A través de la inscripción del jefe de los magos zoroastrianos Kartir, asistimos a un episodio de represión religiosa dirigida hacia los demás cultos religiosos presentes en el territorio del Irán antiguo durante los primeros reinados de la dinastía sasánida. __________________________________... the reading of the inscription of the chief of the Zoroastrian magicians Kartir, we are present at an episode of religious repression directed to other religious cults present in the territory of the ancient Iran during the first reigns of the Sassanian dynasty.

From the dawn of Iranian history, education and learning have been revered and preferred. In the 20th
century the tradition of learning has been put forward by the enlightened rule of the Pahlavi’s father and
son. Reza shah (1925-41) the founder of the Pahlavi dynasty believed that the expansion of modern
education was a pre-requisite for social and political progress. He wants to make education a corner stone
in his nationalist program. He considered education a single most important factor in promoting both the
well being of the individual and the progress of the country and is the cure for all that is wrong with the
people and the country. During this period a large number of elementary and secondary schools were
established in Tehran and other major cities. Education received attention from all social classes. The
purpose of the present paper is to examine the role of Reza shah Pahlavi in the development of education
based on the modern curricula.

Geus, Klaus: 'Alexander' and 'Caesar' in a Middle Persian text: interpreting some names in the Šahrestānīha ī Ērānšahr. In: Külzer, Andreas and Popović, Mihailo (eds.): Space, landscapes and settlements in Byzantium: studies in hist¬or¬ical geography of the Eastern Mediterranean; presented to Johannes Koder. Novi Sad; Vienna: Akademska Knjiga, 2017 (Studies in historical geography and cultural heritage; 1), pp. 131-141, 467. [ISBN: 978-86-6263-191-6].

The article examines the inherently dialectical view of sexuality reflected in Babylonian rabbinic culture, which differentiates the sexual act, consisting of the indivisible elements of procreation and sexual gratification, from notions of sexual desire. On the one hand, the Babylonian Talmud accentuates the relative role of both male and female sexual gratification in the sexual act, but, on the other hand, it expresses a pessimistic view of the sexual urge, which is reified as part and parcel of the demonic realm. This dialectical perception is resolved in Babylonian rabbinic culture through a paradoxical mechanism that seeks to extinguish sexual desire via marital sex. The article situates different aspects of this distinctive construction of sexual desire in the context of contemporaneous Christian and Zoroastrian views. First, the Babylonian rabbinic mechanism is contextualized with the Pauline view of marital sex as a therapy for those " aflame with passion " (1 Cor 7:9) and its reception in patristic literature. Second, the Babylonian rabbinic dialectic of sex and desire is viewed in the light of a similar bifurcated perception evident in the Pahlavi tradition: while Zoroastrianism advocated full-fledged marital relationships from its very inception, an important strand in the Pahlavi tradition expresses an ambiguous view of sexual desire, which is linked in various ways to the demonic sphere.

This book is about the origin of Indian Christianity, especially Syriac Christianity, based on archaeological findings from ancient sites of the Afro-Eurasian Socio-commercial network. In light of the archaeological data and artistic imagery represented in Central Asian religious Syncretism and historical narrative, the author questions the Martyrdom of St. Thomas at Mylapore, Chennai, and its prime evidence Pahlavi inscribed crosses. Contrary to popular belief, the author meticulously suggests the possibility of a Gnostic origin of Pahlavi crosses of South India. He proposes the origin of present-day Syriac Christianity in India is an amalgamation of different gnostic groups comprising Farsi-Dravidian Manichaeans and Judeo-Dravidian pre-proto-orthodox groups in post 9th century period under the Syriacs missionary supervision. Analysing archaeological data against the history of the Indian Ocean trade along with the evolution of the symbol of the cross in Christendom, the author questions the claims of Syriac Churches not only in India but also in Mesopotamia and Central Asia. To substantiate his proposals, the author provides a detailed study on the central Asian and Chinese evolution of the cross symbol, suggesting the possible religious Syncretism played by Manichaeism, Buddhism, Taoism, and East Syriac Christianity. The study on the spread wing motifs of crosses from Sasanian Christianity will be an eye-opener to the Indian Syriac Christians who falsely claim that the spread wings of Pahlavi crosses are Lotus-cross combinations that built similar to Quinjiao crosses of south China, which was historically a product of the Buddhist-Manichaean-Nestorian Syncretism. Finally, the explanation of Makara imagery on the Mount cross bas-relief structure substantiated by the ontological principle of Manichaeism and its literature, especially Chinese Manichaean Hymn scroll H19 in which a community of Manichaean auditors calls Jesus (Yishu) to save their boat from the Makara, the representative of the realm of Dark forces possibly reveals the true identity of the Mount cross.

The inaugural issue of Sasanian Studies: Late Antique Iranian World 1 (2022) is characterized by a selection of innovative and fresh researches, done by excellent scholars in the field. The contributions cover already all major aspects of the study of the Sasanian and late Antique word, including the study of the Sasanian rock and stucco reliefs, Sasanian rituals in context of the Zoroastrian manuscripts, genealogy of the Sasanian kings, philological and historical studies on the basis of unpublished Pahlavi papyri from Sasanian period, Sasanian art and iconography, historical surveys on the late Sasanian period and the advent of the Islam, the Sasanian political history in Caucasus, new aspects of the Sasanian numismatic, Sasanian literary tradition as well as the specific aspects of the study of the religions during the Sasanian period.

This study attempts to broaden the Judeo-Christian prism through which the rabbinic legends of Adam and Eve are frequently examined in scholarship, by offering a contextual and synoptic reading of Babylonian rabbinic traditions pertaining to the first human couple against the backdrop of the Zoroastrian and Manichaean creation myths. The findings demonstrate that, while some of the themes and motifs found in the Babylonian rabbinic tradition are continuous with the ancient Jewish and Christian heritage, others are absent from, or occupy a peripheral role in, ancient Jewish and Christian traditions and, at the same time, are reminiscent of Iranian mythology. The study posits that the syncretic tendencies that pervaded the Sasanian culture facilitated the incorporation of Zoroastrian and Manichaean themes into the Babylonian legends, which were in turn creatively repackaged and adapted to the rabbinic tradition and world-view.

The purpose of this paper is to establish that Sasanian functionaries had to develop a sophisticated iconographical language to propagate a political propaganda aimed at a mostly illiterate population. This iconographical language not only complements the written word, but stands on its own merits in shedding some light on information not easily understood in texts. It also provides a testing ground for the interpretation of complex slogans and philological guessing.

the verb abāz-handāxtan is used in Dēnkard IV. Different definitions of the verb caused
two divergent interpretations of the history of the Zoroastrians scriptures during
Sasanian era. This article does not attempt to provide a third category of meaning, but
tries to suggest a kind of modification to the traditionally accepted meaning of ‘to
collate’. The new proposed meaning is derived from New Persian texts, which include
similar usage of the verb and were written not much later than Middle Persian ones.
The suggested meaning is ‘to (re-)measure’.

The main question of the present research is to know under which aims, motivations and conditions, traveling to the spiritual (minavi) world by the Zoroastrian priests comes to realize? ; The major hypothesis of this research includes: the idea of traveling to the spiritual (minavi) world by Zoroastrian priests has been considered to improve intellectual and religious basis of Zoroastrianism, cope with heretics, and notify people to avoid sin and morale corruptions, which are considered as the most important variables affecting these travels. Further, it must consider this point into account that these travels by Zoroastrian priests have been considered to give legitimacy to the religion of the religion of Bahi and their actions and justify their affairs, and further to assure that collections of actions of faith , purity and sacrifices considered in the Zoroastrian have benefited the Divan or Izadan. Historical research method has been used to conduct this study, attempting to consider historical aspect of the issue by have a deep looking into the historical documentary events mentioned in the first-hand sources. Likewise other historical research, in this study use of the sources concerning the preference of a source in sake of historical status and observance of impartiality in analysis of events and narratives has been applied. Major findings of study indicate that priests assumed that intuition and divine traveling is a way to talk to Izadan and involve in the affairs of the other world and also a way to affirm the realities of religion; yet, it must note that this way has not been opened to everyone, limited to a group of selected people who knew themselves representatives for others and revealed what seen to others. In this regard, it can mention some reasons for the necessity of traveling to spiritual (minavi) world: attention to the issue of resurrection and the hereafter, giving legitimacy to the actions and faiths, differences between priests and indicating the superiority.

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This article is the first issue of a series of “Contributions to Middle Persian Lexicography”.

In this Issue:

* The 2nd chapter of Dēnkard 3 is read and translated. This Chapter was left unread and untranslated in Jean de Menasce’s Translation of Dēnkard 3. He thought that this part is badly damaged and it is not possible to make a coherent translation of it. I think it is a complicated and difficult piece, which may be described as ornate prose.

*A new translation is proposed for Pahlavi Riwāyat 48.74.

* The word ābāstan ‘to fall, to collapse, to cast, …’ is introduced to Middle Persian Lexicography.

* Some almost new definitions are introduced for Middle Persian words pūč, xwurdag, xwurdag-nigerišnīh, hu-bōy-gar, kālbod kardan.

* It is shown that the reading and definition of a Pahlavi word as pa(č)čībāgīh ‘deceit, hypocrisy’ (as in MacKenzie’s dictionary) is incorrect.

* Conjectures are made about two Middle Persian compound-words.

* A suggestion is made about a passage of Luγat i Furs

This article analyzes how Zoroastrian holy sites as celebrated in the Avesta or elaborated in later, related traditions, emerged as important architectural and ritual centers in late antiquity. Instead of ancient foundations whose details were lost in the depths of time, this paper argues that some of the holiest sanctuaries of the Zoroastrian religion, including Ādur Gušnasp, Ādur Farnbāg, Ādur Burzēn-Mihr, Ādur Karkōy and Lake Kayānsīh, emerged no earlier than the Arsacid era, and were actively manipulated and augmented by the Sasanian dynasty. These 'Avestan' sites of memory emerged at locales with no previous Achaemenid monumental construction, but did benefit from beautiful and dramatic natural features. In late antiquity these natural features, usually mountains or lakes, took on the names and significance of the sacred geography of as found in the Avesta. The Sasanian dynasty in particular built grand monumental complexes as its sovereigns sought to take control of these ancient Iranian traditions.

O artigo apresenta uma análise literária do Zand ῑ Wahman Yasn, procurando compreendê-lo em seus próprios termos e com apoio de outras fontes da literatura em persa médio. Pretende-se contextualizar a obra numa comparação cultural e religiosa com experiências análogas em textos proféticos e apocalípticos judaicos. Ao dar ênfase ao profetismo, a abordagem comparativa tenciona suspender o peso das categorias do gênero apocalíptico aplicadas ao Zand ῑ Wahman Yasn a fim de uma melhor compreensão de sua natureza compósita.

ki lider, geçmişte hayli problemli olan ilişkileri düzeltmek adına en başından itibaren ciddi çalışmalara girişti. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ve İran, aralarında en büyük problem olarak temayüz eden sınır sorunlarının çözümü için, yıllarca mücadele etti. 1932 yılına kadar Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ve İran Devleti gel gitlerle dolu ilişkilerinde yeni bir sayfa açarak, sınır sorunlarını nihayete erdirecek antlaşmaya imza attılar. Bu antlaşmanın yaratmış olduğu olumlu rüzgârı devam ettirmek isteyen iki devletin lideri, 1934 yılının Haziran ayında Türkiye’de bir araya geldi. Atatürk’ün davetiyle gerçekleşen İran Şahı Rıza Pehlevî’nin Türkiye ziyaretinin siyasi ve sosyal birçok anlamı bulunmaktaydı. Daha önce üzerinde durulan hususlardan ayrı olarak bu çalışma, İran Şahı Rıza Pehlevî’ye Türkiye’de uygulanan resmî protokolü ele almak için hazırlandı. Protokole ait hususlar ele alınmadan evvel, ilişkilerin geçmişi ve ziyaretin gerçekleşme sebeplerine değinildi. Ayrıca bu çalışma, ziyarete dair yine daha önce üzerinde çok fazla durulmayan veya hiç ele alınmayan önemli bazı detayları, uygulanan protokolün kaleme alındığı bazı kısımlardaki gibi, yayımlanmamış belgeler üzerinden ortaya koymaya çalıştı. Tüm bu belgeler, Cumhurbaşkanlığı Arşivi’ndeki Atatürk dönemini içeren tasnifli dosyalardan temin edildi.

From the very beginning, the two leaders, Ataturk and Reza Pahlavi began to make strenuous efforts in order to repair the highly problematic past relations. Republic of Turkey and Iran struggled for years for the resolution of the border problems that came to the fore as their greatest problem. Until 1932, a new page has been opened in turbulent bilateral relationship and the two countries finally signed the treaty that would resolve their border problems. The two leaders wanted to sustain this positive atmosphere created by the treaty and came together in Turkey in June 1934. Shah Reza Pahlavi’s visit to Turkey, which took place upon Atatürk’s invitation, had many political and social meanings. As different from the other subjects that have been addressed previously, this study has been prepared to address the official protocol that was implemented for Shah Reza Pahlavi in Turkey. Before addressing the issues pertaining to the protocol, the nature of the past relations and the reasons of this visit are mentioned. In addition, this study attempts to illustrate certain details that have previously not been addressed adequately or have never been mentioned at all such as the sections where the implemented protocol was written down, through unpublished documents. All these documents in this study have been obtained from the classified files regarding Atatürk period in the Presidential Archive.

Si ritiene che il compilatore del Dēnkard, Ādurfarnbag-ī Farroxzādān, sia stato un contemporaneo del califfo al-Ma᾿mūn (r. 813-833), e che la redazione finale di questo libro sia da collocarsi nel X secolo. Per la maggior parte, tuttavia, esso deve essere stato compilato nel IX secolo; non si tratta però un'opera unitaria, ma di una compilazione di materiali differenti, la cui origine è da proiettarsi indietro nel tempo fino all'epoca pre-islamica.

This book is about the origin of Indian Christianity, especially Syriac Christianity, based on archaeological findings from ancient sites of the Afro-Eurasian Socio-commercial network. In light of the archaeological data and artistic imagery represented in Central Asian religious Syncretism and historical narrative, the author questions the Martyrdom of St. Thomas at Mylapore, Chennai, and its prime evidence Pahlavi inscribed crosses. Contrary to popular belief, the author meticulously suggests the possibility of a Gnostic origin of Pahlavi crosses of South India. He proposes the origin of present-day Syriac Christianity in India is an amalgamation of different gnostic groups comprising Farsi-Dravidian Manichaeans and Judeo-Dravidian pre-proto-orthodox groups in post 9th century period under the Syriacs missionary supervision. Analysing archaeological data against the history of the Indian Ocean trade along with the evolution of the symbol of the cross in Christendom, the author questions the claims of Syriac Churches not only in India but also in Mesopotamia and Central Asia. To substantiate his proposals, the author provides a detailed study on the central Asian and Chinese evolution of the cross symbol, suggesting the possible religious Syncretism played by Manichaeism, Buddhism, Taoism, and East Syriac Christianity. The study on the spread wing motifs of crosses from Sasanian Christianity will be an eye-opener to the Indian Syriac Christians who falsely claim that the spread wings of Pahlavi crosses are Lotus-cross combinations that built similar to Quinjiao crosses of south China, which was historically a product of the Buddhist-Manichaean-Nestorian Syncretism. Finally, the explanation of Makara imagery on the Mount cross bas-relief structure substantiated by the ontological principle of Manichaeism and its literature, especially Chinese Manichaean Hymn scroll H19 in which a community of Manichaean auditors calls Jesus (Yishu) to save their boat from the Makara, the representative of the realm of Dark forces possibly reveals the true identity of the Mount cross.

The importance of Mithra in Iranian religiosity is well known. The goddess Anahita is related to the path of the goddess-mothers characteristics of the Middle East. The importance of this goddess in this period should be taken into detailed consideration, because Anahita is firmly present in the Avesta. This Goddess received a popular support, especially in the western region of Iran. This could explain her role within the Zoroastrian religion, adopting new forms of worship, such as an anthropomorphic representation, and its connection to royalty.

This article explores three important Zoroastrian legal texts from the ʿAbbasid period, consisting of questions and answers to high-ranking priests. The texts contain a wellspring of information about the social history of Zoroastrianism under Islamic rule, especially the formative encounter between Zoroastrians and Muslims. These include matters such as conversion, apostasy, sexual relations with outsiders, inheritance, commerce , and the economic status of priests. The article argues that the elite clergy responsible for writing these texts used law to refashion the Zoroastrian community from the rulers of Iran, as they had been in Late Antiquity, into one of a variety of dhimmī groups living under Islamic rule. It also argues that, far from being brittle or inflexible, the priests responded to the challenges of the day with creativity and pragmatism. On both counts, there are strong parallels between the experiences of Zoroastrians and those of Christians and Jews, who also turned to law as an instrument for rethinking their place in the new Islamic cosmos. Finally, the article makes a methodological point, namely to show the importance of integrating Pahlavi sources into wider histories of Iran and the Middle East during the early Islamic period.

Jewish-Iranian encounters in ancient times.
The Iranian religious oral and written traditions
The use of Gathic phraseolgy in the Videvdad (Vendidad) and  the Achaemenid inscriptions.
Scholarly discussions about pollution in the Pahlavi literature from late Sasanian times.

Gāϑā 31 is the fourth hymn of the first Gāh, ahunauuaitī, of the Gāϑās. The hymn includes 22 stanzas and thus is one of the longest hymns of the Gāϑās. Its theme is the magic power of the mąϑra, the sacred formula or ritual incantation, which is supposed to help the ašạuuan-, the practitioners, win against the drəguuaṇt-, the non-practitioners of the Mazdayasnian religion. There is a Middle Persian interpretation of the text which is in turn translated into Sanskrit. These interpretations do not reflect any precise understanding of the Gāϑās, but rather depict the traditional reception of these texts and the way they were adapted to be used in Sasanian Zoroastrianism. This article attempts to indicate these differences in Gāϑā 31 and render an analysis.

FERDOWSI AND LOST STORIES OF SHAHNAMEH (THE BOOK/ EPIC OF KINGS)

Focusing on “King Feridoun of Iran, Ironmaster Kawah and King Zohak of Arab”, the first and the most important epic of Shahnameh (The Book / Epic of Kings), the work of Iranian poet Ferdowsi (940-1020), creation of the work, its development and reputation process have been examined hereunder. In this work, the Story of King Feridoun of Iran, is literally fictionalized over the life of Persian King Cyrus. In Herodotus, Xenophon, and Torah, the life of Persian King Cyrus was told in detail.

In the Iranian oral narrative tradition, heroic stories of the Parthian empire period have gained importance. Persian empire period was not being remembered. The story of Persian King Cyrus has taken a place, solely in heroic stories during Parthian Empire. The Sassanids, who had destroyed the last Parthian kingdom, have renamed the Partian heroic stories as “Kaianides” legends. I have come across stories which would inspire the Ironmaster Kawah epic, in Indian Jainism and Buddhist – Uyghur stories.

There were pleasant lines of several authors about Shahnameh (The Book/Epic of Kings) and poet Ferdowsi, throughout the period of 1.000 years, passed since its writing. A good story was easily created. According to the story; “King of Ghazni Turkish State, Mahmud, promised poet Ferdowsi one gold dinar for each couplet. The King was obliged to pay 60.000 gold dinars for 60.000 couplets. The treasury of King was insufficient then he paid 60.000 silver dirhams to the poet. The poet did not accept and…”. According toorientalist Helmut Ritter, the story between poet and the king was not true. When Mahmud became The King of Ghazni (in 999), the poet had already written the half of Shahnameh (The Book / Epic of Kings). King Mahmud had never been interested in the epics of Iranian Kings. “Ironmaster Kawah” which was not in the previous epics, was added to the epic.