Proceedings of North Eastern Linguistic Society, 1988
Within the research tradition of generative grammar, quantifiers have typically been assumed to b... more Within the research tradition of generative grammar, quantifiers have typically been assumed to be fundamentally different from predicates such as verbs or adjectives, insofar as only the latter categories take one or more arguments, to which they assign grammatical functions such as subject, object, etc. Thus in a sentence like (1a), the predicate loves assigns its thematic roles to a subject every man and an object Jane. The LF representation (lb) treats the subject of loves as a variable bound by the quantifier. Crucially, the ...
This essay explores the place of coconstrual relations, such as antecedent-anaphor relations, in ... more This essay explores the place of coconstrual relations, such as antecedent-anaphor relations, in a theory of grammar informed by minimalist architecture. It has been argued that the logical space created by minimalist theorizing should favor an account of coconstrual derived from the tree-building operations of narrow syntax (Agree, feature theory, Merge and its subcase, Remerge), dispensing with rules or conditions that evaluate constructed trees. On such an account, it is argued, the explanatory power of narrow syntax is enhanced and the role of the interpretive component can be circumscribed. However, if coconstrual cannot be reduced to the derivational relations of narrow syntax, then we must be prepared to reevaluate the role of syntax-sensitive interpretive rules, balancing the need for such rules against any complication of narrow syntax mechanisms just to account for coconstrual. It will be argued that dependent identity relations, the form of coconstrual that is sensitive to syntactic configurations, must be interpreted from the output of narrow syntax and are not expressed within narrow syntax at all. This result unburdens narrow syntax of a class of relations that bring theoretical and empirical complications, while providing a more elegant account of coconstrual in a broader conception of the interpretive interface.
This article appeared in a journal published by Elsevier. The attached copy is furnished to the a... more This article appeared in a journal published by Elsevier. The attached copy is furnished to the author for internal non-commercial research and education use, including for instruction at the authors institution and sharing with colleagues. Other uses, including reproduction and distribution, or selling or licensing copies, or posting to personal, institutional or third party websites are prohibited. In most cases authors are permitted to post their version of the article (e.g. in Word or Tex form) to their personal website or institutional repository. Authors requiring further information regarding Elsevier's archiving and manuscript policies are encouraged to visit: http://www.elsevier.com/copyright
The papers in this special issue are about the role that the syntax and semantics of person plays... more The papers in this special issue are about the role that the syntax and semantics of person plays in connecting propositions to the context of utterance. First person pronouns have long been famous for making such a connection by referring reliably to the speaker in the context in which they are uttered, such that we know whoever utters a first person pronoun is referring to himself or herself. Third person pronouns do not have such an immediate connection with whoever it is they designate, since one requires real world knowledge to know who the pronoun he is supposed to pick out in a sentence like He left. By contrast, if one of us were to utter I left, no knowledge outside of the context is required to know who has been asserted to have left. Most of the papers in this collection explore how the difference between first and third person pronouns in this respect serves as a model for, or a model of, how discourse information about time, modality and reference connects contexts of u...
Hauser et al. (2002) suggest that the human language faculty emerged as a genetic innovation in t... more Hauser et al. (2002) suggest that the human language faculty emerged as a genetic innovation in the form of what is called here a ‘keystone factor’—a single, simple, formal mental capability that, interacting with the pre-existing faculties of hominid ancestors, caused a cascade of effects resulting in the language faculty in modern humans. They take Merge to be the keystone factor, but instead it is posited here that Merge is the pre-existing mechanism of thought made viable by a principle that permits relations interpretable at the interfaces to be mapped onto c-command. The simplified minimalist architecture proposed here respects the keystone factor as closely as possible, but is justified on the basis of linguistic analyses it makes available, including a relativized intervention theory applicable across Case, scope, agreement, selection and linearization, a derivation of the A/A’-distinction from Case theory, and predictions such as why in situ wh-interpretation is island-inse...
Page 1. KEN SAFIR PERCEPTION, SELECTION, AND STRUCTURAL ECONOMY* In this essay I will explore the... more Page 1. KEN SAFIR PERCEPTION, SELECTION, AND STRUCTURAL ECONOMY* In this essay I will explore the syntactic expression of the notion 'clause' by focusing on some syntactic and semantic properties of bare infinitive (BI) complements to perception verbs in English. ...
This article examines the syllable structure in Fròʔò, a dialect of Tagbana spoken in Côte d'Ivoi... more This article examines the syllable structure in Fròʔò, a dialect of Tagbana spoken in Côte d'Ivoire. In our analysis, the underlying syllable structure in Fròʔò is limited to C(C)V and V. Other surface syllable shapes, such as CVC, are the result of synchronic morphophonological processes. These processes include the formation of surface complex onsets through vowel deletion, the simplification of underlying complex onsets through liquid deletion, and the merger of bisyllabic CVCV sequences into monosyllables (CVC and CV). Evidence of these phonological process can also be found in loanwords, where syllable repairs take place. (4) [a]/[ã] in word-initial position a. ā.jlē-ʔè mirror-cm5 'mirror' b. ā.wrē-ʔē something itchy-cm5 'something itchy' c. à.plè3 'shade' d. ã.gù1 'traditional dance' e. ã.gō-lò mount-cm3 'mount' Word-medially, all vowels can be a nucleus, see two examples in (5), each of which contains a CM consisting only of a vowel. (5) Vowel at hiatus position a. pì-ɔc hild-cm1 'child' b. kā.fū-ō sweat-cm5 'sweat' 5 Yranahan Traoré & Caroline Féry Word-initially, before all vowels other than [a], [h] or another consonant is needed; see (6) for words starting with [h]. In loanwords starting with a vowel, [h] is inserted word-initially, see §5. (6) [h] initial words a. hēːrē 'to press' b. hɔʔɔ' to cook' c. hòʔó 'to stoop' d. hɛ̰ 'where' e. hí-ʔí feather-cm5 'feather' f. hú-ʔú thorn-cm5 'thorn' Syllables consisting of a nasal only are the subject of §2.4 2.2 CV syllable: onset + nucleus All consonants can occupy the word-initial onset position except for the glottal stop [ʔ] and [r], both of which do not occur in this position. In (7), monosyllabic words are used for illustration. (7) a. pũ1 'dog' b. bā7 'this' c. tō1 'father' d. díː 'so, that' e. cã' to fall' f. ɉɛ' to wake up' g. kā 'to break' h. gũ1 'tortoise' i. kpē 'to take' j. gbò1 'gnat' k. fã' to build' l. sɛ' produce' m. hɛ' where' n. mĩ' I, me' o. nũ̀1 'ox' p. ɲĩ 'to fill' q. ŋã' this one' r. jō 'to say' s. wī 'him' 6 Syllable structure and loanword adaptation in Fròʔò Vowel lengthening is triggered by a following liquid, [r] or [l], as shown in (8). Liquids at the beginning of word final syllables often are the initial consonant of a class marker, but not always. The examples in (8) have a heteromorphemic liquid, except for (8f), in which the last syllable is part of the lexical root. (8) a. lōː-rō mango-cm6 'mangoes' b. kāː-lā problem-cm3' 'problem' c. pĩː-rĩt am-tam-cm6 'tam-tams' d. pũː-lũd og-cm2 'dogs' e. pìː-lì child-cm2 'children' f. ɉàː.rà1 'lion' Not all vowels lengthen before a liquid, as shown in (9). This happens when the vowel follows [ʔ]. In this case, it is deleted or pronounced as a short and weak vowel (see §3.2 for vowel deletion). Thus, the sequence [ʔVrV] blocks lengthening of the vowel following [r]. (9) a. fīʔī.rí 'to frighten' b. híʔí.rí 'to shiver' c. ɲɔʔɔ.rɔ' to move' d. hùʔù.rú 'to spin' Words initial complex onsets are illustrated in (11). (11) Complex word-initial onsets i. [pl]: plɔ.ʔɔb amboo-cm5 'bamboo' ii. [pr]: prò6 'chip' iii. [bl]: blɔ' plowed' iv. [br]: bré.ʔé 'to boil' v. [tr]: trá.ʔá 'to stick up' vi. [dr]: drè.ʔè shift-cm5 'shirt' vii. [cl]: clɛ.mũẁ oman-cm7 'womanhood' viii. [cr]: crɛ.ʔɛ' to expand' ix. [ɉl]: ɉlì.ʔí 'wise' x. [ɉr]: ɉrɛ.ʔɛ' to fly' xi. [kl]: klã.ʔãs eat-cm5 'seat' xii. [kr]: krɔ.ʔɔ car-cm5 'car' xiii. [km]: kmɔ' to beat' xiv. [gm]: gmɔ' beaten' xv. [gl]: glē.ʔè tamis-cm5 'tamise' xvi. [gr]: grā̰ 'dirty' 8 Syllable structure and loanword adaptation in Fròʔò xvii. [kpl]: kplɛ.ʔɛf ormer-cm5 'former' xviii. [kpr]: kprā.ʔā sugar cane-cm5 'sugar cane' xix. [gbl]: gblɛːr 'beginning' xx. [gbr]: gbrè.ʔè 'unripe' xxi. [fl]: flĩ.ʔĩ furuncle-cm5 'furuncle' xxii. [fr]: frɔ.ʔɔ' to scrub' xxiii. [sr]: srɛ.ʔɛṕ rayer-cm5 'prayer' xxiv. [hl]: hlã-ʔãl eg-cm5 'leg' xxv. [hr]: hrō6 meal 'meals' xxvi. [ml]: mlã-ʔãfi ght-cm5 'fight' xxvii. [mr]: mrũ̀.ʔũc orosol-cm5 'corosol' xxviii. [nr]: nrɛr oot-cm6 'roots' xxix. [ɲl] ɲlɔ.ʔɔ' to write' xxx. [ɲr]: ɲrã.ʔã' to hook' xxxi. [ŋl]: ŋlɔ-ʔɔd ream-cm5 'dream' xxxii. [ŋr]: ŋrɔ.ʔɔ 'to push' xxxiii. [wl]: wlɛ-ʔɛd ay-cm5 xxxiv. [wr]: wrē.ʔē 'short' xxxv. [jl]: jlɛ.mɛc lean-cm7 'cleanliness' xxxvi. [jr]: jrā.ʔā thing-cm5 'thing' Only [k] and [g] can form an initial complex onset with [m], but the segment clusters [km] and [gm] are only attested in a few words. Herault & Mlanhoro (1973) analyze them as the nasal counterparts of [kp] and [gb] when the following vowel is nasal, see examples in (12). In other words, in their analysis [km] and [gm] are allophones of underlying /kp/ and /gb/. An alternative explanation is that the vowel following [km] and [gm] is subject to nasal harmony. That explains why the following vowel is always nasal. In fact, [kp] and [gb] can be followed by a nasal vowel, and this distributional fact speaks against the allophonic nature of [km] and [gm], see the examples in (12). Word-medial complex onsets are listed in (14). 9 Yranahan Traoré & Caroline Féry (12) a. kmɔ 'to hit' b. kmã-ʔã' nice' c. kmɔ.ʔɔ-lɔfi replace-cm3 'fireplace' d. lā.gmã.mũb elly-kind-cm7 'kindness' (13) a. kpɛ-mũd aylight-cm7 'daylight' b. kpãdàː-là funeral yard-cm3 'funeral yard' c. lāgbã-mũ anger-cm7 'anger' (14) Word-medial complex onsets i. [pl]: tī.plɔ-ʔɔḡ round-cm5 'ground' ii. [pr]: tì.prì-ʔì fresh-cm5 'freshness' iii. [bl]: à.blò-ʔò peanut-cm5 'peanut' iv. [br]: à.brà.ʔà 'to bargain' v. [tr]: kpà.trō-ʔō whip-cm5 'whip' vi. [dr]: kā.fĩ.n.drī-ʔī umbilical cord-cm5 'umbilical cord' vii. [cl]: kā.clē-ʔē bone-cm5 'bone' viii. [ɉl]: n.ɉlé.ʔè wall-cm5 'wall' ix. [ɉr]: kɔ.ɉrɛ.lɛḿ angoose-cm3 'mangoose' x. [kl]: tì.klɔ̰ .ʔɔ̰ 'long' xi. [kr]: kā.krā.ʔ junk-cm5 'junk' xii. [km]: a.kmɔː-rɔs trike-cm6 'the strikes' xiii. [gm]: la.gmã-m(ũ̀) belly-kind-cm7 'kindness' xiv. [gl]: hã.glā.ʔà bow-cm5 'bow' 10 Syllable structure and loanword adaptation in Fròʔò xv. [gr]: bà.grà-ʔà hoe-cm5 'hoe' xvi. [gbl]: kã.gblò-ʔò cudgel-cm5 'cudgel' xvii. [gbr] ā.gbrē.ʔē unripe-cm5 'unripe' xviii. [fl]: tū.flɛ-ʔɛw ind-cm5
In this essay, we provide a rich description and analysis of C-agreement and complement clause co... more In this essay, we provide a rich description and analysis of C-agreement and complement clause complementizer (CCC) distributions in Ikalanga which reveals a highly articulated set of relationships between matrix clause properties and the morphology of an agreeing complementizer. In particular, we show that the agreeing CCC is sensitive not only to matrix subject phi-features, but to matrix voice and tense as well. Although the agreeing Cs are limited to a small set of predicates that are not fully predictable from meaning, the agreement facts are the same wherever an agreeing C is possible.
The agglutinative morphology of verb stems poses many problems for theory and analysis, insofar a... more The agglutinative morphology of verb stems poses many problems for theory and analysis, insofar as distinct theoretical commitments as to what counts as a linguistic unit do not always align. The verb stem morphology of Jóola-Eegimaa (Eegimaa, henceforth), an Atlantic language of the Niger-Congo family, poses just such a challenge. We argue that our analysis, which relies on several operations that rearrange the underlying syntactic structure of the verb stem in Eegimaa, permits the various demands of syntax, semantics and morphology to receive a unified analysis for which there is striking empirical support. Insofar as the success of our analysis depends on core minimalist assumptions, our approach supports not just the minimalist approach in general, but also has implications for the copy theory of internal merge, for the typology of head movement, for the role of syntax in the derivation of words before surface morphological operations, for the nature of surface morphological operations, and for the compositional and decompositional analyses and interpretation of the verbal spine. In particular, we make an existence argument for a form of stem-internal long head movement that any revealing analysis of Eegimaa verb stem structure will require. Insofar as our approach is successful, it also avoids appeal to post-syntactic movement or other post-syntactic operations that alter structural relations created by syntax.
Proceedings of North Eastern Linguistic Society, 1988
Within the research tradition of generative grammar, quantifiers have typically been assumed to b... more Within the research tradition of generative grammar, quantifiers have typically been assumed to be fundamentally different from predicates such as verbs or adjectives, insofar as only the latter categories take one or more arguments, to which they assign grammatical functions such as subject, object, etc. Thus in a sentence like (1a), the predicate loves assigns its thematic roles to a subject every man and an object Jane. The LF representation (lb) treats the subject of loves as a variable bound by the quantifier. Crucially, the ...
This essay explores the place of coconstrual relations, such as antecedent-anaphor relations, in ... more This essay explores the place of coconstrual relations, such as antecedent-anaphor relations, in a theory of grammar informed by minimalist architecture. It has been argued that the logical space created by minimalist theorizing should favor an account of coconstrual derived from the tree-building operations of narrow syntax (Agree, feature theory, Merge and its subcase, Remerge), dispensing with rules or conditions that evaluate constructed trees. On such an account, it is argued, the explanatory power of narrow syntax is enhanced and the role of the interpretive component can be circumscribed. However, if coconstrual cannot be reduced to the derivational relations of narrow syntax, then we must be prepared to reevaluate the role of syntax-sensitive interpretive rules, balancing the need for such rules against any complication of narrow syntax mechanisms just to account for coconstrual. It will be argued that dependent identity relations, the form of coconstrual that is sensitive to syntactic configurations, must be interpreted from the output of narrow syntax and are not expressed within narrow syntax at all. This result unburdens narrow syntax of a class of relations that bring theoretical and empirical complications, while providing a more elegant account of coconstrual in a broader conception of the interpretive interface.
This article appeared in a journal published by Elsevier. The attached copy is furnished to the a... more This article appeared in a journal published by Elsevier. The attached copy is furnished to the author for internal non-commercial research and education use, including for instruction at the authors institution and sharing with colleagues. Other uses, including reproduction and distribution, or selling or licensing copies, or posting to personal, institutional or third party websites are prohibited. In most cases authors are permitted to post their version of the article (e.g. in Word or Tex form) to their personal website or institutional repository. Authors requiring further information regarding Elsevier's archiving and manuscript policies are encouraged to visit: http://www.elsevier.com/copyright
The papers in this special issue are about the role that the syntax and semantics of person plays... more The papers in this special issue are about the role that the syntax and semantics of person plays in connecting propositions to the context of utterance. First person pronouns have long been famous for making such a connection by referring reliably to the speaker in the context in which they are uttered, such that we know whoever utters a first person pronoun is referring to himself or herself. Third person pronouns do not have such an immediate connection with whoever it is they designate, since one requires real world knowledge to know who the pronoun he is supposed to pick out in a sentence like He left. By contrast, if one of us were to utter I left, no knowledge outside of the context is required to know who has been asserted to have left. Most of the papers in this collection explore how the difference between first and third person pronouns in this respect serves as a model for, or a model of, how discourse information about time, modality and reference connects contexts of u...
Hauser et al. (2002) suggest that the human language faculty emerged as a genetic innovation in t... more Hauser et al. (2002) suggest that the human language faculty emerged as a genetic innovation in the form of what is called here a ‘keystone factor’—a single, simple, formal mental capability that, interacting with the pre-existing faculties of hominid ancestors, caused a cascade of effects resulting in the language faculty in modern humans. They take Merge to be the keystone factor, but instead it is posited here that Merge is the pre-existing mechanism of thought made viable by a principle that permits relations interpretable at the interfaces to be mapped onto c-command. The simplified minimalist architecture proposed here respects the keystone factor as closely as possible, but is justified on the basis of linguistic analyses it makes available, including a relativized intervention theory applicable across Case, scope, agreement, selection and linearization, a derivation of the A/A’-distinction from Case theory, and predictions such as why in situ wh-interpretation is island-inse...
Page 1. KEN SAFIR PERCEPTION, SELECTION, AND STRUCTURAL ECONOMY* In this essay I will explore the... more Page 1. KEN SAFIR PERCEPTION, SELECTION, AND STRUCTURAL ECONOMY* In this essay I will explore the syntactic expression of the notion 'clause' by focusing on some syntactic and semantic properties of bare infinitive (BI) complements to perception verbs in English. ...
This article examines the syllable structure in Fròʔò, a dialect of Tagbana spoken in Côte d'Ivoi... more This article examines the syllable structure in Fròʔò, a dialect of Tagbana spoken in Côte d'Ivoire. In our analysis, the underlying syllable structure in Fròʔò is limited to C(C)V and V. Other surface syllable shapes, such as CVC, are the result of synchronic morphophonological processes. These processes include the formation of surface complex onsets through vowel deletion, the simplification of underlying complex onsets through liquid deletion, and the merger of bisyllabic CVCV sequences into monosyllables (CVC and CV). Evidence of these phonological process can also be found in loanwords, where syllable repairs take place. (4) [a]/[ã] in word-initial position a. ā.jlē-ʔè mirror-cm5 'mirror' b. ā.wrē-ʔē something itchy-cm5 'something itchy' c. à.plè3 'shade' d. ã.gù1 'traditional dance' e. ã.gō-lò mount-cm3 'mount' Word-medially, all vowels can be a nucleus, see two examples in (5), each of which contains a CM consisting only of a vowel. (5) Vowel at hiatus position a. pì-ɔc hild-cm1 'child' b. kā.fū-ō sweat-cm5 'sweat' 5 Yranahan Traoré & Caroline Féry Word-initially, before all vowels other than [a], [h] or another consonant is needed; see (6) for words starting with [h]. In loanwords starting with a vowel, [h] is inserted word-initially, see §5. (6) [h] initial words a. hēːrē 'to press' b. hɔʔɔ' to cook' c. hòʔó 'to stoop' d. hɛ̰ 'where' e. hí-ʔí feather-cm5 'feather' f. hú-ʔú thorn-cm5 'thorn' Syllables consisting of a nasal only are the subject of §2.4 2.2 CV syllable: onset + nucleus All consonants can occupy the word-initial onset position except for the glottal stop [ʔ] and [r], both of which do not occur in this position. In (7), monosyllabic words are used for illustration. (7) a. pũ1 'dog' b. bā7 'this' c. tō1 'father' d. díː 'so, that' e. cã' to fall' f. ɉɛ' to wake up' g. kā 'to break' h. gũ1 'tortoise' i. kpē 'to take' j. gbò1 'gnat' k. fã' to build' l. sɛ' produce' m. hɛ' where' n. mĩ' I, me' o. nũ̀1 'ox' p. ɲĩ 'to fill' q. ŋã' this one' r. jō 'to say' s. wī 'him' 6 Syllable structure and loanword adaptation in Fròʔò Vowel lengthening is triggered by a following liquid, [r] or [l], as shown in (8). Liquids at the beginning of word final syllables often are the initial consonant of a class marker, but not always. The examples in (8) have a heteromorphemic liquid, except for (8f), in which the last syllable is part of the lexical root. (8) a. lōː-rō mango-cm6 'mangoes' b. kāː-lā problem-cm3' 'problem' c. pĩː-rĩt am-tam-cm6 'tam-tams' d. pũː-lũd og-cm2 'dogs' e. pìː-lì child-cm2 'children' f. ɉàː.rà1 'lion' Not all vowels lengthen before a liquid, as shown in (9). This happens when the vowel follows [ʔ]. In this case, it is deleted or pronounced as a short and weak vowel (see §3.2 for vowel deletion). Thus, the sequence [ʔVrV] blocks lengthening of the vowel following [r]. (9) a. fīʔī.rí 'to frighten' b. híʔí.rí 'to shiver' c. ɲɔʔɔ.rɔ' to move' d. hùʔù.rú 'to spin' Words initial complex onsets are illustrated in (11). (11) Complex word-initial onsets i. [pl]: plɔ.ʔɔb amboo-cm5 'bamboo' ii. [pr]: prò6 'chip' iii. [bl]: blɔ' plowed' iv. [br]: bré.ʔé 'to boil' v. [tr]: trá.ʔá 'to stick up' vi. [dr]: drè.ʔè shift-cm5 'shirt' vii. [cl]: clɛ.mũẁ oman-cm7 'womanhood' viii. [cr]: crɛ.ʔɛ' to expand' ix. [ɉl]: ɉlì.ʔí 'wise' x. [ɉr]: ɉrɛ.ʔɛ' to fly' xi. [kl]: klã.ʔãs eat-cm5 'seat' xii. [kr]: krɔ.ʔɔ car-cm5 'car' xiii. [km]: kmɔ' to beat' xiv. [gm]: gmɔ' beaten' xv. [gl]: glē.ʔè tamis-cm5 'tamise' xvi. [gr]: grā̰ 'dirty' 8 Syllable structure and loanword adaptation in Fròʔò xvii. [kpl]: kplɛ.ʔɛf ormer-cm5 'former' xviii. [kpr]: kprā.ʔā sugar cane-cm5 'sugar cane' xix. [gbl]: gblɛːr 'beginning' xx. [gbr]: gbrè.ʔè 'unripe' xxi. [fl]: flĩ.ʔĩ furuncle-cm5 'furuncle' xxii. [fr]: frɔ.ʔɔ' to scrub' xxiii. [sr]: srɛ.ʔɛṕ rayer-cm5 'prayer' xxiv. [hl]: hlã-ʔãl eg-cm5 'leg' xxv. [hr]: hrō6 meal 'meals' xxvi. [ml]: mlã-ʔãfi ght-cm5 'fight' xxvii. [mr]: mrũ̀.ʔũc orosol-cm5 'corosol' xxviii. [nr]: nrɛr oot-cm6 'roots' xxix. [ɲl] ɲlɔ.ʔɔ' to write' xxx. [ɲr]: ɲrã.ʔã' to hook' xxxi. [ŋl]: ŋlɔ-ʔɔd ream-cm5 'dream' xxxii. [ŋr]: ŋrɔ.ʔɔ 'to push' xxxiii. [wl]: wlɛ-ʔɛd ay-cm5 xxxiv. [wr]: wrē.ʔē 'short' xxxv. [jl]: jlɛ.mɛc lean-cm7 'cleanliness' xxxvi. [jr]: jrā.ʔā thing-cm5 'thing' Only [k] and [g] can form an initial complex onset with [m], but the segment clusters [km] and [gm] are only attested in a few words. Herault & Mlanhoro (1973) analyze them as the nasal counterparts of [kp] and [gb] when the following vowel is nasal, see examples in (12). In other words, in their analysis [km] and [gm] are allophones of underlying /kp/ and /gb/. An alternative explanation is that the vowel following [km] and [gm] is subject to nasal harmony. That explains why the following vowel is always nasal. In fact, [kp] and [gb] can be followed by a nasal vowel, and this distributional fact speaks against the allophonic nature of [km] and [gm], see the examples in (12). Word-medial complex onsets are listed in (14). 9 Yranahan Traoré & Caroline Féry (12) a. kmɔ 'to hit' b. kmã-ʔã' nice' c. kmɔ.ʔɔ-lɔfi replace-cm3 'fireplace' d. lā.gmã.mũb elly-kind-cm7 'kindness' (13) a. kpɛ-mũd aylight-cm7 'daylight' b. kpãdàː-là funeral yard-cm3 'funeral yard' c. lāgbã-mũ anger-cm7 'anger' (14) Word-medial complex onsets i. [pl]: tī.plɔ-ʔɔḡ round-cm5 'ground' ii. [pr]: tì.prì-ʔì fresh-cm5 'freshness' iii. [bl]: à.blò-ʔò peanut-cm5 'peanut' iv. [br]: à.brà.ʔà 'to bargain' v. [tr]: kpà.trō-ʔō whip-cm5 'whip' vi. [dr]: kā.fĩ.n.drī-ʔī umbilical cord-cm5 'umbilical cord' vii. [cl]: kā.clē-ʔē bone-cm5 'bone' viii. [ɉl]: n.ɉlé.ʔè wall-cm5 'wall' ix. [ɉr]: kɔ.ɉrɛ.lɛḿ angoose-cm3 'mangoose' x. [kl]: tì.klɔ̰ .ʔɔ̰ 'long' xi. [kr]: kā.krā.ʔ junk-cm5 'junk' xii. [km]: a.kmɔː-rɔs trike-cm6 'the strikes' xiii. [gm]: la.gmã-m(ũ̀) belly-kind-cm7 'kindness' xiv. [gl]: hã.glā.ʔà bow-cm5 'bow' 10 Syllable structure and loanword adaptation in Fròʔò xv. [gr]: bà.grà-ʔà hoe-cm5 'hoe' xvi. [gbl]: kã.gblò-ʔò cudgel-cm5 'cudgel' xvii. [gbr] ā.gbrē.ʔē unripe-cm5 'unripe' xviii. [fl]: tū.flɛ-ʔɛw ind-cm5
In this essay, we provide a rich description and analysis of C-agreement and complement clause co... more In this essay, we provide a rich description and analysis of C-agreement and complement clause complementizer (CCC) distributions in Ikalanga which reveals a highly articulated set of relationships between matrix clause properties and the morphology of an agreeing complementizer. In particular, we show that the agreeing CCC is sensitive not only to matrix subject phi-features, but to matrix voice and tense as well. Although the agreeing Cs are limited to a small set of predicates that are not fully predictable from meaning, the agreement facts are the same wherever an agreeing C is possible.
The agglutinative morphology of verb stems poses many problems for theory and analysis, insofar a... more The agglutinative morphology of verb stems poses many problems for theory and analysis, insofar as distinct theoretical commitments as to what counts as a linguistic unit do not always align. The verb stem morphology of Jóola-Eegimaa (Eegimaa, henceforth), an Atlantic language of the Niger-Congo family, poses just such a challenge. We argue that our analysis, which relies on several operations that rearrange the underlying syntactic structure of the verb stem in Eegimaa, permits the various demands of syntax, semantics and morphology to receive a unified analysis for which there is striking empirical support. Insofar as the success of our analysis depends on core minimalist assumptions, our approach supports not just the minimalist approach in general, but also has implications for the copy theory of internal merge, for the typology of head movement, for the role of syntax in the derivation of words before surface morphological operations, for the nature of surface morphological operations, and for the compositional and decompositional analyses and interpretation of the verbal spine. In particular, we make an existence argument for a form of stem-internal long head movement that any revealing analysis of Eegimaa verb stem structure will require. Insofar as our approach is successful, it also avoids appeal to post-syntactic movement or other post-syntactic operations that alter structural relations created by syntax.
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