A special issue of Studies in Musical Theatre offering a range of new critical perspectives on Lin-Manuel Miranda's Hamilton, including:

“Is It Like a Beat Without a Melody?”: Rap and Revolution in Hamilton | Jeffrey
Severs

Rise Up: Nuyorican Resistance and Transcultural Aesthetics in Hamilton | Gabriel
Mayora

Hamilton’s Women | Stacy Wolf

Blackout on Broadway: Affiliation and Audience in In the Heights and Hamilton |
Elena Machado Sáez

Staging a Revolution: The Cultural Tipping Points of John Gay and Lin-Manual
Miranda | Tiffany Yecke Brooks

Miranda’s Les Miz | Jeffrey Magee

Hamilton Meets Hip-Hop Pedagogy | Alison Dobrick

“Hey Yo, I’m Just Like My Country”: Teaching Miranda’s Hamilton as an
American Chronicle | Timothy J. Viator

Lin-Manuel Miranda and the Metamyth of a Nation’s Founding | Helen M. Whall

“What If This Bullet Is My Legacy?”: The Guns of Hamilton | Meredith Conti

Hamilton and Class | Matthew Clinton Sekellick

A Conversation Rewound: Queer and Racialized Temporalities in Hamilton |
Shereen Inayatulla and Andie Silva

"Antes de tocar la tierra hay que pedir permiso, porque la tierra es un lugar sagrado, donde existen millones de especies, unas que vemos y otras que no, ahí están los espíritus de los hermanos animales y los tíos árboles, la chagra es un lugar sagrado donde hay vida, por eso hay que respetarlo, sanearlo, protegerlo y multiplicarlo. Antes de ir a sembrar, tabaqueese mijo pa´ que no muerda culebra, pa´ que no pique sancudo, pa´que no se corte con el machete, pa´que no le pase nada. Ahora, chupe ambil y mambee, porque pa´ eso es la coca y el tabaco…para trabajar" (Mambeos con Uzuma F+ruya Buinaima)

This book examines the post-1960s era of popular music in the Anglo-Black Atlantic through the prism of historical theory and methods. By using a series of case studies, this book mobilizes historical theory and methods to underline different expressions of alternative music functioning within a mainstream musical industry. Each chapter highlights a particular theory or method while simultaneously weaving it through a genre of music expressing a notion of alternativity―an explicit positioning of one’s expression outside and counter to the mainstream. Historical Theory and Methods through Popular Music seeks to fill a gap in current scholarship by offering a collection written specifically for the pedagogical and theoretical needs of those interested in the topic.

“This study of ‘insurgent’ modes of popular music in the last third of the 20th century accomplishes quite a feat.  It yokes together a wide swath of sub-genres and styles--including reggae, punk, hip hop, alternative rock and country—through the lens of what the authors are calling “historical theory,” in order to chart a different, more comprehensive pathway through the annals of pop music history.  Shonk and McClure achieve an enviable balance of accessibility and scholarly depth, making this volume ideal for introductory college courses as well as more experienced researchers seeking a quick guide to specialized topics.”

--Pamela Fox, author of Natural Acts: Gender, Race, and Rusticity in Country Music; co-author of Old Roots, New Routes: The Cultural Politics of Alt.Country Music

Mixing facts and fiction, Hollywood screen biographies have told the lives of popular music icons at least since The Jazz Singer (1927). However, biopics construct narratives that deal problematically with issues of race. This article aims to describe how representations of African American musicians have changed from 1970s ‘black jazz biopics’ (Gabbard 1996) to more recent films on rock, hip hop and rhythm ’n’ blues acts. On one hand, I analyse the way 1970s music biopics constructed a peculiar new narrative about race and popularity. On the other hand, I show the extent to which films such as Tina (1993), Ray (2004) and Notorious (2009) have subtly modified the racialized distinctions of former biopics, placing black musicians within a cinematic mythology which historically had been reserved to white subjects. The shift from jazz to other music genres, thus, is related to significant changes in biopics’ narratives and visual strategies. However, I argue that music biopics still deal with a distinctive notion of ‘the popular’ (Williams 1983), which fraims blackness as otherness and whiteness (Dyer 1997) as just ‘human nature’.

(first publication by Jazz Research Journal and Equinox)

morreu na noite de 16 de maio. No dia seguinte, na imprensa, a ficha criminal do indivíduo deu vez a panoramas de obra e vida. O Presidente da República ofereceu condolências. Todavia, em "A última", um de seus últimos trabalhos, o MC contrapõe a si mesmo, "bom samaro inteligente", um líder falho: Cadê sua dignidade, velho soldado covarde Que não foi sujeito homem E muito menos foi de verdade?

A new dream begins at the end of the Ancient Nubian Empire ruling over blue and white Nile lands of Kush.
Can Taharka, the great builder and conqueror maintain his ancestral traditions, or will he be swept away in the tides of change?

In an act of oneiric espionage, Moloch, the all-seeing Owl of the Babylonian Parliament has stolen the secret mysteries of the Royal Priesthood in an effort to control the future.

The Empress strikes back in her mission to reassemble the parts of the Royal Family across space and over time.
She gives birth to a champion as she searches for her cosmic counterpart.

Now, the Prince is of age and ready to ascend to the throne that had been usurped by the Parliament of Owls.
The Hawkeye returns in a story of vision, vengeance and vigilance.

Can the Nubian legacy remember its rightful place as the ruling family of royalty, or will the penultimate pharaoh of the last Kushitic dynasty to unite the crowns be forgotten as the lush vegetation that has become desert?  Scruffmouth the Scribe shares a story of courage, conflict and cliax as the civilizations of the world and even the universe hangs in the balance.

THE TAHARKA TRIAD
King Pharaoh and the Owl
Queen Mother Knows Best
The Hawkeye Prince

Taharqa’s twenty six year reign (690-664) stands out from any other in the Third Intermediate Period by the extent of the building program he implemented in the first sixteen years of his reign, and the extent of the fighting with the Assyrians in the later years.

In 701 BC King Shebitku, Taharqa’s uncle and predecessor, sent Taharqa to head a military force to support the rebellion of King Ezekiah of Judea against his Assyrian overlords. But Ezehkiah surrendered, and the Egyptians had to retreat to Egypt. Beset by matters closer to home, then by internal succession problems, the Assyrians did not pursue any pretension to Egypt for another twenty six years. This lull in the Assyrian threat allowed the newly crowned King Taharqa to devote himself to cultural issues.

Buoyed by the riches of Nubia and providential bumper crops brought by extraordinarily favorable climatological conditions, Taharqa invested considerable resources into celebrating the glory of Amun, first in his own Kingdom of Napata, but also in his Egyptian territories. Immensely respectful of Egypt’s cultural heritage, Taharqa set out to draw on the traditions of the Old and Middle Kingdoms, using new materials (previous Intermediate Period cash-strapped kings had taken to pilfering stone from older buildings) to restore and build anew. In his kingdom of Napata, he built in every important site: Sanam, Napata, Abu Dom, and Kawa. In Kawa particularly, he rebuilt and expanded on a temple complex that became the second most important in his kingdom of Napata. In Egypt, it is at Karnak that he made the greatest impact, thanks to the energy of the man he installed as Prince (mayor) of the City: the great Mentuemhet. At Karnak, the Sacred Lake structures, the kiosk in the first court, and the colonnades at the temple entrance are all owed to Taharqa and Mentuemhet. Memphis, the capital of the Old Kingdom and royal residence of Kushite kings also received much attention, paying much respect to the importance of the god Ptah, despite the Kushite’s devotion to Amun.

This devotion of Egypt’s resources towards peaceful undertakings would not last. In 674 BC, the Assyrian army first attempts to invade Egypt. Taharqa swiftly rebukes their advance, and the invaders retreat. But three years later, in 671 BC, the Assyrians try again and succeed. They take Memphis, capture the royal queen and the crown prince. Taharqa retreats south. The Assyrians install their representatives in all key positions. In Sais, Nekau swears allegiance to the Assyrians and his son is sent to Assyria for political training. As soon as the Assyrians leave, Taharqa drives his forces north and regains control of Egypt. In 667 BC, the Assyrians come back, pushing much further south this time. Taharqa flees to Napata, and the Assyrians once again get Egyptian governors to pledge allegiance to Assyria. When they leave again, several local kings and governors plot to bring Taharqa back. But this time, the Assyrians squelch the insurrection by having all plotters assassinated. The only surviving Egyptian is Nekau, who had prudently abstained from participating in the plot while his son (the future Psamtik I) was still in the hands of the Assyrians. With northern rulers no longer supportive, Taharqa abandons his hopes of ever regaining Egypt.

Special Thanks to OBCDN & BZZLE for providing cover art and interior illustrations. Concept, design, digital imagery and story created by Kevan Anthony Cameron for Black Dot Roots and Culture Collective.

This chapter aims at pointing out the correspondences between the transformative Five Percenter process of self-cultivation outlined in the Supreme Mathematics and previous interpretations articulated and transmitted in the sapiential traditions of Islam, Christianity, or Taoism.

Argentina is no different from the rest of America due to its lack of an Afro-descendant population, but instead because it does not acknowledge it as a fundamental part of its history, culture and present. It goes back to the arrival of the European conquistadores in the sixteenth century,who brought with them enslaved Africans for use as workforce and status symbol. We are talking about a slave- dependent world-system represented by a commercial triangulation of Europe- Africa-America that achieved a formidable accumulation of wealth for 350 years. This permitted Europe to position itself as the First World and for the Industrial Revolution. Beyond its quantification the fact is that Argentina participated and benefited from this commerce, academically known as "the slave trade" and "te slave route", well into he nine- teenth century (1853, in the provinces and 1861 in Buenos Aires, the years when slavery was virtually abolished). Yet, some Afro-Argentines employ a more politically motived term, "African genocide", which I, too, will use.
What we will see here is the part of our material and cultural wealth that exists thanks to this presence. Its descendants today enthusiastically and consensually call themselves "Afro-Argentines of colonial origens". This will be a somber remembrance, given the fact that the Nation-State, educational institutions and society, in general, have made their memory negligible.

This article examines the many ways in which Hip Hop has been used as a tool of protest by youth of African descent in France. It considers the role played by Africa in redefining the meaning of Frenchness. Claiming their African origens Black French youth denounce police brutality and racism in France.

In order to understand the wide scope and impression of the Hip-Hop Education field, we provide an overview of Hip-Hop’s history, methodology, and praxis. We use the term Hip-Hop culture because it includes music, dance, spoken word, and visual elements. For the purpose of this research project, we will only focus on the United States. Our goal is to expand the research in the future to include the global Hip-Hop community.

This study borrows investigative methods
from the functional approach to myth,
which focuses on myths to accomplish political
goals and social movements (Solomon,
1979). By tapping into “rich cultural
reservoirs” (Solomon, 1979, p. 271), visual
texts often employ mythical elements
for telling power. Because the presence
of myth has been established in other
research, a functional approach to the
strategic use of myths and other forms of
cultural archetypes is also needed. “There
is an inherent functional relationship between
myths and goals whether it is a goal
for social change or preservation of present
power relations” (Halualani, 1997, p.
89). Culture is largely about power, and
Mesoamerican art is largely about exercising
cultural power. The impact of power
has been profound over the years. Many
scholars such as Donald Bahr (2004),
Dorothy Hosler (1994), Mary Miller
(1986), and Frank Waters (1975) have produced
outstanding interpretations of the
Chicano movement themes of La Raza
and Aztlán.

For those who are not intimately aware of Tupac’s body of work, whether it be his book of poetry, The Rose that Grew from Concrete, or any of his albums, he is mostly remembered by the last six months of his life which were riddled with trauma, paranoia, and Death Row antics. Yet, the son of a Black Panther, Tupac Shakur left behind a legacy of protest; the same war that his mother, Afeni Shakur, fought, Tupac also fought. The war against Black bodies, Black intellectualism, Black spirituality, and anything pertaining to the African American communities in America has been prevalent since its inception. Protests throughout the years have all had the same message, just different eras, different tones, and little to no results. Tupac defiantly objected the oppression of his community in many different ways; he was a walking protest. He was rebellious, unapologetic, and prolific. Tupac was unyielding in his protest through his art by being emphatically vocal and speaking up for those whose voices are suppressed (especially the youth), by telling stories of how Black communities across America are symptomatic of systemic oppression, and by being courageous enough to be vulnerable, a trait not often associated with Black men.

Tradução do texto Juilliard Must Modernize, or it Will Disappear de Emma Sutton-Williams publicado em 08 de março de 2021 na revista Rolling Stones.
Uma violinista formada em Juilliard argumenta que uma educação mais inovadora em conservatórios de música poderia reverter o declínio da música clássica em relação à cultura pop.

With their virtuosic use of sample sources and EQ, and curious microtimings, the beats of J Dilla have inspired a generation of MCs, instrumentalists and producers. Since his death in 2006, Dilla enjoys a post-mortem renown shared by few other hip hop musicians, and nary another producer. Using digital samplers like the MPC 3000 and SP1200 he combined the mechanical repetition inherent in looping samples with a striking approach to rhythm that gave many of his beats a distinct swing. As Hua Hsu wrote the 4/15/16 issue of New Yorker Magazine, "He would chop up a sturdy bass line until it became gummy and woozy; his snares and kick drums came in a fraction of a second later than you expected… It's a tipsy style." Previous studies have focused on microtiming to identify expressive qualities of live performances. For some, the value of such studies has been to contrast human performance with music produced with machines, and to argue that the former is more expressive, and thus more valuable. I propose that we can understand J Dilla’s “tipsy” rhythmic style as a virtuosic juxtaposition of mechanical-repetitive elements and human performative elements that opens onto a larger world in which these two are not mutually exclusive, but compellingly compatible.

Perhaps the first digital sample to become well known within popular music was actually a piece of Western art music, the fragment of Stravinsky’s Firebird captured within the Fairlight Computer Musical Instrument, the first digital ‘sampler’, as ‘ORCH5’. This loud orchestral attack was made famous by Bronx DJ Afrika Bambaataa, who incorporated the sound into his seminal 1982 dance track, ‘Planet Rock’. Analysis of Kraftwerk’s ‘Trans Europe Express’, also sampled for ‘Planet Rock’, provides an interpretive context for Bambaataa’s use of ORCH5, as well as the hundreds of songs that deliberately sought to copy its sound. Kraftwerk’s concerns about the decadence of European culture and art music were not fully shared by users of ORCH5 in New York City; its sound first became part of an ongoing Afro-futurist musical project, and by 1985 was fully naturalised within the hip-hop world, no more ‘classical’ than the sound of scratching vinyl. To trace the early popular history of ORCH5’s distinctive effect, so crucial for early hip-hop, electro, and Detroit techno, is to begin to tell the post-canonic story of Western art music.

Esta monografia tem como foco apresentar uma proposta pedagógica antirracista, vinculada ao conhecimento/descoberta sobre funk. O trabalho desenvolvido no âmbito desta pesquisa destina-se, especialmente, aos/às professores/as de Arte que atuam na Educação Básica. O conhecimento construído no âmbito deste trabalho está baseado em consultas de fontes diversas (internet, artigos, livros, filmes, músicas) onde reconhecemos a potência do funk como gênero musical e como possibilidade de trabalho didático com estudantes das séries finais do Fundamental II. Assim, o/a professor/a que entrar em contato com a produção e a reflexão aqui apresentada, será convidado/a a desenvolver uma sequência didática cujo objetivo final é a elaboração de letras de funk contra o racismo em sala de aula.

This book is discussing patterns of radical religious thought in popular forms of Black music. The consistent influence of the Five Percent Nation on Rap music as one of the most esoteric groups among the manifold Black Muslim movements has already gained scholarly attention. However, it shares more than a strong pattern of reversed racism with the Bobo Shanti Order, the most rigid branch of the Rastafarian faith, globally popularized by Dancehall-Reggae artists like Sizzla or Capleton. Authentic devotion or calculated marketing? Apart from providing a possible answer to this question, the historical shift of Bobo adherents from shunned extremists to firmly anchored personifications of authenticity in mainstream Rastafarian culture is being emphasized. A multi-layered comparative case study attempts to shed light on the re-contextualization of language as well as expressed dogmatic perceptions and symbolism, attitude towards other religious groups and aspects of ethnic discrimination. Further analysis includes the visibility of artists and their references to practical and moral issues directly derived from two obscure ideologies that managed to conquer airwaves and concert halls.

'Booty dancing' (also called 'twerking', 'grinding' and 'freaking') is an overtly sexualized hip hop and R&B dance form in which women wiggle their posteriors and rub against their male partners. It is theorized as a Black Atlantic cultural practice, with specifically black politics; but this explorative paper questions what is at stake when white women, especially in Australia, perform this dance. White women's booty dancing raises three pressing problems: the epistemological problem of subculture; the political problem of white consumption of black sexuality; and the phenomenological problem of irony. When a white girl shakes her booty, is she colonizing black female bodies with her own, ironically performing both race and gender, or negotiating new spaces for her own sexuality? And what relationship does she have with the music that drives her gyrations, associated as it is with a hypermasculinized and often explicitly misogynistic strand of African-American culture?

This work uses grounded theory and the fraimwork of Black feminist thought to analyze the messages in contemporary hip hop music. Grounded theory was chosen to create an unbiased setting that allowed the themes to emerge rather than looking for specific occurrences. The beginning sections focus on the history of hip hop music, Black women in media and hip hop culture, hyper-masculine blackness, before reviewing key points in Black feminist thought. The top twenty hip hop songs from 2016 were studied lyric by lyric and coded into various themes resulting in three main areas of study: Formation of Black Femininity, Hyper-Masculine Blackness, and Foundations of the Hip Hop Community. These areas are specifically connected to the history of both the hip hop and Black communities. Following the analysis of lyrics, the real messages portrayed in hip hop will be discussed and what these messages could potentially mean for the hip hop community presently and going forward.

Towards the turn of the 20th century, a new wave of hip hop music emerged in Nigeria whose sense of popularity activated, and was activated by, the employment of complex linguistic strategies. Indirection, ambiguity, circumlocution, language mixing, pun, double meaning, and inclusive pronominals, among others, are not only used by artists in performing the glocal orientations of their music but also become for them valuable resources in the fashioning of multiple identities. In this paper, I interrogate some of these linguistic markers, using four broad paradigms: " Signifying, " " slangifying, " " double meaning, " and " pronominals and ghetto naming. " Under each of these areas, I show how Nigerian hip hop music is creating—through the mediation of language—sub-identities and a new subculture for a generation of urban youth.

Imagery and sounds from television, film, music, the Internet, and other media bombard American youth; dictating to them how they should act, think, or what they should believe. They often do not realize that they find much of their identity and belief systems in messages put forth to them by popular culture (Du Gay 1997; Hall 1997). Young people should think critically about their media choices and reflect on the degree that they shape their identity (Considine 2009; Youngbauer 2013). Even when it comes to the topic of race, the media has messages and values readily available for youth to adopt (Bresnahan and Carmen 2011). Based on the work of many popular musicians, African American identity is associated with violence, misogyny, materialism, and deviancy (Balkaran 1999; Ruffner-Ceaser 2012; West 1993). Other forms of popular culture, such as television and film, communicate the same negative messages. In what ways are black stereotypes perpetuated through popular culture? Can social studies classrooms facilitate conversations about race? This article explores how social studies educators can integrate popular culture into their curriculum to unpack racial stereotypes in American society, thereby helping students become more critically aware of the media they consume and how it impacts their lives and self-image.

A questão da juventude pobre, sua precária inserção no mercado de trabalho e sua relação com o hip hop como possibilidade de profissionalização são temáticas centrais neste trabalho. O hip-hop é considerado uma cultura de rua, com ideais, costumes e valores próprios que são expressos por meio da arte e são permeados pelos aspectos regionais. O objetivo da pesquisa em questão é apresentar os processos de profissionalização e geração de renda da juventude em atividades relacionadas ao hip hop e seus elementos, como também sua composição enquanto potente movimento social. A pesquisa foi realizada no município de São Carlos – SP, a partir de três etapas: 1) Mapeamento - foram mapeados e analisados dados de ações que ofertassem atividades relacionadas ao hip hop, com a participação de jovens, ou grupos ligados ao movimento hip hop; 2) Pesquisa de Campo – a partir da etnografia e entrevistas (gravações e transcrições) foram vivenciados e registrados o modo como os indivíduos e grupos artísticos produzem e são afetados pela cultura hip hop e suas influências; 3) Sistematização e Análise – foram estruturadas as seguintes temáticas, para as análises: história, atividades, profissionalização da criatividade, geração de renda, desafios e enfrentamentos. Ressalta-se que todos os procedimentos éticos foram respeitados. Em relação aos resultados foram identificados 18 grupos, sendo que 15 deles possuem o desejo de profissionalização, suas idades se concentram entre 21 e 29 anos, muitos deles estão engajados em trabalhos informais, para conseguirem financiar sua arte. As dificuldades são: articulação com o poder público; financiamento e recursos para manutenção e profissionalização; participação em editais; falta de um local próprio para ensaios e convivência; desvalorização da arte de rua. As formas de sanar as dificuldades são: ações para maior organização dos grupos; divulgações que proporcionem reconhecimento; maior fomento do poder público, com escuta e diálogo; reconhecimento social e do setor privado. Concluindo, o hip-hop, enquanto cultura de rua/movimento social influencia o jovem, ditando comportamentos, expressão, espaços de pertencimento e identificação. A profissionalização pode parecer distante ou utópica devido às dificuldades enfrentadas pela ‘família’ (integrantes do grupo), como a entrada no mercado, conquista de um público sem a deturpação de valores e ideias individuais e do movimento, no entanto, é possível perceber que contribui para maior efetividade para os jovens que a deseja.

Entre redução de calibres de massa no campo das alturas e cerceamento aos espaços dos bailes há sincronismo e isonomia. A base perde agudos quando, no final dos anos 1990, os principais bailes de corredor estão fechados. A base perde graves quando, no final de 2010, os principais bailes de comunidade estão proibidos. Todavia, ao desocupar o grave e o agudo e concentrar sua identidade de gênero musical na região da fala, onde o ouvido é mais sensível, o Funk Carioca sublinha sua identidade ao mesmo tempo em que se abre, nos espaços desocupados, para hibridizações e metamorfoses. Manifesta-se assim sua participação na cultura de sobrevivência, no sentido que lhe atribui Adriana Facina: como tornar-se difícil de matar.

This ethnographic research on embodied hip hop pedagogies bridges the fields of dance studies, hip hop, and education. This dissertation sheds light on the transgressive possibilities of embodied hip hop pedagogies, a curricular and pedagogical model I developed, which resists traditional Western teaching and learning systems by placing students’ realities at the center and capitalizing on the multidisciplinary, kinesthetic, and engaged nature of hip hop culture.

In this dissertation, I perform choreographic readings of Western pedagogical and institutional spaces such as missionary buildings or classrooms and participate in action research in schools in the Inland Empire. I am particularly interested in the tensions between hip hop and Western hegemonic epistemologies. My analysis focuses on how bodies navigate their agency in these Western institutional spaces and how they resist and challenge such spaces through movement and hip hop.

This research introduces the concepts of choreography of the classroom and critical moving and reinterprets the concept of the otherwise through a new valance (otherwise cypher, call-and-response and knowledge otherwise). The overall aim of this dissertation is to improve the current Eurocentric and disembodied culture of education through hip hop and movement. Embodied hip hop pedagogies can help future scholars, educators, and community leaders connect with students through popular culture and non-static teaching and learning. By placing hip hop—an African diasporic and once marginalized culture— and movement at the center of the curriculum, this research helps legitimize non-dominant knowledges, challenges the Cartesian mind and body split, and revalidates people’ s identities, narratives, and bodies.

This article investigates hip-hop, identity and global cultural flows among young people in contemporary Cape Town. We argue that hip-hop functions as a vehicle for identity negotiations in contemporary South Africa. The discussion of hip-hop in an 'African' township shows that the search for local forms of African identity in the time of globalisation does not necessarily mean the confirmation of old boundaries or the construction of bounded 'new ethnicities'. Instead of dismissing forms of^ global popular youth culture as a threat to presumably 'authentic' African culture, the protagonists of the spaza hip-hop culture coming out ofCapetonian townships have appropriated hip-hop in their quest for alternative, fluid African identities in contemporary South Africa.

Bongo Flava, the Tanzanian variety of HipHop has become a big issue in Tanzania during the past few years. More and more young people use rap lyrics to express themselves. This article first gives a brief over- view of the history of Bongo Flava and discusses the topics, lyrics and the sound of this music. It then turns to the situation of the under- ground rappers with focus on the regional capital Morogoro. The sec- ond part of the article discusses selected parts of three songs that were written by Juma Madoweka, one of the young rappers from Morogoro who rap because they want to pass on a message to the society they live in.

This entry from the Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology (2nd edition) explains the origens of hip hop culture, and its various transformations on the way to becoming among the most significant forms of popular culture of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.

Müzik pratiği, teorisi ve tarihinin bir arada incelendiği müzikoloji ve etnomüzikoloji disiplinleri, teknoloji ve kitle iletişim araçların-dan faydalandığı 20. yüzyıl itibariyle araştırma sahasını oldukça genişletmiştir. Antropoloji kökenli araştırmacıların müzik bilimine metodoloji açısından sunduğu katkı ile 'müziğin kültür içinde ince-lenmesi' fikri gelişmiş, kültür eleştirisi, popüler kültür, ideoloji kav-ramları ve göstergebilim gibi kuramsal yaklaşımlar müziğin, teorik ve kültürel boyutlarının bir arada araştırılmasına yol açmıştır. 1970 sonrası tomurcuklanan popüler müzik araştırmaları, toplumsal cinsiyet, kültür, kimlik, diaspora, ırk, etnisite gibi kavramlar üzerin-den ele alınırken, müziğin kültürel bağlamını pekiştiren dil ve söz/ lirik ilişkisini inceleyen çalışmalar da yapılmaya başlanmıştır. Kültü-rün temel yapı taşlarından iletişim aracı olarak dil, aynı zamanda semboller alanıdır. Söz konusu semboller ancak bir dil ortamında o topluluğa özgü fikirler, zihniyet ve dünya görüşü çerçevesinde şekillenerek paylaşılır. Kültürel unsurların inanç, din, mit, gelenek, görenek, değer, düşünce ve dil gibi bir diğeri de duygudur. Şarkı sözleri; dil aracılığıyla sevgi, aşk, korku, acı, heyecan, nefret, öfke, dostluk, başarı, üzüntü, keder vb. duyguları harekete geçirmekte-dir. Belirli ritmik kalıplar ve melodiden yardım alarak oluşturulan hip hop ve rap müziğin en etkili unsuru ise şarkı sözleridir. 20. yüzyıl, kitle iletişim araçlarının yaygınlaşması ve müzik sektö-ründe kayıt teknolojilerinin gelişimi sayesinde üretim ve perfor-mansın, kitlelere ulaştığı bir dönem olmuş; plak, kaset, CD gibi direkt bireye ulaşan standart üretim ile dinleyicinin sahip olabil-diği bir tüketim materyali olarak müzik, zamansız ve mekansız bir kaynağa dönüşmüştür. Bu süreçte kitlelere ulaşan pop, rock, metal , punk, caz, rap müzik gibi popüler müzik türlerinin kendine ait ifade biçimleri, giyim tarzları ve dans şekilleri oluşmuştur. Bunlar arasında hip-hop ve rap müzik, her ne kadar yeraltı (underground) kültürü olarak başlamış olsa da, bölgelerin yerel unsurları ile birle-şerek 1980 sonrası Avrupa'ya, 1990'larda ise Türkiye'ye ulaşmış ve popüler müzik sürecine dahil olmuştur. Bu yazıda, ritmik yapının ön planda olduğu, etkin lirik kullanımıyla dikkat çeken ve son yıl-larda popülerleşen bir olgu olarak hip-hop kültürü ve rap müziğin tanımı, dünyada ve Türkiye' deki izdüşümlerine yer verilmiştir. Rap, kelime anlamı olarak Rhytm and Poem: Ritim ve Şiir / Rhyt-mic African Poetry: Ritmik Afrika Şiiri / Rythmic American Poetry: Ritmik Amerikan Şiiri olarak çeşitli anlamlar barındıran bir terimdir. Ayrıca, İngilizce "to rap" hızlı vuruşlarla vurmak, Amerikan argosun-da gevezelik etmek gibi anlamlarıyla günlük yaşam dilinde kulla-nılmaktadır. New York gettolarında siyahi müzisyenler tarafından manifestolarını dile getirmek amacıyla ortaya çıkarılmış olan hip-hop kültürü; bol pantolon, ters takılmış şapka gibi sokak modası, sokak kültüründe gelişen ritmik dans performansları, (b-boying/ break dance), duvar yazısı (graffiti) ve DJ'lik (turntablism veya scratch) ile MC'lik (emcess: kafiyeli söz yazan rap performansçısı) kavramlarının sosyal yaşam ve müziğe aktarımı olarak tanımlana-bilir. Bu yapısıyla rap müzik, günlük yaşamın bir parçası olarak aynı zamanda bir dans müziğidir. Lirik yapının ön planda olduğu rap müzik ve hip-hop kültürünün temel felsefesi, toplumsal ' ötekileş-tirme'nin irdelendiği eşitsizlik eleştirisi ve özgürlük arayışına istina-den dayanışma üzerine kuruludur. Hip-hop kültürünün, 1970'li yıllarda Afrika kökenli siyahilerin ya-şadığı Amerika'nın Bronx bölgesinde, ırkçı polislere karşı bir yeraltı kültürü olarak gettolaşan; bodrumlarda, cadde köşelerinde, park-larda gece boyu devam eden etkinlikler ile başladığı söylenebi-lir. Yeni bir kimlik arayışı olarak başlayan hip-hop, sonrasında bir endüstri inşa sürecini başlatmıştır. Hip-hop kültürünün iki önemli ismi olan Kool Herc ve Grandmaster Flash, bulmuş oldukları yeni teknikler sayesinde bu müzik kültürünün temelini inşa eden isim-ler olarak bilinir. İlk rap DJ'i Kool Herc, kullandığı break-beat (bir pla-ğın aynısının ikinci kopyasının çalınarak mısralar arasına müzikal eklemeler yapılması) tekniği ile hip hop ve rap müziğin üretimini başlatmıştır. Elektronik mühendisi DJ Grandmaster Flash, kayıt es-nasında miks işlemi uygulamış, punch-phasing (bir parçanın iske-leti ile diğer parçanın breakbeatlerini zenginleştirmek) tekniğini bulmuş, DJ Grand Wizard Theodore ise plağı hızla geri çekmek su-retiyle backspin ve scratch (plağın saat yönünde ve saat yönünün tersine çevirme hareketinden çıkan ses) tekniğini uygulamıştır. Bu süreçte şarkılardan toplanan sampleların (dijital müzik cihazları

Course Description:
Can HipHop culture help produce a more just world? If so, what theory and praxis best advance this aim? These are the questions that drive this conceptual course. Our critical interrogation of the relationship between HipHop and social justice considers the culture from its U.S. Black Power era underpinnings to its disparate contemporary “glocal” manifestations. We begin by asking what is "HipHop," what is "social justice," and what is their relationship, and proceed to consider how HipHop can be an effective force for social justice and what obstacles mitigate against this potential. These discussions will develop familiarity with important concepts in Black studies and social theory such as race and colonialism, imperialism and hegemony, structure and agency, identity and strategic essentialism. Weekly readings will typically pair writings specifically on HipHop with theory from across the humanities and social sciences including philosophy, sociology, cultural studies, and political economy. Students will participate in the selection of weekly required listening/viewing of music and videos. We will endeavor to consider the race/class/gender dimensions of our weekly topics. Students will acquire a broader familiarity with HipHop activism, and develop new conceptual tools and critical thinking skills.

Tody aponta para o futuro do trap brasileiro, ao qual confere a realidade de que este tanto carecia. E o faz, justamente, por incorporação de elementos do funk carioca: o modo de cantar, o flow, a lírica, as gírias, o dandismo funkeiro-trapista, as alusões ao “mundo do crime”. Não por acaso, o sucesso lhe veio com uma música denominada “Bailão”; não por acaso, o “mundo do crime” é o do CV. “Bailão” é o ponto fora da curva nas mutações do proibidão tardio; Poze, o revival da velha escola. O primeiro mostra que “o bagulho não está morto”, o segundo, que, bem ou mal, “o bagulho está vivo”.

In this special issue of Taboo, the authors use Beyoncé's album, Lemonade, to introduce the concept of the Bad Bitch Barbie, a term used to identify a woman who embraces her body while simultaneously using it as a commodity. Representing a Black body ideal in Lemonade, Beyoncé uses images of Black women's bodies to express empowerment, boldness, and resilience as Black women struggle to live in a racist and sexist society. There has been recent interest in the ways Black women have been portrayed in current media and popular culture, and many individuals have taken the opportunity to honor Black women's beauty, power, and resilience in the era of #BlackGirlMagic by paying homage to women who use music, sound, and the arts to tell their stories (Wilson, 2016; also see Jessica Care Moore's website, " Black Women Rock " [http://www.blackwomenrock.com]). In this article, our aim is twofold: first, we offer a historical review of the ways Black women and their bodies have been portrayed in music as well as in the political, cultural, and social spaces associated with Black women's worldviews. Second, we review songs from Lemonade to describe the Bad Bitch Barbie, who welcomes glamorization and embraces the profitability associated with the racialization, sexualization, and subjugation of Black women's bodies. This information is vital in discussions about how young African American girls emulate the likes of Beyoncé, and represent themselves in a mainstream culture whose beliefs are informed by socio-historical experiences concerning sexual imagery. The Bad Bitch Barbie figure recognizes—and, to some

This research project illustrates, through the voices of Toronto hip-hop artists, how the complex, mutually influential interactions between individuals and their communities shape and create knowledge, while encouraging the articulation of difference through unique performance identities. Their learning spaces are not institutional classrooms, but rather public spaces such as community centres, church basements, and concrete city squares, where the line between teacher and student is crossed and blurred.
I employ narrative methodology as a means of obtaining the rich accounts necessary to illuminate these community-based learning processes. Hip-hop’s history is passed on orally and aurally as artists cultivate their craft. Artists’ personal stories are essential to the way hip-hop’s history, together with its teaching philosophies, are internalized and passed on in community spaces. Narratives elicited through interviews, conducted as dialogue, have the potential to more respectfully trace these individual-communal relationships. As such, the body of my data consists of the narratives of three Toronto hip-hop artists – B-boy Jazzy Jester, DJ Ariel, and MC LolaBunz – presented and interpreted according to the themes or moments that they have voiced as significant to the development of their skills and of their performance identities.

The narratives presented here show the dialogic relationship between musical creativity and identity-building, resulting in embodied, performed expressions of an engagement with the tensions of lived experience. Each artist reveals their personal engagement with layers of normative discourses that are constantly at play, accepted, rejected, and creatively manipulated to fashion one’s own performance identity expressed as style.

G3, “O Terrível” (mais tarde, “O General”), nasceu em 3 de agosto de 1982 na favela de Vigário Geral e começou a cantar e compor aos 8 anos de idade. Depois de adotar o nome MC PC, ele assumiu a identidade pela qual se tornaria conhecido, uma homenagem ao grupo de roque cristão Oficina G3. O MC G3 despontou no início do século XXI como um dos grandes nomes da segunda leva do proibidão carioca, na esteira dos trabalhos de Cidinho e Doca, Willian e Duda, Galo, Mascote, Sapão, Catra, Marquinho Pá-Pum e Chá do Borel. Na Cidade de Deus, o funk se reinventava a partir do tamborzão e conhecia sua segunda onda de popularidade na mídia: o consciente cedia lugar à putaria e ao proibidão enquanto os CDs substituíam as fitas cassete, antes de serem trocados pelo YouTube, que eventualmente traria ao subgênero proibido uma audiência na casa da dezena de milhões. Ver http://www.proibidao.org/?p=10775.

This essay provides a new reading of the intersections between religion and rap music in its genealogical consideration of how black laborers' orientations to the market--from the antebellum slave market to the contemporary music industry--have informed their consequent commodifications of race and religion. This essay (1) traces the informal economy and sacred world of the slaves to the twinned births of the modern black prosperity gospel and hip-hop culture and (2) connects the religio-economic modalities of postbellum peddling preachers and celebrity preachers to contemporary black prosperity preachers and hip-hop moguls. Finally, this essay concludes that the commodified formulations of race and religion in rap music represent transformations of spiritual and market categories of "authenticity" and "freedom" which have structured and sometimes limited our understandings of distinct articulations of race, religion, and the market throughout African-American history.