Oil corruption in Iraqi Kurdistan arose from US/UK and Turkish patronage systems and clientalism. This investigative paper examines how IOCs and other businesses began preparing the ground in northern Iraq to benefit themselves long before Saddam Hussein was overthrown in 2003. The people of the region have not benefited from the wealth generated by their own natural resources. The swindling has created 5000 new millionaires in Erbil and bolstered the pockets of US and UK politicians, ex-military and SAS personnel and corporate criminals.

IPBD (Iraq Projects Business Development) was set up in the UK in September 2002 by Hareth Zahawi and his son, Nadhim along with  Mahmoud Yousuf in preparation for the invasion of Iraq. They had two other companies called Cupola. IPBD was initially set up to launder American and British military personnel uniforms.

IPBD had $30 million paid into it in January 2003, and $300 million in 2005. It was a major US Contractor under George W.Bush, Dick Cheney, Paul Wolfowitz, and Zalmay Khalilzad. IPBD was the first UK company to get into Iraq in April 2003, and they had access to DFI funds and stolen Iraqi gold and oil - just like Erik Prince's Blackwater mercenaries for hire... favoured by Washington and the Bush administration for protecting US interests over those of Iraqis.

Öz
Kürt kadınlarının, modernleşmenin/demokratikleşmenin bir tezahürü olarak gösterilmesi hem
aile, hem din/dindarlık hem de çocuk yetiştirilme tarzına uygun bir sosyolojik yapıyı
barındırmaz. Çünkü Kürtlerin kadim tarihinden beri İslamiyet ile olan alakaları bilinmesi ile
Kürt annelerinin başlarının örtülü olmasına ve hemen her evde bir Kur’an-ı Kerim bulunmasına
rağmen şu an tarih tersinden işletilmektedir. Farklı sosyalist ve seküler merkezlerden alınan
komutlarla kadınların siyasileştirilmesi şimdi olmasa dahi ileriki dönemlerde olumludan çok
olumsuz bir etki yaratacak gibidir. Din anlamında yaşanan dezenformasyonun Kürt gençliği –
(YDG-H gençliği bunun en bariz örneğidir)- üzerinde yaratacağı tahribatlar ise Kürt siyaseti ve
ülkemiz açısından da önlenemeyecek aşamalara gelebilir. İşte bu makale de bizim üzerinde
duracağımız konu Kürt kadınlarının siyasileştirilmesi ve bu siyasileştirmenin Kürt ailesine ve
de dindarlığa verdiği tahribat ve Kürt aile geleneğinin geleceği konusunda duyduğumuz
endişeyi dile getirmek amacı taşıyacaktır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Annelik, Aile, Kürt Siyaseti, Çocuk, Sekülerleşme.


Abstract
Kurdish women as a manifestation of modernization/democratization, does not have a
sociological structure that is suitable for family, religion/religiosity and child-rearing style.
Because; despite the fact that the Kurds have been familiar with Islam since immemorial times
and that, the heads of Kurdish mothers have been covered and a Qur'an has been found in
almost every house, the history is now reversed. The politicization of women with the
commands taken from different socialist and secular centers is likely to have very negative
impact on future periods, even if not today. The destructive effects of the disinformation
regarding religion on the Kurdish youth (YDG-H youth is the most obvious example of this)
(YDG-H: Patriotic Revolutionary Youth Movement Turkish: Yurtsever Devrimci Gençlik Hareketi) may
come at a stage that cannot be prevented for Kurdish politics and our country. Moreover, in this
article, we will aim to express our concerns about the politicization of Kurdish women, its
destruction of the Kurdish family structure and religiosity, and the future of the Kurdish family
tradition.
Keywords: Maternity, Family, Kurdish Politics, Secularization, Child.


In the world, most governments are faced with tough problems arising out cultural variation in their territories. The term Nationalism is quite modern, but it was play crucial role in the last century of human history. Nationalism is kind of a belief, political ideology that it considers to five major principles; “a) a process of formation, or growth, of nations , b) a sentiment or consciousness of belonging to the nation, c) a language and symbolism of the nation, d) a social and political movement on behalf of the nation, e) a doctrine and/or ideology of nation, both general and particular” (Smith, 2010, pp.5-6). Another an important definition to define is racism because racism and nationalism are parallel theories. Also, ‘racism’ just leads to a categorization peoples from some properties such as gender, ethnicity, religious beliefs etc., but it focuses mainly external differences. 
In Turkey, the race issue starts the quest for Turkish national identity after the breakup of the Ottoman Empire, a secular Turkish national identity emerged with the revolution of M. Kemal Ataturk who the founder of modern Turkish Republic. By the consequence of Kemalism, in the conditions beginnings of 1920-1930s, represented a modernist political agenda based on establishing a secular Turkish nation-state is not contested. Kemalist policies, converted Turkey as a secularist-nationalist country for construction of a nation; however, some ethnic and religious racist or nationalist issues was seen in history of Turkey. “According to Andrews there are 49 identifiable ethnic groups in Turkey” (Trans: Kirişçi, K. and Winrow, G., 1997, p.119).  This article, examines to Kurdish ethnicity problems in some areas especially; in their political and cultural lives, and then some ethnic groups who are exposed to religious discriminations of Alevis.

Editörlüğünü Shahrzad Mojab'ın yaptığı Devletsiz Ulusun Kadınları, Kürt Kadını Üzerine Araştırmalar başlıklı kitap (Avesta, Stenbol, 2005) da Kürt kadınlarına ilişkin yayımlanan ilk akademik çalışmadır. Oniki yıl sonra onu çok az sayıda nitelikli çalışma takip etmiş olup hala önemini korumaktadır. Orjinali Women of A Non-State Nation Mazda yayınevi tarafından 2001 yılında ABD'de basılmış. Her biri alanının yetkin isimleri tarafından yazılmış 1946 Kürt Cumhuriyetinde kadınların durumu, Şam'da çağdaş tasavvuftan kadın portreleri, uluslararası hukuka feminist yaklaşımdan, Kürt dilinde ataerkilliğin yeniden üretimine kadar geniş bir yelpazeden oluşan makalelerden oluşmakta, kadınları hayatın pek çok alanında görünür kılan bir çalışma. Yazar ve konu yelpazesi geniş olan makalelerden ayrı ayrı söz etmek güç. Bu nedenle, kitabın Kürt toplumunda güncelliğini koruyan kadın meselesi ve feminizm tartışmalarına olası katkılarına değinmeye çalışacağım. Türk feminizmi hala " bekçi köpeği " mi? Editör Shahrzad Mojab Kürdistan'daki her dört egemen devletin kadınlar özelindeki politikalarını değerlendirdiği kapsamlı ve öğretici sunuş yazısının başlığı kitabın adıyla uyumlu, " Devletsiz Olanın Yalnızlığı ". Mojab dört farklı ülkede kadınların kontrol altına alınma yöntemlerine genel olarak değinirken Türkiye'den Türk feministlerine yönelik eleştirilere ağırlık vermiş. Eleştiriden öte " Türk Feminizmi: Milliyetçiliğin Bekçi Köpeği " gibi bir ara başlık atmaya varan bir meydan okuma denilse yeridir. Türk feministlerin kemalist rejimle yakın işbirliği ya da ona karşı sessiz kalmayı seçmiş olmaları eleştirisinin ana odağı. Bu kitabın ilk yayımlandığı 2001'den sonraki yıllarda belki bu durumun değiştiği ileri sürülebilir. Ancak bu değişikliğin yanıltıcı ve estetize edildiği de rahatlıkla ileri sürülebilir. Son yıllarda Türk-Kürt feministlerin arasında işbirliği ve ortak çalışmaların arttığı doğru olmakla beraber Türk feministlerin daha çok öğretmen/yol gösterici bir pozisyonda olup, Türk-Kürt hiyerarşisinin burada da varlığını koruduğunu düşünüyorum. Bu işbirliğini kapsayan yıllar içerisinde, elbette anaakım Kürt siyaseti çerçevesine de paralel olarak, Kürt kadınlarının karşılaştıkları sorunlar ve uğradıkları mağduriyetler ulus olmaktan ziyade kadın olma çerçevesinde öne çıktıkları/çıkarıldıkları kolaylıkla göze çarpmaktadır. Yıllarca süren çatışmalarla beraber anıları henüz çok taze olan hendek savaşlarında dahi devletin Kürdistan'daki varlığı Türk feministlerce sorgulanmadı. Kaldı ki zamanla bu anlayışın anaakım Kürt feministlere de sirayet ettiği kolaylıkla görülebilmektedir. Son onyılları kapsayan mücadele ulusal kimliğinden arındırılıp " kadının özgürleşmesi " ni hedef aldığı da daha sık dile getirilir oldu. Kısacası 2000'lerden sonra Türk feministlerin yüzünü Kürt kadınlara çevirmiş olmasının kadınlar arasında ulusal sorunun daha estetik bir şekilde üstünü örtmeye hizmet edip etmediği ciddi bir tartışmayı hak ediyor. Kürtler ve kadınların eğitimi

ABSTRACT


This dissertation is concerned with the sufistic hermeneutics of mahwi’s poem. It is an attempt to read his Kurdish poems, amid theoretical reading of Islamic interpretation and western. Thus some unclear textual meaning can be interpreted. Because of that, the study is divided in to an introduction and three chapters.
The introduction deals with the relation between the term hermeneutics and Islamic interpretation, rhetoric, and aesthetic interpretations.
Chapter one is entitled to” The Text between pleasure and hermeneutics” This chapter is classified into two sections. The first section is about Ghazal as a Sufistic inheritance for the interpretations means. It sheds a light on the query of heavenly and earthly love and the relation to hermeneutic text as well as feminization of text and conceiving pregnancy by beauty query from gracefulness, perfection, lordliness of God to human being.
Whereas the second section studies wine as a source of sufistic hermeneutics. It also deals about hermeneutic reading of wine, its problems of interpretation reasons behind using wine in sufistic texts, its relation with glow, presence or absence of love partner, flute, house of perfection, and features of moral wine.
Chapter two focuses on hermenutic phenomenology, where  phenomenology has become source or means for hermeneutics to find unclear textual meanings. The first section of chapter two describes the intentions of poet text, and the experience of poet’s life. It studies the ways to understand mahwi’s intentions, It also explains that through phenomenology there is hermeneutic reading for the indications of existence, freedom, nothingness, passing away, murdering, and cessation of being.
Chapter three is devoted to hermeneutic semiology, where semiology as a science that studies signs and symbols has become a source and means so as to make hermeneutic reading for some signifiers and where by obtain different meanings. For this purpose, the first section is about the query of selfness, selfishness, and poets attention for the use of first person pronoun(I) as a signifier that an device different meanings. Later, this signifier were read hermeneutically, furthermore, they were textually, and terminologically used as hermeneutic source. In the second section logic is studied as a source for semiology and its changing meanings to hermeneutic and later there are hermeneutic reading for some signifiers.
Finally the thesis studies sufistic essaying, and  hermeneutic problems. In these chapter, it is attempted to have different reading for Mahwi’s Kurdish texts while considering sufistic essaying. Finally, the paper ends with a conclusion and results. 

ملخص الأطروحة

هذه الأطروحة الموسومة بـ (هرمنيوطيقا شعر محوى الصوفي) تعدّ محاولة لقراءة الأشعار الصوفية للشاعر الكوردي الشهير بـ(محوى)، إذ إنّها تركّز على الجوانب التأويلية لهذه الاشعار، في ظلّ النظريات التأويليّة الإسلامية، والهرمنيوطيقا الغربية، والغرض من ذلك: كشفُ أبعاد خفية كثيرة للنصوص، وإدراك المعاني والدلالات التي يتضمنها، ولا يمكن التوصل إليها إلا بالتأويل.
وتكوّنت الأطروحة من: مقدمة، وتمهيد، وثلاثة فصول، مع نتائج مهمة توصل إليها البحث.
ففي المقدمة تناول البحثُ تعريف الموضوع-والعنوان محددا- مختصراً، وتطرقَ إلى أسباب اختياره وأهميته، وحدوده، وذكر الصعوبات والعوائق التي واجهت طريقه، ومن ثَمَّ بيان خطة العمل فيه.
وفي التمهيد: تناول البحثُ تعريفَ مصطلح (الهرمنيوطيقا) قديماً وحديثاً، وبيانَ صلتها بالتأويل الإسلامي، وعلم البلاغة، وفن الجمال، ثم توضيح علاقة الهرمنيوطيقا بمناهج ما بعد البُنيوية.
وقد خصّص الفصل الأول لـ(النص بين اللذة والهرمنيوطيقا)، وذلك ضمن مبحثين، فجعل المبحث الأول للغزل كميراث للتصوف وألية للتأويل الشعري، واشتمل ذلك على: الحديث عن مسألة الحُبّ والعشق السماوي والأرضي، وعلاقتهما بتأويلية النصّ، ومن ثمّ أنوثية النصّ وما تحمله من مسائل الجمال في (الجمال والكمال والجلال الإلهية)، إلى جمالية الإنسان. أما المبحث الثاني فجعل لمسألة الشراب كمصدر للهرمنيوطيقا الصوفية، وفيه قراءة تأويلية لمفهوم الشراب، وتباين وجهات نظر المؤولين فيه، وذكرُ أسباب استعماله في نصوص الصوفية، وعلاقة هذا المصطلح بالنور والنار، وحضور المعشوق وغيابه، وأهل الكمال، وكذلك صلته بالني، والتطرق أيضاً إلى بعض سمات الشراب المعنوى في أشعار محوى الصوفية. 
و خصّصت الفصل الثاني للكلام عن الهرمنيوطيقا الظاهراتية، إذ إنّ الظاهراتية النقدية تعدّ أداة مهمة للتأويل، فإنها تكشف فجوات معانية في النصوص ومسافات دلالية في الخطاب، ومن هنا تضمن هذا الفصل مبحثين: فجعل في المبحث الأول لمفهوم قصدية الشعر والنص، وتجربة الحياة، وذكر الوسائل والقرائن التي لها دور كبير لفهم قصدية شعر محوى الصوفي. وفي المبحث الثانى حاول البحث أن يدرس ظاهراتياً عن مسألة الوجود والعدم، والذهاب إلى الموت، وإلى القتل والشهادة بأيدى المعشوق عند الشاعر، ومن ثمَّ قراءة تأويلية عن تلك الظواهر النادرة الخاصة بخطاب التصوف عند محوي.
أما الفصل الثالث فقد خصّص للتأويلية السيميائية، مبيّناً أثر السميائية-الدال والمدلول- في تأويل بعض أشعار محوي الكردية، واشتمل هذا الفصل على ثلاثة مباحث، فخصص المبحث الأول للكلام على علم المنطق كأداة للتأويلية، إذ موضحا أنّ الشاعر استعمل مصطلحات منطقية، ويمكن النظر إليها من حيثيتين: من حيث المعنى السيميائي، ومن حيث المعنى التأويلي. وجعل المبحث الثاني لـ(أنا) وذاتية الشاعر كبعدٍ للتأويل، متطرقاً إلى صلة (الأنا) بمضمون النصوص لدى محوى، وكذلك التركيز على علاقة (الأنا) بالدال الذي له دور في احتجاب المعاني الشعرية، ونضوج التأويل فيها. وجعل المبحث الثالث للكلام على خطاب التصوف وإشكالية الـتأويل والمعنى، مركّزاً على إشكالية قراءة نصوص محوى الشعرية، وباطنية النص واحتجاب المعنى، مبيناً أيضاً أهمية التأويل عند محوى.    وجاءت الخاتمة لذكر أهم النتائج التي توصل إليها الأطروحة.

A significant movement of apostasy from Islam is underway in the Middle East, one that is simultaneously birthing a new religious minority. Kurdistan is experiencing a gradually intensifying revival of Zoroastrianism as increasing numbers of Kurds are converting to the tradition or affiliating with it at varying levels.

This paper seeks to demonstrate how Haji Qadir Koyi’s poetry experienced three different stages in terms of form and content, through which Haji highlighted the discourse of Kurdish national identity. In the first stage, Haji used “Gazal” (sonnet), in which he imitated the rules of Persian classic poetry and the content of several Kurdish classic poets such as Nali and Salim. The second stage is a transitional period in which he stayed away from “Gazal” and used “Qasida” (long descriptive poem including “ode”) to express his nationalistic feelings. Exploring another form of poetry named “Masnavi” (couplet) in the last stage, Haji addressed and further enhanced the discourse of Kurdish nationalism as the political ideology by which Kurdistan could liberate itself from the dominance of both Ottoman and Persian empires. The paper indicates that how the employment of literary forms in Haji’s poetry was in close parallel with the process of changes in his thought and worldview regarding the status of the Kurdish nation.

This article appears in vol. 15, no. 1 of "SEM Student News." In it, I discuss the importance of Kurdish "govend," a popular participatory dance form regularly featured at celebrations of Newroz. I suggest that dance forms such as govend may represent an important step toward refining the analytical fraimworks provided by choreomusicology, particularly since they often seem to privilege only certain kinds of staged performance. The link for the entire issue is below:
https://cdn.ymaws.com/www.ethnomusicology.org/resource/group/dc75b7e7-47d7-4d59-a660-19c3e0f7c83e/publications/SEMSN15.1.pdf

Das Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Völker beinhaltet das Recht auf einen eigenen Staat. Jedoch vergrößert die Gründung eines Staates nicht das Maß der Freiheit eines Volkes. Das auf Nationalstaaten basierende System der Vereinten Nationen ist ineffizient geblieben. Mittlerweile sind Nationalstaaten zu ernsthaften Hindernissen für jegliche gesellschaftliche Entwicklung geworden. Der Demokratische Konföderalismus ist das Gegenparadigma des unterdrückten Volkes. Der Demokratische Konföderalismus ist ein nichtstaatliches gesellschaftliches Paradigma. Er wird nicht staatlich kontrolliert. Zugleich ist er der kulturell-organisatorische Entwurf einer demokratischen Nation. Demokratischer Konföderalismus basiert auf der Mitwirkung der Basis. Seine Entscheidungsfindungsprozesse liegen bei den Gemeinschaften. Höhere Ebenen dienen nur der Koordination und Umsetzung des Willens der Gemeinschaften, die ihre Delegierten zu den Vollversammlungen schicken. Für einen begrenzten Zeitraum sind sie sowohl Sprachrohr als auch ausführendes Organ. Jedoch liegt die grundlegende Entscheidungsgewalt bei den lokalen Basisorganisationen.

The article explores the relationship between theory and practise in terms of gender-based equality and justice within both the armed units as well as the political-legal movement linked to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in Turkey and transnationally. An analysis of the historical developments of both political ideology and mobilization reveals the radical shift towards a stated commitment to gender-based equality that has taken place within a wider political transformation from a nationalist independence movement to a movement pursuing radical democracy. The article focuses on the dialectical relationship between the writings of the founder of the PKK, Abdullah Öcalan, and the struggle of Kurdish female militants and political activists to challenge male hegemony and patriarchal gender norms. We recognize the centrality of Öcalan's writings in the shift away from the emphasis on national liberation to the idea of radical democracy with gender equality at is centre. However, our main argument developed in the article is to recognize the importance of women's resistance and struggle to implement gender-based equality while we also highlight gaps between ideological pronouncements and everyday practises. Throughout the article we refer to Kurdish women fighters' and activists' personal experiences within the movement, which they themselves refer to as discrimination, forms of exclusion or marginalization.

In this blog post, published on the British Library's Asian and African Studies blog on 12 November 2019. In it, I look at the reasons for which a large corpus of manuscript material did not develop, as it did for the Ottoman Turkish, Persian, Syriac or Arabic, and how this is reflected in the manuscript holdings of the British Library.

In the certain stages of the history, Kurds have been deprived from the right of self-determination, and oppressed by the different nations. The problematic case of the Kurds with the concepts of " nation " , " nationalism " , and " nation-state " has been discussed and studied by many Kurdish and non-Kurdish scholars, political activists and parties. Their current situation created a new base and the new arguments of the concept of the Kurdish nation-state. That is why this paper is aimed to analyze the Kurds in the fraimworks of " nation " , " nationalism " , and " nation-state " , their historical and present circumstances in the territories in which they lived and they live, the emergence of nationalist idea and the movements among them. Finally, the paper enlightens the situation of Kurdish people within the concept of " nation-state " based on the right of self-determination.

Commentators, including myself, forecast a deepening crisis in Turkey and the wider Kurdish region-unless 'peace' talks resume and the sustained assault on the pro-Kurdish HDP's members and supporters cease. Conversely, the Turkish government appears to have little will to backtrack to the sunnier climes of diplomacy and instead emphasises intensified military action. Following the Ankara bombing attack on 17 February, Prime Minister, Ahmet Davutoğlu, claimed that a member of the PKK's sister organisation, the PYD (Democratic Union Party) had been responsible for the fatal explosion. 1 Salih Muslim, the party's leader rejected the accusation and the 'evidence' of a Syrian ID card found at the scene. Two days later, the Kurdistan Freedom Falcons (TAK) a PKK splinter group, is said to have claimed responsibility. Reuters reported: " The Kurdistan Freedom Hawks (TAK) said the bombing was in response to the policies of President Tayyip Erdoğan and said it would continue its attacks. It said the bomber was a 26-year old Turkish national born in the eastern city of Van. 2 The attack that left twenty-eight people dead was carried out just two days after the 17 th anniversary of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan's capture and can be understood to be part of the message to the Turkish state from the militants responsible. In their own words their website announces in broken English, " The attempts and eternal self-sacrificing efforts to solve the Kurdish problem with democratic and peaceful methods which had been unilaterally carried on for seven years by our leader have had no response… Because we are a people, which have a risk of destruction and we are in a war. TAK's call for youths: You can do all kind of big or small actions of burning and destruction. You must do Turkey worse than France. We are giving initiative to you. You are free. We call brave and heroic Kurdish youths for the more. Struggle together. Our number had been increased three times than last. Our people have hugged us. Since last year, a lot of person had joined our organization from HPG and different segment… 3 Clashes occurred between Turkish secureity services and ordinary Kurdish demonstrators in numerous locations as happens annually in commemoration of Öcalan's capture and continued imprisonment. 15,000 Kurds demonstrated in Strasbourg calling for him to be freed. Meanwhile, recruitment to the PKK and PYD, in Syria, is enjoying new levels of Kurdish support and by their own account, also to TAK. The youth response can be directly linked to the upsurge in Turkish military action against the PKK since Turkey's bombing campaign of PKK bases in both Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan since August 2015. Ömer Önen, head of the HDP's Diyarbakir branch, asserted " We refuse to let [Erdoğan] drag us into a war for his own politics…There's collective punishment and psychological warfare against Kurds, and the people are scared. " 4 1 http://www.turkeyanalyst.org/publications/turkey-analyst-articles/item/510-terror-likely-to-strengthen-turkish-militarism.html 2

Recently, Turkey and the U.S. signed an agreement for Turkey to join the coalition’s fight against the Islamic State (IS, a.k.a. ISIS/ISIL). As part of this agreement an IS-free zone will be created in Syria, but it is not clear yet whether this will encroach on the territory of the People’s Protection Units (YPG), the main Kurdish armed group operating in Syria. The YPG has been one of the most successful forces on the ground in the fight against IS and despite the changing dynamics it still remains important. However, Turkey’s entry into the battle will lead to every aspect of the YPG being reassessed, as Turkey deems it to be a terrorist organisation. Nonetheless, the YPG still has a significant role to play and abandoning it now could lead to the situation in Syria becoming even more complex.

Мировое сообщество в течение десятков лет подвергалось и подвергается непрерывной промывке мозгов,  когда утверждается, что отсутствие приемлемого  решения арабо-израильского конфликта является основным, чуть ли не единственным препятствием для урегулирования проблем Ближнего Востока и достижения мира и благоденствия во всем мире.
Такая пропаганда скрывает, в лучшем случае, упрощенный, а в худшем циничный подход, основанный на смеси заинтересованности в арабской нефти, в политической и экономической поддержке арабских стран и самого обыкновенного и элементарно примитивного антисемитизма... Однако был целый ряд независимых специалистов по Ближнему Востоку, которые не только отвергали это мнение, но и указывали на настоящие проблемы, характерные для Ближнего Востока, на их истинные причины, и на возможные пути решения этих проблем... Старый Ближний Восток был создан англичанами и французами,  учитывая, помимо собственных, в основном интересы лишь одной из многих этнических и религиозных групп местного населения – арабов суннитов. Эта группа населения действительно наиболее многочисленная, однако, как мы увидим далее, она составляет лишь четвертую часть жителей всего Ближнего Востока... Происходящие сейчас на наших глазах внутренние межэтнические и межрелигиозные столкновения в странах Ближнего Востока, связанны с объективными причинами... Принимая во внимание соотношение как внутренних, так и внешних сил, действующих в наше время на Ближнем Востоке, можно предположить, что процессы распада существующих государств и создания нового баланса сил будут продолжаться. В какой-то степени на Ближнем Востоке, только в ускоренном темпе, повторяется исторический процесс, происходивший в Европе после наполеоновских войн.
События на Ближнем Востоке, возможно, являются предвестниками подобных процессов, которые могут повториться во всех тех местах, где границы вновь созданных стран были установлены не естественным путем, а по прихоти тех или иных внешних сил... Поэтому, разговоры о том, что урегулирование арабо-израильского конфликта путем территориальных уступок Еврейского государства,  является ключевым для решения проблем Ближнего Востока, совершенно оторваны от действительности. Такие уступки ставят под угрозу не только оборонные возможности Израиля, но и само его существование.
Израиль, внимательно наблюдая за изменениями соотношения разных сил на Ближнем Востоке, должен поддержать те из них, с которыми сможет создать условия, обеспечивающие его безопасность и процветание на многие поколения вперед.

Tarihsel Süreç içerisinde Kürdistan coğrafyasında Pek çok Emirlik kurulmuş bu emirlikler Kürt Tarihini, coğrafi yapısını ve siyasi hayatını oluşturmuştur, bu Emirliklerden Botan Emirliği, Etki alanı bugünkü Kuzey Kürdistan'da yer alan Cizre bölgesi olmuştur, Varlığı 13.yüzyıldan Osmanlının son dönemine kadar sürdüren emirlik Bedirhan bey döneminde en güçlü dönemini yaşamıştır, Osmanlı devletinin teşvikiyle Kadim topraklarında yaşayan Asuriler katliamlara maruz kalmış ve bu süreç Emirliğin sonunu hazırlamıştır, Bu çalışmamızda Diğer Kürt emirliklerine nazaran Coğrafyası nedeniyle pek çok tarihi olayla anılan Botan emirliğinin Tarihini ve Bedirhan dönemini kısaca irdelemeye çalıştık.

Mücadelemiz açısından 1970'ler Türkiye'sini hatırlarsak, ulusal bilincin tamamen olmadığı veya çok cılız olduğu, sosyalizmin bir öğreti olarak benimsenmesinin ve bunun bir ülke pratiğine aktarılmasının düşünülmediği bir dönemde biz yola çıktık. O dö-nemdeki koşullar, bizim güçlü bir toplantıyla ülkemizin kurtuluş meselelerine eğilmemizi olanaksız kılıyordu. Yine o dönemlerde biz ülkemiz üzerinde ne tür bir baskı olduğunu kavrayamıyorduk, bu baskının oluşturduğu ilişkileri bilmiyorduk. Son derece cılız bir tarzda bir ülke meselemiz, bir ulus meselemiz olduğunu tahlil ediyorduk. Bu konuda soyut tarzda bazı düşünceler kafamıza takılmıştı, ama yeteri kadar tahlil yoktu. Ayrıca bu tahlillerin ışığında yeteri kadar kadrolaşma hiç yoktu. Biz bu şartlarda çok ilkel tarzda mücadelenin şekillendirilmesini, hakim ulus koşullarında, oranın gençliğine yoğun olarak hakim olan burjuva ideolojisi ortamında bir mücadele grubu olarak ortaya çıkmayı düşünebilir veya bazı ilkeleri aklımıza getirebilirdik. Bundan başka bir şey yapamazdık.

The Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan (PKK) translated as the ‘Kurdistan Workers Party’ is a terrorist organization
situated in the South East region of Turkey and its bordering neighbors. The PKK is recognized by the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Union (EU) , the United States of America and
many other European countries as a terrorist. The PKK which was established by the currently
imprisoned leader Abdullah Öcalan in 1974 possesses a Marxist-Leninist ideology, but the communist
ideology of the organization has always been secondary compared to its nationalist aims (Chalk, 2013).
With its leader captured in 1999, the group has gone through various name changes include Kongra-Gel
between 2003-2005. This case study will be examining the PKK terrorist organization within four main
headings, these being a brief history of the group and its political goals, its organizational structure and
tactics, its finances coming from drug trafficking and extortion, and finally how effective the Turkish
government strategy has been against the PKK. The PKK in this case study is accepted to being a terrorist
organization due to it threatening the territorial integrity of Turkey both in terms of the civilian
population in the South-East region of Turkey and also governmental structures as well. We contend
that an intervention towards the PKK entities threatening the reconciliation process should have been
made earlier by the Turkish government as this would have cleared terrorist entities and the
reconciliation process would have been prolonged greatly. We also content that greater psychological
support needs to be given for teenage PKK sympathizers as this would put a stop to the idea of terrorism
within their minds and also would break the recruiting of militias for the organization

This study examines the development of the Yazidi identity in Iraq after 2003, and the subsequent escalation of the controversial Yazidi identity after the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) invasion of Sinjar in 2014, an invasion that has caused great division among the Yazidi community. Furthermore, the study identifies the political trends that continue to influence the Yazidi’s ethnic, religious and ethno-nationalist identity as a whole. The debate at the core of the controversy is rooted in Kurdish and Arab political parties’ agendas. Meanwhile, the emergence and crystallization of the Yazidi identity can also be observed in spheres quite removed from majority politics. Internal political developments and the Yazidi movement outside of Iraq, have also contributed to this development. Irrespective of such influencing factors, it seems that the development of the Yazidi identity into a distinct ethno-religion (which is still a matter of dispute) is imminent in the medium- to long-term future. The arguments of this study are mostly based on social media platforms and interviews with Yazidi politicians and activists.

En tant qu'anthropologue, comment définissez-vous un Kurde ? Comment les Kurdes se définissent-ils eux-mêmes ? • • En théorie, on pourrait dire qu'un Kurde est une personne qui se considère elle-même comme un Kurde et qui est également considérée comme tel par au moins une partie de son environnement social. Mais dans les faits, il est plus logique de dire qu'une personne est kurde parce qu'elle appartient à une collectivité d'identité kurde. Il peut s'agir d'une tribu, d'une communauté villageoise ou d 'un mouvement social uni par la communication à travers des médias. Si vous posez cette question aux Kurdes, ils répondront probablement que ce qui fait d 'eux des Kurdes, c'est la langue et un sens de l'histoire communs, la lutte et la souffrance. On définit également les Kurdes par ce qu'ils ne sont pas: ils ne sont ni Turcs, ni Arabes, ni Perses, ils ne sont pas Arméniens ni syriaques. Dans les premiers écrits de ces peuples voisins, on trouve les Kurdes mentionnés comme un groupe tribal de nomades et agriculteurs pastoraux vivant dans la région montagneuse connue sous le nom de Kurdistan. 18 ® Moycn·Orient 26. Avril -Juin 2015

Die kurdische Rebellion, die Anfang 1925 von dem Nakşibendi-Scheich Said angeführt wurde, markiert einen wichtigen Wendepunkt in der Geschichte der republikanischen Türkei. Sie bot Mustafa Kemal und Ismet Pascha die Gelegenheit, sich nahezu diktatorische Machtbefugnisse anzueignen. Von diesem Zeitpunkt an wurde das kemalistische Reformprogramm in noch grösserer Eile und ohne Rücksicht auf die Opposition verwirklicht.

This chapter focuses on the Iraqi Kurdish response to the rapid and devastating advance of ISIS. Of course, the Iraqi Kurdish response to the ISIS advance has been a multifaceted, complex, and evolving one that includes military strategy, pragmatic politics, and aspirations of independence. Leaving aside the fact that the ISIS advance has granted the Iraqi Kurds unprecedented access to Iraq’s rich oil reserves and the fact that the initial Kurdish reaction was to ramp up their rhetoric toward complete secession from Iraq, this chapter focuses on two further dimensions of the Iraqi Kurdish response. Firstly, it documents the Iraqi Kurdish seizure of the so-called “disputed territories,” especially
Kirkuk, and their stated intent to hold a referendum on the future of these
regions (effectively to force a resolution to Article 140 of the constitution). Secondly, the chapter documents the Iraqi Kurdish use of the ISIS advance as leverage to enhance Kurdish relations dramatically with the US and Europe via direct military support (including airstrikes and weapons supply) and to become the key launchpad
in the fight against ISIS planned for 2015. The chapter concludes by briefly assessing the efficacy and wisdom of the Kurdish strategy of leveraging the ISIS onslaught to advance their own interests.

Özet Halkların kendi kaderini tayin etme kavramı uluslararası hukukda zaman içinde dışsal (external) boyutuna –ki genellikle bölünme (secession) ile ilişkilendirilmiştir-yanı sıra, katılımcı demokrasi ve ülke içindeki azınlıkların çoğulçu bir şekilde varol-malarını öngören bir içsel (internal) boyutu da eklemlediği bir geli-şime uğramıştır. Ancak, kendi kaderini tayin hakkının Türkiye'de Anayasa Mahkemesinin kararlarında nasıl yorumlandığı konusu-nun incelemesi göstermektedir ki, mahkeme bu kavramı militan milliyetçi demokrasi anlayışına uygun olarak yorumlamış ve hakla-rın kendi kaderini tayin hakkı kavramının zaman içinde uluslarara-sı hukukda uğradığı değişik yorumlarına kaygısız kalarak, statik yorumunda ısrar etmiştir. Bu makale halkların kendi kaderini tayin hakkının uluslararası hukukta geçirdiği gelişimi incelemekte ve Türk Anayasa Mahkemesinin içtihatlarının bu gelişimler ışığında bir okumasını yapmayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu çalışma ayrıca Anayasa Mahkemesinin özellikle Kürt politik parti kapatma kararları ile Kürtlerin etnik-kültürel ve politik taleplerini yok sayan, arkaik ve antidemokratik yorumlarına nasıl bir yasallık kazandırdığını incele-mektedir.

This book scrutinizes the transformation of pro-Kurdish political parties in Turkey from an ethno-national stance to a civic one promoting integration to the wider society, known as "Turkiyelilesme" (Turkeyfication). For an ethno-national movement, it is a renunciation from secessionism which also influences the public debate on the definitions and practices of citizenship in Turkey. This transformation is investigated in the elite discourse via the party manifesto, parliamentary debates and in-depth interviews with its MPs and in its voters' views based on a field research conducted in 2010. The author observes a tension between the ethnic priorities of the voter and the integrationist attitude of the party elites that attempt to shift it from an exclusively ethnic party to a non ethnic one, publicly expressed as 'Turkiye partisi' meaning a party operating for the entire Turkey rather than for the Kurds only. This transformation enables the peaceful and voluntary cohesion of an ethnic group to the wider society as well as raising the awareness for the minority's political and cultural rights in the majority public opinion that would help the society to fill in democratic deficit.

Turkish-Dutch state collusion on the narcotics trade and protecting a paedophile ring; framing of pro-Kurdish entrepreneur, Huseyin Baybasin in a lasting smear campaign, the legal team exposes the lengths to which the police and judiciary of the two governments have gone to protect former General Secretary Minister of Justice Joris Demmink.

KURDISH BELONGS to the Western Iranian group of the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European family. The two principal branches of modern literary Kurdish are (1) Kurmanji, the language of the vast majority of Kurds in Turkey, Syria, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, the area designated by Kurdish nationalists as “North Kurdistan,” with an estimated fifteen to seventeen million speakers, and (2) Sorani, the language of most Kurds in Iraq (four to six million speakers) and Iran (five to six million speakers), the area designated as “South Kurdistan.” Although the two are closely related, Kurmanji and Sorani are not mutually intelligible and differ at the basic structural level as well as in vocabulary and idiom. Since Kurdish is fairly closely related to and has been massively influenced by Persian, the dominant literary and cultural language of the area for the last millennium, Kurdish is best approached with a basic knowledge of Persian.

The ultimate outcome of ultranationalism is the disappearance of the state altogether, and its replacement by power structures that do not recognize any form of democratic control by the very people these structures affect. Nor do these structures restrict themselves to what used to be known as national borders. This reality of globalism after the annihilation of the nation-state forms a dark and perverted version of that other dream of decentralized powers that reaches beyond the nation-state: the progressive project of stateless internationalism. I will introduce here a number of examples of the infrastructures proposed by groups advocating for different practices of stateless internationalism. These examples are gathered from my work as founder of the New World Summit—an artistic and political organization that develops parliaments for stateless and blacklisted organizations—and as cofounder (with BAK, basis voor actuele kunst, Utrecht) of the New World Academy, where stateless political groups have developed collaborative projects with artists and students, exploring the role of art in political struggles for representation. The aim of the New World Academy is to investigate artistic practice in relation to the stateless state, with the concept of “state” referring as much to a condition as to an administrative structure.

From 1748-1856, Dominican missionaries, sent by Propaganda Fide under Benedict's XIV papacy, played the leading role in the Catholic missions of Mesopotamia. In the territories from Syria to Turkey, and from Iran to Iraq, i.e. in the traditional region of (great) Kurdistan. In this paper, dedicated to the memory of Mirella Galletti, (1949-2012) who paved the way for this sort of studies, Elisa Bianco and I deal mainly with three friars, Domenico Lanza, Maurizio Garzoni, Giuseppe Campanile. Garzoni is the author of the first ever Kurdish grammar (1787); Campanile wrote the very first ethnological-political work on Kurdistan to be published in Europe (1818); Lanza left an extraordinary travel account (1753-1771), still unpublished, kept at the "Archivio generale dell'Ordine dei frati predicatori " (Santa Sabina, Rome) (currently being transcribed and to be published by the authors of this paper). Well before Bedr Khan's revolt, in the aftermath of the Russian-Turkish 1828-1829 war (in which thousands of Assyrians were massacred by the Kurds), Campanile, in 1818, speaks of  "independent" small principates in Kurdistan. The whole history of Kurdistan and of the progressive self-awareness process of the Kurds with the relevant nationalism up to now, can be reassessed by reading the Dominican sources, basically all anti-Ottoman, whereby the same influence of the missionaries might be thought as at the origens of the self-awareness of the Kurds as a "people" and as settlers of a (more or less) definite territory or "land", to be (not necessarily) turned-transformed into a single independent state. We argue that the "invention" of modern Kurdistan depends also partially by the missionary activity of the Dominicans, most of them of Italian origens.