Abstract:
Dissertation Submitted to Jawaharlal Nehru University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for Award of the degree of MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY.

The root causes of the GCC's employment problems are interlocked – a system of national education that has largely not been competitive or well aligned with the needs of modern industry, a culture of citizens conditioned to a protective government, a public sector that is overstaffed and inefficient, and counterproductive policies in areas such as immigration and social welfare. It is also reflected in the highly distorted labour market in the region, founded on a socio-ethnic duality. In some respects the labour market is rigid, with pronounced differences in the wages for non-nationals and nationals. In other aspects it is flexible as current laws make it very easy to import or deport foreigners based on hiring/firing. This is also why“unemployment” is a national issue, for if and when a foreigner‟s work visa is terminated, he or she is obliged to return to the home country.
In the final analysis  –
• At the GCC level, the dissertation research disproves the hypothesis that growing numbers of GCC nationals have entered the private sector due to workforce nationalisation programmes, replacing foreign labour.
• The second hypothesis has been validated in that the growing mismatch between available local labour and the labour market requirements has undermined the success of Emiratisation.
• Finally, the failure of Emiratisation has been concluded while validating the hypothesis that Indian labour migration to the UAE has been vigorous despite Emiratisation.

Eighteenth-century Britain saw the emergence of a new poetic genre, the “work” poem which took various forms of labor as its subject and was often written by laborers themselves. Several of these working class poets found their lives transformed due to the success of their verse (Stephen Duck most famously), but most faded into literary obscurity. However, a substantial body of “work” poems was produced by a diverse group of poets throughout the century, each manifesting divergent concerns and attitudes about the experience of work. This chapter assesses the formal connections uniting this poetic genre, particularly the frequent use of such literary devices as ironic distancing, litotes, and mock-georgic description. Instead of solely classifying “work” poems on the basis of their subject matter, this chapter demonstrates that such poetry (indeed the genre itself) lends itself to sophisticated literary techniques often associated with other poetic genres. In this fashion the full measure of eighteenth-century working class poetry can be evaluated more fairly, particularly by analyzing the formation of a new genre designed expressly by the poets themselves. The chapter ultimately seeks to demonstrate the connectedness, rather than the alienation, of working class poetry to the eighteenth-century British poetic tradition.

The public circulation of temporal discourse fashions the way in which subjects experience and value their time. At the turn of the twentieth century, experts in systematic management mandated that wage-earning women must be prodded into efficient labor in order to increase the overall yield of industry. Against this regime of time, the narrator of The
Long Day: The Story of a New York Working Girl, as Told by Herself (1905) subverted the temporal protocols governing her by re-deploying efficient labor for her own agenda. Analysis of this work highlights the ways in which time is disproportionately articulated to different subjects, the means employed to discipline the corporeal enactment of time, and
the potential for subjects to resist this orthodoxy

China's prolonged economic boom has long depended on the extraction of cheap migrant labor from the countryside and increasingly relies on the expropriation of cheap rural land for urbanization. Julia Chuang's Beneath the China Boom is a superb ethnographic account of these processes, their intersections, and their contradictions. Based on a comparative study of two villages pulled into the vortex of China's boom in distinct ways, Chuang provides an ethnographically detailed and analytically sharp look into the underbelly of the China boom from the perspective of rural people.

This paper is written in response to a request from Nguyen Hoa, Dean of the Labor Relations and Trade Unions Faculty, Ton Duc Thang University, Ho Chi Minh City, Viet Nam, for background information regarding the setting of minimum wage in various countries, pursuant to a research contract between TDTU and the Viet Nam General Confederation of Labor (VCGL). This paper is meant to provide background information on arguments for various approaches to setting the minimum wage, for the use of the research committee on which he serves, that will assemble the full report on minimum wage for the use of the VGCL in its presentations to the National Wage Council of Viet Nam for consideration of the minimum wage in the future. Therefore this paper is not a survey of the entire minimum wage issue worldwide , nor is it a survey of minimum wage debate in Viet Nam. After a brief look at the minimum wage historically and the levels of government that have been involved in setting and enforcing it, the paper turns to the key criteria upon which minimum wage has been figured, drawing from national experiences, reports by the ILO and others. These criteria include minimum wage as a living wage or in the Vietnamese terms, basic necessities wage; minimum wage as a profit-sharing wage; minimum wage as a productivity wage; and minimum wage as a consumption wage. This last refers to what would it mean to allow workers to buy what they produce, a concept linked to the productivity wage but not identical in content. The paper then moves to considerations of how the minimum wage has in practice been determined, not just with research and mathematical formulas, but including a brief discussion of the relation of forces and the political/economic struggles that have determined minimum wage, especially in places where substantial changes have been seen in recent years. The conclusion of this research is basically that none of the methods of computation or research are as important as the power expressed by workers and their organizations against capital, and usually government allied with capital, to limit wage increases. The paper concludes with a brief on the Viet Nam example based on research done by others, accessible in English. An appendix is available consisting of a searchable table in Word listing all the documents examined, with keywords and quotes. The primary research was done by Joe Berry, secondary by Helena Worthen.

The St. Louis Regional Information Technology Labor Market Report delivers insights and analysis of Information Technology (IT) skills and competencies most in demand by St. Louis area employers to help answer the question: What does business need? This research is designed to assist key stakeholders involved in economic and workforce development, St. Louis business, educational, and employment services communities in the development of education and training programs to ensure that the region’s workforce is well-prepared and equipped to meet business’ IT demands.

e A experiênciA dA clASSe trAbAlhAdorA 1 FaBiane popiniGis 2 introdução Além de ser o "historiador do século XX mais citado em todo o mundo", como afirmou Eric Hobsbawm 3 , E.P. Thompson é, sem dúvida, uma das referências fundamentais para a reflexão contemporânea sobre o conceito de classe. Com uma produção vasta e marcante, o autor inglês ajudou redefinir tal conceito, incorporando a ele as dinâmicas próprias da História. Em grande parte, tal novidade se liga à sua tentativa de entender classe e consciência de classe em termos relacionais, ancorados na noção de experiência. O objetivo deste texto não é dar conta de toda a produção de Thompson e de seus críticos a respeito do tema proposto, nem tampouco fazer uma abordagem exaustiva, mas destacar como o conceito de classe foi empregado em algumas de suas obras. Seguindo os ensinamentos do próprio autor, que se afasta de definições abstratas apartadas dos processos sociais que analisa, buscaremos discutir como os conceitos de classes sociais, luta de classes e consciência de classe se mostram centrais em sua produção.

This study is the result of cooperation between the Friedrich Ebert Foundation’s Libya Office and
the Jusoor Center for Studies and Development, in the field of gender equality and women’s
empowerment in sustainable economic development. We have tried to shed light on the most
important factors concerning women in the Libyan job market despite a lack of information and
data, especially in relation to the private sector. Notwithstanding the difficulty and ambiguity of the
situation, we recommend various mechanisms to improve the situation of women. We hope that
this study will encourage the trade union movement, civil society organizations and other concerned
parties to conduct detailed and comprehensive studies that contribute to improving the conditions
of working women in Libya and reinforcing women’s role in economic activity.
The study aims to understand the current situation of women in the Libyan job market and the
most important challenges they face. It also aims to identify obstacles to women’s effective
involvement in the job market and the factors behind these, including various forms of discrimination
that hinder women’s professional advancement. These obstacles conflict with measures that for
economic and social reasons have sought to encouragement and support women to enter the job
market.

In this paper, the concept of national preference demands is used in order to describe the antagonism expressed by the early unions against the Greek refugees from the Ottoman Empire in the 1910s Athens and Piraeus. In seeking the reasons that permitted the exclusion of the refugees from the national and class solidarities, we focus on developments in Greek nationalism and politics; changes in the way 'foreign' workers were treated from 1830 to 1920; the monopolistic practices of workers' collectivities in labour markets; the role played by the ethno-local communities of immigrants in the lives of workers. Yet, the workers' particularisms did not fully contradict class formation, but were entangled in a dialectical relationship with it.

Welsh and Northwest English Quakers organized their settlement in the Delaware Valley to promote the spiritual development of their children and thereby built a rich agricultural economy that discouraged slavery locally while promoting it in the Atlantic World.

The article examines a series of conflicts between coal miners and the Rio Grande do Sul mining companies in 1943, all of which were related to pressure to enforce laws. These conflicts had direct legal consequences, indicating that labor activists chose a political and legal strategy as a means of ensuring labor rights. This strategy combined apparent confidence in and support for the Getulio Vargas administration, as well as great joy with and praise for the creation of the Labor Court, associated with strong pressure for the implementation of social legislation and the active use of legal instruments.

On October 1, 1920, the city of Santiago, Chile, came to a halt as tens of thousands stopped work and their daily activities to join the funeral procession of José Domingo Gómez Rojas, a 24 year old university student and acclaimed poet. Nicknamed "the firecracker poet" for his incendiary poems, such as "The Cry of the Renegade" Gómez Rojas was a member of the University of Chile's student federation (the FECh) which had come under repeated attack for its critiques of Chile's political system and ruling parties. Government officials accused the FECh's leaders of being advocates for the destruction of the social order, subversives who had the temerity to question national policy making, and insolent youths who did not know their place. Arrested for alleged sedition as part of a five-month-long "prosecution of subversives," Gómez Rojas joined other students and workers in Santiago's prison system. He never left. After two months in police custody, he died in Santiago's asylum, quickly to be reborn as a political martyr for students and workers alike.

This microhistory recovers the context within which Gómez Rojas's arrest, imprisonment, and death unfolded and the experiences of men he counted as friends, comrades, colleagues, mentors, and pupils. Fifty years before the much-heralded student movements of 1968, Raymond Craib shows, university students and workers were active political collaborators and radicalized political subjects. In interwar Chile, members of Chile's sizeable working class marched side-by-side with students from the FECh. At the same time, increasingly radicalized university students, as well as former students, workers, and worker-intellectuals, gathered together to talk, read, and find common cause. Members of what Craib calls a "capacious Left" they shared a wide-ranging interest in works of sociology and political theory, a penchant for poetry, and an eclectic embrace of anarchist, socialist, and communist principles and practices. They also shared the experience of repression, an experience that ultimately cost Gómez Rojas his life and marked an entire generation of political organizers and agitators, including future president Salvador Allende and poet Pablo Neruda.

If the critique of neoliberal capitalism has become a staple of leftist documentary filmmaking in France since the late 1990s, few films have gone as far in their rejection of work as those made by Pierre Carles, Stéphane Goxe and Christophe Coello. Following late nineteenth-century pamphleteer Paul Lafargue’s advocacy for “the right to be lazy” and the enjoyment of the flourishing society of leisure, Attention, Danger, Travail (2003) and Volem rien foutre al païs (2007) unapologetically and uncompromisingly reject the normative legitimacy of waged employment as a warrant of individual and social productivity. Nonetheless, it would be highly reductive to see in these two films and in the filmmakers’ project a celebration of idleness. Rather, as they strive to restore the productive value of individuals unable and unwilling to enter the labor market, Attention, Danger, Travail (2003) and Volem rien foutre al païs (2007) reject what the filmmakers see as leftist politics’ complacency with capitalism’s promotion of work as an ethics of self-realization. Drawing from Jacques Rancière’s emphasis on the proletariat’s self-identification and incidental political inscription in late 19th century society, this analysis argues that the two films discussed here operate therefore a political and aesthetic shift away from twentieth-century militant cinema by replacing the figure of political consciousness commonly associated with the industrial, capitalist society, namely the worker, with the unemployed post-industrial subjects of late-twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. In doing so, these two films disrupt dominant narratives; by giving authority to the refusal of work as a legitimate experience, they allow the sharing and debating of these experiences to produce ‘disturbances’ in such public discourse. Entertainment and didacticism are thus intricately interwoven in these films.

The history of the state of Maine can be seen as a series of clashes. Maine is a place where water clashes with the land, native people clashed with Europeans, agriculture clashed with industry, humans clashed with nature, tradition clashed with novelty, slavery clashed with freedom, conservation clashed with commerce, immigrant cultures clashed with dominant norms, and where work clashed with leisure. These clashes resulted in defeats, conflicts, cooperation, and compromises and these clashes are what shaped Maine. In this class, we will cover the history of Maine from prehistory to the present. This history will not be told from the perspective of social, cultural, economic, or political elites. Instead we will focus on the lives of working people, women, and minority groups as they shaped the society, culture, economy, and politics of the state. The readings and lectures are about the quotidian lives of a broad spectrum of working Mainers. We will strive to understand how the culmination of the actions of average people over time accrete to cause historical change. In this class, you will get a clear understanding of how Mainers interacted with the land, with elites, and with each other, and how these quotidian experiences changed over time. Some weeks we will learn about how events in other parts of New England and the country shaped Maine history. Other weeks we will learn how Maine history shaped these regional and national histories. We will always pay special attention to features of Maine history that highlight the uniqueness of the state and its people. The history of the people of Maine serves as an example of what life was like for many people in different parts of America. The opposite is also true, so we will sometimes explore the history of places outside of Maine to better understand what life would have been like for people in Maine. Class Organization The class is composed of three sections. The first section contains a brief introduction to Maine history and information on the natural history of the state. The next section covers the prehistory of Maine up to the period of industrialization around 1850. The last section covers the period of industrialization up to the present. In the last week of the class we will tour the Maine Folklife Center to prepare students for their final paper project.

It is well---known among historians that hard times do not in themselves create social movements. Modern history is replete with instances of collective hardship that have not generated movements for social change. Often such hardship has the opposite effect: it weakens and demoralizes people, directing their energies into the struggle for survival rather than political reform. However, in exceptional circumstances oppression may indeed spark genuine and sustained movements for change. The question of what these circumstances are is the main subject of this paper. Specifically, I will look at, first, the civil rights movement in Mississippi during the early 1960s, and second, the labor struggles of the Mayans in Morganton, North Carolina in the 1990s. I will compare these two progressive efforts and relate them to the Italian anarchist movement in the Northeast during the early 1900s. The result of this analysis will be a partial understanding of the conditions under which radical social movements form and thrive.

Because battlefields can be potent symbols in the construction of historical memory, they can remain sites of struggle for as long as that memory is important.  History professionals, such as archaeologists, participate fully in these struggles.  The commemoration of the Ludlow Massacre Site, a battlefield in the industrial wars of the early-20th century is discussed.  The commemoration of Ludlow highlights the role of class interest in the construction of historical memory.  Doing archaeology at Ludlow entails acknowledging these interests, both ours, as archaeologists, and those of the working class people who guard the memory of Ludlow.

What are the effects of capital’s restless attempts to appropriate unpaid cleanup work done by humans and the rest of nature? Neglect of this question has led to repeated confusions about what waste is and how it might better be approached. A refreshed perspective is especially important in an era in which discussions about solid waste have come to focus largely on landfills and climate discussions to focus on real or imaginary carbon sinks. Critiquing these discussions, and their intersection in carbon credit schemes involving landfill methane, is one foundation for moving forward across a wide range of issues in political ecology. This chapter has appeared in Spanish in Ecologia politica de la basura: Pensando los residuos desde el Sur (Abya Yala, 2017), edited by Ma. Fernanda Soliz T., and in English in the Lahore Journal of Policy Studies 8 (1), December 2019, pp. 79-88.

Este artículo describe el contexto histórico y socioeconómico de los programas de trabajo temporal de los EEUU y los modelos de (in)migración peruana que han contribuido al empleo de pastores quechuas en los Estados Unidos. El pastor ‘‘invitado’’ y contratado por un ranchero ‘‘anfitrión,’’ enfrenta un desequilibrio de poder en el cual su estatus legal depende del cumplimiento del contrato establecido por un solo empleador. Siguiendo el concepto de hospitalidad elaborado por Derrida que la describe como un aporía sin resolución, en este artículo se argumenta que los programas de trabajo temporal conducen a los pastores hacia una ‘‘trampa hospitalaria’’; pues no entienden el lenguaje del contrato y, además, su estatus temporal y legal contribuye a la crónica ceguera de los legisladores ante las atroces condiciones de trabajo y vivienda. Los pastores relatan testimonios sobre las privaciones físicas y emocionales a las que se que enfrentan como ‘‘huérfanos’’ (wakchakuna) en planicies estadounidenses en donde el pastoreo carece de las creencias quechuas sobre las relaciones de reciprocidad entre los humanos, la tierra y los animales. ***(This article describes the historical and socioeconomic contexts of U.S. migrant labor programs and Peruvian (im)migration patterns, which have contributed to the wide- spread employment of Quechua sheepherders on U.S. pastures. Herder ‘‘guests’’ employed by ‘‘host’’ ranchers face a dangerous power imbalance: their legal status as temporary workers depends on the fulfilment of a contract offered by one specific employer. Following Derrida’s conception of hospitality as an irresolvable aporia, it is argued here that U.S. migrant labor programs lead herders into a ‘‘hospitality trap,’’ because they do not understand the language in which their work contracts are written; their status as temporary and legal workers contributes to legislators’ inattention to their appalling working and living conditions. Herder personal narratives relate the physical and emotional hardships they face as ‘‘orphans’’ (wakchakuna) on profit- driven ranches where husbandry practices bear little resemblance to Quechua beliefs regarding relationships of reciprocity between humans, animals, and the land.)

***Description of this Reading***:
This is chapter six of my dissertation with only eleven pages available for preview here on Academia.edu.  It chronicles the beginning of Bethune's NCNW.  Readers gain a sense of her organizing principles, why she felt it was necessary to "pool" Black feminine political energy at this time, in the mid 1930s.  You will also get a sense of the friction she encountered from other Black activist women--an aspect of her political career that has not been properly examined.  In my narrative, archival/primary source research takes precedence.  Pulling particularly from newspapers of that era lend a more complete picture of the dynamics between these particular Black women activists.


***Near Future Plans for this Chapter***:
I am in the process of redeveloping this chapter to self-publish as part of a three-book series, "A Passion For Social Equality," covering Bethune's political activism during the 1930s and 1940s.  POLITICAL ADVOCACY FOR JUSTICE is the title of the third book, forthcoming.

POLITICAL ADVOCACY FOR JUSTICE will include an expanded narrative, interpretation, and analysis of Bethune's activism during the prewar period, from 1940-1941, and material regarding her activism during WWII.  (Some of the former material has already been published in my chapter two of THE ECONOMIC CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT; see http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415537360/.)

***On Book Series: "A Passion For Social Equality"***
The first book of this series has been published, entitled PUSHING THE LIMITS OF THE COLOR LINE: MARY McLEOD BETHUNE AND THE NEW DEAL.  It can be viewed at: https://www.createspace.com/4283303  or the Amazon link on this page.

Tulisan ini menganalisis realita orang-orang bersaing menjadi ASN dengan kacamata struktural melalui pendekatan ekonomi politik. Berebut menjadi ASN ini bukan sekadar karena motivasi, keinginan, atau faktor budaya, akan tetapi ada realitas struktural yang membentuk persepsi moralistik seperti itu. Kajian ini akan mengelaborasi tentang tiga hal: 1) proses proletarisasi yang telah menyingkirkan para petani dari tanahnya dan meningkatkan jumlah cadangan pekerja; 2) rendahnya penyerapan tenaga kerja ke sektor formal dan pekerjaan formal di sektor swasta yang semakin dibuat fleksibel, sehingga orang mengantri untuk menjadi ASN; 3) berebut menjadi ASN justru telah mengaburkan permasalahan utama dalam rezim perburuhan yang telah mengakibatkan meluas dan meningkatnya ketidakpastian kehidupan.

American Jewish labor history stands out as a place where labor, immigration, Jewish, and other specialties meet and interact – often uneasily. The changing fortunes of this area of study have not always coincided with those of American Jewish history, which was established as a field well in advance of the rise of the new social history. As a result, American Jewish labor history became marginalized just as American Jewish history as a field had become mainstream enough to become comfortably critical as opposed to self-consciously celebratory. Part of the reason for this has been a relatively narrow geographic and chronological focus, as well as an emphasis on institutions and lack of attention to (or even dismissiveness) of gender issues. Additionally, the focus has traditionally been more celebratory and memoiristic than critical, due to the fact that most of the earliest published histories have been written by former activists. In addition, the general narrative, popularized by Irving Howe's The World of our Fathers has made the Lower East Side tailor the symbol and stereotype of the Jewish worker. In the last decade, however, more critical approaches, as well crossover scholarship from the fields of women's, immigration, and labor history, have resulted in the study themes and topics that have been previously ignored or slighted, as well as new approaches that incorporate gender, social history, and comparative perspectives and challenge long-accepted conventional wisdom.

British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Dec. 2014

This article investigates how public employee unions mobilised to take advantage of Morocco’s Arab uprising. Leveraging their positions as operators of public institutions, these unionists exploited the unrest to strategically advance their interests. Two points emerge from this account of state—labour relations in Morocco. First, a spike in labour contestation began in early 2010, presaging the unrest that rocked Moroccan cities in 2011. Second, the unions secured their demands through traditional tactics of labour mobilisation—joining street protests, exaggerating material demands, and threatening negotiation walkouts. This strategy, however, became more efficacious during the Arab uprising. Fearing urban riots that had historically grown from labour protests since the 1980s, regime elites conceded to union demands, many of which they had previously rejected in the 2000s.



http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13530194.2015.973189