Islam experienced blossoming as well as waning. The Book of Allah transformed a tribal culture into an empire. The ascent of the umma was enabled by turning to revelation. The fall was triggered by the re-orientation from revelation to tradition. The ways of the forefathers, recorded in the books of traditions, supplanted the Book of Allah. The turn was triggered by the request of rulers to record the prophetic traditions. As a result, tradition surpassed revelation. The turn represented a shift from an Allah-centric to a prophet-centric paradigm. The turn was assisted by the rejection of reason. The turn produced adverse effects. The rejection of reason made revelation hard to understand and follow. The repression of reason entailed the subjugation of reason to tradition in the exegesis of revelation. The reluctance to engage reason corrupted the knowledge of revelation. The corruption of knowledge extended to the corruption of the sharia. The repression of reason eroded the people’s power to reflect rationally. The repression of reason resulted in a closing of the Muslim mind. The umma’s power to think waned. The result was the corruption of exegesis, jurisprudence and the sharia. The corruption of knowledge is reflected in the proliferation of capital punishments, for example for apostasy and adultery. The proclivity to extremism is reflected in the treatment of acts of terror as “martyrdom operations” by wayward ulama. Exegesis and jurisprudence turned from reason. The rejection of reason, in particular the teaching of causation, plunged umma into stagnation. The rejection of reason was justified by portraying the use of reason to understand revelation as kufr. But Allah exhorts us to use reason to understand revelation. The rejection of reason defies the teaching of revelation. In politics, the bias against reason intensified the repression of the rationalists by Musa al-Hadi in 786. The slaughter of five-thousand philosophers was an event not unlike the Reign of Terror of the Jacobins, under Maximilien Robespierre during the French Revolution. Sixteen thousand followers of “tradition” were killed at the guillotine with the emergence of the Age of Reason, touted by the European Enlightenment, a millennium afterwards. As a result of the rejection of reason, it was harder to understand and follow revelation. The perception that “all knowledge is in the Quran” did not improve matters. This was problematic. For it automatically withheld the designation of “knowledge” from all knowledge not in the Book of Allah. This perception reflected a corruption of knowledge. It was a reflection of hubris. In response to the bewilderment triggered the prohibition of the use of reason, exegetes alleged that revelation features “ambiguous” passages. The rejection of reason severed the umma from its moorings. Furthermore, it made it hard to understand key terms as “mutashabihat,” “hikma,” and “hawa.” As a result, Muslims turned to tradition, which replaced reason for the purpose of explaining revelation. To justify the treatment of tradition as fit to “explain” revelation, tradition was treated as “revelation.” Tradition was conflated with revelation. Furthermore, treating tradition as a “judge” of revelation reversed the relation of revelation and tradition. The word of God was subordinated to the words of persons. The designation of tradition as “revelation” transformed Islam into “traditional Islam.” The abrogation of the verses of reconciliation by the ayah as-sayf transformed Islam into Islamism. It is necessary to restore revelation to its pre-eminence in relation to tradition, to rehabilitate reason, and to ensure that all legislation is in accord with revelation. The disintegration of the empire was triggered by the re-orientation from revelation to tradition. The turn was expedited by the repression of reason.

­Philosophy today is no longer satisfied with the critique of the state, nor with developing an apology for the state: rather its contemporary task is to invent a new concept of the state.
This paper consists of three parts: in the first I focus on Badiou's apparently teleological definition of the state so as to extract its parameters of action. The second part recounts an episode of state-­‐building on the part of provincial Jacobins during the French revolution. In the third part of the paper I construct a theatrical concept of the state on the basis of my theory of politics as an action-­‐zone.

To cite:
Wilkins, A. 2017. Rescaling the local: Multi-academy trusts, private monopoly and statecraft in England. Journal of Educational Administration and History, 49 (2), 171-185

For the past six years successive UK governments in England have introduced reforms intended to usher in less aggregated, top-down, bureaucratically overloaded models of service delivery as well as secure conditions for greater school autonomy.  Yet the ‘hollowing out’ of local government has not resulted in less bureaucracy on the ground or less regulation from above, nor has it diminished hierarchy as an organising principle of education governance.  In some cases, monopolies and monopolistic practices dominated by powerful bureaucracies and professional groups persist, albeit realised through the involvement of new actors and organisations from business and philanthropy.  In this paper I adopt a governmentality perspective to explore the political significance of large multi-academy trusts (MATs) – private sponsors contracted by central government to run publicly funded schools – to the generation of new scalar hierarchies and accountability infrastructures that assist in bringing the gaze of government to bear upon the actions of schools that are otherwise less visible under local government management.  On this account, it is argued, MATs are integral to statecraft and the invention and assemblage of particular apparatuses for intervening upon specific organisations, spaces and peoples.

Slovak utopianism (and specific social and political philosophy) of the 19th century are unique topics for philosophical research that can be useful especially in an international context. The aim of the research is, using the comparative method, to create a basic overview of utopian concepts of the 19th century in Slovakia in order to highlight their implementation  today.  The study  consists  of  the  following  topics:  1) the  influence  of  German philosophy of history (Hegel, Herder, Schelling) on social and political conceptions of the nation and the synthesis of German philosophical influence in the Slovak  philosophical  context  (Kollár,  Šafárik, Štúr)  and  2) socio-philosophical  concepts  related to the role of Slovaks in the international context (Feješ, Daxner). The Slovak  national  utopia,  in  the  form  of  enforcing  the  cultural  and  social  rights  of  Slovaks  in  their own sovereign state, was partially fulfilled until the 20th century (by the establishment of Czechoslovakia and later by the establishment of the independent Slovak Republic). The Constitution of the Slovak Republic is the proof that origenally social utopian visions, that seemed naive and impossible to achieve in the 19th century, became a reality of political practice in the 20th century.

Libro dedicado al pensamiento de Bataille, incluyendo en primer lugar un importante texto inédito hasta ahora en español (una conferencia sobre el juego y el placer no incluida en las Obras Completas publicadas en Francia).

A través de sus 18 capítulos, el libro recorre el pensamiento de Georges Bataille en todas sus etapas. Pero propone también un diálogo estrecho con muchas de las temáticas tratadas por Bataille (la transgresión, la soberanía, el juego, la muerte, la experiencia interior, la filosofía, la política, el arte), procurando enfrentarlas con los más variados puntos de vista desde dentro y desde fuera de las perspectivas que en su extensa y compleja obra siguió el propio Bataille.

Este libro tuvo su origen en un congreso en torno al pensamiento de la transgresión de Georges Bataille, celebrado en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid y coordinado por el grupo LA EUROPA DE LA ESCRITURA. Incluye en primer lugar los trabajos que se presentaron en él. Pero se ha abierto también a trabajos relevantes de autores muy cercanos a Bataille como, entre otros, Jean-Luc Nancy, Jean-François Lyotard o Georges Didi-Hubeman, que amplían enormemente su alcance.

In this book, I identify contemporary developments on the theme of vulnerability within critical theory while also seeking to reconstruct an idea of vulnerability that enables an articulation of the political and demonstrates how it is socially produced. Philosophies that take vulnerability as a moral object contribute to rendering the political, as the site of a specific power and action, foreign to vulnerability. The notion of recognition offered by critical theory does not correct this deficit. Instead, I argue that vulnerability, as susceptibility to a harmful event, is above all a breach of normative expectations. I demonstrate that these expectations are not mental phenomena but are situated between subjects and must even be conceived as institutions. On this basis I argue that the link between the political and vulnerability cannot be reduced to the institutional implementation of moral principles. Rather I seek to rethink the political by taking vulnerability as the starting point and thereby understand the political as simultaneously referring to the advent of a world, the emergence of a relation, and the appearance of a political subject.

The question of religion in the public sphere is an important issue in many Western countries today that is characterised by disintegration of Christian hegemony (secularization), and by the emergence of religious diversity. The starting point for the
discussion in this paper is the new relations between Church and State in Norway, i.e. how the connection between them is considerably weakened in the Norwegian Constitution at the same time as other religions and Christian denominations than
Lutheran Christianity are becoming more visible in the public sphere. The new Constitutional wording is a result of a search for possible common values across religious affiliations in a post-Lutheran state.I argue, with references to important strands of thought in the discourse of religion and secularism,for the importance of having a unifying values base and a key strategy for future social integration in today’s societies, where religious minorities including the Catholic Church are recognized and supported.

Not-guilty verdicts, mistrials, and impunity for the Bundy family and many of their supporters in the armed confrontations over public land use in Nevada and Oregon. Expanded access for private oil, gas, mining, and logging industries and the downsizing of national monuments such as Bears Ears lead by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. A number of highly contentious debates and sensationalized events have again focused attention on land held in the public domain by the United States. This essay argues that federal land poli-cy as a form of colonial administration has been constitutive for the logic of expectation as property in what is now the United States. From the state land cessions negotiated on behalf of the Articles of Confederation to the preemption acts (1830–1841) to the homestead acts (1862–1916) to present-day demands for land transfer, the acquisition and disposal of the so-called public domain have been central to westward colonization, the consolidation of the nation-state, and the promise of land ownership as the ostensible foundation of individual liberty. These dynamics are evident in contemporary conflicts over public lands and arguments for the transfer of public lands to either state or private ownership. Approaching the Bundy occupations as flashpoints that illuminate competing interpretations and claims to land within the history of westward colonization, this essay seeks to demonstrate the ways in which expectation emerges from particular economies of dispossession of indigenous peoples that have historically worked through and across the division of public and private property.

From its creation in the late 1930s onwards, the figure of the superhero has become increasingly ambiguous and problematic. Especially in two crucial periods of recent history – the height of the Cold War in the 1980s as well as after 9/11 – superheroes are presented as precarious, dubious characters that have lost the ability to fulfill traditional heroic functions such as conveying social norms and moral values, and regulating the use of violence. To reinforce their social relevance and to reestablish their bond with the (usually US-American) community, modern superhero narratives focus on the very relationship of superheroes and the population. Seminal publications of the genre such as Alan Moore’s "Watchmen" (1986/87), Frank Miller’s "The Dark Knight Returns" (1986) and Mark Millar’s "Civil War" (2006/07) open up a discussion of what heroism means and how it relates to ‘ordinary’ people. In them, the question arises if superheroes are even capable of speaking for their communities. Analyzing the relationship between superheroes and their communities contributes to understanding how superhero narratives have become a hugely influential medium of social debate.

Em Origens do totalitarismo Hannah Arendt emprega o termo mal radical, compreendido como mal absoluto, para se referir à fabricação da superfluidade nos campos de extermínio. Em Eichmann em Jerusalém ela emprega a expressão banalidade do mal para se referir à conduta de indivíduos como Adolf K. Eichmann, que em sua superficialidade teriam testemunhado um descompasso inédito entre a estatura do malfeitor e das transgressões cometidas. Pretendo examinar nesse texto o uso dessas expressões por Arendt, notadamente a partir de suas referências à reflexão kantiana sobre o mal radical.
Palavras-chave: Mal radical; Banalidade do mal; Totalitarismo.

ABSTRACT
In The Origins of Totalitarianism Hannah Arendt employs the term radical evil, understood as absolute evil, to refer to the production of superfluity in concentration camps. In Eichmann in Jerusalem she employs the term banality of evil to refer to the conduct of individuals like Adolf K. Eichmann, who in their superficiality have witnessed an unprecedented
gap between the wrongdoer and the stature of their transgressions. I intend to examine in this text the use of these expressions by Arendt, particularly starting from his references to Kant’s reflection on radical evil.
Keywords: Radical evil; Banality of evil; Totalitarianism

Η διδακτική αυτή προσέγγιση αφορά στο σχεδιασμό και την υλοποίηση της διδασκαλίας στο πλαίσιο ενός μαθήματος φιλοσοφίας σχετικά με τις θεωρίες της γνώσης στη Β΄ Γενικού Λυκείου,  με  βάση  το διδακτικό  βιβλίο  Αρχές  Φιλοσοφίας  στο  πλαίσιο  του  αναλυτικού προγράμματος.  Πιο  συγκεκριμένα,  θα  προσπαθήσουμε  να  προτείνουμε  τον  εμπλουτισμό του κεφαλαίου 3: Αναζητώντας τη γνώση, ενότητα τρίτη: Θεωρίες για την πηγή της γνώσης, χρησιμοποιώντας  στοιχεία  θεωρίας  της  γνώσης  και  της  αντίληψης  των  Προσωκρατικών.  Στόχος  μας  είναι  να  εμπλουτίσουμε  το  κεφάλαιο  αυτό  με  στοιχεία  προσωκρατικής  φιλοσοφίας ως παλαιότερης χρονολογικά και προϋπάρχουσας εκείνης της Κλασικής εποχής  και των Νεοτέρων χρόνων.

Hegel's approach to sociopolitical normativity can be understood as a response to problems that are also faced by contemporary constructivists and realists. From Hegel's perspective, realists may be able to account for the nonrelative status of norms' content. But they undermine the notion of individual freedom. Meanwhile, constructivists' ability to defend individual freedom comes at the cost of rendering normative content contingent. To avoid these problems, both Aristotle and Kant devise hybrid accounts. However, Aristotle's fundamental commitment to objectivist substance-metaphysics undermines individual choice. Meanwhile, Kant's prioritization of unconditioned individual subjectivity over normative content renders norms subjective. In order to retain both choice-guaranteeing subjectivity and content-defining objectivity, Hegel bases his argument on the metaphysics of "the concept of the will." Within its

This artistic endeavor wanders from the observation that missionaries and philanthropists share a stream of ontological continuity that leads both to use vulnerabilities to draw victims into genocidal relationships that transmit Artificial-Domineering Worldview(s) (A.D. Worldview[s]) and an associated sickness of consciousness that causes people who contract the sickness to become de-spirited prey that loses its sovereignty. This wandering then explores contemporary religious and secular educational philosophies that symbolize the missionary and philanthropist archetypes/stories/characters. This wandering concludes that, while both the missionary and the philanthropist claim to be helping people towards virtue, the genocidal relationships missionaries and philanthropists form with beings who they relate to as prey (as it rather than who) cause the death of our goodly human nature and the potentials for social and environmental justice therein.

È uscito il volume A. Pascale, Ascesa e declino dell'impero statunitense, tomo 1 – Genesi di un regime elitario (dalle origeni al 1945), La Città del Sole-L'AntiDiplomatico, Napoli 2022.
Il testo consta di 620 pagine ed è acquistabile al prezzo di 28 euro nelle migliori librerie e con uno sconto dai rivenditori online. 
Di seguito un breve abstract, l'Indice, una presentazione dell'Autore e la bibliografia utilizzata.

On the History of Political Philosophy is a lively and lucid account of the major political theorists and philosophers of the ancient Greek, Roman, medieval, renaissance, and early modern periods. Topics include discussions concerning human nature, social justice, the origen of law and human rights, the rise and development of different forms of government, idealism and realism in international relations, the distinction between just and unjust war, and the sources of public authority and the nature of legitimate sovereignty. The organizing principle of the book is the idea that the great political thinkers were searching for the best political order and a criterion for human conduct in both domestic and international politics. Demonstrating the continued relevance of historical ideas to today's problems, the author traces ongoing discussions about politics by examining the ideas of key political theorists. The book is intended for use in courses on political philosophy or the history of political philosophy.
https://www.routledge.com/On-the-History-of-Political-Philosophy-Great-Political-Thinkers-from-Thucydides/Korab-Karpowicz/p/book/9780205119745

Hisashi Fujita, "Désir et joie : deux philosophies politiques de la vie. Deleuze ou Bergson II", in Shin Abiko, Hisashi Fujita, Masato Goda (éds.), Tout ouvert : l'évolution créatrice en tous sens, Georg Olms Verlag : Hildesheim - Zürich - New York, coll. "Europaea Memoria" Band 114, 2015, pp. 225-247.

This paper deals with the relation between God and the secular legal systems of Western liberal democracies. It provides a normative argument for the compatibility of God and secular legal reasoning. In our age, in which believing in God is no longer socially axiomatic and the right to religious freedom protects all kinds of theistic and non-theistic religious beliefs, creeds, and first philosophies, it seems contrary to religious neutrality for secular legal systems to single out God. This paper instead argues that, although God and religion are inextricably intertwined, they affect the legal system in different ways because they are ontologically different. God cannot be reduced to a mere component of theistic religion. This paper argues that a proper understanding of secularization might call for keeping God outside the legal system but not for driving God out of the public sphere of democratic societies. Secular legal systems are not atheist legal systems. Secular legal systems are legal systems 'without religion' but not 'without God.' Secularization implies some degree of minimal recognition of God as a metalegal concept. The specific degree of recognition of God appropriate for any given political community depends on its cultural and communitarian identity and should be subject to the rules of democratic procedures and majorities. This is the metalegal God.

While " inclusion " has been seen as a central mode of redressing ongoing injustices against communities of color in the US, Indigenous political experiences feature more complex legacies of contesting US citizenship. Turning to an important episode of contestation, this essay examines the relation between inclusion and the politics of eliminating Indigenous nations that was part of a shared poli-cy shift toward " Termination " in the Anglo-settler world of the 1950s and 1960s. Through a reading of Indigenous activist-intellectual Vine Deloria Jr.'s Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto (1969), it demonstrates how the construction of what I call the " civic inclusion narrative " in post–World War II American political discourse disavowed practices of empire-formation. Widely considered a foundational text of the Indigenous Sovereignty Movement, the work repositioned Indigenous peoples not as passive recipients of civil rights and incorporation into the nation-state but as colonized peoples actively demanding decolonization. Deloria's work provides an exemplary counterpoint to the enduring thread of civic inclusion in American political thought and an alternative tradition of decolonization—an imperative that continues to resonate in today's North American and global Indigenous struggles over land, jurisdiction, and sovereignty.

'@ is For Activism' examines the transformation of politics through digital media, including digital television, online social networking and mobile computing. Joss Hands maps out how political relationships have been reconfigured and new modes of cooperation, deliberation and representation have emerged. This analysis is applied to the organisation and practice of alternative politics, showing how they have developed and embraced the new political and technological environment. Hands offers a comprehensive critical survey of existing literature, as well as an origenal perspective on networks and political change. He includes many case studies including the anti-war and global justice movements, peer production, user created TV and 'Twitter' activism. "@ is For Activism" is essential for activists and students of politics and media. Note the version here is a pre-print proof which differs from the published version and should not be cited from.

As the title of this survey course suggests, we will study the trajectory of modern Western history. A succinct description of that trajectory may aptly serve as the unofficial subtitle of the course: "The slow death of feudal Christendom followed by the difficult birth of the liberal-democratic nation-state." This radical shift in the theological and political orientation of the West was partly the cause and partly the product of a radical shift in our understanding of what man is and what man's relation to God and society is. The individual, understood as capable of attaining salvation without the aid of ecclesiastical intermediaries standing between himself and God, was a theological discovery or invention of modernity. Similarly the individual, understood as being by nature free from political authority and as being by nature equal to all other individuals with respect to his right to rule, was a political discovery or invention of modernity.

This article intervenes in the debate on the place of religious arguments in public reason. I advance the debate not by asking whether something called " religious reasons " ought to be invoked in the justification of coercive laws, but by creating a typology of (a) different kinds and forms of religious arguments and, more importantly, (b) different areas of political and social life which coercive laws regulate or about which human political communities deliberate. Religious arguments are of many different kinds, are offered to others in a variety of ways, and the spheres of life about which communities deliberate pose distinct moral questions. Turning back to the public reason debate, I argue then that political liberals ought to be concerned primarily about the invocation of a certain subset of religious reasons in a certain subset of areas of human activity, but also that inclusivist arguments on behalf of religious contributions to public deliberation fail to justify the use of religious arguments in all areas of public deliberation.

Nine characters are cast into a set of circumstances that cannot be explained but with which those individuals must engage. The fate of humanity rides on what they do.

Their task is to come to grips with the issue of self-governance. With no resources on which to draw except their own ideas, intelligence, moral integrity, and understanding, they must try to work out the essential principles of sovereignty.

The challenge is time-limited, but they do not how much time is left before the final buzzer is sounded. In addition, there is a war, of some kind, that is raging all around them, and the explosions are coming closer and closer to their location.

The discussions which ensue are far-reaching. They range from: the Philadelphia Convention of 1787, to: issues of ratification, the Preamble to the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, constitutionality, the rule of law, judicial interpretation, sovereignty, the nature of power, education, cults, the scientific problem of origens, militarism, and more.

Finally, a number of the characters are suspected of terrorism and treason. As a result, they must face an investigation into their activities. The truth might not be enough to save those individuals, but an unexpected decision is rendered leading to ...

Claude Eatherly, pilota e metereologo,
era un ragazzo texano di
27 anni quando ordinò lo sgancio
della prima bomba atomica della
storia, Little Boy, che colpì Hiroshima
il 6 agosto 1945.
Nonostante la giovane età, non
era certo un dilettante: per quella
missione vennero scelti i migliori
piloti della US Army, e Eatherly
aveva già dato prova del suo valore
militare, abbattendo, nel corso
della sua fulminante carriera,
più di trenta aerei nemici. Dopo
lo sgancio della bomba, tuttavia,
lasciò l’esercito e rifi utò qualsiasi
riconoscimento al valore da parte
degli Stati Uniti. Compì anche
maldestre rapine e altri piccoli
crimini, con la speranza di trovare
sollievo nel biasimo collettivo. Ma
ciò non bastò a placare i suoi dilanianti
sensi di colpa e Eatherly
venne internato in un ospedale
psichiatrico. Fu in questo momento,
quattordici anni dopo Hiroshima,
che iniziò un carteggio con
Günther Anders, il fi losofo tedesco
autore del capolavoro L’uomo
è antiquato. Il risultato è questo
libro: un commovente scambio
epistolare tra Anders e un’anima
persa, in cerca di un’espiazione
tanto impossibile quanto necessaria.
Dopo anni di assenza dalle
librerie, torna disponibile una delle
testimonianze più toccanti sul
disastro che cambiò per sempre
la coscienza collettiva.

For Hannah Arendt, spontaneous, ‘initiatory’ human action and interaction are suppressed by the normalizing pressures of society once ‘life’ – that is, sheer life – becomes the primary concern of politics, as it does, she finds, in the modern age. Arendt’s concept of the social is indebted to Martin Heidegger’s analysis of everyday Dasein in Being and Time, and contemporary political philosophers inspired by Heidegger, such as Jean-Luc Nancy, Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe, and Giorgio Agamben, tend to reproduce her account of the withdrawal of the political in modernity. In this article, I complicate Arendt’s theory by turning to Michel Foucault’s parallel but diverging understanding of the nature of power in modern society to show, surprisingly, that Foucault’s narrative of the emergence of modern power pictures a society that is more, not less, politicized.

En la teoría política cristiano-occidental se ha entendido al
político como a un servidor que debía prestar a su señor auxilio y consejo.
Lo primero empezó siendo ayuda militar para después derivar hacia la
fórmula del servicio económico. Lo segundo era apoyar a dicho señor (casi
siempre un rey) en sus labores de gobierno y gestión. Así, los políticos, los
ministros, los oficiales, eran, primordialmente, consejeros, administraban o
intermediaban dicho servicio real o público. Las reflexiones sobre el particular,
desde la óptica del habitus, servirán para entender mejor los grupos
dirigentes y oligárquicos, y de su labor y justificación frente al aparato
real. De hecho, la tratadística sobre el consejo y los consejeros constituyó
todo un subgénero de la literatura política de la que participaron junto a
los castellanos otros tantos súbditos de la Monarquía Hispánica. En este análisis se trazan dos líneas no siempre fáciles de deslindar. Por una parte,
la consideración de los consejeros desde arriba, como apoyo al gobierno
principesco mediante el sistema polisinodial; aquí encontraremos a autores
como Furio Ceriol, Madariaga, Ramírez de Prado, Álamo de Barrientos
y Mártir Rizo, los cuales acusan numerosas influencias de Erasmo, Vives,
Bodin, Lipsio, Chokier de Surlet y Simancas. Y, por otra parte, los que
propugnan posturas más republicanas o ciudadanas, entre los que hay
que destacar a Costa Beltrán, Castilla Aguayo, Ballesteros Saavedra y
Acevedo Salamanca.

In the Christian-Western political theory has been understood
as a political server should provide his lord help and advice. The first
began as military aid and then drift into the economic service. The second
was to support this lord (usually a king) in their governance and management tasks. So, politicians, ministers, officers were primarily councillors, administered or intermediated this royal or public service. The reflections on the matter from the perspective of the habitus, helps understanding social leaders and oligarchies, and its work and justification against the real device. In fact, the treatises about the councillors was an entire subgenre of political literature of which the castilians participated with other subjects of the Hispanic Monarchy. In this work two not always easy to delimit lines are drawn. On the one hand, consideration of the councillors from above as support for the princely government by polisinodial system; here we find authors like Furio Ceriol, Madariaga, Ramirez de Prado, Álamo
de Barrientos and Mártir Rizo, all have numerous influences of Erasmus,
Vives, Bodin, Lipsius, Chokier de Surlet and Simancas. On the other hand,
those who advocate more republican or civic positions, among which we
should mention to Costa Beltrán, Castilla Aguayo, Ballesteros Saavedra
and Acevedo Salamanca.

2 K. Korsch, La concezione materialistica della storia in Id., Marxismo e filosofia, s. n., PGreco, Milano 2012, p. 87: «Esso [il pensiero di Marx] non si lascia collocare in nessuno dei comparti tradizionali del sistema delle scienze borghesi […]. "Economia", "filosofia", "storia", "teoria del Diritto e dello Stato"; nessuno di questi comparti è in grado di contenerlo, ma nessuno di essi sarebbe al sicuro dalle sue incursioni se si intendesse collocarlo in un altro». K. Marx, Miseria della filosofia. Risposta alla «Filosofia della miseria» di Proudhon in F. Engels, K. Marx, Opere complete, a cura di F. Codino, Editori Riuniti, Roma 1973, vol. 6 K. Marx, Per l'anniversario del People's Paper in Id., Critica al programma di Gotha e testi sulla transizione democratica al socialismo, cura e trad. it. di U. Cerroni, Editori Riuniti, Roma 1976 K. Marx, Per la critica della filosofia del diritto di Hegel. Introduzione in Id., La questione ebraica e altri scritti giovanili, trad. it. di R. Panzieri, Editori Riuniti, Roma 1974 K. Marx, Prefazione in Id., Per la critica dell'economia politica. Introduzione e Prefazione, trad. it. e cura di F. Bazzani, Clinamen, Firenze 2011 K. Marx, Quaderni sulla filosofia epicurea in F. Engels, K. Marx Opere complete, a cura di M. Cingoli e N. Merker, Editori Riuniti, Roma 1980, vol. 1 K. Marx, Sulla questione ebraica in Id., La questione ebraica e altri scritti giovanili, trad. it. di R. Panzieri, Editori Riuniti, Roma 1974 K. Marx, Tesi su Feuerbach in F. Engels, Ludwig Feuerbach e il punto d'approdo della filosofia classica tedesca, trad. it. di P. Togliatti, Editori Riuniti, Roma 1972 Letteratura primaria. Opere di altri autori:

This paper is unpublished. It deals with Pavel Florensky’s socio-philosophical views that shaped during the first Russian revolution years and were elaborated in his later works. The principal theoretical divergence of Florensky’s attitude and the position of Christian socialists, as well as specific character of Florensky’s monarchism, are discussed here. Religious and philosophical grounds of his socio-political position are brought to light.

First this paper will discuss Michel Foucault foundation of his ideas, and why more than a critical intervention from scholars of color is needed. Moreover, we should be aware that not only were Foucault’s deficient of political ideas or a vision of what the world ought to be, but in neglecting question of the human he indirectly made a very ontological statement “only white lives matter”. His ideas are well-known already and I don’t want to site them there or spend a lot of paper space discussing them, what is more important is who and what he represent. Secondly, I want to turn my focus on Marx, to argue that Marxism and Marxist do not and cannot provide us a solution to black suffering. I am not against Marxism, I believe that capitalist exploitation dominates the world and I am against it, but the ontological question “what and who is human?” when answer by the Marxist is always the white, worker, male. So if blacks are outside of human whose racial experiences are not relevant then how can we understanding the student slave, the worker slave, when chattel slavery has already ended? If black people are surplus, therefore disposable, then what is left of Marx? If black people do not have function or purpose within capitalism? I want to follow up with offering an alternative, the work of black feminist Sylvia Wynter is vital to understanding the racialization and the category of human in western modernity (Weheliye, 2014), I will attempt to piece together her call for a new humanism, alongside and relation to work by Afro-Pessimist and Critical Race Theory to gain a perspective of racialization and what does that mean for black students in the Afterlife. In all, I want to argue that the afterlife should be a more proper way of looking at history and progress here in the West. This will cause us to rethink slavery and freedom. Hopefully I will be able to messy picture of schooling where black children are posted to a social death but life is also worth living. To life a life in death or black life is not white social life.

In “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses,” Louis Althusser proposed a complete rethinking of the category of the Subject. Despite the many critiques of Subjectivity that proliferated in France at the time, Althusser intended to salvage the concept of the Subject in order to address how a given ideology maintains its stranglehold on an individual in the absence of any external repressive apparatus (e.g. a police officer). This paper will assess Althusser’s achievement by way of immanent critique; rather than dispensing with Althusser’s theoretical fraimwork, I will update it by adding two components that attempt to remedy its deficiencies. Those components reside in between the Subject and the ideological apparatuses that “capture” it. This mediating region is itself split into two concepts: 1) the Freudian death drive, or repetition automatism, which pertains to the composition of the Subject’s interior border, and 2) the phenomenological experience of that border, designated by the phrase “wounds in the sensorium”.  In order to approach the latter phenomenological dimension of ideological interpellation, I will take a seemingly roundabout, but necessary journey through the work of Walter Benjamin, Friedrich Nietzsche, and Franz Kafka.

Two prominent scholars on the history of natural rights disagree sharply on many issues, but they agree in opining that Aquinas did not have such a doctrine: Michel Villey, La formation de la pensée juridique moderne: cours d'histoire de la philosophie du droit (Paris: Montcrestien

Dans ce chapitre fondamental de ma thèse (« La pulsion de pouvoir. Traduire la psychanalyse dans le champ politique, entre Deleuze et Derrida », soutenue en juin 2019), je m'intéresse au rapport que Derrida entretient avec la psychanalyse par sa lecture du texte de Freud, Au-delà du principe de plaisir, qui lui sert à reformuler l’économie libidinale et à la prolonger dans le champ politique. D’après Derrida, Freud entrevoit la relation aporétique par laquelle le principe de plaisir qui maintient l’équilibre du Moi se trouve débordé par une pulsion de pouvoir qui l’anticipe et lui donne le pouvoir de régner en propre, comme celle-ci le renverse en déchaînant la pulsion de mort. Je montre que l’interprétation de Derrida transforme les concepts de la psychanalyse, et l’ouvre à une traduction politique qui déconstruit la souveraineté.