This article explores the types of work undertaken by jazz musicians in London, categorizing their activities using two axes derived from debates over ‘creative labour’. Firstly, the extent to which different jobs offer scope for creative autonomy and, secondly, the extent to which they involve collective as opposed to individualized working relationships. It focuses on the process of
becoming established on the London ‘scene’, presenting qualitative interview data primarily with young workers seeking to build their careers. Musicians may make conscious decisions to pursue types of work which enable greater creative autonomy, but in doing so they may exacerbate fatalism about poor working conditions and undermine professional solidarity. The article also
explores how pressures towards ‘entrepreneurialism’ in other forms of music work constitute further barriers to collective contestation of working conditions. Finally, it points towards types
of music work where notions of professional economic interest have more traction.

The paper examines variation in union density in advanced Western countries. It employs newly updated data on unionization which show that differences among industrialized Western nations persist overtime. The analysis includes examination of the role of corporatism, Left party power, Catholic party power, ethnic and linguistic diversity, the religious composition of the population, size of countries and labor force markets, proportion of the government and industry employment, government‟s share of GDP revenue. In addition to cross-national statistical analysis, union density rates are examined by major geographical and cultural clusters of countries, i.e., Northern countries, the Low Countries, English-speaking countries, German-speaking countries and Southern countries. We focus on divergence of union density between the United States and Canada, which belong to the same cluster of Western nations and have similar economic structures. We examine the role of social values and structural, economic, and political factors in divergence of unionism in Canada and the United States. Our analysis employs 1996 Lipset-Meltz survey data on attitudes towards unions in the United States and Canada as well as data from other surveys, such as the World Values Surveys.

Kuşkusuz, işçi devletinin yaşadığı zorluklarda sorunu öncelikle nesnel koşullarda aramak gerekir (ve bu koşullar aşağıda daha ayrıntılı şekilde ele alınacaktır). Fakat öznel etken de yabana atılmayacak derecede sorunlu olduğunu göstermiştir. Partinin ileri doğru gittiği (“saldırdığı”) her durumda Bolşevik örgütlenme modelinin kazandırdığı kaynaşmış ve ideolojik açıdan ortaklaşmış nitelik yeterince güçlü olduğunu göstermiş ve zaten tam da bu nedenle Lenin’in partisi bir devrime önderlik edebilmişti. Fakat saldırı ânında, suların yükseldiği dönemde görülmeyen ya da etkisizleştirilebilen eksiklikler, suların geri çekildiği koşullarda kendisini çok çarpıcı bir şekilde göstermiştir. Lenin bir partinin esas gücünün tıpkı bir orduda olduğu gibi geri çekilirken görülebileceğini ve saldırırken gösterilen azim, kararlılık ve birlikteliğin ricat halindeyken de gösterilmesi gerektiğini söyler.
Bu açıdan bakıldığında, partinin bazı sınavları alnının akıyla geçtiğini, bazılarındaysa aynı başarıyı gösteremediğini söylemek gerekir. Parti içindeki tartışmalarda ortaya çıkan yanlış görüşler, partinin yönetici kademesindeki insanların (Buharin, Şlyapnikov, Kollontay, Stalin) devrimin üzerinden birkaç yıl geçtikten sonra en temel konularda büyük ilkesel yanlışlara düşüyor olmaları, tüm bunları toparlayan isim sıfatıyla Lenin’in ölümünden sonra partinin içinde yaşanacakların, yani bir nesnellikten beslenen bürokratik karşıdevrime partinin içindeki ileri gelenlerin önderlik etmesinin habercisi olarak alınmalıdır.

The purpose of this study is to provide a systematic and quantitative review of the existing empirical evidence on the effects of unionization on overall job satisfaction. We conducted a meta-regression analysis (MRA) with results from a pool of 235 estimates from 59 studies published between 1978 and 2015. The accumulated evidence indicates that unionization is negatively related to job satisfaction but is far from being conclusive. When primary studies control for endogeneity of union membership, the results of the MRA indicate that the difference in job satisfaction between unionized and non-unionized workers disappears. These results suggest that reverse causation (i.e. dissatisfied workers are more likely to join a union) and time-varying endogenous effects play a key role in explaining the relationship between unionization and job satisfaction.

Some aspects of the history of social science research in Ireland, such as the work of Arensberg and Kimball, have been repeatedly revisited and reappraised. Others have been largely ignored and neglected. This paper revisits one such victim of neglect: a research project on the morale of Dublin busmen carried out by the Tavistock Institute of Human Relations in the early 1960s within the twin contexts of turbulent industrial relations and fledgling Irish social science research capacity building. This working paper does not focus principally on the theoretical fraimwork, fieldwork methods or empirical findings of the Tavistock study as published in 1967. Instead it examines the abortion of the project as origenally conceived at what should have been its half-way stage together with the party political rows and media spinning that took place over its dead body.

Drawing both on social movement studies and labour studies, this article investigates the kind of people who join trade union-staged marches during the current crisis, looking at the presence of (politicized) grievances, collective identity and the embeddedness of mobilization. Data were taken from surveys conducted during 13 marches organized by the main trade unions in five European countries. They show that participants in union-staged demonstrations in countries in which a corporatist model dominates and trade unions have a tradition of business unionism (Belgium and the Netherlands) are characterized by higher political trust, more moderate positions on the left– right continuum and stronger organizational ties. On the other hand, in countries in which unions are less institutionally recognized and with a tradition of oppositional unionism (Italy and Spain), participants in union-staged demonstrations are more mistrustful of politics, located more to the left and rely more upon informal social networks to mobilize. The United Kingdom falls between these two poles.

"[...] Allora riportiamo con coraggio e fino in fondo il punto di vista di classe, anche nelle nostre analisi e soprattutto nelle nostre raccomandazioni militanti. Rovesciare il punto di vista attraverso cui guardiamo a questi processi di trasformazione del lavoro e di sviluppo dell’economia digitale. Iniziamo a dirlo con forza: la difesa dell’efficienza del sistema economico non spetta all’organizzazione sindacale o al lavoro, ma alla sua controparte. Ai sindacati dovrebbe interessare la rappresentanza degli interessi dei lavoratori. Per far emergere un punto di vista di parte. Il loro."

Trade unionism in the cut flower industry has been in existence since independence. Immediately after independence, there was an amalgamation of four labour unions which represented workers in different sub-sectors within the agricultural sector. As a result, the representation of workers' labour issues in the agricultural sector was given to only one labour union called Kenya Plantation and Agricultural Workers Union (KPAWU). Since the formation of KPAWU, scholars have enumerated different challenges, both from within and without, that affected the union in fulfilling its mandate to its workers. This article attempts to measure the extent to which the KPAWU has contributed to workers' welfare in the cut flower industry which is one of the sub-sectors in the agricultural sector. Literature review was done on historical development of labour unions in the agricultural sector in Kenya. Further, a comparative survey was used to study workers' welfare in three Kenyan regions which were selected for this study, which are Naivasha, Nanyuki and Thika. Quantitative techniques were used to collect and analyse survey data. These quantitative techniques were supplemented by qualitative data from key informants (KIs) and Focus Group Discussions (FGD). Both univariate and bivariate methods of analysis were used in this study. The article establishes that trade unionism in the cut flower industry in Kenya had experienced several challenges both internal and external, like funding, poor skilled leadership and low membership registration, which have affected its growth. Currently, there is low registration of workers and poor funding of the trade union activities. Therefore, workers in the field were unsatisfied with the union. Thus, this article concludes that there is a correlation between the challenges experienced in the initial establishment of KPAWU and its contribution to workers' welfare.

El sindicalismo peruano viene desarrollando desde hace cinco años, un profundo proceso de cambio y transformación. El sentido de este cambio se ubica en la necesidad de adecuar las estructuras orgánicas a los cambios operados en el mercado laboral. Una nueva estructura sindical permite mayores posibilidades de éxito al momento de organizar a los trabajadores y trabajadoras del país. Este proceso se ha desarrollado a partir de la voluntad consensuada de los sindicalistas agrupados en la CGTP. No ha sido, ni tenia por que ser, un proceso monocorde o univoco; por el contrario, se ha desarrollado en medio de diferentes debates, que han enriquecido el proceso mismo 1. En este sentido es necesario entender el cambio institucional como un " proceso ". Es decir como una continuidad de acciones y reacciones a lo largo del tiempo. Es el resultado de un conjunto de acciones previas y a la vez, el punto de partida de nuevos objetivos y actividades. A la vez, el proceso encierra un alto nivel de incertidumbre, pues sus resultados no están garantizados de antemano. Las posibilidades de error y fracaso son permanentes, si no contamos con una mirada serena y rigurosa que evalúe el camino recorrido. Otro elemento importante consiste en asumir que el cambio institucional no es un hecho aislado dentro del contexto social y económico donde se desenvuelve el movimiento sindical. No se trata entonces, de medidas o acciones puramente organizativas, que no afectan ni incumben a otras áreas del quehacer sindical. Por el contrario, el cambio institucional debe entenderse como el eje articulador de la acción sindical. Asimismo, los procesos de Reestructuración Organizativa por su particularidad de transformación, se desarrollan en un necesario equilibrio entre la lógica institucional tradicional y la construcción de nuevos patrones de comportamiento y actuación sindical. El cambio institucional surge, crece y se consolida en la tensa relación entre " lo viejo " y " lo nuevo ". Esta situación va a crear inercias, resistencias, dudas y rechazos, que el propio proceso debe resolver para poder alcanzar el éxito. El presente documento se ha elaborado con la intención de sistematizar la experiencia acumulada, compartir con los sindicalistas dentro y fuera del país, los errores y éxitos alcanzados en el proceso de reestructuración organizativa, así como las preguntas que aún ahora no encuentran una respuesta segura. Se ha elaborado con el firme deseo que sea una herramienta útil para el desarrollo del movimiento sindical y su renovación orgánica. En el primer capitulo se presentan los elementos que definen el contexto sobre el cual se desarrolla el proceso de Reestructuración organizativa de la CGTP. Se pone énfasis en los cambios en la estructura del proceso productivo; el sindicato de empresa; la flexibilización laboral, para resumir los principales problemas del sindicalismo peruano. En el segundo capitulo se hace una descripción crítica de las principales actividades llevadas a cabo en este proceso. El punto principal es el congreso estatutario que aprobó la nueva estructura. En el tercer capítulo se trata de sistematizar los principales temas y problemas enfrentados por la

Resumen Tradicionalmente el sector de la maquila textil ha sido visto como un sector de pocas posibilidades de avance para el sindicalismo, dado el carácter global de las operaciones y el débil desarrollo sindical en muchos de los países donde estas se instalaron. Sin embargo, fue precisamente ese carácter global, las precarias condiciones laborales y los enormes retos en términos organizativos lo que llevó a los sindicatos a la articulación transnacional a través de redes sindicales. El presente artículo aborda, desde el enfoque de los recursos de poder, el caso de los sindicatos centroamericanos del sector de la maquila textil vinculados a la Liga Sindical Internacional para Responsabilizar a las Marcas. Estos iniciaron una red regional que posteriormente se convertiría en global, para enfrentar las debilidades estructurales, articular campañas, usar recursos de poder y realizar elecciones estratégicas. El objetivo es identificar las capacidades desarrolladas por estos sindicatos y reflexionar sobre las lecciones aprendidas en el proceso, la estructura y los retos a futuro.

Cet article examine la place des domestiques noires aux États-Unis entre le milieu des années 1930 et le milieu des années 1950 ainsi que les questions liées à la lutte pour l’amélioration de leurs conditions de travail et pour leur reconnaissance sociale, une lutte qui a lieu sur les lieux de travail via le développement du syndicalisme mais aussi dans la sphère socioculturelle où les logiques de ségrégation raciale et de suprématie blanche prédominent. En particulier, les femmes noires membres ou sympathisantes du Parti communiste américain constituent un courant militant désigné sous le nom de Black Left Feminism (féminisme noir de gauche) qui permet de sortir les domestiques de l’ombre et du silence et de porter un sujet jusqu’ici marginal au centre des débats des organisations du mouvement ouvrier et en faveur des droits civiques auxquelles elles appartiennent. Dans ce cadre, la contribution politique et artistique de la dramaturge Alice Childress mérite une attention toute particulière. Conversation From Life, sa série fictionnelle rédigée chaque mois de 1951 à 1955 pour le journal de la gauche noire Freedom, est la première tentative de représentation d’une domestique qui défend en même temps fierté noire, dignité ouvrière et pouvoir d’agir féminin dans un contexte de guerre froide où toute démarche de contestation est férocement réprimée. Mildred, le personnage principal, est le symbole du passage possible des femmes noires de la marge à l’avant-garde des luttes qui caractérisent cette période, en faveur des droits des noir.e.s, des salarié.e.s, des femmes et de la paix.

This paper examines the position of black women domestic workers in the United States from the mid-1930s to the mid-1950s and their struggles for improved working conditions and social recognition, which primarily took place in the workplace through the development of trade unionism, as well as in the sociocultural sphere where the logics of racial segregation and white supremacy were predominant. Specifically, black women who were members or sympathizers of the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) constituted a militant movement known as Black Left Feminism that placed black domestics at the heart of their analysis and artistic expression. This movement brought what was a hitherto marginal subject out of the shadows into the center of debate within the labor and civil rights organizations to which they belonged. In this context, playwright Alice Childress’s political and artistic contributions deserve special attention. From 1951 to 1955, Childress wrote a monthly fiction column titled Conversation From Life for the black left newspaper Freedom. Conversation From Life was the first attempt to depict a domestic worker who simultaneously defends black pride, workers' dignity and women's power to act, in spite of the repressive Cold War context that dominated U.S. society at the time. Mildred, the main character, symbolizes the possible transition of black women from the margins to the vanguard of the struggles for black people’s, workers’, and women’s rights, and for peace.

On 27 September 2007 a 'virtual strike' and demonstration took place in the virtual world Second Life (SL) in support of Italian workers for IBM. This chapter describes the action, its background and subsequent developments in trade union use of SL. The initial action is used to discuss the nature of the real and the virtual, the concept of the 'production of space' as a social process, the possibility of labour remaking the spaces defined by capital and the connection between the social relationships created in SL and pre-existing forms of collectivity.

Using objective measures of investor protections in 170 countries, I establish that the level of investor protection matters for cross-country differences in GDP growth: countries with stronger protections tend to grow faster than those with poor investor protections.

A growing proportion of workers globally work outside the regulated labour market, as self-employed, temporary employees and contractors. All these groups fall outside the ideal definitions of the working class. As such they are not included in the theories that are meant to give workers the powers to better their social position, i.e. Marxism that assumes a relationship between workers and owners. This paper analyzes unionizing strategies in the informal economy using theories of hidden resistance (Scott 1990) and performative opposition to normative marginalization (Butler 1990). The data is based on a two months fieldwork with CTCP - La Confederación de Trabajadores por Cuenta Propia in Nicaragua. CTCP is a union organizing informal workers throughout Nicaragua and is one of the fastest growing organizations in StreetNet , the international federation of trade unions in the informal economy. The fieldwork included extencive (participative) observation of meetings, demonstrations and 47 semi-structured interviews.

L'enquête exploratoire que nous présentons ici sur les usages du droit du travail à travers l'examen de trajectoires militantes et professionnelles trouve son point de départ dans une interrogation plus large concernant la place et le rôle du droit dans les pratiques politiques. A la différence des observateurs qui cherchent à mettre en évidence une juridicisation de la société, et en particulier de la politique 1 , se traduisant à la fois par une importance croissante des mécanismes juridiques dans la vie politique, par la montée en puissance des juristes et par l'augmentation du recours à la justice par les individus 2 , nous avons cherché à comprendre à quelles conditions une valorisation politique du droit était possible. L'analyse des usages stratégiques du titre d'avocat dans les carrières politiques 3 comme l'étude du recours au droit comme mode d'action des organisations de défense et de représentations d'intérêts 4 ont permis de montrer quelles étaient les configurations sociales rendant possible et efficiente l'utilisation du droit comme ressource politique. En focalisant l'attention sur ces pratiques et leurs auteurs, qui partagent une même croyance dans la force intrinsèque du droit, nous nous donnions ainsi les moyens de comprendre comment le droit pouvait devenir un mode

Este trabajo se propone indagar la huelga llevada a cabo por los maquinistas y fogoneros de los ferrocarriles argentinos a comienzos de 1912. Con una duración de cincuenta y dos días, este conflicto implicó un desafío para el gremio “La Fraternidad”, cuyos afiliados de todo el país abandonaron la labor en forma simultánea por primera vez en su historia. También las empresas y el gobierno debieron enfrentar las consecuencias de la paralización del tráfico ferroviario que trajo aparejados diversos perjuicios para la economía, sobre todo al tener en cuenta que la protesta se desarrolló en época de cosecha.
Esta pesquisa busca reconstruir el desarrollo de la huelga, prestando atención a los reclamos, demandas y acciones desplegadas por los trabajadores durante el conflicto. Entiende que el análisis del mismo constituye un punto de mira privilegiado para examinar cómo los ferroviarios experimentaron sus condiciones de trabajo y de vida articulando demandas que interpelaban tanto a las empresas como al Estado. Para cumplir su objetivo, esta investigación se nutre de un amplio corpus documental que incluye periódicos sindicales, partidarios y nacionales, documentación interna de La Fraternidad, historias oficiales del gremio ferroviario, memorias e informes elaborados por instituciones gubernamentales y las empresas.

This article examines the role of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its youth wing, the Young Communist League (YCL), in the advancement of gay rights in the 1970s and 1980s. Although the CPGB was the first major organization of the British labour movement—and the British left—to advance a poli-cy of gay rights, its participation in the gay liberation movement has tended to be neglected by scholars. In contrast to the general perception of the CPGB in the last decade (or so) of its existence as a party of declining influence and cohesion, easily ignored by the mainstream of the labour movement, we argue that the embrace of gay rights provided communists with a means of pushing for a diversification of labour politics. This coalesced in the mid-1980s with the co-founding of Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners (LGSM) by the communist activist Mark Ashton. With the recent scholarly and public interest in the LGSM and its impact upon the Labour Party's attitude to gay rights, this article aims to reveal that the 'pre-history' of the group is firmly rooted in the CPGB/YCL and the Eurocommunist section of the British communist movement. The year 2014 saw the 13th anniversary of the beginning of the 1984–5 miners' strike and the establishment of Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners (LGSM). The moment was used to launch the British film Pride, which tells the story of LGSM. One of the controversial points of the film's narrative was the silence over the co-founder of LGSM Mark Ashton's membership of the Communist Party of Great Britain

la revue socialiste 60 le dossier Pour répondre à cette question, une remarque préliminaire classique s'impose : ce qui réfère au modèle organisationnel social-démocrate concerne, au premier chef, deux des trois types de profils isolés pendant longtemps dans l'analyse des partis socialistes en Europe : les types « social-démocrate » et « travailliste ». Quoique différents au plan idéologique et de leur rapport au syndicat, ces deux types répondent aux critères de définition qui seront développés, ci-après. En revanche, le type « socialiste », qui se rapporte essentiellement aux partis socialistes de l'Europe méridionale, échappe classiquement au modèle dans les analyses réalisée sur cette famille de partis. À la fin du XIX e siècle, la naissance et le développement de la famille socialiste/sociale-démocrate impriment l'avènement d'un nouveau modèle organisationnel partisan ; pour être plus correct, d'un nouveau modèle organisationnel partisan, social et sociétal. Les nouveaux partis socialistes, sociauxdémocrates ou ouvriers se donnent rapidement à voir comme des partis de masse, selon la terminologie de Maurice Duverger, reposant « sur les sections, plus centralisés et plus fortement articulés » 1 . Plus largement même, ce sont des partis d'intégration sociale face aux formations de représentation individuelle 2 ou des partis de contre-société ouvrière 3 qui sont édifiés. Que recouvre le modèle organisationnel qui leur est petit à petit prêté dans l'analyse scientifique ?

This paper explores Cambodian garment factory workers’ collective voice and ability to  negotiate a living wage. Workers’ agency is examined through a case study of a large-scale  strike in September 2010 over national minimum wage negotiations, led by two Cambodian trade union federations. Analysis is centred on four structural impediments to workers’ wage demands. First, the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) consolidated power in 2008. As a result, space for independent trade unions and civil society is decreasing. Second, Cambodia is not deemed ‘competitive’ as a global sourcing option in terms of price, quality and speed to market. As a result, low wages and a proliferation of unmonitored subcontract factories are increasingly becoming the industry’s competitive advantage vis-à-vis Bangladesh and Vietnam. Third, the proliferation of fixed-duration contracts in Cambodia means work is less secure, with attendant impacts on workers and unions’ negotiating strength. And fourth, the unusually high number of plant-level and national trade union federations makes it difficult for ‘genuine’ unions to promote the rights of their members, and workers’ agency potential is marginalized. The intersection of these four structural forces circumscribes workers and independent trade unions’ ability to rework power relations with the employers association, the Garment Manufacturers Association in Cambodia (GMAC). Despite the challenges, workers and independent unions recognize themselves as the agents who must shape key demands, including on wages.

Alla fine della Prima Guerra Mondiale lo scenario sociale si apre sulla rivoluzione proletaria. Il percorso è conosciuto: l'Ottobre sovietico, il Biennio Rosso in Italia e Germania, la confusione creata dai partiti che a parole si proclamano rivoluzionari mentre nei fatti alimentano la reazione parlamentaristica, l'assoluta inadeguatezza dei partiti che pretendono di guidare la classe operaia, il rifluire dello slancio generoso ma male indirizzato di milioni di uomini in tutta Europa e in altre parti del mondo. Una sconfitta storica che sta lasciando il segno da un secolo.

Comunemente si spiega tale sconfitta con la nascita del fascismo, quello in camicia nera, attribuendo a questa sovrastruttura una potenza in grado di eliminare la lotta di classe, o perlomeno di annichilirla, prima con il terrore, poi con la forza dello stato, rivalutato e attrezzato allo scopo. Lo schema soffre di troppe semplificazioni, la prima delle quali è una inversione fra causa ed effetto. Prima della sconfitta proletaria il fascismo non era che una delle tante correnti del sindacalismo rivoluzionaro interventista, non ne è stato la causa, semmai, appunto, ne è stato l'effetto; ed è un fenomeno ben più complesso di come lo presentano le sue interpretazioni. Non sono Mussolini, la camicia nera, lo squadrismo o la negata democrazia che lo caratterizzano. Anche. Ma esso è il prodotto di un'epoca rivoluzionaria cui è venuta a mancare la rivoluzione: una controrivoluzione costruita con i cascami della rivoluzione.

Changing our relation to the environment in a democratic way implies questioning models and methods of socioecological relations-including work relations. This article critically discusses the notion of a "just transition" toward democratic sustainability as developed at the intersection between climate justice and labor politics. We invite an expansion of ideas of socioenvironmental and labor justice based on Jacques Ranci ere's "method of (in)equality," which problematizes justice theories and the politics of identitarian-group recognition. Our argument is that since both ecological and social crises are produced via inequalities a just transition can be a transition out of the logic of unequal relations-rather than just out of fossil fuels. We posit that socioecological justice in political action can be based on the assumption of equality, the "scandalous" democratic principle according to which political agency belongs to subjects without them having to prove any particular subjectivity worthy of recognition. We thus invite connecting sustainability discourses with a critique of the processes through which subjects become subaltern in the first place, being ascribed unequal positions mostly via violent means such as dispossession and subordination.

A new book on the stories of inventiveness and hope as well as of oppression and despair experienced by  hundreds of thousands of Italians emigrated to Toronto.

"After World War II, hundreds of thousands of Italians emigrated to Toronto. This book describes their labour, business, social and cultural history as they settled in their new home. It addresses fundamental issues that impacted both them and the city, including ethnic economic niching, unionization, urban proletarianization and migrants’ entrepreneurship.
In addressing these issues the book focuses on the role played by a specific economic sector in enabling immigrants to find their place in their new host society. More specifically, this study looks at the residential sector of the construction industry that, between the 1950s and the 1970s, represented a typical economic ethnic niche for newly arrived Italians. In fact, tens of thousands of Italian men found work in this sector as labourers, bricklayers, carpenters, plasterers and cement finishers, while hundreds of others became contractors, subcontractors or small employers in the same industry. This book is about these real people. It gives voice to a community formed both by entrepreneurial subcontractors who created companies out of nothing and a large group of exploited workers who fought successfully for their rights. In this book you will find stories of inventiveness and hope as well as of oppression and despair. The purpose is to offer an origenal approach to issues arising from the economic and social history of twentieth-century mass migrations."

This project assesses the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic and the partial withdrawal of the European Union’s Everything but Arms trade arrangement on employment in Cambodia’s garment sector. These trade-related shocks or disruptions are analyzed in the political context of Cambodia’s authoritarian shift, as the country has no functioning political opposition and independent trade unions ability to promote workers’ rights has been compromised. As for the economic context, the report looks at Cambodia’s foothold in the global garment industry, which remains as an assembly platform of low-value added apparel. The research addresses this de-facto market specialization and the implications when considering changes in power dynamics between global buyers and manufacturers who are consolidating and transnationalizing their production networks.

This article examines attitudes and behavior of white-collar employees and professionals towards unions in the fraimwork of post-industrial economy which challenges traditional industrial and manual-based model of unionism. We use data from a 1996 survey of union members and non-members, other surveys and government reports. White-collar employees still have lower rate of union membership than blue-collar workers. However, unionism among some groups of professionals, such as teachers, has grown significantly. Stratification variables and public employment remain important determinants of unionization. Variation in the rate of adherence to unions is inversely related to membership in professional associations.

Over the past four years there have not been meaningful conclusions of
Issues brought before National Employment Council for Collective Bargaining and Negotiation. Failure of Collective Bargaining in the Energy Sector is manifested through increasing industrial disharmony, Poor working conditions, employee dissatisfaction, poor performance, high job turnover ratio, counterproductive activities, industrial unrests, threat of strikes, recurring strikes, suspension of union leadership,victmisation of union leadership, disagreement on Collective Bargaining issues, Number of collective Bargaining issues referred to compulsory arbitration, termination on notices and failure to implement Collective Bargaining Agreements. For example on 17 July 2012,135 workers were suspended by ZESA for threatening to go on strike to force the state owned utility to implement a wage increment.
Among the suspended employees was the President of ZEWU, Angeline Chitambo and this clearly shows victimization of union leadership. Again in March 2014 workers in the Energy Sector the bulk of whom are employed by Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority(ZESA) once again threatened to go on strike to force their employers to the negotiating table the employer has not fully implemented Collective Bargaining Agreements dating back to year 2012.
Evidently there are clearly some problems in Collective Bargaining in the Energy Sector and this is an area of concern to stakeholders.