The opportunities to grow the ‘organic pie’ are substantial for both China and Australia. However the challenges and the opportunities are far from identical, although the goals of growing the production area, increasing the market awareness, fostering consumer confidence in certification and labeling, broadening the product offering and availability, and increasing sales are shared issues. Some of the aspects of organics opportunity and challenge are examined in this book chapter. Comparative statistics between Australia and China are presented in Table 3.1.

This essay focuses on the salient place given to staging both the modern regime of translation and the institution of literature alongside a dramatization of anthropological difference in Liu Cixin's acclaimed science fiction trilogy, Remembrance of Earth's Past (also known as The Three Body Problem). These are concerns that are, I would argue, not only historically central to twentieth-century Chinese literature, but also place twentieth-century Chinese literature squarely at the crux of some of the most fundamental questions about aesthetic modernity. These questions revolve around the way in which the type or the figure plays a crucial role in the construction of the nation-state. As quintessentially modern social institutions, both the regime of translation and the institution of literature converge around aesthetic ideology, in which the figure and the type play a paramount role. This is not just any figure, but rather the figure of the human, configured through the logical economy of genus, species, and individual. As a kind of abstraction that is intimately woven into the fabric of everyday life (or what Marx calls a "real abstraction"), this "logical economy" is most evident in that experience of identity peculiar to modernity: being an individual who belongs to a national community within that community's membership in a larger, single species among other species. Together, these two institutions form an inherently comparative biopolitical infrastructure that I call the apparatus of area and anthropological difference.

In 1918 the Chinese scholar Cai Yuanpei published a series of essays regarding the Great War. In one of such essays Cai describes political and military actions taken by the main participants in the war as proof of influence or validity of three different philosophical theories: Nietzsche’s philosophy of power, Tolstoj’s Non-resistance and Kropotkin’s mutual aid, despite their explicit anarchic features. This paper analyses the essay step by step and tries to shed some light on the possible reasons for Cai’s interpretation.

This paper adopts a critical discourse analysis in combination with in-depth interviews of 55 people to examine three representative cases of Internet subcultures created and practiced by Chinese netizens from 2009, in order to define the formats, strategies and tactics of these subcultures in relation to the broader mainstream political culture. The paper finds that the Chinese subculturists employ tactics of homophony and neologism made possible by the highly contextual Chinese language; the participants are aware of the appropriation of traditional Confucian ethics by the Party-state to legitimize its rule and devise targeted strategies of resistance accordingly; but their cynical attitude towards the dominant political culture prevents them from affecting real political change beyond mere defiance at the semiotic level.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo examinar a produção historiográfica portuguesa sobre Macau em particular e a China em geral, no período coincidente com a derradeira década da monarquia, os anos da Primeira República e a maior parte da existência do Estado Novo (sem esquecer a ditadura militar que o antecedeu). Como limite final, aproximado, escolheu-se o ano de 1960, correspondente, como é sabido, às comemorações com que o regime da época assinalou o quinto centenário da morte do infante D. Henrique ─ cujas repercussões na área de conhecimento estudada foram conspícuas ─, pouco anterior ao início das guerras coloniais, que não deixaram de condicionar significativamente os estudos históricos ultramarinos. As divisões cronológicas correspondentes aos diversos períodos da evolução da vida política nacional poderiam, porventura, determinar a estrutura de uma síntese sobre a temática alvo da minha atenção. De facto, não seria necessário demasiado engenho para detetar e assinalar correspondências entre as ideias preponderantes em cada um dos regimes aludidos e o pensamento expresso em certos livros e artigos que foram dedicados ao passado da presença portuguesa na Ásia. Todavia, a esta constatação sobrepõe-se, quando examinada com 2 relativo pormenor a produção historiográfica em causa, a conclusão de que os traços de continuidade acabam por ser mais determinantes das suas características fundamentais do que os indícios de evolução. A verdade é que, independentemente do regime dominante em cada contexto, tendeu a prevalecer um certo consenso nos meios intelectuais que se debruçaram sobre o passado colonial português acerca da necessidade de sublinhar o carácter glorioso e civilizador da expansão e dos contactos realizados nos séculos precedentes. Tratava-se, aliás, afinal, de uma manifestação particular de uma tendência mais generalizada na sociedade portuguesa, mesmo entre as forças oposicionistas a cada situação política, ao menos aquelas que tiveram possibilidade de se pronunciar historiograficamente. Acima dos particularismos económicos e políticos, afirmava-se o interesse comum de manter as colónias e reforçar a presença dos portugueses dentro das suas fronteiras ultramarinas. De acordo com esta perspetiva, competia aos historiadores a elaboração de um discurso empenhado em legitimar o prosseguimento da política colonial. Monárquicos, republicanos e salazaristas partilharam, no essencial, a perspetiva colonialista cujos reflexos óbvios se encontram abundantemente documentados nas obras de cunho historiográfico. 1 1 Não teve consequências significativas o esboço de oposição ao colonialismo português de que encontramos indícios 3 Sem ter procedido a uma análise minuciosa que permitiria extrair conclusões mais rigorosas e seguras, parece evidente que, na historiografia portuguesa contemporânea, o estudo da ação ultramarina tendeu a revestir-se de um carácter mais consensual, nas suas conclusões relevantes, do que a pesquisa relativa à evolução verificada no retângulo europeu. É certo que, mercê da grande proporção que a historiografia colonial representa no conjunto das obras consagradas ao conhecimento do passado dos portugueses, poderão sobressair as divergências de pormenor na determinação, por exemplo, dos factos relacionados com os descobrimentos. Aliás, num domínio que, como este, foi privilegiado nos esforços da erudição nacional, não poderiam deixar de avultar particularmente as divergências no tocante a eventos em relação aos quais as crónicas e documentos da época se revelam, com muita frequência, durante a Primeira República, designadamente em certos meios ligados ao movimento operário. Esta resistência interna aos interesses coloniais foi estudada por José Castro e José Luís Garcia, "A Batalha e a questão colonial", in Ler História. Revista Quadrimestral, dirigida por Miriam Halpern Pereira, N.º 27-28, 1995, Lisboa, Fim de Século, pp.125-146. Só muito mais tarde, num contexto mundial que conhecera profundos desenvolvimentos, a oposição política portuguesa ligada à tradição liberal e republicana, carecida de apoios internacionais, seria levada a aceitar amplamente as teses independentistas. 4 contraditórios. Todavia, cumpre reafirmá-lo, mais digna de destaque é a propensão generalizada para proceder à glorificação, por vezes mitificadora, da ação colonizadora e missionária portuguesa e para enfatizar a heroicidade, o saber e a abnegação dos pioneiros desse processo. À continuidade e permanência de interesses partilhados por amplos setores da sociedade portuguesa em relação às colónias juntou-se o carácter limitado das transformações ocorridas na historiografia portuguesa durante todo este período. É certo que, já antes de 1960, podemos encontrar as primeiras manifestações de uma renovação das perspetivas de investigação que beneficiaram com as aquisições científicas que se foram verificando nos principais centros de que irradiaram as inovações. Bastará lembrar os nomes de um Jaime Cortesão, de um Luís de Albuquerque ou de um Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, autores de obras de mérito geralmente reconhecido. O certo, porém, é que, se a sua repercussão foi (e permanece), indiscutível, em termos estatísticos o que avulta amplamente são os trabalhos produzidos de acordo com perspetivas antiquadas, quando não arcaicas, que evidenciam um escasso conhecimento das novas formas de conceber e redigir a história. Tal é a tendência preponderante das obras dadas à estampa no período considerado. Assim se compreende, por exemplo, a larga percentagem dos títulos de índole biográfica concebidos com o objetivo de exaltar determinadas figuras de santos 5 e sábios, mas principalmente de heróis, apresentados às novas gerações como exemplos a seguir. Por outro lado, verifica-se ser grande a proporção dos estudos relativos a episódios e temas cujo contributo para a compreensão das características essenciais da colonização portuguesa é bastante diminuto. Retórica excessivamente generalizadora e abuso de minuciosidade erudita foram, com demasiada frequência, os dois polos em que se fixou a escrita da história no período considerado. Iremos encontrar tais características nas obras sobre Macau e a China produzidas em Portugal nas seis primeiras décadas do século XX, como as poderíamos detetar, seguramente, se nos debruçássemos sobre os estudos consagrados a outras regiões. Mais do que insistir nas (em muitos casos óbvias) limitações dessa produção historiográfica interessará, contudo, pôr em evidência as suas temáticas e as ideias expendidas por cada um dos autores.

(CRIES), a non-partisan think tank and network. He has authored several books both in Spanish and English, edited more than 30 collective volumes both in English and Spanish, and published more than 200 academic articles in Spanish, English, French, German and Russian. Established in 2010, the Center for Latin American and Latino Studies (CLALS) is a campuswide initiative advancing and disseminating state-of-the-art research. The Center's faculty affiliates and partners are at the forefront of efforts to understand economic development, democratic governance, cultural diversity and change, peace and diplomacy, health, education and environmental well-being. CLALS generates high-quality, timely analysis on these and other issues in partnership with researchers and practitioners from AU and beyond. This paper is produced by CLALS as part of a project supported by the Institute for War and Peace Reporting and the U.S. Department of State to analyze China's efforts to shape perceptions of its role in Latin America and the Caribbean. The project is led by CLALS Director Eric Hershberg. For more information, please visit the project page on our website.

The New Global Politics of the Asia Pacific: Conflict and Cooperation in the Asian Century, 3rd Edition
©2017 Routledge: London & New York. 341pp. + x. Link: https://www.routledge.com/The-New-Global-Politics-of-the-Asia-Pacific-Conflict-and-Cooperation-in/Connors-Davison-Dosch/p/book/9781138647022

Now in its new and fully updated third edition, The New Global Politics of the Asia Pacific continues to provide a compelling analysis of a region undergoing dramatic changes. Based on new research and offering fresh interpretation, this edition evaluates the prospects for continuing US dominance in the ‘Asian Century’. Whilst presenting evidence for a multifaceted ‘Beijing Strategy’, which aims to counter the US by building an alternative regional order, it also explains Japan’s definitive departure from its limited military role. Key content includes:
- Intra-regional conflicts in the South China Sea and the Korean peninsula,
- The different responses within the Asia Pacific to globalisation and western ideas of democracy and political economy,
- The underappreciated success of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in building a regional identity
- The European Union’s soft power in the region.
A highly topical account, which offers an overview of the main actors, institutions and contemporary issues in the Asia Pacific, the book will be essential reading for students of Asian Studies, International Politics, and anyone interested in the region.

Michael K. Connors teaches at the University of Nottingham, Malaysia Campus and is a Visiting Fellow at the Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University. He is the co-editor of Thai Politics in Translation: Monarchy, Democracy, Constitution (forthcoming).
Remy Davison holds the Jean Monnet Chair in Politics and Economics at Monash University. He is the author of The Political Economy of Single Market Europe (2011).
Jörn Dosch is Professor of International Politics and Development Cooperation at the University of Rostock, Germany, and Adjunct Professor at Monash University Malaysia. His recent publications include Malaysia Post-Mahathir: A Decade of Change (2015).

The illegal ivory trade in China has been considered a key threat to the survival of elephant species: since 2009, China has become the largest illegal ivory market in the world. Though China has uncovered a great amount of illegal ivory trade cases with seizure of illegal ivory in past decade, the illegal ivory trade is still growing. A deeper understanding of the nature of this illegal ivory trade, and discovering the patterns of illegal ivory trade through an analysis of ivory seizure data would improve the efficiency of efforts to prevent illegal ivory trade in China. This article collected data on 106 seizures of illegal ivory from Chinese news reports between 1999 and 2014.

Two Systems, Two Countries is an unabashedly heterodox addition to a growing body of critical work on the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) suppression of local identity and political freedoms in Hong Kong. What Carrico’s contribution uniquely provides is a penetrating analysis of the various schools of thought that make up the diverse landscape of Hong Kong nationalism.

Purpose – According to official statements, BRI is a Chinese call for global cooperation, based on five
priorities: policy coordination, facilities connectivity, unimpeded trade, financial integration and people-topeople
bonds. The purpose of this paper is, primarily, to describe and contextualize the official discourse of
China’s foreign policy toward Latin America, emphasizing on BRI. On that basis, the author aims to contrast
official rhetoric with real facts, bringing problematic cases associated with implementing BRI in Asian and
African developing countries, so as to discuss possible challenges that Latin America can encounter when
implementing the initiative. Finally, the author evaluates potential implications of resembling the Chinese
three-level scheme of development in the region and make suggestions on this subject.
Design/methodology/approach – In an effort to evaluate possible implications of BRI in Latin America, the
paper describes and contextualizes Chinese foreign policy official rhetoric toward the region’s countries. Based
on that, the author brings to discussion Asian and African experiences in the implementation of the initiative
and raise questions on controversial issues that Latin America could meet when enforcing BRI-related projects.
Findings – As a part of its new foreign and economic policies, China continues to strengthen its engagement
with Latin American countries, enlarging its strategy though the promotion of BRI. If Latin American
countries, through BRI, seek to replicate the Chinese three-level of development scheme, including domestic,
regional and global scopes, certain controversial issues cannot be ignored in the design and implementation
processes. Also, equal participation of Chinese and Latin American governments, societies and enterprises is
decisive if the goal is to settle a long-term development scenario for the region.
Originality/value – The central thesis of this paper is that the implementation of BRI in Latin American
countries could potentially replicate the Chinese three-level development proposal. To achieve such an
ambitious goal, much depends on how Latin American countries define and enforce BRI projects. Full
understanding of those challenges requires close attention to what the Chinese official rhetoric claims and what
actually puts into practice in other developing countries already involved in BRI, so as to anticipate possible
consequences for the region.

Numerous African natural resources have been attracting attention of many developed and developing countries, including the People’s Republic of China (China). Unprecedented economic development of recent decades and insufficient domestic supply of energy resources have forced the government in Beijing to foster the policy of securing foreign supplies. Africa has since become an important receiver of Chinese investments in extracting sector despite its apparent political, economic, and social risks. Chinese financial engagement has been crucial to the development of its African partners, though a  wave of criticism from Western contenders has initiated the discussion about unacceptable business incentives used by Beijing. Close links with Africa may challenge Beijing’s traditional diplomatic philosophy and lead to redefining its role in international relations.

Until the late nineteenth century, the Chinese-Korean Tumen River border was one of the oldest, and perhaps most stable, state boundaries in the world. Spurred by severe food scarcity following a succession of natural disasters, from the 1860s, countless Korean refugees crossed the Tumen River border into Qing-China's Manchuria, triggering a decades-long territorial dispute between China, Korea, and Japan. This major new study of a multilateral and multiethnic frontier highlights the competing state- and nation-building projects in the fraught period that witnessed the Sino-Japanese War, the Russo-Japanese War, and the First World War. The power-plays over land and people simultaneously promoted China's frontier-building endeavours, motivated Korea's nationalist imagination, and stimulated Japan's colonialist enterprise, setting East Asia on an intricate trajectory from the late-imperial to a situation that, Song argues, we call modern.

The Xin-hai Revolution of 1911–1912, which ended almost three-centuries China’s presence within the Qing Empire and, more importantly, several millennia of the monarchy Under Heaven in general, caused a considerable interest to scientists and, for a century or so passed after it, has been studied relatively well. However, this period, as is usually typical for axial times, is so full of bright events that many of them involuntarily are in the shadows, although for quieter years something like this would be, without doubt, the most noticeable and represent main objects of research. Among such events, generally underestimated by historians, is the project of restoring the monarchy in China, but not the returning of the fallen Manchu Dynasty to the throne, but the beginning of a new dynasty. For Chinese history as a whole, it is
rather a truism: a victorious general, who overthrew the previous autocrat or put an end to the turmoil, could not only, but was almost obliged to ascend the throne as the new Son of Heaven. However, what seemed obvious in the old years turned out to be ridiculous in the Twentieth Century: the history of the Republic of China continued.
This aspect the Chinese history has been insuffi ciently studied. The reaction of Russia and her allies to the attempt of the Chinese President Yuan Shi-kai to become new Emperor and to establish new dynasty is of particular interest. The Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AVPRI, Moscow) contains materials on this topic which are valuable but almost not entered into scientifi c circulation. This article represents analysis based on the documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of
the Russian Empire (AVPRI, Moscow).

As the People’s Republic of China emerges as a power
with global reach, understanding its interactions with the
range of states comprising the modern MENA region has
become more urgent.

It is beyond the scope of this paper to review in depth the
economic, political, and strategic dimensions of Chinese
interactions with the modern Middle East. Instead, this
China Institute Occasional Paper will briefly sketch the
interactions between China and the states of the MENA
region in the early 21st century.

Although this paper includes a short historical survey of
China-Middle East relations, the focus is the present and
future of the relationship, and existing economic linkages
with the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Our hope is
that gathering and publishing the core economic data will
provide an important reference point for other researchers
who are working on China – MENA relations.

Bilge Strateji dergisi yılda iki kere Bilge Adamlar Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi (BİLGESAM) tarafından yayınlanan hakemli bir dergidir. EBSCOhost, CIAO ve ASOS tarafından taranmakta ve dizinlenmektedir. Dergide ifade edilen görüş ve fikirler yalnızca yazarlara aittir, BİLGESAM'ın düşünce ve politikasını yansıtan metinler olarak değerlendirilemez. Bilge Strateji Dergisi'nin tüm hakları saklıdır. İzinsiz yayımlanamaz. Kaynak gösterilerek alıntı yapılabilir. BILGESAM's Wise Strategy Journal is a peer-reviewed journal published on a biannual basis.

China’s dazzling infrastructure and energy-driven Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a US$1 trillion investment across Eurasia and beyond, has lost its shine. Increasingly, China’s leveraging of the initiative is being perceived by a growing number of recipients and critics alike as a geopolitical power play, a tool to shape a new world order partly populated by autocrats and authoritarians, and progressively characterized by intrusive surveillance, potential debt traps, and perceived as a self-serving way to address domestic overcapacity

The demand for water has been increasing steadily with increases in population and standard of living. The food and energy crises of the Seventies have made water resources development a priority issue in many countries. Agriculture currently accounts for 80% of all global water consumption but hydroelectric generation does not consume any water. Since irrigation and hydropower generation are compatible uses of water, most recent water developments include both these issues.

Quantity of water available to any country is limited, but demands are continually rising. Accordingly, water use has to be made more efficient and options like interregional water transfers have to be explored. The paper outlines the problems and prospects associated with long distance water transfer projects and discusses the latest plans for this type of development in the People’s Republic of China.

In April 2005, the blind activist Chen Guangcheng led a group of families to a courthouse in rural China. After suffering unlawful detentions and forced sterilisations under the government’s one-child policy campaign, they planned to sue the township mayor. A judge initially refused to accept the case. But Chen and the villagers argued there was no legal basis to reject it and insisted it be accepted. The judge relented and the lawsuit proceeded.

Chen recounts this story in his new autobiography, The Barefoot Lawyer. He is the most famous member of a group of mostly self-taught individuals providing low-cost or free legal services, despite lacking any licence to do so. The book’s release coincides with a heated debate about the appropriate role for barefoot lawyers in China’s developing legal system, which was sparked by recent legislative amendments that will restrict their work.

During the past 20 years, Chinese law made it very easy to use barefoot lawyers and their role in the legal services market grew. A litigant could choose any other citizen to represent him so long as the court approved; such approval was routinely granted.

Proponents of barefoot lawyers note that they provide at least some form of legal representation to the many citizens who are unable to hire lawyers or obtain other help. For, while the number of Chinese lawyers has grown significantly, they are highly concentrated in urban areas. And even when rural residents can find lawyers, their fees may be prohibitively expensive.

Barefoot lawyers also play a significant role in administrative litigation – that is, when a citizen sues the government. In various localities, barefoot lawyers represent plaintiffs in up to a third of all such cases. These claims often contest government land seizures, fines and taxes, environmental pollution, or local corruption.

Lawyers are reluctant to take these “high risk, low reward” cases. Plaintiffs are often seeking to change the government’s behaviour, not recover monetary damages. Lawyers also fear retaliation by the local government, such as revocation of their law licence. Legal aid is generally unavailable in sensitive cases because the local government controls that system. A barefoot lawyer is sometimes the only option.

But barefoot lawyers also have their critics. Some party officials warn that their rights protection activities threaten social stability. Judges have argued they inadequately
represent parties due to their lack of legal expertise and employ disruptive tactics in court. Even worse, barefoot lawyers may simply cheat parties out of their money.

Licensed lawyers, echoing these arguments, have also lobbied for limiting this perceived source of competition.

In this context, China amended the law governing civil cases, effective as of 2013, to restrict citizens’ ability to employ barefoot lawyers. An identical amendment for administrative cases takes effect in May. No longer can any citizen represent a party simply by obtaining court approval. Instead, barefoot lawyers may only appear in court in two instances.

First, a party’s close relative may serve as his representative. But few people have an immediate family member with legal expertise. The second method requires the party to obtain a letter recommending the barefoot lawyer from either the party’s employer, the residents’ or villagers’ committee where the party lives, or a “social organisation”.
For civil cases, the recommendation requirement has not weeded out the “bad” barefoot lawyers, as the committees lack guidance on when to issue the recommendations. However, when the new rule is applied to administrative cases, those barefoot lawyers seeking to bring sensitive cases will be screened out. Employers are unlikely to risk their relationship with the government by issuing recommendation letters. And many rural residents have no employer.

The residents’ and villagers’ committees essentially function as branch offices of the local government. Similarly, China’s larger “social organisations”, such as the trade union, are staffed by civil servants and largely indistinguishable from government organs. These entities will not assist citizens to sue the government over sensitive matters.
Thus, the new rules on administrative cases will effectively prevent all barefoot lawyers from appearing in such actions.

If they are unable to find representation, citizens may forego the courts altogether and resort to more drastic measures. Thus, China’s desire to maintain social stability requires bridging the representation gap. For its part, the government could grant lawyers more independence, create financial incentives to litigate administrative matters, encourage pro bono work, and ensure legal aid is available in sensitive cases, particularly in rural areas. But, ultimately, it falls to Chinese lawyers to fill the void.

Aaron Halegua is a research scholar at New York University School of Law’s US-Asia Law Institute

Статья посвящена вопросам развития ветроэнергетики в Китае. Рассмотрены технико- технологические ограничения эксплуатации, раскрыты проблемы фрагментарности системы принятия решений при планировании строительства объектов генерации и их подключения к сетям, проанализированы экономические и административные барьеры, а также особенности нормативно-правовой базы, негативно сказывающиеся на развитии отрасли. Показано, какие новые рыночные механизмы позволяют решать указанные проблемы.

Asya’nın yükselen iki önemli ekonomik gücü Hindistan ile Çin arasında 15 Haziran Galwan Vadisindeki çatışmada 20 Hindistan askeri hayatını kaybetmesiyle gerilim yükselmişti. Sonrasında Çin Dışişleri Bakanı Wang Yi ile Hindistan Ulusal Güvenlik Danışmanı Ajit Doval’ın telefon görüşmesi sonrası iki ülke askerlerini sınırdan uzaklaştırarak sorunda uzlaşmaya vardılar. Çatışma, Çin medyası ve toplumunda büyük bir etki yaratmamasına rağmen Hindistan toplumunda ve medyasında önemli bir etki yarattığını söylemek mümkündür. Özellikle Hintli uzmanların çatışması sonrası aşırı milliyetçi dil kullanması tansiyonu artırırken Çin’in işbirliğini sürdürmeye yönelik söylemleri tansiyonu düşürdü. İki ülkenin siyasi ve ekonomik işbirliğini görmezden gelen; çatışmanın büyüyeceği ve derinleşeceği yönünde tahmin yürüten Batılı analistlerin öngörüleri de tutmadı.

Nowadays The Maritime Silk Road remains a huge and important trade network. It started around the 2nd century B.C. This route flourished in the middle ages, during the Song dynasty (960-1279). That would be impossible without such a simple device as it occurs to us now – compass.

Для понимания современных процессов в зоне Евразийского степного пояса полезно рассмотреть взаимное влияние архитектурных традиций народов на
этой территории. Известно, что государства в окрестностях Китая подчас образовывались на базе кочевой культуры, что детально описано целым рядом археологов и востоковедов. Северокитайское царство Чжуншань (V–III вв. до н. э.)
в отечественной историографии не изучено. Между тем это прекрасная иллюстрация, как еще в период Чуньцю некоторые некитайские племена в ходе строительства своей государственности полностью перенимали политическую систему Поднебесной. Пожалуй, именно здесь перед нами один из первых примеров
перехода кочевников к оседлости и созданию монархии, по которому, к тому же,
в нашем распоряжении есть некоторое количество письменных источников.

A joint design project for the 2006 MIT-Tsinghua University Beijing Urban Design Studio by Non Arkaraprasertkul, Alex H.C. Lee, Liang Sisi, Jue Wang, and Ai Yamamoto. The Beijing Studio is a Joint Program of the MIT School of Architecture and Planning, with participants from both architecture and planning, and the Tsinghua University School of Architecture. Funding is provided by the Paul Sun Fund with additional contributions from the Asian Cultural Council of New York/Geoffrey Yeh Foundation, the MIT China Program, the MIT departments of architecture and planning and Tsinghua University.

It is March in Beijing. Many local friends tell me that it is the loveliest month here, as one can see, smell, and feel the change of seasons coming after a long smoggy winter: The day is warm and the golden sunlight streams brilliantly on a blue sky -so blue that it seems as if it had been washed by the Dragon King, the deity for water and weather in Chinese folk beliefs. Plum and apricot blossoms and willows glow with life. Indeed, the divide between all the four seasons is more distinct here in the north than in Jiangnan, the southern region by the Yangtze River where I grew up, echoing loudly the 24 solar terms. After the Rain Water (yushui 雨水) reaches Equinox, then it arrives Clear and Bright (qingming 清明), the day when people sweep the graves of their ancestors. Ancient solar terms such as these gure centrally in Ian Johnson's new book, Souls of China, which includes sections named for them, one of the rst things that intrigued me about his approach to the topic of the revival of religion in the PRC. TING GUO: This is really a fascinating book. I particularly enjoyed how each chapter corresponds with a seasonal note, a beautiful way to weave the threads together. Did you choose certain religions to go with certain seasons? Was this done intentionally or did it INTERVIEWS ESSAYS EVENTS BLARB A READER-SUPPORTED MAGAZINE INTERVIEWS, THE CHINA BLOG AWAKENING, RETURNING, AND LOOKING FORWARD: AN INTERVIEW WITH IAN JOHNSON MARCH 29, 2017 | LARB BLOG | LEAVE A COMMENT

This chapter provides an overview of the growth of China as a political, military and economic power since its emergence as an independent communist state in 1949. China became a notable political force during the era of decolonisation (1950-1980) and one of the leading states within the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Due to its relative economic development and substantial population, China became well-known for posing alternatives to Western domination. During the era of decolonisation, China's external involvement increased through its use of soft power and as a result of its support for liberation movements in Africa. The end of the Cold War saw the demise of the bipolar world and resulted in unipolarity. More recently, however, multipolarity has taken root through the rise or resurgence of non-Western emerging powers. Since 1990, and especially since 2000, China has moved from being a regional hegemon to a global power. This chapter describes the rise of China and its current status as an aspiring global hegemon. Although the chapter is mainly descriptive, it also provides some reflective and analytical notes on China's current and conceivable future role on the international stage.

«Полуварварское» царство Северная Чжоу (557–581 гг.) было расположено между районами, контролируемыми куда более «китайским» государством Северная Ци (550–577 гг.) и кочевниками (в т. ч. Тюркским каганатом). Общность сяньби сыграла важную роль в формировании культуры Северной Чжоу, что, в свою очередь, наложило свой отпечаток и на периоды Суй и Тан. Правящее семейство в царстве (Юйвэнь) происходило из племён тоба, восходящих к сяньби. Естественно, что и подданные-ханьцы были несколько «синьбизированы». Именно на стыке трёх совершенно различных по форме и содержанию культур зародился «центр силы», который затем объединит Китай. Впрочем, в истории Поднебесной носителями центростремительных тенденций зачастую выступали северо-западные «полуварварские» правители. Так было и во времена Восточной Чжоу, когда западное царство Цинь объединило Срединную империю, это же повторилось и после раннесредневекового распада эпохи Наньбэйчао.

Building on existing studies, this chapter examines cyberpolitics in the world’s largest authoritarian regime, China, and attempts to evaluate the impact of the Internet and social media on the authoritarian rule. Through analysis of cyberactivism and state adaptation in relation to each other, I argue that though the digital technology has empowered Chinese citizens in multiple ways, their general political inactiveness and the pluralization of cyberactivism, exacerbated by state censorship, have prevented regime transition from becoming the shared awareness. Moreover, the Chinese state has adapted far beyond censorship and propaganda. Its attempt to accommodate cyberactivism is also crucial to explain the authoritarian regime’s resilience.

With particular emphasis on the years 2016 and 2017, the series "Artificial Intelligence in China in its direct sources" collects four independent volumes that bring together the AI news in that country. Volume 1: Specific Policies; Volume 2: Strategic Policies; Volume 3: Cooperation, Research and Events and, Volume 4: Market.