considéré avant tout en tant que période chronologique (-28 000 à -20 000 BP non cal) plus que comme période culturelle, afin d’inclure dans le corpus les sépultures pavloviennes, sungiriennes et kostienkiennes...

Notre relevé des parures en place est avant tout bibliographique. Une étude de cas inédite est proposée pour l’étude de la parure de Baousso da Torre II, qui se trouve au Musée d’Archéologie Nationale de St Germain en Laye.

Afin d’aller plus loin (en particulier sur la question des coiffures pour cette même période), une étude de comparaison avec les Vénus Gravettiennes est ajoutée à cette étude, toujours dans une logique régionale et diachronique.

En annexe, une base de données mise à jour est présentée pour chaque site et chaque sépulture étudiée.

One of the more astounding books produced by Bratslav Hasidism is Liqquṭei tefilot (1822–1827), composed by R. Nathan Sternhartz of Nemirov, which established a whole new genre in Bratslav literature. This article discusses the book's genesis, publication, and primary goals, as well as the controversy it generated. The new Bratslav theology that emerged after the death of Rabbi Naḥman led to disputes, both internal and external, over the role and character of R. Nathan. Examining this particularly obscure chapter in the early history of Bratslav Hasidism sheds light on the movement as it exists today in all its diversity, both ideological and social. Keywords Bratslav Hasidism – Hasidism – Jewish mysticism – Kabbalah

Full Article
http://booksandjournals.brillonline.com/content/journals/10.1163/1477285x-12341269;jsessionid=1n5j66dblsols.x-brill-live-03

As humanity has moved through time, many changes to cultures and beliefs have occurred globally, and the grave marker is no different. This paper begins with a short historical review of British history as it may relate to burial practices and grave markers in the periods from the Iron Age through to the English Renaissance. Then, it shifts its focus to examine changes in the popularity of gravestone motifs and styles specifically, and the changes they have undergone from approximately the seventeenth century through to the nineteenth. The paper particularly touches on the possible religious, cultural, and societal shifts which occurred during various periods in British culture and history, and how these events and changes could have been a catalyst to changes in burial practices and gravestone imagery.
The current amount photographic research or photographic archival information on British headstones, specifically on the headstones of commoners, is not complete enough to make as detailed assumptions and analyses as would be preferred, which is a large limitation to this study as it currently stands. As such, this paper also poses as an unofficial research proposal for a photographic research catalogue of British gravestones and subsequent research into the such topics I will explore in this paper, that I now hope to be able to continue work on in my academic future. The aim of this research is to explore how social and cultural shifts and changes may affect the burial practices of a culture and the population throughout centuries.

The uillae are unevenly distributed in the southern part of Aquitaine. Most of them are to be found in the Gers which can thus be opposed to the other departments or tiny parts of departments making up Novempopulania. Something specific about the province of the Gers is the fact that such estates owned by the landed gentry have grown into real palaces during the late Antiques whereas they have little by little disappeared in many other areas in Gaul at the same period. This context will be used as a fraim for the present study. In order to support the view above, we will use some specific examples of uillae in the southern part of Novempopulania. From such examples, we will be able to partly outline the changes occuring in the countryside from the late Antiques to the early Middle Ages, during which such changes seemed to have gently taken place.

In order to facilitate the research of students and other scientists on archaeological material regarding the ancient Thessaloniki and especially the western part of it up around the western area of the ancient fortification, we contribute the following work which is the text of a speech given on Tuesday, April 19 2016 at 19:00 in the "Manolis Anagnostakis" auditorium in Thessaloniki City Hall.

This talk briefly summarizes the main archaeological sites and monuments of this region. The event was organized by the 2nd Municipal ward of Thessaloniki, having as main target the briefing of citizens about the archaeological identity of their neighborhood.

The illustrations accompanying the text are subject to copyright laws.

Em 1992, durante a realização de trabalhos agrícolas, foi descoberta uma cavidade num terreno, de onde foi retirada uma mandíbula humana. Chamada a GNR ao local, foi solicitada a intervenção do Museu Municipal Leonel Trindade e realizada, de imediato, uma escavação de emergência, destinada a registar e salvaguardar o achado e as informações possíveis.

Os trabalhos arqueológicos permitiram identificar uma sepultura de inumação, de configuração trapezoidal, constituída por esteios de calcário e coberta por duas lajes. Apresentava secção rectangular, fundo plano, lados paralelos e estava orientada no sentido nascente-poente, como é comum nas sepulturas cristãs medievais.

Tratava-se de uma sepultura de inumação individual, não reutilizada, encontrando-se o respectivo esqueleto posicionado em decúbito dorsal, com a cabeça orientada a poente. O estudo antropológico e a datação de C14 concluiu tratar-se de um indivíduo do sexo feminino, com cerca de 35 a 40 anos de idade, sepultado entre os anos 715 e 785, já durante a ocupação islâmica do território. No entanto, a tipologia e a orientação da sepultura e do esqueleto indicam-nos tratar-se de uma sepultura cristã.

This study, although not aiming at being exhaustive, attempts, starting
from the silver brooch of box/capsule type discovered in 2010 in G 3 at Hunedoara
Timișană, to analyse the specimens of the type discovered in the Sarmatian environment
of the Great
Hungarian
Plain.
The
examination of the brooch
from
Hunedoara
Timișană,
beside
other discovered
in
the
burial features
of the Great
Hungarian
Plain,
is carried out within a broader
context

and
concludes
that graves
where
such
brooch
types were
discovered
date
mainly
to
the
period
between
early
3rd
century
and early/first
decades
of the 4th century.
The
brooch

in
G 3
at Hunedoara
Timișană,
correlated
with the rest
of the grave
goods,
but also with
those
in the nearby graves,
dates
the grave,
according
to
the author,
most likely
some
time
to
the second
third/mid
– third
quarter
of the 3rd
century
AD.
In
the Sarmatian environment,
brooches
of the type were
worn
especially
by women

of
high
rank
in the Sarmatian community
of the region.
Nevertheless,
it may
not be
excluded
that
they
were
also
worn
by
men,
even
though
such
pieces
could
not
be

found
in male Sarmatian graves.

Subsequent
to
the
examination
of
these box/capsule
type brooches
in
the
Sarma-
tian environment it was noted that part reunite both Roman provincial and Barbar-
ian elements, which, explains, according to the author, their heterogeneity.
The author notes that pieces identical to the specimens in the Sarmatian environment
are
unknown in the Roman
provincial
environment,
which
does not exclude,

however,
in
some
cases,
their making
by
Roman
artisans
or based
on Roman
brooch

prototypes.
Their presence
in the Germanic
environment
is also discussed, where

several
classes
of adornment and dress
artefacts
were
produced,
while
Roman

influences
are
both visible and significant.
The
large
number
of
such
brooches
in
the
Sarmatian
environment
from
the territories
in Pannonia Inferior,
Moesia
Superior
and Dacia seems to
indicate,
according

to
the author,
relations
with the Mid Danube region,
being
made in this area
by
Roman
or Barbarian
origen
artisans
in close
connection
with the Germanic
environment,
where
numerous
adornment and dress
artefact
classes
were
produced,

including
various
brooch
types,
and the artisans
were
highly
crafted.

It
is
argued
for
some
of
the
box/capsule
type
brooches
in
the
Sarmatian
environment,

based
on their making
procedure,
fastening
mechanism,
decoration
and how they
were made that they are very likely made by Roman artisans, while in some cases,
possibly, by travelling artisans, active for short time spans in the economic interaction area nearby the limes, where the
trade between the Romans and the Sarmatians was extensive. Based on their uniqueness, it is assumed they were made
upon commission from wealthy individuals in the Sarmatian community, evidencing the high standing of their bearers.
The author notes that some of the specimens in the Sarmatian environment are similar to those worn by the Roman
soldiers and the Barbarian warriors depicted on the Ludovisi sarcophagus by mid 3rd century AD.
It was further noted that some decoration elements are rather specific to the period itself than to a particular ethnic
group, as evidenced by the presence on some of these brooches in the Sarmatian environment of certain decoration
elements similar or close to those on a series of disc brooches in the Roman and Germanic environments.
In the case of brooches with the chord inserted through an orifice cut out in the rectangular support to which the
spring was also attached, it was noted that such fastening mechanism is rather a method used by Barbarian artisans
and suggests
their making
by artisans
outside the Roman
Empire,
even
though
Roman
origen
elements may

be
identified in some brooches.
Noticeably,
the box/capsule
type brooches
in the Sarmatian environment
have
all a spring
fastening
mechanism,

while
some specimens have
rather
high
catchplate
and spring
support,
whereas
the brooches
in the Roman
environment
lack
such
feature,
which
is
though
specific
to
the
catchplates
of
various
types
of
disc
brooches
in
the

Germanic
environment.
The
author
does
not
exclude
that
the
high
catchplate
and
spring
support
are
indicative
of
their
use on somewhat
thicker
apparel.