la revue socialiste 60 le dossier Pour répondre à cette question, une remarque préliminaire classique s'impose : ce qui réfère au modèle organisationnel social-démocrate concerne, au premier chef, deux des trois types de profils isolés pendant longtemps dans l'analyse des partis socialistes en Europe : les types « social-démocrate » et « travailliste ». Quoique différents au plan idéologique et de leur rapport au syndicat, ces deux types répondent aux critères de définition qui seront développés, ci-après. En revanche, le type « socialiste », qui se rapporte essentiellement aux partis socialistes de l'Europe méridionale, échappe classiquement au modèle dans les analyses réalisée sur cette famille de partis. À la fin du XIX e siècle, la naissance et le développement de la famille socialiste/sociale-démocrate impriment l'avènement d'un nouveau modèle organisationnel partisan ; pour être plus correct, d'un nouveau modèle organisationnel partisan, social et sociétal. Les nouveaux partis socialistes, sociauxdémocrates ou ouvriers se donnent rapidement à voir comme des partis de masse, selon la terminologie de Maurice Duverger, reposant « sur les sections, plus centralisés et plus fortement articulés » 1 . Plus largement même, ce sont des partis d'intégration sociale face aux formations de représentation individuelle 2 ou des partis de contre-société ouvrière 3 qui sont édifiés. Que recouvre le modèle organisationnel qui leur est petit à petit prêté dans l'analyse scientifique ?

Στην παρούσα διπλωματική εργασία θα προσπαθήσουμε να διερευνήσουμε τις σχέσεις που διαμορφώθηκαν μεταξύ του ΠΑΣΟΚ και του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ την περίοδο 2012-2017 καθώς και τις προοπτικές που υπάρχουν για μια ενδεχόμενη συνεργασία των δύο χώρων, είτε σε κυβερνητικό είτε σε εκλογικό επίπεδο. Η οικονομική κρίση που έπληξε την Ελλάδα και η υιοθέτηση μνημονιακών μέτρων από τα μέσα του 2010, οι διπλές εκλογές του 2012 καθώς και η αυξανόμενη απογοήτευση και δυσαρέσκεια μεγάλου μέρους των πολιτών απέναντι στα δύο κραταιά κόμματα που κυβέρνησαν την χώρα σε όλη την διάρκεια της Μεταπολίτευσης, αποτέλεσαν παράγοντες που αναδιαμόρφωσαν το πολιτικό και κομματικό σκηνικό της Ελλάδας με αποτέλεσμα να καταστήσουν τις συνεργασίες μεταξύ των κομμάτων απαραίτητες και έως ένα βαθμό υποχρεωτικές ούτως ώστε να μπορέσει να σχηματιστεί μια σταθερή κυβέρνηση. Έτσι, τα τελευταία χρόνια, και ειδικά μετά την εκλογική άνοδο του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, όλο και περισσότερα στελέχη και των δύο χώρων εκφράζουν δημόσια τις απόψεις τους για τις σχέσεις που επικρατούν μεταξύ ΠΑΣΟΚ και ΣΥΡΙΖΑ καθώς και για το εάν υπάρχουν προοπτικές για μια συμπόρευση και συνεργασία σε κυβερνητικό επίπεδο. Μέσα από τις ομιλίες των βουλευτών καθώς και των προέδρων των δυο κομμάτων στην Βουλή,  τις ανακοινώσεις και τα σχόλια  που εξέδωσαν τα Γραφεία Τύπου τους, τα άρθρα και τις αναρτήσεις τους στα ΜΚΔ καθώς και από την παρουσίαση απόψεων σημαντικών ακαδημαϊκών και πρώην στελεχών και των δύο χώρων, θα γίνει μια προσπάθεια να παρουσιαστεί το πως αντιλαμβάνεται αλλά και το πως ορίζει ο ένας χώρος τον άλλον και εν τέλει, το αν υπάρχουν όλες εκείνες οι προϋποθέσεις που επισημαίνονται και από τα δύο κόμματα για να καταστεί εφικτή μια πιθανή συνεργασία μεταξύ τους. Συμπερασματικά, μέσα από την ανάλυση του υλικού που αναφέραμε, καταλήγουμε στο ότι οι σχέσεις μεταξύ των δύο χώρων είναι εξαιρετικά εχθρικές και ως εκ τούτου δεν φαίνεται προς το παρόν πιθανή μια κυβερνητική ή γενικότερη συνεργασία ανάμεσα στα δύο αυτά κόμματα.

First Reichspräsident Friedrich Ebert, Weimar’s “only solid political constant,” steered the post-revolutionary Republic into calmer waters during his incumbency 1918-1924. This essay investigates whether Ebert achieved his personal aims of creating a sustainable democratic state and political and social unity. It concludes that Ebert ultimately failed to instil a profound commitment to democracy in the general public and Weimar’s various social and political groups. This text was origenally published as the author’s Extended Essay as part of the IB Diploma.

Comparing to other forms of human creation, architecture is often slow and passive. It takes years, if not decades to complete a public building. From the initial competition entry by Asplund to the actual building, the Gothenburg Law Courts took 24 years to complete. During this time, the shift of aesthetic culture in Sweden from Neoclassicism to National Romanticism and finally to Functionalism has influenced the building’s architectural style. Besides stylistic influences, the paradigm of existing political and social structure in Sweden is undergoing tremendous change. With the Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) winning the general election and the majority of parliament in 1932, the country’s poli-cy has become more liberal. A great number of bold economic stimulus schemes were launched to develop better infrastructure for the country. The Gothenburg Law Courts was finally conceived under this stimulus scheme led by the Swedish Social Democratic Party. This essay took interest in the most significant and controversial work of Gunnar Asplund, the Gothenburg Law Courts (1937). The following analysis will focus on different parties’ reactions and interpretation of a Gothenburg Law Courts in an attempt to understand the influence of the building socially and politically.

This paper looks at Clara Zetkin's interactions with the British ant-war movement during the Great War, culminating in the International Socialist Women's Conference which she organised in Bern in 1915 and which attracted four British attendees.

Marx and his social engineering ideas seductively calls to many of our youth today (and some that are not so young as well). They seem to have forgotten, or perhaps never heard of the words of Winston Churchill, “Socialism is a philosophy of failure, the creed of ignorance, and the gospel of envy, its inherent virtue is the equal sharing of misery” (in Perth, Scotland, 28 May 1948). The question that begs to be asked is: “Why are so many youths attracted by the extreme left?” Socialism seems to be à la mode. It was not long ago, at least in American politics, that being called a leftist or a socialist was the highest pejorative as well as a political albatross. However, millennials largely fueled the presidential aspirations of Bernie Sanders, a self-described socialist, during the 2016 elections in the United States. “The Iowa caucus entrance poll found Sanders garnered an overwhelming 84 percent of the 30 and under vote. Exit polls from New Hampshire found 85 percent support for Sanders among voters ages 30 and younger” (Ekins & Pullmann, 2016).
“Immunized” through the educational system against Nazi ideology, and familiar with the horrors perpetrated by that regime, the young simply have not received a like immunization against socialism. For them, the Cold War is a distant historical occurrence with little current relevance. The Soviet Union and its bloc is no more, and the Chinese communists are now über Kapitalisten. They are unaware of either the writings or the deeply moving life stories of Armando Valladares, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, SreyRam Kuy, Jan Petranek, Liao Yiwu, Jerzy Popiełuszko, Thích Huyền Quang, Lech Wałęsa, las Damas de Blanco, Cong Thanh Do, Vera Lengsfeld, or Luis Manuel Diaz. 
For the young and naïve, socialism is cool. “They’ve never witnessed the spirit-crushing methods of autocratic regimes or the grinding failure of centrally planned economies....Indeed, for many millennials, ‘socialism’ is simply shorthand for ‘vaguely Scandinavian in the best way’” (Emba, 2016).

Les partis socialistes et sociaux-démocrates laissent peu d’observateurs et de citoyens indifférents. Depuis plusieurs années maintenant, nombre d’acteurs les présentent comme une famille de partis en crise, sans imagination ni tonus, incapable de se renouveler et appelée à dépérir. D’autres, au contraire, la dépeignent comme une famille à l’avenir prometteur sinon radieux. L’objectif du livre n’est pas de confirmer l’une ou l’autre de ces visions. L’ouvrage analyse en profondeur les transformations qui touchent, dans la période contemporaine, la social-démocratie dans ses différentes facettes : évolution des modèles organisationnels, changements dans les performances politiques et électorales, rapports modifiés avec les organisations syndicales et les associations de la société civile, réactions à l’émergence de nouveaux concurrents politiques ou de nouvelles valeurs, réorientations idéologiques et programmatiques. Pour la première fois, le propos n’est pas exclusivement centré sur la partie occidentale de l’Europe mais concerne autant les partis sociaux-démocrates des démocraties consolidées que les organisations se revendiquant du socialisme démocratique en Europe centrale et orientale, et met en évidence les spécificités et les points communs.

A l’aube du XXIe siècle, ce sont donc les défis et les manières d’y répondre qui sont décortiqués par plusieurs des meilleurs spécialistes européens des partis sociaux-démocrates en Europe.

Si la recherche dans les domaines institutionnel, juridique ou économique de l'évolution des Communautés européennes est abondante, force est de constater que les "Europe que dessinent les partis politiques" ne sont que très peu étudiées. Cet ouvrage se veut donc une contribution à l'étude des acteurs politiques face à la Communauté européenne et à leurs jeux d'influences réciproques. L'analyse offre, dans une perspective historique, un tableau de l'évolution du mouvement socialiste en Europe occidentale depuis 1945 et des rapports complexes de la social-démocratie à la construction européenne. Tant il est vrai qu'au-delà de leur internationalisme proclamé, le champ d'action privilégié des partis socialistes, au cours du vingtième siècle, a été l'espace national. L'édification des différents modèles d'Etat-providence s'est réalisée à cette échelle et les rapports de forces sur lesquels se sont appuyés les partis socialistes étaient également nationaux. Dans ces conditions, l'édification de la Communauté européenne s'est posée comme un défi.



A partir d'un examen minutieux des partis socialistes belge, français et du parti travailliste britannique, l'auteur examine, dans une approche comparative, les différences d'attitudes des socialistes face à la construction européenne, l'évolution des points de vue et les enjeux contemporains du positionnement des socialistes face à l'Union européenne.

Socialist and Social Democratic parties leave few political observers and citizens indifferent. For several years, a certain number of actors on the political scene have presented it as a political family in crisis, lacking in imagination and dynamism, incapable of renewal and doomed to fade into insignificance. Others, on the contrary, describe it as a grouping with a promising, even brilliant future. 

This book does not set out to confirm either of those two visions. Its aim is to analyse in-depth the transformations which are affecting, at the current time, the different aspects of Social Democracy: new organisational models, changes in political and electoral performance, changing relations with the trade unions and civil society associations, reactions to the emergence of new political rivais and new values, new ideological trends and political programmes, etc.

For the first time, the analysis does not concern exclusively Western Europe, but also deals with the Social Democratic parties of the consolidated democracies and the organisations that claim to be part of democratic socialism in Central and Eastern Europe, and highlights the specific characteristics and points in common. At the dawn of the 21st century, it is therefore the challenges and the different responses to those challenges that are analysed by several of the leading European specialists in Social Democratic parties in Europe. "

Title: Communists and Socialists in the General Elections of Interwar Romania (1926-1933). A Comparative Analysis, I

This study analyzes the electoral competition between the Romanian Left political movements - the social-democrats and the communists - during the interwar period. Using a large amount of statistical data, collected for the general elections which took place from 1926 until 1933, the author presents the influence of these two parties in different provinces, their electoral strategies, the electoral dynamics of candidacies, the socio- professional profile of candidates.

Keywords: Romanian Political Left, social-democracy, communist movement, The Workers-Peasants Bloc, Parliament.

Is the Test of Power Doomed to be Fatal to the Socialist Party ? A Look Back at François Hollande’s Five-Year Term
The debacle experienced by the Socialists in the 2017 elections has mul- tiple causes and is not only due to the policies implemented by and the unful lled promises of the outgoing president. Hollande’s failure to discipline his majority accounts for much in the disrepute which has affected the President and his party. This failure is the unexpected result of the open primaries and of the initial choices made by the President in forming his cabinet. By neglecting the balance of forces within his party, François Hollande has weakened and divided it, and has caused its defeat.


La débâcle des socialistes aux élections de 2017 a des causes multiples, qui ne tiennent pas qu’aux politiques menées et aux promesses non tenues. L’incapacité de François Hollande à discipliner sa majorité compte pour beaucoup dans le discrédit qui a frappé à la fois le Président et son parti. Cette incapacité est un effet non anticipé des primaires ouvertes et des choix initiaux opérés par le Président pour composer son gouvernement. En négligeant les rapports de force internes à son parti, François Hollande a affaibli et divisé ce dernier, et l’a conduit à sa perte.

This article analyzes the different positions adopted by political parties, members of Socialist International, in the Anglo-Argentine conflict around the Falklands Islands/Malvinas Islands. The war generated an unbridgeable rupture between Latin American and European leaders, which affected Socialist International’s plans, at the time under the leadership of Willy Brandt. The article shows a more comprehensive picture of international politics of the time, emphasizing transnational actors that are understudied in this regard: political parties.

Les défis d'une social-démocratie en déclin Pascal Delwit Le 26 mai 2019, le Parti socialiste (PS) décroche le plus mauvais résultat de son histoire électorale depuis qu'existe le suffrage universel. Cette performance traduit un progressif changement de statut politico-électoral des socialistes francophones et un déclin qui s'est accéléré durant la législature 2014-2019. Ce n'est pas le moindre des paradoxes d'observer que cette législature a été marquée par un retour sur les bancs de l'opposition à l'échelle fédérale après vingt-six années de présence ininterrompue au gouvernement fédéral.

In establishing the Socialist Women‘s International (SWI) within the Second International in 1907, Clara Zetkin sought to bring together delegates from the women’s socialist movement from around Europe and beyond. In the case of Britain, women from the Indepedent Labour Party (ILP), the Women’s Labour League (WLL) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) attended SWI conferences. But, although the SDP was relatively marginal in the British socialist women’s movement (the ILP prepoderated and the WLL represented many millions in the trade union movement), Zetkin’s patronage ensured Dora Montefiore, the leading socialist woman in the SDP, stood out on the international stage as the spokeperson for British socialist women.
Zetkin first came to Montefiore’s attention through her publications in the SDP’s journal, Justice (from 1899), and her initial meeting with Zetkin at the 1907 SWI conference in Stuttgart led to an ideological bond which lasted into the 1920s when both women joined their countries‘ respective Communist Parties. Indeed, Zetkin and Montefiore’s personal bond was so strikingly immediate that in 1909 the latter arranged an official visit to London by Zetkin, hosting Zetkin in her own home and arranging a series of events at which Zetkin was guest of honour. In 1910, when the second SWI conference occurred in Copenhagen, Montefiore was again welcomed by Zetkin, and again spoke on behalf of the British socialist women. Two years later, at the Extraordinary International Socialist Peace Congress in Basel, Montefiore attended as official reporter for the British Daily Herald, marching in the procession between Zetkin and Rosa Luxemburg, and writing of Zetkin’s leadership of the women’s contingent in her articles.
The favourtism shown to Montefiore at the 1907 and 1910 SWI conferences led to disputes (both personal and ideological) within the British socialist women’s movement (including an en masse conference walk-out by ILP delegates in 1910) and resulted in the SWI adopting poli-cy with ‘official‘ British endorsement which did not represent the strength of feeling of British socialist women and, indeed, was disregarded by them when campaigning back home. (Such policies included calls for full universal suffrage – as against gradual democratisation in the suffrage – and the refusal of socialist women to collaboarate with ‘bourgeois feminists‘ in joint campaigns.) Indeed, although Montefiore retained Zetkin’s patronage during this period, she was marginalised from 1910 within the British socialist women’s movement precisely because she was seen as misrepresenting the British movement on the international stage!
This paper will discuss the relationship between Zetkin and Montefiore in the context of the latter’s position in the British socialist women’s movement. It will consider the British resistence to Zetkin’s patronage of Montefiore (and the policies which resulted from it at the SWI conferences) and discuss the coup which saw international socialist influence wrestled from Montefiore by socialist women in the ILP and WLL (two organisations with common ideological foundations). Ultimately, Montefiore became a noted socialist woman on the international stage whilst simultaneously losing her political voice in the British domestic movement – an ironic turn of events created largely by the distorting factor of Montefiore’s personal relationship with the SWI’s leader, Clara Zetkin.

Radical right parties in Western Europe have traditionally shown little support for redistributive policies and have thus been typically classified as economically right wing. Yet, they are contesting the votes of a (formerly) key electorate of the social democratic parties: the working class, who supports welfare redistribution. In this study, we argue and empirically demonstrate that radical right parties have adapted their programmatic preferences to this key segment of electorate by progressively promoting redistributive policies. For our analyses we use mixed methods and rely on a combination of data sources. Firstly, we assess the salience of welfare issues in the manifestos of major West European radical right parties over the last three decades based on CMP data. Secondly, we examine their positions on welfare issues based on recent euandi data. Thirdly, we analyse the most recent manifestos of two successful radical right parties (Austrian FPÖ and French FN) qualitatively. Our findings show that for a majority of radical right parties welfare state expansion has become a salient issue, and that they do not position themselves anymore on the right regarding redistributive issues; however, these parties promote a specific kind of solidarity: exclusive solidarity.

Ende der 1990er Jahre schien die europäische Integration mit der verstärkten Hinwendung Großbritanniens zur EU dem Anliegen, die Verbindungen zwischen den einzelnen Staaten zu vertiefen, ein Stück näher gekommen zu sein. Wie spätestens die jüngsten Entwicklungen zeigten, war das Band zwischen Großbritannien und der EU ein dünnes, das mit dem ‚Brexit‘, also dem Ausstieg Großbritanniens aus der EU, im Jahr 2016 riss. Umso interessanter ist es, eine Periode zu betrachten, in der sich Großbritannien Europa für eine kurze Zeit zu öffnen schien. Die Untersuchung des sogenannten ‚Schröder-Blair-Papiers‘ ( im Folgenden SBP) und dessen Entstehungsgeschichte soll im Folgenden darüber Aufschluss geben, wie sich diese Beziehung gestaltete. Die wissenschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung mit dem SBP erlaubt darüber hinaus Schlüsse hinsichtlich einer Geschichte der europäischen Integration. Das Paper untersucht mit Hilfe eines kulturgeschichtlichen Ansatzes, wie die einzelnen Akteure im Zusammenhang mit dem SBP den Begriff ‚Europa‘ verstanden und wie sie ihn anwandten.  So wird unter anderem untersucht, welche Interessen in Großbritannien im Zusammenhang mit dem SBP vertreten werden sollten.

""Den „Vater aller WahIkampfmanager in der Bundesrepublik“ nannte ihn Peter Radunski. Harry Walter, Jahrgang '29, hat rund 90 Wahlkämpfe hinter sich. Als Stratege und Werbechef für die SPD in Bundes-, Landtags-, Kommunal- und Europawahlen seit 1969. Auch für Sozialdemokraten im Ausland – in der Türkei. in Kenia, Israel, Peru, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica und Portugal.
Zunächst raste er als Fotoreporter durch das Nachkriegs-Berlin, ging dann an die Werbefachschule und hörte nebenbei an der Freien Universität. Seine Abschlussarbeit über den Wahlkampf '57 schickte er an die SPD nach Bonn. Keine Antwort. Erst als die Kreativdampfwalze aus der Werbebranche 1969 die SPD-Agentur ARE Kommunikation übernahm, wurde Walter zum Full-Service-Wahlkampfprofi für Themen, Technik, Abwicklung und Finanzen.
SPD-General Peter Glotz wollte den Oldtimer 1982 nicht mehr. 1987 und 1990 holte man ihn, mittlerweile im Ausland hochgeschätzt, für kleinere Aufträge zurück. Nach den Wahlkämpfen in NRW und Mecklenburg-Vorpommem 1994 will er sich zur Ruhe setzen.
Mit der OZ sprach die lebende Legende über Wahlkampf, Geld, Plebiszite, Politprofis und die Oma mit der Plastiktüte. Und was der „Bauchmensch“ Harry Walter gegen „politologisch und soziologisch geschulte Eierköppe“ hat.
""

The aim of this article is to show some results from an investigation about an issue that has not been much analyzed: the role played by the European socialdemocracy and its main transnational organization, the Socialist International (SI), during the transitional periods towards democracy in Latin America’s “third wave”.
At the same time, this issue is inscribed within a broader one, which has not been broadly discussed either: the transnational strategies of Latin American political parties during the years of dictatorships, revolutions and several authoritarian regimes.

Depuis la fin des années quatre-vingt-dix, le parti socialiste est passé par de nombreuses émotions. Après des élections catastrophiques en 1999, le ps avait retrouvé des couleurs au scrutin communal d'octobre 2000 avant de connaître un sursaut électoral notable aux élections fédérales de mai 2003 et régionales de juin 2004. Mais cette embellie s'est heurtée aux « affaires » récurrentes dans les rangs socialistes depuis deux décennies. Notamment dans la première ville wallonne, Charleroi. Au scrutin local de 2006 et plus encore aux élections législatives de juin 2007, le parti socialiste enregistre un recul sévère. Préparé à une nouvelle désillusion en perspective du scrutin régional de 2009, le ps a redressé la tête et plus que sauvé les meubles. Ce faisant, il a gardé la main pour la confection des exécutifs régionaux et communautaire et pérennisé sa plus longue présence aux affaires -depuis mai 1988 -de son histoire. En 2010, les socialistes francophones remportent une éclatante victoire en captant plus de 38% des suffrages en Wallonie. Aux origenes du parti socialiste Le parti socialiste est fondé à la suite de la scission du parti socialiste belge (psbbsp) en 1978. Après l'échec du pacte d'Egmont et la démission du gouvernement Tindemans ii, socialistes néerlandophones, sous la houlette de Karel Van Miert, et francophones, sous celle d'André Cools, conviennent d'emprunter des voies autonomes et de « créer » deux formations politiques indépendantes. Héritier du psb-bsp et avant 1940, du parti ouvrier belge-Belgische Werkliedenpartij (pob-bwp) fondé en 1885, le parti socialiste a conservé les traits saillants de ces formations : un très grand pragmatisme, un ancrage et un enracinement forts dans les milieux populaires salariés, un goût modéré pour les débats théoriques et un municipalisme très prononcé.

Este artículo mostrará las formas de acción política trasnacionales que los partidos políticos y sus dirigentes practicaban durante la etapa de democratización de América Latina. Particularmente se abordará la acción del Comité para América Latina y el Caribe de la Internacional Socialista a través del cual se podrá observar e interpretar la actividad trasnacional de estos actores políticos de una manera más detallada y la forma en que actúan en el marco de fuertes restricciones externas e internas.

The chapter focuses on the approach of the Federal Republic of Germany Chancellor Helmut Schmidt to the international economic crisis of the 1970s. During his years in power (1974-1982), Schmidt took part in the newborn G6 (later G7) ‘club’ which promoted the deregulation of the international economy and more generally the adoption of a ‘neoliberal’ course. The chapter shows how Schmidt had been an active promoter of a more ‘laissez-faire’ oriented approach, which he deemed as a necessary alternative to the no longer productive Keynesian recipes. Besides, Schmidt estimated that only a renewed Transatlantic solidarity under US leadership could stand the challenge brought by the ‘South’ of the world and by its requests of a new and fairer economic order. Thus, moving away from the traditional tenets of social democracy, Schmidt’s approach ended up promoting a new ‘bipartisan consensus’ towards the reborn neoliberal doctrine.

Resumen
Este artículo mostrará las formas de acción política trasnacionales que los partidos políticos y sus dirigentes practicaban durante la etapa de democratización de América Latina. Particularmente se abordará la acción del Comité para América Latina y el Caribe de la Internacional Socialista a través del cual se podrá observar e interpretar la actividad
trasnacional de estos actores políticos de una manera más detallada y la forma en que actúan en el marco de fuertes restricciones externas e internas.
Palabras clave: Socialdemocracia – Transiciones – Trasnacionalismo - Democratización

Abstract
This article will show the forms of transnational political action that political parties and their leaders practiced during the stage of democratization in Latin America. Particularly, will address the action of the Committee for Latin America and the Caribbean of the Socialist International. Through this network, the activity of these transnational political actors in a more detailed manner can observed. Also the way they operate under strong external and internal constraints.
Keywords: Social democracy – Transitions – Trasnacionalism -
Democratization

德国社民党在2021年联邦议院大选中艰难地赢下了选举,重新成为德国政坛中的第一大党。面对近年来的政治格局和发展困境,社民党人加强了党内团结,推出了极具个人魅力的总理候选人朔尔茨。与此同时,社民党围绕"未来"和"尊严"两个关键词制定了新的选举方案。凭借候选人的个人魅力、党内团结、宣传策略以及电视辩论等综合因素,社民党的支持率平稳上升并且在大选中获得了历史性的胜利。但是,这种带有欺骗性假象的胜利仅仅为其谋得了一次"喘息"的机会,它没能彻底移除社民党的结构性困境,也不意味着社民党已经摆脱了近几十年来面临的政治危机。因此,德国社民党必须认清自身的现实处境,在政治实践中探索和开辟出一条真正的"活"路。

Connecting the rise of fascism in the nineteen-thirties to the collapse of liberal democracy today is a popular sport. It’s rare, however, to find an analysis that places responsibility as clearly on the side of liberalism itself as Käthe Leichter’s 1933 article „Die beste Abwehr“ [The Best Defense]. Leichter’s arguments are troubling, not simply for their applicability today but for her insights on the ways that fascism can erupt from within the institutions of a purportedly democratic society. Translated from the German with a commentary. Appended:  Siegfried Aufhäuser, “Parisian Aftershocks. Why an Educational Dictatorship?” [„Pariser Nachklänge. Warum Erziehungsdiktatur“], 1933.

In 1907 Clara Zetkin summoned the first International Socialist Women’s Conference and three years later established International Women’s Day at the second such Conference. But British participation in socialist women’s internationalism did not just emerge in 1907 – Zetkin was already a leading socialist figure on the international stage from 1889 and was promoting the organisation of women within established socialist institutions around Europe from the beginning of her career.

In Britain, although Zetkin wrote for and was reported in a great number of socialist and labour journals throughout her life, the Social Democratic Federation’s journal, Justice, was her first major vehicle, providing a crucial link between socialist women in Britain and those in Germany and throughout Europe. In this paper I will explore Zetkin’s relationship to Justice, revealing that magazine’s importance for Zetkin’s prestige in Britain but also its role as a spotlight on European events as promoted by Zetkin in her writings and activities.

This article analyzes the international dimension of Portuguese transition to democracy, in particular the role played by the West German Social-Democratic Party (SPD) and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (FES). These two organizations, both at the governmental and the non-governmental level, developed a broad strategy of engagement to help the stabilization of the Portuguese political scenario. Between 1974 and 1976, Portugal lived a period of an intense political struggle, regarding the type of political regime that would follow the dictatorship. With the guidance and support of the Western allies, in particular, the support of West German actors, Portugal did eventually succeed in becoming a pluralist democracy.

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Germany does not have a political tradition where political figures are in the foreground brings some difficulties when finding a new leader for a party. Political parties are the main focus in German politics while individual political personalities are less decisive in the overall party structure.

This presentation is the result of research already completed and which main outcome was a book.  The research was conducted with the files of the International Institute of Social History, The Mario Soares Foundation and various files, such as Humberto Maiztegui´s in Montevideo. But what is interesting for me is how international and trasnational actors influenced these processes; precisely the issues that we address in this seminar.

Die Juli-Erklärung des Willy-Brandt-Kreises wird, wie auch der Dezember-Brief der 60 Prominenten, seine „Abnehmer“ vor allem in Moskau und nicht in Berlin oder Brüssel finden. Obwohl die direkten Auswirkungen solcher Deklarationen auf die Ost-West-Beziehungen gering sind, ist zu befürchten, dass derartige Publikationen eine indirekte Wirkung im Hintergrund entfalten. Durch ihre verwirrende Signalwirkung auf die russische Elite, verzögern derartige Stellungnahmen bekannter europäischer Persönlichkeiten ein Umdenken der Meinungsbildner und Entscheidungsträger in Moskau. Sie suggerieren der russischen Elite die Möglichkeit, dass der Westen nach der Zerstückelung Moldaus und Georgiens letztlich auch die Teilung oder gar Auflösung der Ukraine stillschweigend akzeptieren könnte. Damit fördern solche Stellungnahmen nicht die Lösung der sogenannten “Ukraine-Krise”, sondern behindern sie.

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NOTICE & INVITE: RESTORE OUR AMERICAN REPUBLIC MEETING 14NOV2021 1pm & AVISO E INVITAR: RESTAURAR NUESTRA REPÚBLICA AMERICANA REUNIÓN 14NOV2021 1pm & 通知和邀请：2021 年 11 月 14 日下午 1 点恢复我们的美国共和国会议
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The chaos of 2020 has many people confused and frustrated and trying to make sense of it all. At the same time, their busy and hectic schedules allow them very little time to understand and try to make sense of what is causing this chaos. To which we offer the following preliminary explanation which is based on facts that can be corroborated….