Η εργασία αυτή αποτελεί μια εργασία Πολιτικής Ανάλυσης και Συγκριτικής Πολιτικής. Το βασικό της αντικείμενο είναι το πολιτικό Σύστημα της Μεγάλης Βρετανίας και ειδικότερα πώς το πολιτικό Σύστημα αποκεντρώνεται στην Σκωτία και στην Ουαλία. Για τον σκοπό αυτόν, αρχικά, αναλύονται τα πολιτικά συστήματα της Σκωτία και της Ουαλίας , και ύστερα, αφού σκιαγραφηθούν οι Δια-Κυβερνητικές σχέσεις μεταξύ των παραπάνω πολιτικών συστημάτων, επιχειρείται μια σύγκριση των δύο, ώστε να καταστεί σαφής ο διαφορετικός βαθμός αποκέντρωσης αφενός και αφετέρου να υπογραμμιστούν τόσο οι ομοιότητες όσο και οι διαφορές.

It is easy to dismiss the value of any written rules laid down by the Party because the latter seems to suffer little from cognitive dissonance when ignoring or violating them just for the sake of expediency. So, if the Party itself does not take its own rules seriously, why should we waste time studying them?

H ΣΩΤΗΡΗΣ ΒΑΝΔΩΡΟΣ Η σταθεροποίηση του κράτους της Ινδίας και η εδραίωση του δημοκρατικού πολιτεύματος μετά την ανεξαρτητοποίηση από τη Βρετανική Αυτοκρατορία το 1947 συνιστούν πραγματικά επιτεύγματα. Τα τεράστια πληθυσμιακά και γεωγραφικά μεγέθη σε συνδυα σμό με το μωσαϊκό πολιτισμικών, γλωσσικών και θρησκευτικών διαφοροποιήσεων που χαρακτηρίζουν το ινδικό έθνος, καθώς βεβαίως και οι ιλιγγιώδεις κοινωνικές και οικονομικές ανισότητες, θα ήταν δυνατόν να λειτουργήσουν διαλυτικά για την ενότητα και συνοχή κράτους και κοινωνίας. Μπορούμε επομένως αβίαστα να κάνουμε λόγο για success story, κάτι μάλλον ασυνήθιστο στο μετα-αποικιακό πλαίσιο.

Mardin Artuklu Üniversitesi İİBF Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü öğrencileri için hazırlanan dersin Yarı-başkanlık sistemi ve Fransa Beşinci Cumhuriyeti örneğini kapsayan bölümünde ülkenin tarihinden dönüm noktaları vermeye ve böylece yarı-başkanlık sisteminin nasıl bir iklimde geliştiğini aktarmaya çalıştım. Derste, Fransız Devrimi ve V. Cumhuriyet öncesindeki rejimler de özet olarak sunulmuştur. İsteyen herkes alıp kullanabilir, dilediği yerleri değiştirebilir, dilediği eklemeleri yapabilir.

Corrected and authorized English translation
Revue française de science politique (R.F.S.P.) published my article “Systèmes partisans compétitifs: quelle divergence entre Duverger et Sartori?“  in no 3/2015 (Revue française de science politique, 2015/3, (Vol. 65), p. 451-471, ISBN : 9782724634181, DOI : 10.3917/rfsp.653.0451, https://www.cairn.info/revue-francaise-de-science-politique-2015-3-page-451.htm).
In the article, I prove in detail that contemporary literature – not only the American/English one but also even the French one – completely misinterprets a particular feature of the work of French political scientist, Maurice Duverger (1917-2014): his typology of pluralist (competitive) party systems. Whereas the contemporary literature claims that Duverger confines himself to a simple classification of pluralist party systems: bipartism-multipartism, I thoroughly document in my article that since 1951 Duverger formulated a much more sophisticated typology of pluralist party systems.
There is an official English translation of this article in the English electronic version of Revue française de science politique (“Competitive party systems: Where do Duverger and Sartori diverge?“, Revue française de science politique, 2015/3, (Vol. 65), p. 451-471, ISBN : 9782724634181, DOI : 10.3917/rfsp.653.0451, http://www.cairn-int.info/article-E_RFSP_653_0451--competitive-party-systems.htm). However,  I was not provided with the proofs of this official translation. Hence, the official English translation of my article contains errors and inaccuracies. That is why I am making available a corrected English translation in which the errors and inaccuracies are removed. Please do use this corrected and authorized English version of my article (or my original in French, of course).

Nel 1945 la Gran Bretagna uscì da una guerra che l'aveva messa in ginocchio, ma ne uscì quale potenza vincitrice. Tale aspetto non solo le permise di rivendicare a sé il ruolo di grande potenza, ma le ha anche permesso di conservare un alto grado di continuità nella classe politica, sia in termini di membership, sia in termini di mentalità; una continuità che si traduceva nel mantenimento di una grande forza ed autorità agli occhi dell'opinione pubblica.
Un'immagine dell'inalterato modo in cui i britannici percepivano sé stessi ci viene offerta dallo stesso Winston Churchill, il quale, nel disegnare la posizione della Gran Bretagna all'interno del panorama internazionale post-bellico, la pone al centro dell'intersezione di tre cerchi: l'Europa, l'Impero e l'Atlantico.

L'immutata percezione del proprio ruolo di grande potenza ha giocato una parte molto importante nella storia britannica del dopoguerra. Tuttavia, tale immagine non è stata in grado di immunizzare il sistema politico dagli effetti destabilizzanti che, un processo complesso e multidimensionale come quello della decolonizzazione, ha generato.

Electoral governance is a crucial variable in securing the credibility of elections in emerging democracies, but remains largely ignored in the comparative study of democratization. This article develops some basic analytical tools to advance comparative analysis and understanding of this neglected topic. It conceptualizes electoral governance as a set of related activities that involves rule making, rule application, and rule adjudication. It identifies the provision of procedural certainty to secure the substantive uncertainty of democratic elections as the principal task of electoral governance. It argues that electoral governance, while socially and institutionally embedded, matters most during the indeterminate conditions that typically attend democratization. Finally, it outlines a research agenda that covers the comparative study of the structures as well as the processes of electoral governance.

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In July 1990, about 5,000 Albanian citizens broke into foreign embassies in Tirana, mainly those of the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy and France, in a desperate attempt to leave Albania. This was the largest exodus since 1945 and the first case of a mass movement of citizens against the policies of the communist regime. The regime resorted to violence, resulting in one person being killed, dozens injured and several hundred arrested. The "occupation" of the embassies brought about a political and humanitarian crisis. The crisis could be temporarily solved through UN mediation. The UN enabled for the travel of about 5 thousand citizens by sea to Italy and other countries. The “Embassy Crisis” is one of the most important events that impacted politically the Albanian society in the nineties. It brought to the forefront a growing popular discontent, mixed with high levels of poverty, and a deep distrust in the ruling elite and in its promises of democratizing reforms. Albania appeared in the headlines of the western media. The western coverage of those 5000 refugees accelerated the fall of the one-party regime.

“The Embassies’ Crisis: Albania of 1990" dwells upon the most important events of 1990, the role of political and cultural elites, the role of the Western democracies, the "Popaj" issue, the first anti-communist protests in Shkodra and Kavaja, the visit of Peres De Cuelar, and the internal processes in the leadership of the Albanian Party of Labour. The book analyses the developments at the foreign embassies in Tirana, the official internal communications between the diplomatic corps and the Albanian government, the official and secret talks on the crisis, whilst addressing the myths that arose following to embassies’ crisis and their impact on Albanian society and politics. For the first time, several thousand Albanian and foreign archival documents were published on the developments of 1990. The documentation related to the German, Italian and French embassies, as well as those of the State Security (Albanian secret police) and the Politburo occupy an important place in this publication.

The book has 484 pages and is published in Albanian by the Institute of History, Academy of Albanological Studies in Tirana.

Проведено теоретико-методологічний та емпіричний розгляд політичних режимів сучасності, а також історії становлення та сучасного стану розвитку кількісних та якісних методів типологізації та порівняльного вимірювання політичних режимів сучасності. Окреслено і структуровано економічні та політичні свободи у контексті політичних режимів сучасності. Проаналізовано різновиди та концепти демократії (демократизації) та автократії/автократизації. Простежено параметри оцінювання ефективності та якості демократії і демократизації. Означено сутність і типологію субнаціональних політичних режимів. Розкрито параметри порівняльного аналізу трансформації/транзиту політичних режимів сучасності. Визначено економетричні атрибути різних типів політичних режимів сучасності.

Бразил нь дэлхийн томоохон орнуудын нэг бөгөөд Латин Америктаа газар нутаг, хүн амын хэмжээгээр тэргүүлдэг улс билээ. Хүн ам нь 205.7 сая бөгөөд нийт 8547.4 мянган км 2 газар нутагтай. Хүн амын жилийн дундаж өсөлт 1.4%. Хүн амын бүтэц бүрэлдэхүүнийг авч үзвэл 55%-ийг европчууд, 40%-ийг мулатууд, 5 гаруй хувийг хар арьстнууд, ердөө 0.1%-ийг нутгийн уугуул иргэд болох улаан арьстнууд эзэлдэг. Хүмүүсийн дундаж наслалт 72 болно (Эрэгтэйчүүд 68, эмэгтэйчүүд 76 насладаг). Үндсэн шүтлэг католиг шашин бөгөөд нийт хүн амын 70 орчим хувь нь шүтдэг. Харин 13% нь протестант урсгалыг, 2% нь бусад шашныг шүтнэ. Хүн амын боловсролын түвшин харьцангуй өндөр, 86% нь бичиг үсэгт тайлагдсан. Одоогоор 2.5 сая хүн их, дээд сургуульд сурч байна. Бразилид Сан Паулу их сургууль, Рио-де-Жанейрогийн холбооны их сургууль гэсэн дэлхийн хэмжээний хоёр том эрдэм шинжилгээ, сургалт, судалгааны төв оршдог. Бразил бол хурдацтай хөгжиж буй хөдөө аж ахуй – аж үйлдвэрийн орон юм. ДНБ-ий жилийн дундаж өсөлт ойролцоогоор 3% болно. Улс оронд хүнд машин механизмийн бүхэл бүтэн салбар үүсч байна. Сүүлийн жилүүдэд эдийн засгийн ололт, амжилттай зэрэгцээд тодорхой салбар дагнасан хямрал гарах болсон. Өнөөгийн засгийн газар улс орны нийгэм-эдийн засгийн тулгамдсан асуудлыг шийдвэрлэж, ажилгүйдлыг багасгах, орлогын тэгш бус байдлыг бууруулахыг эрмэлзэж байна. Инфляцийн жилийн дундаж өсөлт харьцангуй бага тул засгийн газрын зүгээс эдийн засгийн бодлогоо амжилттай хэрэгжүүлэх үндсэн нөхцөл бүрдсэн гэж үзэж болох талтай. Бразилийн хөрөнгө оруулалт бүс нутгийн бусад орнуудын эдийн засгийн салбарт хүч түрж байгаа нь тус улсын Латин Америкийн бүс нутагт үзүүлэх жин нөлөө тасралтгүй өсөхөд нөлөөлжээ. Ашигт малтмалын арвин нөөц бүхий тэргүүлэх арван орны нэгт Бразил багтдаг нь тус улсын эдийн засгийн хурдацтай өсөлтөд эерэг нөлөөлөл үзүүлсэн байна. Нийт 80 гаруй төрлийн ашигт малтмал олзворлож байгаагаас чулуун нүүрсний нөөцөөр дэлхийд хоёрдугаарт, алтны нөөцөөр гуравт бичигдэж байна. Бразил өөрийн нефтийн хэрэгцээний 90%-ийг дангаараа хангадаг улс юм. Өнгөт металл, машин

The Republic of India is said to be the biggest democracy in the world. Its width and large population have the consequence of making it a country full of diversity. It is the home of thousands of languages, dozens of religions and several ethnic groups and tribes. But despite this heterogeneity, India seems to be a united Nation. The aim of this paper is to answer how India created unity despite the diversity of its population. In order to do so in the clearest way, I will start to underline the extent of the diversity within the Republic of India. Then I will address the reasons that made unity in this country possible and how the Indian Constitution (and Indian Nation-building) was able to capture the duality between unity and diversity. I will then try to ask whereas this concept of “Unity in Diversity” actually working in reality or not.

This paper analyzes changes in regional electoral behavior and attitudes towards separatism and foreign policy orientation in Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution” and the “Euromaidan,” which turned into a violent internal conflict and one of the biggest international conflicts involving Western countries and Russia. The research question is whether the regional divisions concerning domestic politics, separatism and foreign orientation have changed significantly in Ukraine since the “Orange Revolution” in 2004 and the “Euromaidan” in 2014. This paper employs comparative and statistical analyses of voting results of the 2012, 2007, 2006, and 2002 parliamentary elections, and the 2014, 2010, and 2004 presidential elections, to examine effects of historical legacies, ethnicity, language, age, and economic factors on regional support for pro-nationalist/pro-Western and pro-Russian/pro-communist political parties and presidential candidates. The study also analyses support for separatism in Crimea and Donbas after the “Orange Revolution” and the “Euromaidan.” It uses a brief survey, conducted for this study by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in April and May 2014, to examine determinants of pro-separatist attitudes. The paper also employs Razumkov Center and KIIS surveys to analyze changes in 2002-2014 in regional preferences for joining the European Union (EU), NATO, and a union with Russia. The analysis shows that Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution” remained divided along regional lines in terms of support for political parties and presidential candidates and attitudes towards joining the EU, NATO, and a Russia-led union. After the “Euromaidan,” such divisions in foreign policy orientation and, to a lesser extent, support for presidential candidates and political parties remained. A significant rise in separatist sentiments helped to fuel separatist takeovers of power in Crimea and Donbas and Russian military intervention in these regions.

Democracy is a preferred and famous political mode of governing the society in all over the world. It has several types according to the nature and environment of the demography. In theocratic societies, democracy is really a debatable issue. As Europe had experienced serious role of Church, Muslims were still demanding for governing under Islamic rules. But, the problem is, every sect define its own Islamic Political System. This article presented definition and history of the democracy, its types and its role in the theocratic societies. Christian and Muslim societies are also discussed here. Iranian political system which is a modern democratic system under the theocratic structure is a case study of this article which is working successfully since the Revolution of 1979.

, 1911 оны нэгдүгээр сарын 12 нд Рокайлэндэд лагшин мэндэлсэн)-нь Америкийн улс төр судлаач, бихевиорист хувьсгалыг санаачлагчдын нэг бөгөөд улс төрийн соёл, системийн талаарх судалгаа нь өнөөдрийг хүртэл харьцуулсан улс төр судлалын салбарт үнэ цэнээ алдаагүй байна. Улс төрийн хөгжилйн онолын талаарх санаа нь орчин үеийн улс төрийн шинжлэх ухаанд хүндтэй байр суурь эзэлдэг болно.

Mardin Artuklu Üniversitesi İİBF Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü öğrencileri için hazırlanan dersin Federal Parlamentarizm ve  Almanya Federal Cumhuriyeti örneğini kapsayan bölümünde, yasama-yürütme-yargı güçlerinin oluşumunu-işleyişini, seçim sistemini, son seçimlerin sonuçlarını ve Almanya'nın belli başlı partilerini (SPD, CDU/CSU, FDP, Yeşiller, Sol ve AfD) tanıtmaya çalıştım. Bu bölümde özellikle Bundesrat ve Bundestag üzerinden Federal Parlamento'nun ve koalisyon hükümetlerinin kompozisyonu, seçim sisteminin Almanya'yı nasıl federal düzeyde ve eyalet hükümetlerinde koalisyonlarla hareket etmeye yönlendirdiğini aktarmaya odaklandım. Dileyen herkes metni kullanabilir ve istediği eklemelerle zenginleştirebilir.

Bu kısa çalışmada Michael G. Roskin, Countries and Concepts, Politics, Geography, Culture isimli özgün çalışmasının Türkçe basımı incelenecektir.  İlk olarak kitapla ilgili birkaç temel bilgiye değinmek gerekirse Roskin’in çalışması Çağdaş Devlet Sistemleri Siyaset, Coğrafya Kültür ismi ile Adres yayınları tarafından Mart 2009’da Bahattin Seçilmişoğlu tarafından Türkçeye çevrilmiştir. Kitap toplam 747 sayfadır ve yine toplamda 7 kısım ile bu 7 kısmın alt başlıkları olan 36 bölümden oluşmaktadır. Kitapta dünyanın farklı noktalarından seçilmiş 9 örnek ülke (Büyük Britanya, Fransa, Almanya- AB, Rusya, Japonya, Çin, Meksika, Nijerya, İran) incelenmektedir.

Why Democracy Failed in Pakistan-A Historic Analysis

Most Pakistani historians are not intellectually honest while dealing with this issue. On the surface it was a simple issue, ie how were the different provinces to be represented in the parliament. The Bengalis who were about 54% of the total population (with at least theoretically 44 seats in the First Constituent Assembly out of a total of 79 seats)7 but had been sidelined from leading the Muslims by the Hindustani Muslims because of backwardness in education now rightfully demanded that representation in parliament should be according to population. The simple reason for delay in constitution making and one which is evaded by most non- Bengali historians was the fact that all non-Bengali leaders including Liaquat and almost all leaders from Punjab were not willing to grant the Bengalis their natural right ie representation in the parliament as per population! The Punjabis who were just 20% of the population (22 out of 79 seats) were the second most dominant group in the period 1947-51 following the Hindustani Muslims who dominated political power because of Liaquat’s Prime Ministership and by virtue of representation in the civil service. Both these groups ie the Hindustani Muslims and Punjabi Muslims were not in favour of giving Bengalis their representation as per population. They despised the Bengalis and looked upon them as inferior species. The reason for this attitude was the fact that there were very few Bengalis in the civil service and the army and the Hindustani and Punjabi Muslims were convinced that they by virtue of more education, greater representation in civil service and the army and in the Muslim League were the natural leaders of Pakistan. A new and most unfortunate exercise was started to exclude the Bengali Muslims from the higher corridors of power. The West Pakistani politicians led by Punjabi politicians now started demanding weightage for the west wing and refused to accept the just Bengali demand for representation in parliament as per population. Liaquat was also a party to this since he made no resolute effort to arive at a constitutional formula settling the issue of representation. Instead the West Wing politicians created a smoke screen around the core issue of representation by talking about the Islamic character of the new state! Thus religion was again brought in as a cheap slogan in order to evade basic issues. The failure for constitution making can be squarely placed on the shoulders of Liaquat who did nothing to prod all West Pakistani members into arriving at a formula deciding the issue of representation during the period 1947-51. There is no doubt that the Punjabi Muslim leaders were most keen to sideline Liaquat, and Ghulam Mohammad their principle spokesman in Liaquat’s cabinet played as keen a role in sabotaging the constituent assembly’s efforts to arrive at constitution formula of provincial representation as Liaquat. But it was Liaquat’s failure in not being able to be ruthless in dealing with all the members of the Constitutuent Assembly who were taking an unjust stand over allowing the Bengalis their simple constitutional right of having representation as per population. This attitude was an unfortunate continuation of the pre-1947 rhetoric about fear of Hindu domination and proves that the bourgeois class and the feudals who were the mainstay of Muslim League were fighting a battle for the preservation of their class interests rather than that of the Indian Muslims. The same people now wanted safeguards against Bengali Muslim domination in the constititution of Pakistan. SO WHERE WAS ISLAM NOW AND WHAT WAS THE AIM OF PAKISTAN?

This book offers a much-needed new political theory of an old phenomenon. The last decade alone has marked the highest number of migrations in recorded history. Constrained by environmental, economic, and political instability, scores of people are on the move. But other sorts of changes—from global tourism to undocumented labor—have led to the fact that to some extent, we are all becoming migrants. The migrant has become the political figure of our time.

Rather than viewing migration as the exception to the rule of political fixity and citizenship, Thomas Nail reinterprets the history of political power from the perspective of the movement that defines the migrant in the first place. Applying his "kinopolitics" to several major historical conditions (territorial, political, juridical, and economic) and figures of migration (the nomad, the barbarian, the vagabond, and the proletariat), he provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary migration.

Dalam periode di mana politik yang ditujukan untuk kepentingan pribadi menuai kerusuhan yang begitu luas. Kondisi dimana para masyarakat yang secara kondisional bergerak secara nyata yang memiliki jiwa nasionalisme guna melakukan pencapaian yang lebih baik yang bebas dari perbudakan, ras, dan kehidupan yang modern. Nasionalisme muncul dengan kepentingan tertentu di masa kolonial ketika terjadinya penyerangan terhadap masyarakat dan pemerintah. Kolonialisme adalah sebuah fase sejarah yang menggambarkan urutan transisi tertentu dimana suatu kehidupan modernisasi telah di universalkan dan telah dicapai. Pola hidup yang berubah ketika periode kemerdekaan yang didukung oleh sistem dalam respon terhadap jaman modernisasi yang telah memanipulasi jaman itu sendiri. Tetapi, bagaimana setiap individu menyelesaikan suatu permasalahan di jaman modernisisasi ini. Lebih khususnya lagi bagaimana cara nya untuk  menunjukan suatu hubungan yang harmonis dengan periode Tradisional dalam meningkatkan pendapatan yang diraih.

Sisteem Pemerintahan merupakan sebuah mekanisme dalam menjalankan proses kenegaraan. Terdapat berbagai macam sistem yang digunakan untuk menjalankan proses kenegaraan tersebut, namun apakah dengan sistem yang digunakan maka negara akan seimbang dan tanpa ada gejolak. Bagaimana sistem tersebut tetap bisa bertahan ataupun tetap yang paling baik untuk digunakan. Bagaimana kelebihan ataupun kekurangan dari sistem tersebut

This Chapter One in our new book of Max Weber translations.  The translations include "Class, Status, Party;" "Charisma and Discipline;" "Bureaucracy;" and "Politics as Vocation."  This chapter is about the relationship of Weber's writing to World War I.  The chapter explains why Weber's writing is so relevant to the 21st century.
  Our point in translating these essays was to use 21st century English, while highlighting Weber's wisdom, wit, insight, and humor.  The book is available from Palgrave MacMillan http://www.palgrave.com/page/detail/webers-rationalism-and-modern-society-tony-waters/?K=9781137365866  The book is edited and translated by Tony Waters and Dagmar Waters.

Untuk dapat melengkapi pemahaman kita atas perubahan-perubahan sistem politk di Indonesia, diperlukan penggabungan antara beberapa pendekatan : pendekatan sistem, pendekatan struktural-fungsional dan sejarah Indonesia sendiri. Dengan penggabungan tersebut kedepannya kita dapat menganalisa kecenderungan perubahan yang mungkin terjadi di masa mendatang. Dengan melihat struktur dan fungsi kelembagaan yang terkandung dalam sistem politik Indonesia saat ini baik itu partai politik, kelompok kepentingan dan kelompok penekan, lembaga eksekutif, legislative, yudikatif dan jajaran birokrasi yang memainkan peranan di struktur kelembagaan Indonesia.
Semua faktor tersebut untuk membantu kita menganalisa secara makro ataupun mikro revolusi sistem politik Indonesia.

The Corona Virus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has affected every state and territory on earth, including those where there are as yet no cases of infection. Some states have recorded mass infection and crippling death rates, while others have witnessed much more moderate effects. In some states early intervention, social distancing and restrictions on movement have led to promising signs that infection may be under control, while in other states governments reacted differently and have experienced horrendous social and economic damage. The first part of this collection presents short case studies (snapshots) that detail the situation in a particular state or territory up until 31 May. Cases are drawn from Oceania, Southeast Asia, North Asia, South Asia, the Americas, the Middle East, Europe and Africa. Each state represented in this collection discusses the specific ways in which governmental authorities have attempted to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic, including the steps they have taken to slow the spread of infection, and to mitigate the effects of government imposed restrictions on movement and work on their economies. The second part of the collection examines the effects of COVID-19 related policy changes in states for specific vulnerable groups, including domestic violence survivors, undocumented migrant workers, refugees, health care workers, and those trafficked into slavery. This edited collection represents the work of over 50 academic and professional contributors across the world, linked through their research connections to the Humanitarian and Development Research Initiative at Western Sydney University.

The present research paper is undertaken to apprise the reader of the conditions which prevailed in India for ages. It is, however, hoped that an overall picture of the society will be delineated in a general way bringing out the highlights while projecting the trajectory from the study of literacy records. We have attempted to find, locate, understand, and narrate some aspects of good governance discussed at length in the ancient Indian Sanskrit texts in general with special reference to Rajadharma. Therefore, the real objective of Rajadharma is the welfare of all, the supremacy of the public good, growth of all, and good for all. The detailed description of multiple dimensions of Rajadharma has found considerable mention and explanation in ancient Indian works on Dharmasutra, epics, Smriti works, and Neeti treatises. Treatise in ancient India provides substantially detailed, deep, independent, organized, and systematic description of Rajadharma and the related concepts, more profusely than any other contemporary works.

The book is written by anthropologists, historians, and archaeologists specializing in nomadic studies. All the chapters presented here discuss various aspects of one significant problem: how could small nomadic peoples at the outskirts of agricultural civilizations subjugate vast territories between the Mediterranean and the Pacific? What was the impetus that set in motion the overwhelming forces of the nomads which made tremble the royal courts of Europe and Asia? Was it an outcome of any predictable historical process or a result of a chain of random events? A wide sample of nomadic peoples is discussed, mainly on the basis of new data.

Closely associated with China’s growing prominence in international politics are discussions about how to understand Chinese history, and how such perspectives inform the way a stronger China may relate to the rest of the world. This article examines two narratives as cases, and considers how they fit against more careful historical scholarship. The first is the nationalist narrative dealing with Qing and Republican history, and the second is the narrative on the Chinese world order. Analyses of Chinese nationalism tend to see a more powerful China as being more assertive internationally, based in part on a belief in the need to address and overcome past wrongs. Studies of historical regional systems in Asia point to the role that a peaceful ‘Confucian’ ethos played in sustaining a stable Chinese-led order, and highlight the promise it holds for checking regional and international tensions. The two perspectives create an obvious tension when trying to understand China’s rise, which can suggest that using historical viewpoints to understand contemporary developments may be doomed to incoherence. This article argues that difficulties in applying knowledge of the past to analyses of China’s role in contemporary world politics indicate a relative inattentiveness to Chinese and Asian history. It illustrates how the nature of China’s rise may be more contingent on the external environment that it faces than popular received wisdom may indicate. The article suggests that a more extensive engagement with historical research and historiography can augment and enrich attempts to appreciate the context surrounding China’s rise.