Women in The Language and Society

Women in the
Language and
Society of Japan
This page intentionally left blank
Women in the
Language and
Society of Japan
The Linguistic Roots of Bias
NAOKO TAKEMARU
McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers

Jefferson, North Carolina, and London
LIBRARY
OF
CONGRESS CATALOGUING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA
Takemaru, Naoko, 1964

Women in the language and society of Japan : the linguistic
roots of bias / Naoko Takemaru.
p.
cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-7864-4003-0
softcover : 50# alkaline paper
1. Japanese language Social aspects. 2. Japanese
language Sex differences. 3. Sexism in language Japan.
4. Sociolinguistics Japan. 5. Women Japan Social
conditions. 6. Social surveys Japan. 7. Sexism Japan.
8. Sex role Japan. 9. Japan Social conditions.
10. Japan Surveys. I. Title.
PL524.75.T35 2010
306.44'089956 dc22
2010002125
British Library cataloguing data are available
2010 Naoko Takemaru. All rights reserved
No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying
or recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publisher.
Cover images 2010 Shutterstock
Manufactured in the United States of America
McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers

Box 6, Jeerson, North Carolina 28640
www.mcfarlandpub.com
For my mother, Mitsue Takemaru,

my father, Tsuneo Takemaru,
and my brother, Hisashi Takemaru.
With my heartfelt gratitude.
Contents
viii
ix
1
3
List of Tables
Acknowledgments
Preface
Introduction
Part I: Representation of Women

in Japanese Society
1 Status and Roles of Women in Japan
2 Family and Marriage in Japan
3 Women and Education in Japan
4 Women in the Japanese Workplace
5 Feminism in Japan
9
27
44
56
72
Part II: Representation of Women

in the Japanese Language
6 Survey: Voices from Japanese Women
7 Women and the Japanese Language:
The Present and the Future
Appendix A: Demographic Information about the Survey
Participants
Appendix B: Japanese Words and Phrases Listed by the
Survey Participants
Bibliography
Index
vii
87
145
203
205
211
223
List of Tables
1. Demographic Information on the Survey Participants
89
2. Distribution of Listed Words and Phrases by Category
90
3. Words and Phrases Frequently Listed by the Survey

Participants
91
4. Distribution of Words and Phrases Listed by Age Groups
129
5. Words and Phrases Listed by All Age Groups
130
6. Words and Phrases Listed Exclusively by Each Age Group
130
7. Distribution of Words and Phrases Listed by Education

Levels
133
8. Words and Phrases Listed by All Education Levels
134
9. Words and Phrases Listed Exclusively by Each Education

Level
134
10. Distribution of Words and Phrases Listed by Occupation

Groups
135
11. Words and Phrases Listed by All Occupation Groups
136
12. Words and Phrases Listed Exclusively by Each Occupation

Group
136
viii
Acknowledgments
A series of unexpected events took place in my life while preparing
this book. It has made me realize how truly blessed I am to have family, friends, colleagues, and mentors willing to go out of their way to offer
me support. I wish I could adequately express my gratitude to all of
them, and return their favors someday.
This project would not have been possible without the input of a
group of women who took the time to take part in the survey, and shared
with me their candid thoughts on the Japanese language. My sincere
gratitude goes to these women as well as to my colleagues who helped
me with collecting data for the book.
I am also indebted to many people who helped me at various stages
of this project. Kawaguchi Aiko sensei gave me guidance, and always
believed in me. Professor Widigen Michiko inspired me to strive to
become better. Professor Lynne Miyake kindly shared her expertise with
me. Professor Joanne Goodwin helped me during the early stages of this
project with her invaluable advice and encouragement. Annette Amdal
spent many hours reading the drafts of this manuscript, and cheered me
on with her kind words. Laura Padilla, Kashihara Sachiyo, Carol Mason,
and Mitsuno Kazuko offered me comfort when I needed it the most. My
colleagues and mentors at the University of Nevada gave me generous
support and guidance. Secchan, Ho-kun, Kuro-chan, and Eri-chan kept
me company, and made me smile.
Finally, I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to my mother,
Mitsue Takemaru, whose ongoing brave ght against serious illnesses
has given me courage and strength to take many challenges in life in
stride; to my father, Tsuneo Takemaru, whose footsteps I am proud to
follow, and whose advice I always keep close to my heart; and to my
brother, Hisashi Takemaru, whose insight has given me a new perspective on life.
ix
Preface
When I was a child, I always looked forward to the bedtime stories
that my parents took turns reading to me every night. Among evil characters in Japanese folk tales, there is an ogre called oni baba who is disguised as an old woman. I often wondered why there was no ogre
disguised as an old man. In the real world, oni baba is dened as a malicious and merciless old woman, and is used when making derogatory
remarks about elderly women. Just as in the folk tales, there is no equivalent expression in the Japanese language for a malicious and merciless
old man.
In junior high school, I learned a term for a widow, miboojin, which
is commonly used among Japanese people both in informal and formal
settings. Without knowing its exact meaning or origin, I used the term,
miboojin, and also heard some widows referring to themselves as such.
It came as a shock to learn in high school that miboojin actually means
a person who is not yet dead, and is originated from the notion in
ancient China that a wife should follow her husband upon his passing.
After graduating from college, I became an instructor at a language
school in Tokyo. One day during a class discussion, a student who was
a medical doctor mentioned that he had a difcult time dealing with his
female patients. He concluded that women tended to be irrational and
hysterical because onna wa shikyuu de mono o kangaeru (women think
with their uteruses). The phrase he quoted is now mostly archaic, but
was often used by Japanese men of the older generation.
Several years later, I decided to pursue my graduate studies in the
United States, and informed the school principal about my intention to
resign. Rather than wishing me well, he made a reference to my being a
kurisumasu keeki (Christmas cake). In the 1980s, single Japanese women
were likened to cakes that people in Japan consume on or before Christmas day: They are both much in demand for a limited time, the cake
1
Preface
until the 25th day of December, the woman until the 25th year of her
life, and undesirable thereafter.
When I was a novice language professional in Japan, my women
friends and I often talked about the numerous expressions in Japanese
that are disrespectful to women, which triggered my interest in gender
bias in language. I now have a rewarding career teaching Japanese in the
United States, and take pride in introducing simply beautiful expressions
in my native language. At the same time, as a woman, I continue to nd
a number of Japanese expressions hurtful and degrading.
This study was made possible by a group of Japanese women who
candidly shared with me their thoughts about the representation of
women in the Japanese language. I was amazed how vocal they were in
their discontent and concern with many Japanese expressions about
women, as well as with various issues surrounding women in the society that are represented by these expressions. It was also a very gratifying experience for me to nd commonality in our thoughts.
In Manyoshu (The Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves), the oldest
anthology of Japanese poetry compiled in the 8th century, Japan is
described as kotodama no sakiwau kuni, a country where happiness is
brought by the mystical power of kotodama, the spirits that inhabit words.
Words are powerful mediums to transmit happiness and joy as well as
hatred and contempt. My long-time dream and aspiration as a language
professional is to help eliminate instances in which words are used as
weapons to wound people. I would be delighted if this book serves to
that end.
Introduction
Several years ago, a friend of my family sent me a copy of the small
booklet that her colleagues had compiled. It was a 23-page-long collection of 1,145 Japanese words and phrases describing women. My heart
sank as I browsed through page after page of mostly derogatory expressions based on gender bias and stereotypes. I recalled having the same
feeling not long before receiving the booklet, when I looked up the
entries related to the term onna (woman) in many highly regarded
Japanese language dictionaries in order to collect data for this book.
The following are some of the phrases found in the booklet as well
as in the dictionaries: Onna no ichinen iwa omo toosu (Womens determination even penetrates rocks; Although women appear to be weak and
helpless, they are obsessive and vindictive); Onna wa bakemono
(Women are monsters; Women are capable of changing their appearances with make-up and clothes); Onna no chie wa ushiro e mawaru
(Womens wits turn backward; Women are slow and cannot think
quickly); Otoko wa matsu, onna wa fuji (A man is a pine tree, a woman
is a wisteria; a woman depends on a man just like a wisteria, a climbing
plant with white or purple owers that winds around a pine tree); and
Otoko wa dokyoo, onna wa aikyoo (Men should be daring, women should
be charming).
Many Japanese expressions for women and men including those
listed above reect prevalent gender stereotypes and bias in society. Likewise, a large number of gender-related expressions in the Japanese language not only dene acceptable and unacceptable traits and demeanors
of women and men, but also designate their roles and status in society.
The Japanese language has a wide variety of terms that denote
females and males depending on the formality and the age. Onna
(woman) and otoko (man) are the most commonly used informal terms
referring to an adult woman and an adult man. Furthermore, onna has
3
Introduction
inherently more negative and sexual undertones than otoko. These

gender-based connotative differences have been closely studied by a number of feminist scholars and researchers, particularly since the second
wave of feminism that began in the 1970s (Endo, 1995; Hio, 2000;
Hiraga, 1991; Nakamura, 1990; Takahashi, 1991).
The negativity associated with the term onna can be found in many
expressions including Onna san nin yoreba kashimashii (When three women
get together, they make too much noise); onna no asajie (womans shallow intelligence); Onna sakashuu shite ushi urisokonau (A smart woman
fails to sell a cow; women may appear to be smart, but they fail to succeed,
because they do not see the forest for the trees), to name but a few.
Similarly, the following are some examples of a large number of
expressions describing women as sex objects: onna guse (ways with
women; mens inclination to seduce any women that they encounter),
onna asobi / onna dooraku (pleasures with women / indulgence in women;
having affairs with many women), and onna tarashi (women seducer; man
who seduces and takes advantage of many women), among others.
In addition to negativity and sexual undertones associated with
terms used for women, there are other distinct connotative differences
between the terms denoting females and males. In general, femaleness
is associated with being small, quiet, passive, while maleness is associated with being large, loud, active, and positive, as can be seen in the
following examples: onna zaka (female slope gentle slope) versus otoko
zaka (male slope steep slope), medaki (female waterfall quiet and
small waterfall) versus odaki (male waterfall loud and big waterfall),
menami (female wave short and weak wave) versus onami (male wave
tall and strong wave), medoki (female time unlucky time) versus odoki
(male time lucky time), and memeshii (effeminate, unmanly) versus
ooshii (brave, manly). Incidentally, memeshii (effeminate, unmanly) is
commonly used to criticize the demeanor of a man being like a woman.
There is a similar, yet more derogatory expression, onna no kusatta yoona
(like a rotten woman) that is also frequently used to criticize a man being
cowardly and indecisive. Both of these expressions use women and
femaleness as a point of reference to describe the traits and demeanors
of a man that are considered undesirable.
4
Introduction
Furthermore, gender asymmetry is found among the vast majority

of expressions for women. For instance, the following words and phrases
do not have reciprocal expressions describing males: jonan (trouble with
women, sufferings of men in the relationships with women); makeinu
(loser, underdog, single woman in her 30s without children); akujo (bad
woman, woman who has many aws in her character and behavior);
rooba (old woman); gusai (stupid wife, humble term for ones wife); and
jukujo (ripe woman, sexually attractive middle-aged woman).
In my early childhood, when I rst came across oni baba, an ogre
disguised as an old woman in Japanese folk tales, I wondered why there
was no male equivalent. Since then, my interest in how women are represented in language has continued to grow, and many years later, has
resulted in this publication. This book makes an inquiry into the representation of women in Japanese language and society. Central to this
work are the voices of a group of Japanese women who took part in the
survey as actual language users and expressed their candid thoughts, concerns, and experiences resulting from living with the traditionally biased
representation of women that manifests itself in the Japanese language.
Part I presents various social and cultural contexts that have shaped
the representation of women in the Japanese language. Chapter 1
describes the status and roles of women in historical context by focusing on the inuence of Shinto, Buddhism, and Confucianism in shaping the image of women in Japan. It is followed by a discussion on the
status and roles of homemakers and mothers, one of the frequently studied topics concerning Japanese women. Chapter 2 explains the historical evolution of family and marriage in Japan by making a reference to
the ie (family, household) system which supported the preWorld War
II patriarchal society. Its residual effects are observed in many spheres of
life today. Various issues regarding family and marriage in present-day
Japan, including the rising divorce rate since the 1980s, are also discussed
in this chapter. Chapter 3 begins by presenting an overview on the development of womens education from the Edo period (16031867) through
the end of World War II, which is followed by the recent trends and
ongoing changes in womens education in Japan. Chapter 4 explains the
prevailing working patterns of women in the Japanese labor force, many
5
Introduction
issues surrounding todays working women, and a climate of positive

changes for women in the Japanese workplace. Chapter 5 presents a historical overview of feminism in Japan starting in the late 19th century,
when the rst wave of feminism began. It is followed by a discussion on
some current and unresolved issues, as well as the new directions of Japanese feminism.
Part II of this book discusses in detail the representation of women
in the Japanese language based on the survey of women, which is followed
by a critique of the Japanese language. Furthermore, explanations are provided regarding the progress of nonsexist language reform that began in
the 1970s, and the ongoing changes in the Japanese language that have
resulted from the reform. Chapter 6 presents the detailed results and analysis of the survey on Japanese womens perceptions of gender bias in language. A group of women who took part in the survey provided a list of
gender-related Japanese words and phrases that they considered degrading to women, along with their own personal interpretations of these
expressions. The vast majority of these women also shared with me their
thoughts, concerns, and experiences in regard to unfair representation of
women in the Japanese language. Some of their thoughts and concerns are
presented in various sections of Chapter 7 as well. Chapter 7 begins with
instances of ongoing changes in prevailing gender bias in the Japanese language, and the recent coinages of expressions free of gender bias and stereotypes. It is followed by a discussion on the history of nonsexist language
reform since the 1970s, and the progress that has been taking place in the
media and in some dictionaries, as well as by the government. Various
views on nonsexist language reform, and the future prospects of the Japanese language are presented to conclude the chapter.
An earlier version of Chapter 6 appeared in Japanese Womens Perceptions of Sexism in Language, Women and Language 28(1), 3948. In
this book, the Hepburn system is used for the romanization of the Japanese language. Except for proper nouns, long vowels are marked with
additional vowels. Translations from Japanese are my own, unless noted
otherwise. The exchange rate of 100 yen per U.S. dollar was used for the
conversion of currency. Japanese names are listed with surnames preceding given names, according to the Japanese convention.
6
PART I
Representation of
Women in Japanese Society
1
Status and Roles of Women in Japan
In the beginning, woman was the sun.
She was an authentic person.
Now woman is the moon.
She depends on others for her life,
And reects the light of others.
She is sickly as a wane, blue-white moon
[Hiratsuka, 1911, pp. 12].
Historical and Religious Context

Women in ancient Japan are believed to have been quite powerful
and inuential as Hiratsuka (18861971), a feminist pioneer in Japan,
described in this poem which appeared in the rst issue of Seito (Bluestocking), the feminist literary journal she founded in 1911. What Hiratsuka alluded at the beginning of this poem is the Sun Goddess named
Amaterasu Omikami. According to the Japanese creation myths, Amaterasu Omikami was the rst ancestral goddess from whom all creations
derived. Tales about Amaterasu Omikami are found in Kojiki (The Record
of Ancient Matters), the oldest historical and literary record in Japan, compiled in 712, as well as in Nihon Shoki (The Chronicles of Japan), the oldest historical record in Japan completed by the order of the Imperial Court
in 720. Similarly, in ancient Japanese legends women often appeared as
sovereigns, shamans, and chieftains who were believed to be closer to the
divine than men, and performed sacred rituals. For instance, Gishi Wajinden, the document on prehistoric Japan compiled in the late 3rd century
in China, says that a charismatic shaman called Himiko was recognized
as the sovereign of Japan in 239 when she established diplomatic relations with the Wei dynasty, the most powerful of the three dynasties in
China during the period of 220 to 265 (Hane, 1991; Sugimoto, 1999).
9
Part I: Representation of Women in Japanese Society
From the Nara period (710794) through the early Heian period
(7941185), there was a marriage institution called tsumadoikon or kayoikon, in which a couple maintained separate residences, and a husband
made visits to his wife. In this marriage institution, family estate and
property were inherited by matrilineal lines (Obayashi, 2005). This custom was described in love poems in Manyoshu (The Collection of Ten
Thousand Leaves), the oldest anthology of poetry in Japan, completed in
the 8th century, as well as in Kokin Wakashu (The Collection of Past and
Present Poetry), the rst anthology of poetry, compiled by the Japanese
Imperial Court in the 10th century (P. Smith, 1997).
Women made a signicant contribution to Japanese literary history
when a writing system was established. It is believed that ideographic
characters called kanji were rst introduced to Japan from China in the
3rd to 4th centuries, and were used mostly by educated men. During
the Heian period (7941185), phonetic letters called hiragana were created from ideographic characters in order to transcribe the Japanese language. Kanji, angular ideographic characters, were called otoko de (male
hand), while hiragana, rounded phonetic letters derived from ideographic
characters, were called onna de (female hand), and were used predominantly by women (Ide & McGloin, 1990). The Heian period (7941185),
known for its aristocratic culture, witnessed court women ourishing in
literary circles. A number of classic masterpieces were created by Ono
no Komachi, Izumi Shikibu, Seisho Nagon, and Murasaki Shikibu, to
name but a few. Their works are widely read and studied to this day,
among which the most legendary is Genji Monogatari (The Tale of Genji)
by Murasaki Shikibu.
In the late Heian period (7941185), Buddhist and Shinto beliefs
that associated women with impurity and sinfulness became widespread.
During the Kamakura period (11851333) when the samurai took over
the aristocrats, the notion of men superior, women inferior (danson
johi) that was based on these religious beliefs had developed, particularly in the privileged samurai class. This notion to hold women in subjugation to men prevailed mainly among the upper and ruling samurai
class in the Edo period (16031867). In contrast to women of the samurai class whose roles were mostly limited to producing male heirs, women
10
of the middle and lower working class of farmers, artisans, and merchants, still enjoyed autonomy to some extent (Kaneko, 1995; Okano,
1995).
However, the notion of men superior, women inferior (danson
johi) permeated all social classes during the Meiji period (18681912),
when the Civil Code of 1898 legitimized the ie (family, household) system that was based on the family system of the samurai class between
the Kamakura period (11851333) and the Edo period (16031867).
Under the ie system, the eldest son typically became the head of the family, and not only inherited the property to maintain the lineage, but also
exercised absolute authority over family members. There was extreme
gender inequality under this patriarchal family system, which became
an indispensable element to support the hierarchical structure of
preWorld War II patriarchal Japanese society (Kinjo, 1995; Meguro,
1990; Sodei, 1990; Uno, 1991).
Industrialization and the emergence of sarariiman (salary men, male
white-collar workers) in the Taisho period (19121926) further promoted
gender-based role division, and the idea of men at work, women at
home (otoko wa shigoto, onna wa katei) was widely adopted in the postwar urbanized Japanese society. Although the patriarchal family system
was ofcially abolished shortly after World War II, and gender equality
is guaranteed by the 14th article of the Constitution of Japan that was
proclaimed in 1946, the residual effects of the notion, men superior,
women inferior (danson johi ) are still observed today in many spheres
of life (Y. Tanaka, 1995; Yoshizumi, 1995).
Various factors had caused the inferior status of women in Japan,
among which Shinto, Confucianism, and Buddhism played a decisive
role in shaping the image of women and establishing the gender-based
role division in society (Okano, 1995). Shinto originated in Japan as a
folk religion that was based on nature and ancestor worship. Shinto was
rst documented in Nihon Shoki (The Chronicles of Japan), the oldest
Japanese historical record, compiled by the Imperial Court in 720. Since
then, Shinto was further conceptualized under the inuence of Buddhism and Confucianism. From the Meiji period (18681912) until the
end of World War II, when the emperor was considered the head of state
11
with divine power, Shinto became the state religion of Japan in order to
promote a nationalistic ideology. Since 1946, when the emperor ofcially
renounced his divinity, Shinto has been disassociated from the state
(Buckley, 2002).
Objects of worship in Shinto, such as trees, springs, and rocks are
often found in nature. They are usually marked by shimenawa (sacred
Shinto ropes) as well as by torii (gates). Traditionally made of wood or
stone, a torii (gate) is built where kami (God) is believed to reside. Torii
(gates) are also located at the entrance of Shinto shrines that are built on
the sacred sites (Buckley, 2002; Sugiura & Gillespie, 1993). In Shinto
there is a notion of kegare (delement) caused by death as well as by
blood. This notion was interpreted against women by associating them
with impurity, which became a decisive factor in promoting the inferior
status of women (Minamoto, 2005).
Confucianism was founded by Kong-zi (551479 B.C.), a Chinese
scholar and theorist. It is not a religion per se, but a set of moral principles and political ethics emphasizing lial piety, diligence, loyalty, education, meritocracy, and observance of rigid social hierarchy, among other
things. Confucianism was brought to Japan through Korea in the 5th
century, and had considerable inuence on the formation of Japanese legal
and political systems throughout the 7th century. Although the prevalence of Buddhism prevented Confucianism from gaining popularity,
neo-Confucianism, founded by Zhu-zi (11301200), a Chinese philosopher in the 12th century, was received favorably by the shoguns in the
Edo period (16031867) who desired to strengthen their reign. NeoConfucianisms emphasis on the importance of Chinese classical studies
contributed to a high literacy rate in Japan (Hane, 1991).
However, neoConfucianism had an adverse effect on womens status due to its unfavorable views on women and its perspectives on gender relations, which advocated total submission of women to men. These
views and perspectives were reected in a number of old maxims based
on Confucian ethics which served as moral principles for women. For
instance, these maxims were incorporated in Onna Daigaku (Maxims for
Women), which typied moral books for women in the early 18th century, preaching womens complete submission and obedience to men.
12
Onna Daigaku was based on the writing of a neo-Confucian scholar,

Kaibara Ekiken, and consisted of 20 maxims. One maxim states that disobedience, discontentment, slander, jealousy, and stupidity are the ve
worst disorders that torment women and make them inferior to men.
Another maxim preaches that married women should unconditionally
worship, obey, and serve their husbands, as well as their in-laws, with
utmost reverence, humbleness, and courtesy. Onna Daigaku not only
embodied the Confucian doctrine, but also the patriarchal ideology of
men superior, women inferior (danson johi ), which subjected women
to a subordinate position in society (Buckley, 2002; Endo, 2006).
Buddhism was introduced to Japan from Korea in the 6th century
as a means of solidifying a political alliance between the two countries.
Those who were in power accepted Buddhism despite its foreign origin,
and supported its development as the state religion in the Nara period
(710794). Various Buddhist sects have developed since then, including
meditation-based Zen Buddhism introduced in the Kamakura period
(11851333) by Japanese Buddhist monks who studied Zen in China. In
principle, Buddhism aims to attain enlightenment and reach the state
of nirvana by overcoming suffering and worldly desires. In present-day
Japan, Shinto and Buddhism co-exist, and it is estimated that over two
thirds of the population practice both religions (Sugiura & Gillespie,
1993; Tanabe, 2002).
At the time of its arrival in Japan in the 6th century, Buddhism
emphasized the importance of asceticism for monks, and strictly forbade
their sexual relations with women, who were considered hindrances to
ascetic monks. Unfavorable views on women in Buddhism are reected
in a number of its sutras. One Buddhist sutra, for instance, denes ve
hindrances (goshoo) of women and three obediences (sanjuu) for
women. Five hindrances of women prevent them from attaining salvation by becoming four Indian Gods (Brahma, Shakra, Mara, and
Cakravartin) and the Buddha. This has created the concept of a metamorphosed male, through which women attain salvation by turning
into men. Three obediences (sanjuu) for women states, As a daughter,
obey your father; once married, obey your husband; when widowed,
obey your son. Similarly, another Buddhist sutra states, Onna san13
gai ni ie nashi (Women have no home in the three realms of existence:

the past, present, and future) (Minamoto, 1990, 1997; Ogoshi, 1990;
Okano, 1995)
The notion of blood impurity originated in Buddhism as well as in
Shinto created the image of women being sinful and impure. For
instance, Kepponkyo, the Buddhist sutra established in China in the 10th
century, claimed that women had fallen to hell due to profuse blood
delement caused by childbirth and menstruation (Minamoto, 2005;
Okano, 1995). In Shinto, the notion of blood impurity by childbirth and
menstruation developed in the Imperial Court in the 9th century. In her
classical work, Genji Monogatari (The Tale of Genji), Murasaki Shikibu
wrote about a custom called miyasagari (withdrawal from the court)
which made women leave the court when they became pregnant
(Minamoto, 2005).
This association of women and blood impurity caused the exclusion of women from various spheres of life, and created the tradition of
no females allowed (nyonin kinsei) which prevailed by the 12th century. Women were forbidden from taking part in rituals and festivals of
Shinto and Buddhism as well as from setting foot in holy places such
as Shinto shrines, Buddhist temples, and mountains called reizan that
were revered in Shinto and Buddhism. Incidentally, Mt. Fuji, the tallest
mountain in Japan, was designated as reizan (holy mountain), and was
off limits to women until the late 19th century. Women were also banned
in many secular places including shing boats, construction sites, sake
breweries, sumo rings, and behind the sushi counter, to name but a few
(Cherry, 1987; Minamoto, 2005; Okano, 1995).
In 1872, the Japanese government issued a decree to abolish the tradition of no females allowed (nyonin kinsei). It was intended to improve
the image of the country as a modern state, and was also targeted at the
overseas visitors to Japans rst industrial exposition held in Kyoto in
1876. Subsequently, the equality between women and men was written
into the new Constitution of Japan, which was enacted in 1947, shortly
after World War II. Nevertheless, the tradition of excluding women
lingers on in present-day Japan. For instance, women are prohibited
from taking part in kabuki, a traditional performing art. While kabuki
14
was originally started in the early 17th century with women and gained
popularity as an all-female stage entertainment, it was outlawed in 1629
on the grounds of causing corruption of public morals. Since then, kabuki
has been performed exclusively by men, some of whom play the roles of
women. Women are also banned from participating in a number of
Shinto and Buddhist ceremonies and festivals, despite the record that religious events were mostly organized by women until around the 8th century, as described in Kojiki (The Record of Ancient Matters), compiled in
712 (Minamoto, 2005).
Furthermore, some mountains, construction sites, and Shinto
shrines are among the places that remain off limits to women. Mt. Omine
in Nara, south of Kyoto, is one of the well-known reizan (holy mountains) where women are banned from climbing to the top. At the foot
of Mt. Omine, there is a stone pillar with an inscription that reads, No
women are allowed beyond this point. Stone pillars with similar inscriptions are called kekkaiseki (no trespassing stones), and used to be placed
at the entrance of sacred places such as Buddhist temples and Shinto
shrines to forbid women from entering (Minamoto, 2005). Women are
also told to stay away from tunnels under construction, so as not to anger
the goddess of mountains who is believed to cause accidents in a t of
jealousy over the presence of other women. The Seikan Tunnel between
the mainland and the northern island of Hokkaido was completed in 1988
without any presence of women on site during its 16-year construction
period. Requests by female government ofcials for inspection tours of
this longest underwater tunnel in the world were all turned down due
to the superstition (Asano, 2005; Okano, 1995).
Similarly, based on the Shinto belief that considers women unclean
for a month after childbirth, some Shinto shrines forbid women to enter
the precincts by passing under torii (gates) for a month to 72 days after
childbirth. In Shinto, women are also considered unclean for 7 days
during menstruation. There are some reports that miko, unmarried young
female staff members at Shinto shrines who perform rituals and assist
Shinto priests in ceremonies, are required to take hormone medication
and control their menstrual cycles in order not to dele sacred rituals
and ceremonies (Okano, 1995). Moreover, women are not allowed on a
15
holy island called Okinoshima, located in the southern part of Japan.

Currently, a male Shinto priest is the only resident of the island, where
a number of Shinto rites were performed between the 4th and 10th centuries. Over 80,000 items used in these rites were excavated, and were
designated national treasures by the Japanese government in 2006.
Despite protests from concerned citizens groups against the violation of
womens rights, some local residents and historians have since then
launched a campaign to register this island as a site to be protected by
the World Heritage Treaty adopted by UNESCO in 1972. As of 2007,
a total of 851 sites worldwide were protected by this treaty, including
the Pyramids in Egypt, the Great Wall of China, and the Galapagos
Islands (Kaji, 2007).
In recent years, an increasing number of women as well as human
rights groups have been making various attempts to challenge and break
with the tradition of no females allowed (nyonin kinsei). In 1990, the
rst woman Chief Cabinet Secretary, Moriyama Mayumi, requested
access to the ring from the Japan Sumo Association in order to present
a championship trophy to a wrestler. Similarly, in 2000, Ota Fusae, the
rst elected woman governor of Osaka, the largest metropolitan area
next to Tokyo, expressed her intention to step up to the sumo ring and
hand a trophy to a champion. Although the presentation of trophies
to sumo wrestlers is a long-standing custom carried out by their male
predecessors, both Moriyama and Ota were denied access to the ring.
The Japan Sumo Association insisted that the tradition of nyonin kinsei must be maintained in order to keep the purity of the ring as well
as the sacredness of sumo, which developed as a Shinto ritual (Hata,
2005).
These incidents got extensive public and media attention, particularly Governor Otas case, which was covered widely by the Japanese
media who declared in 1990 that onna no jidai, the era of women, had
dawned. What the media referred to was a landslide victory of the Socialist Party led by its rst female leader, Doi Takako, in the national elections in the summer of 1989. Doi was not only the rst female leader of
the Socialist Party in its over 40-year history, but also the very rst female
party leader in the history of Japanese politics. The Socialist Partys vic16
tory was epoch-making, since it ended the monopoly of the Liberal

Democratic Party for over 30 years.
In contrast to Dois popularity, Governor Ota received little public support. A number of polls taken on the governors challenge to the
tradition indicated that public sentiment was mostly in favor of the Japan
Sumo Associations decision and was critical of the governor. Shortly
after turning down the governors last appeal, the Japan Sumo Association broke the male-only tradition of its most prestigious Sumo Championship Council, and selected to its board the rst female member,
Uchidate Makiko, who is an avid sumo fan, essayist, and scriptwriter.
Uchidate not only supported the Japan Sumo Associations decision to
maintain the tradition of nyonin kinsei, but also criticized the governor by commenting that unless the tradition is observed, women would
end up setting foot in the sacred ring with high heels (Uchidate, 2006).
In 2005, a group of people opposing the nyonin kinsei tradition
of Mt. Omine, one of the well-known reizan (holy mountains), visited
the Omine Temple to negotiate the abolishment of the tradition. When
the negotiation ended in failure, both sides agreed to further discuss the
issue at a later date; however, three female members climbed to the top
of Mt. Omine following the negotiation in protest of the tradition. While
the action taken by the female members got some support, the Omine
Temple, the local residents opposing the abolishment of the tradition,
and several media networks criticized it on the grounds that nyonin kinsei is a deeply ingrained tradition in Japanese culture, and must be maintained. Incidentally, in 2004, Mt. Omine and its surrounding areas
became the 12th site in Japan to be protected by the World Heritage
Treaty despite repeated protests from womens and citizens groups against
the tradition of nyonin kinsei (Minamoto, 2005).
A few years later, in 2007, a group of women donated 4.3 million
yen ($43,000) to build a oat hoping to take part in the Gion festival
in the foreseeable future. The Gion festival is held at Yasaka Shrine in
Kyoto for the entire month of July. It is designated as an intangible cultural asset by the Japanese government, and its origin dates back to the
mid9th century. The festival is famous for its elaborate two-story oats
with live bands performing on the second oor. Floats are put on dis17
play to the public, and they march in procession to downtown Kyoto

on July 17. Although the nyonin kinsei with regard to the Gion festival was ofcially abolished in 2001, as a general rule women are still prohibited from playing in the band with men, and taking part in the
procession. Furthermore, women are not allowed to view some of the
oats on display (R. Inoue, 2005). The womens group had a oat built
which went on display by itself with an all-woman band in March of
2007. However, the festival organizers prohibited it from taking part in
the ofcial procession in July of that year. It was the second attempt by
the group of women since the fall of 2002, and they expressed their
determination to continue to negotiate with the festival organizers until
they are able to fully participate in the festival (Yamahoko Junkoo,
2007).
Status and Roles of Homemakers and Mothers

Homemakers in general are called shufu (main women) in Japanese
and they are further divided into two categories. Those who devote themselves full-time to housework are called seng yoo shufu (full-time professional homemakers), and those who juggle housework with either
part-time or full-time employment are called keng yoo shufu (part-time
adjunct homemakers). As these words suggest, homemaking is regarded
in Japan as a profession which consists of all aspects of housework, childrearing, management of family nances, and care of elderly parents and
parents-in-law, among other responsibilities (Y. Sato, 1995).
Gender-based role division symbolized by the phrase men at work,
women at home (otoko wa shigoto, onna wa katei), was widely promoted
in the early 20th century when Japan underwent industrialization and the
emergence of sarariiman (salary men, male white-collar workers) took
place (Mackie, 2003; Uno, 1991). Gender-based role division continued
to be adopted in the postwar urbanized Japanese society, and became a
contributing factor in Japans unprecedented economic growth from the
1960s to the early 1970s (K. Tanaka, 1995b). During this period, a phrase
denoting envy of the life of a full-time homemaker, sanshoku hirune tsuki
18
(three meals a day accompanied by a nap), was frequently used by men

spending long hours at work.
Homemakers in Japan enable their husbands not only to devote
themselves to work, but also to participate in frequent business-related
outings expected by their employers. Fundamental to Japanese business
practice, these mandatory outings are called tsukiai (socializing with coworkers, subordinates, and supervisors) and settai (entertaining business
clients). Gatherings at karaoke bars, restaurants, and clubs after hours as
well as rounds of golf on weekends are typical examples of such outings.
Japanese wives often complain about the lack of communication with
their husbands who come home from work late at night, too exhausted
to say anything but meshi, furo, neru (supper, bath, sleep) (Rosenberger, 2001).
The majority of Japanese homemakers are solely responsible for
child-rearing due to the absence of husbands who spend long hours at
work. Despite a steady increase in the number of keng yoo shufu (parttime adjunct homemakers) with part-time or full-time employment since
the 1970s, it is still a common practice among married women in Japan
to leave the work force either temporarily or permanently for child care,
and become seng yoo shufu (full-time professional homemakers). When
their children reach school age, many of these women re-enter the work
force for part-time employment or engage in contractual work at home
in order to earn supplementary income for the family (Kawashima, 1995;
Morley, 1999; Saso, 1990).
The status and roles of Japanese homemakers, particularly those
of seng yoo shufu (full-time professional homemakers), has been a frequent topic of debate among feminists and scholars both in Japan and
overseas. Some maintain that Japanese seng yoo shufu wield considerable
power within the domain of household by having control over family
nances, child-rearing, and household management. They also claim
that womens status in Japan is typically based on their autonomy in
the household, and therefore, the status and roles of seng yoo shufu should
be viewed in a positive light (Ide, 1997; Iwao, 1993; Martinez, 1987;
Reischauer & Jansen, 1995). Others point out that the power of Japanese seng yoo shufu is not inherent in them, but rather is delegated to them
19
by their husbands, and that their lack of nancial independence as well

as experience outside the domain of the household severely limits the
options of Japanese seng yoo shufu (Aoki, 1997; Morley, 1999; Y. Tanaka,
1995).
Incidentally, Japanese homemakers are traditionally known for
their custom to stash away money, called hesokuri, for their own use,
a practice which is believed to have originated in the Edo period (1603
1867) among married women without means of earning money by
themselves (Sugiura & Gillespie, 1993). This age-old custom is still
widespread in present-day Japan. According to a survey conducted
in 2007 by Japan DIY Life Insurance Company, 45 percent of 500
homemakers responded that they had secret savings in an average
amount of 2.7 million yen ($27,000). These stashes gave them funds
for a rainy day, spending money, and retirement, and provided
them with a sense of security. The average amount of money saved by
respondents was 2.3 million yen ($23,000) for full-time homemakers,
2.5 million yen ($25,000) for homemakers with part-time employment,
and 4.8 million yen ($48,000) for homemakers with full-time employment.
One of the popular options among homemakers to expand their
responsibilities beyond their households is to join consumer groups and
community-based organizations. The Shufu Rengo Kai (the Federation
of Homemakers), known as Shufuren for short, is the largest womens
organization in Japan, founded in 1948 in the midst of postwar rationing
and soaring ination. Shufuren aims to protect consumer safety as well
as interests from the perspective of homemakers. In its early days, Shufuren received media attention when its members demonstrated showing their pride as homemakers by wearing Japanese-style aprons called
kappogi, and carrying placards in the shape of shamoji (rice-serving spatula), a traditional symbol of the status of homemakers (Mackie, 2002,
2003).
Over the years Shufuren has become one of the most powerful consumer advocate groups, and continues to exert its inuence on various
consumer-related issues with its extensive membership and mobility.
Similarly, a large number of homemakers who are active leaders of con20
sumer groups in their local communities belong to the nationwide membership of Seikyo (Consumers Co-op). Since its inception in 1948 with
the aim of protecting consumer rights and interests, Seikyo has developed its own brand, which is known for its reasonable price and strict
safety standards approved by homemakers. Homemakers are also actively
engaged in the research and development of a wide range of Seikyo brand
products such as organic produce and ecosystem-friendly detergent,
among others.
Gender-based role division in Japanese society can be partly ascribed
to the notion of good wives and wise mothers (ryoosai kenbo) originating in the late 19th century. Based on the common belief that the primary role of women was to take care of household chores, bear and raise
children, ryoosai kenbo represented ideal womanhood in the preWorld
War II patriarchal society (Fujieda, 1995). As discussed in Chapter 5,
there are various theories regarding the origin of the notion ryoosai
kenbo. Regardless of its origin, this notion played a major role in keeping women in separate and subordinate roles in the family as well as in
society (Ishimoto, 1999). From the late 19th century until the end of
World War II, the objective of womens education in Japan was characterized by ryoosai kenbo kyooiku (education for good wives and wise mothers), which systematically trained young women in skills, manners, and
morals to be good wives and wise mothers (K. Hara, 1995; Kaneko,
1995). Nowadays the phrase ryoosai kenbo is quoted only occasionally by
those who are critical about lifestyles of single women and keng yoo shufu
(part-time adjunct homemakers) with either part- or full-time employment. However, the remnant of the ryoosai kenbo (good wives and wise
mothers) mentality can still be observed in various spheres of life in
Japan.
One of the marked differences between the pre and postWorld
War II Japanese household is its size, particularly the number of children. A woman typically gave birth to four to ve children in her lifetime before and during World War II, when bearing children was
considered one of the war efforts of women under the national slogan,
Umeyo, Fuyaseyo (Bear children! Multiply!) (Fujieda, 1995). After the
war, the birth rate continued to decline steadily except for the period of
21
the second baby boom in the early 1970s. According to the dynamic statistics of population released by the Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare, the average number of children that women gave birth to was 3.65
in 1950, in contrast to 2005, when it hit a new low of 1.26. The declining birth rate has become a frequent topic in the news media, which created the term, shooshika (trend toward fewer children). Several factors
that account for this current trend include the increase in the number
of late marriages as well as married women in the work force, the rising
cost of education, the lack of male participation in housework and childrearing, and insufcient public support for child care.
In 1994, the Japanese government adopted countermeasures against
shooshika for the rst time, and has continued to introduce a series of
policies and nancial incentives to reverse the trend. However, these
measures are perceived as unrealistic and not feasible by the public, particularly by women who feel that their needs are not adequately met. It
is ironic that in recent years, some of the inuential male politicians who
have been responsible for introducing these countermeasures made a
series of controversial remarks on women as well as on Japans declining
birth rate. In 2007, the Minister of Health, Labor, and Welfare, Yanagisawa Hakuo, called women between the ages of 15 and 50 childbearing machines (kodomo o umu kikai) in his speech at a local assembly.
He further stated that because the numbers of these childbearing
machines are limited, each one of them should make an earnest effort
to bear more children, so that there will be enough population to support the social security system in the future. Despite a number of protests
from lawmakers, assemblywomen, and womens groups calling for his resignation, Yanagisawa continued to hold his post. After being reprimanded
by the Prime Minister for making such inappropriate remarks, Yanagisawa, in his statement of apology, insisted that he had no intention of
insulting women, but guratively used the expression of women being
childbearing machines (kodomo o umu kikai) to interest the audience
in his talk (Josei Wa, 2007).
Earlier in 2003, a former Prime Minister, Mori Yoshiro, commented
that women with no children who took many liberties in their youth
without the responsibility for child-rearing should not be entitled to
22
expect the government to look after them in their old age. Mori further
argued that social security ought to be acknowledged as a token of appreciation from the government to women who have given birth to children and raised them (Faiola, 2004). Moris remark is not an isolated
case in the Japanese society, where childless women are often considered
odd or pitiful based on the prevailing belief that motherhood completes
women.
Motherhood in Japan involves multiple responsibilities, particularly for children. The absence of fathers who spend long hours at work
makes mothers responsible for the behavior and academic achievement
of children. Since children are typically judged as reections of their
mothers, it is common for expectant mothers to make a head start by
engaging in prenatal education called taikyoo. Maintaining emotional
stability and being cultured are thought to be the two most important
goals for expectant mothers, and their behaviors as well as lifestyles are
frequently scrutinized by their family members and society. In order to
promote the well-being of their unborn babies, expectant mothers are
encouraged to listen to soothing classical music, read literary masterpieces, appreciate ne works of art, and practice yoga and meditation,
among other activities (White, 1986). Extensive selections of how-to
books, periodicals, CDs, and DVDs, as well as prenatal education classes
are available by popular demand. One such best-selling publication entitled IQ 200 Tensaiji wa hahaoya shidai! Anata no kodomo mo dondon
nobiru (Mother holds the key to a child prodig y with an IQ of 200! Your
child can also make great progress) sold over 1.2 million copies in 2007.
It was published by Katei Hoikuen (Preschool at Home), the largest private organization in Japan focused on prenatal and infant education with
over 100,000 members nationwide.
Japan is characterized by its academic background-oriented society (gakureki shakai), where education and academic credentials are
highly valued. One of the objectives of the education system in Japan is
to prepare children for highly competitive entrance exams (nyuugaku
shiken) for junior high school through college. In addition to regular
classes, children usually attend private preparatory schools called juku
and yobikoo, or study at home with private tutors after school, on week23
ends, and during school recess for additional preparation for entrance
exams. In order to avoid so-called examination ordeal (juken sensoo)
later on, it is not uncommon for children to take entrance exams for
highly selective private kindergartens and elementary schools that offer
continuous education through colleges within their school systems.
A mother who is committed to the education of her children by
providing an optimal learning environment for them is called an
education-conscious mother (kyooiku mama). She monitors the study
habits and academic progress of her children, consults with their teachers for advice, and nds them qualied private tutors as well as appropriate preparatory schools. Being in charge of the physical and emotional
well-being of her children, a kyooiku mama not only prepares nutritious
meals for her children, but also stays up late to serve them midnight
snacks. She often curtails her social activities so that she has more time
for her children who are preparing for entrance exams. The enrollment
of her children in prestigious schools is a status symbol of a dedicated
kyooiku mama who is willing to go to any lengths to help her children
succeed ( J. Gordon, 2002).
While the contribution and dedication of a kyooiku mama can be
an asset to her childrens education, her close involvement in her childrens lives can also cause some tension between them (Allison, 1996b).
For instance, an expression, monster-like mother (mamagon), was created in the 1970s among young children who found their mothers controlling and obsessed with their education. In recent years, there has been
a steady increase in dropout (ochikobore), refusal to go to school (tookoo
kyohi), withdrawal (hikikomori), and domestic violence (kateinai
booryoku) among children who are under constant stress and pressure
to succeed. Some critics argue that the highly competitive Japanese education system and preoccupation of kyooiku mama with the academic
achievement of their children are to be blamed for these problems.
Being primarily responsible for child-rearing due to the absence of
fathers who spend long hours at work, mothers are typically assigned the
blame in Japan when things go wrong with children. This is evidenced
by the expression, illnesses caused by mothers (bogenbyoo), which was
coined by a pediatrician, Kyutoku Shigemori. In his 1979 best-selling
24
book, aptly titled Bogenbyo (Illnesses Caused by Mothers), Kyutoku claims

that mothers who do not properly guide their childrens development are
the fundamental cause of their various physical and psychological illnesses
such as loss of appetite, serious asthma, bed-wetting, chronic abdominal pains, diarrhea, speech impediments, refusal to go to school, and
domestic violence. Those who dispute with Kyutokus claims have coined
the word illnesses caused by fathers (fugenbyoo), asserting that the
absence of fathers in child-rearing has serious consequences in child
development as well. They further criticize that Kyutoku wrongly accuses
mothers of being negligent and incompetent based on the gender biased
perspective that women rather than men should be responsible for childrearing.
Japanese mothers who assume full responsibilities for child-rearing
often continue to look after their children well into adulthood. It is not
unusual for mothers to do laundry for their adult children, clean their
rooms or apartments, help them nd spouses, and take care of their children. Due to the traditional practice of very little involvement of fathers
in child-rearing, Japanese children, particularly sons, tend to develop
strong lifelong bonds with their mothers (Allison, 1996b). An equivalent
of mothers boy in the Japanese language is mazakon otoko, a man with
mazakon (mother complex), many of whom can be found in all age and
socioeconomic groups, and are the source of frequent complaints among
women.
Japanese men often use a term of endearment for their mother,
ofukuro, in an informal setting. Although ofukuro literally means
honorable bag, the etymology of which is unclear, mothers are attered
to be addressed as such. There are a number of Japanese songs about
mothers. Those that are popular among middle-aged and elderly
men typically include the term, ofukuro or ofukuro-san with a title,
-san. While the term, ofukuro, is used exclusively by men, the phrase,
taste of ofukuro (ofukuro no aji) is widely used by both women and
men to describe meals that taste similar to what their mothers used to
make. Some restaurants also use this phrase in their advertisements in
order to attract customers who long for home-cooked meals (Cherry,
1987).
25
People often associate taste of ofukuro (ofukuro no aji), not only

with meals their mothers used to make, but also with box lunches (obentoo) that their mothers prepared for them in their preschool through
high school days, when school lunches were not usually provided. Preparing nutritious and visually aesthetic obentoo for her children is considered one of the most important tasks of a mother to show her
commitment and dedication to child care. Cookbooks and magazines
specializing in obentoo as well as a wide variety of paraphernalia ranging
from colorful toothpicks to various shapes and sizes of vegetable cutters
are on the market to help mothers with the daily chore of making special obentoo (Allison, 1996a).
Motherhood in Japan symbolizes a number of values such as unconditional love, affection, selessness, devotion, and self-sacrice. There
are many who point out that Japanese mothers are perceived not only as
caretakers of children, but also as the symbol of socio-cultural values
(Ohinata, 1995). Yamamura (1971) further asserts that the devotion by
the Japanese people to the concept of motherhood is similar to that of
a religious faith. At the same time, more women, particularly among the
younger generation, have begun to question the prevailing notion that
motherhood completes women, and have started to seek other options
for a sense of fulllment (Lebra, 1984). With the decreasing birth rate
and the increasing number of women in the labor force, the traditional
status and roles of Japanese women may well be in a period of transition.
26
2
Family and Marriage in Japan
In preWorld War II Japanese society, little attention or respect was
accorded to the dignity, personal autonomy, independence, and freedom of choice of women. Instead, the family and the nation were always
given priority and exercised dominance over women [K. Hara, 1995, p.
104].
The Ie (Family, Household) System in

PreWorld War II Japan
PreWorld War II Japanese society was characterized by the ie (family, household) system, which was based on the Confucian ethics prevalent in the upper and ruling samurai class in the Edo period (16031867).
The primary aims of the ie system were the protection and maintenance
of its assets, business, name, and reputation, as well as its continuity
from generation to generation. In the ie system, achieving these goals
customarily preceded the well-being of its members. The Confucian
ethics were reected in a number of distinctive characteristics of the ie
system, which include absolute authority of kachoo (head of the household), extreme gender inequality, lial piety, and ancestor worship,
among others (Meguro, 1990; Uno, 1991).
Under the ie system, a position of kachoo (head of the household)
was traditionally inherited by the rstborn son. If there was no son in
the family, a male heir such as a son-in-law succeeded the position.
Kachoo was responsible for the management of the family property as
well as the continuation of the lineage and family business. Moreover,
kachoo had absolute authority over his family members, who pledged
unconditional allegiance to him in exchange for protection and nancial support. The ie system was legitimized by the Civil Code of 1898.
It is often pointed out that the patriarchal ie system bears some similar27
ity to the patriarchal social order based on the emperor system, under
which Japan became a militaristic regime (Sodei, 1990).
The Civil Code of 1898 also made it mandatory for Japanese citizens to be listed in their family registers called koseki. Koseki played a
vital role in the ie system by recording detailed personal information of
each family member such as date and place of birth, marriage, divorce,
adoption, and death. Koshu (head of the family) was the center of the
family register, and members of the family were listed in relation to
koshu. Similar to the position of kachoo, the position of koshu was typically inherited by the eldest son of the family or a male heir (Kinjo, 1995;
Y. Tanaka, 1995).
Under the ie system, marriage served as a means of maintaining lineage; therefore, the interests of the family preceded personal preference
in selecting a spouse. Kachoo usually played an active role in selecting
suitable spouses for his family members. For family members who
selected their prospective spouses by themselves, it was mandatory for
men up to the age of 30, and women up to the age of 25, to obtain permission to marry from kachoo (Mackie, 2003). Upon marriage, a wife
was registered in her husbands family register, and assumed the lowest
position in his family as yome (daughter-in-law, bride). The Civil Code
of 1898 granted a husband total control over his wife as well as over her
property, if any. Parental rights and the custody of children were also
granted exclusively to the father unless he became disabled, deceased, or
deserted his wife and children (Yoshizumi, 1995). Under the Code, a wife
was not only a legally unrecognized person without any rights, but also
was considered an incompetent (Mackie, 2003; Sievers, 1983).
A wife was expected to serve her husband as well as her in-laws,
and to bear children, particularly male heirs, due to the provision that
illegitimate sons who were acknowledged by her husband had priority
over legitimate daughters to inherit the family estate (Kaneko, 1995).
Although monogamy was adopted by the Civil Code of 1898, it was publicly acceptable for a husband to have one or multiple mistresses in order
to maintain lineage and to show off his wealth and masculinity. Incidentally, this sentiment, symbolized by a phrase, Uwaki wa otoko no
kaishoo (Affairs are proof of manliness), remains prevalent in present28
day Japan to justify a husbands extramarital affairs. The Civil Code of

1898 also granted preferential treatment to men who committed adultery. While a husband would be divorced only if he committed adultery
with a married woman, and was sued by her husband, a wife would not
only be divorced, but also given a 2-year prison sentence for adultery
(Mackie, 2003; Y. Tanaka, 1995).
As in the case of marriage, divorce was handled according to the
interests of the family. For instance, a wife was divorced if she was unable
to bear children, or did not get along with the in-laws (Kinjo, 1995;
Yoshizumi, 1995). The following were so-called shichikyo, the seven legitimate reasons to divorce a wife, which were widely used to justify a unilateral decision on divorce: disobedience to parents-in-law, infertility,
sexual promiscuity, chattering, stealing, jealousy, and serious illnesses
such as Hansens disease. Shichikyo were included in Onna Daigaku
(Maxims for Women), based on the writings of a neoConfucian scholar,
Kaibara Ekiken (16301714). Onna Daigaku was one of the most widely
read moral books for women in the Edo period (16031867), and
preached to women unconditional obedience and submission to men
(Endo, 2006).
During the Edo period (16031867), all that was required by law
for a husband to nalize a divorce was to serve his wife with short notes.
These notes were called mikudari han (three lines and a half ), in which
the reason for divorce was tersely stated in three and a half lines. Under
the patriarchal ie system that was characterized by extreme gender
inequality, a wife was not entitled to initiate a divorce. The only option
for a wife seeking a divorce was to literally run away to nd refuge in
convents called kakekomi dera (runaway temples) or enkiri dera (divorce
temples), where she stayed for 3 years as an ascetic before a divorce was
granted. In the early Edo period (16031867), a number of convents
were established to accommodate the needs of such women. While all
convents were allowed to provide shelters for women during this period,
the number was later reduced to merely two in the entire country
(Kaneko, 1995).
In the preWorld War II Japanese society based on the patriarchal
ie system, priority was always given to the interests of the nation and the
29
family, rather than the well-being of individuals. Women, in particular,

were granted little respect, freedom, or autonomy, and their status was
secondary to men (K. Hara, 1995). This continued until the end of World
War II when drastic measures were taken against the patriarchal ie system. In 1947, the Constitution was amended to abolish the prewar ie system and to guarantee gender equality. It was followed by the revised
Civil Code issued in 1948, which rescinded the subordination of women
to men, and granted the wife legal rights for the rst time in Japanese
history (Fujimura-Fanselow, 1995b; Kaneko, 1995).
Family and Marriage in Contemporary Japan

Although the patriarchal ie system was ofcially abolished shortly
after World War II, its residual effects can be observed today in many
spheres of life. For instance, koseki seido (the family registration system)
continues to exist with some amendments in present-day Japan. Submission of copies of koseki (family register) as an ofcial document of
identication, is mandatory on a number of occasions such as applying
for a drivers license and a passport, entering a school, and upon being
employed, to name but a few. It is frequently pointed out that illegitimacy recorded in koseki, and the subsequent social stigma and discrimination against single mothers and their children, is the main reason
behind Japan having the lowest birth rate outside marriage among the
industrialized nations (Y. Tanaka, 1995; Yoshizumi, 1995). This family
registration system has been widely criticized as a violation of privacy
due to the possibility that detailed personal information regarding a family and its members recorded in koseki can be obtained and misused by
third parties. Consequently, tighter restrictions are now placed on public access to copies of koseki, which used to be available to anyone upon
request with nominal fees.
When registering a marriage in koseki, a couple is required to designate a head of the household, called koseki hittoosha. It is customarily
a male, since it has to be the one who does not change their surname by
marriage. In addition, the 750th article of the current Civil Code makes
30
it mandatory for a couple to choose the same surname. The name of

koseki hittoosha (head of the household) is registered in full in koseki, in
contrast to his wife and children, who are registered by given names only.
In recent years, an increasing number of women have expressed their
objections to this system, in which a wife and children are listed as mere
appendages (Y. Tanaka, 1995, p. 27) to a male koseki hittoosha.
While nearly 98 percent of women currently change their surnames
to those of their husbands, the results of various surveys taken since the
1990s consistently indicate that more than 30 percent of the adult population prefers the exibility to choose either the same or separate surnames upon marriage. For instance, according to the public opinion poll
conducted by the Cabinet Ofce in 2006, 46 percent of people felt inconvenienced by the present system of changing the surname by marriage.
This was an all-time record, up by 4 percent compared to the previous
poll taken in 2001. Similarly, 62 percent of common-law husbands and
wives did not submit their marriage registration because wives did not
want to change their surnames (Yuzawa, 2008).
Furthermore, an increasing number of married women, particularly those in the work force, continue using their maiden names as
aliases, and some even opt for ling for paper divorce in order to keep
their maiden names (Yoshizumi, 1995). It should be noted that Japan is
one of the few countries in the world where a wife is required by law to
change her surname to that of her husband, if he does not agree to change
his. Since the 1980s, there have been a number of attempts to amend the
law, making it feasible for couples to choose either the same or separate
surnames. For instance, in 1988, Sekiguchi Reiko, a university professor, led a lawsuit in Tokyo District Court against the state and her new
university employer for the right to continue using her maiden name at
her workplace. In the following year, the Tokyo Lawyers Association submitted a report supporting the optional use of separate surnames for
married couples. Similarly, in 1996, a bill was introduced by the Legislation Council of the Ministry of Justice which requested the revision of
the Civil Code. However, these attempts have not yet succeeded in producing tangible results (Mackie, 2003).
Incidentally, a small number of men in Japan also change their sur31
names upon marriage to become muko yooshi (adopted son-in-law). This

is a long-standing Japanese custom which combines the adoption of a
son, and his marriage to a daughter of his adopted parents. It was legitimized by the Civil Code of 1898 as the means to maintain lineage under
the preWorld War II patriarchal ie system. Although the current Civil
Code no longer includes this provision, it remains legal to make such
an arrangement under the 734th article. This custom of adopting a
son-in-law by marriage is commonly observed among well-to-do families without sons who would carry on lineage, estate, and family business. Usually the eldest daughter of the family is expected to undergo
such an arrangement, and her husband is adopted by taking up her surname to become a male heir of the family. A man who has become muko
yooshi (adopted son-in-law) is often referred to as goyooshi-san with a
polite prex, go- and a title, -san. The term typically connotes a sense
of pity toward a man who loses his surname by marrying into his wifes
family.
For the most part, Japanese people tend to consider marriage as the
route to happiness, particularly for women, and as the means for men
to stabilize their lives, and become respectable members of society. These
sentiments are reected by commonly used expressions in regard to marriage including gooru in suru (to reach the goal; to get married), which
is used by and for both women and men, as well as mi o katameru (to
consolidate oneself; to settle down, get married, and start a family),
which is almost exclusively used by and for men.
Although not as prevalent as before, it should be noted that there
remains a notion of tekireiki (the period of marriageable age) in Japanese society, ranging from the mid to late 20s for women, and from
the late 20s to early 30s for men. Throughout the 1970s, these age ranges
were several years younger, and women more so than men were under
strong pressure from society, family, and peer groups to marry before it
is too late. As a result, it was common for many women to rush into
marriage by their mid20s (Cherry, 1987; K. Tanaka, 1995b). This is no
longer the case, and there have been a number of new trends and changes
relating to marriage as well as family in Japan, particularly since the
1980s, which are discussed later in this chapter. However, many critics
32
claim that Japanese people remain largely marriage-oriented. For

instance, Fujimura-Fanselow (1995a) asserts that the notion that it is
natural and normal to marry and have children is still quite prevailing in Japanese society (p. 141). Similarly, Morley (1999) points out that
the compulsion to marry, and to marry before a certain age, remains an
important factor in Japans social and economic structures (p. 38).
Generally speaking, people in Japan get married either by miai
kekkon (arranged marriage) or renai kekkon (love marriage). In some
instances, the combination of these two terms called miai renai kekkon
(arranged love marriage) is used to refer to a couple who at rst meet
through a matchmaker in a formal setting, but later fall in love with each
other and get married.
In the case of miai kekkon, matchmakers called nakoodo (gobetween) are in charge of making arrangements to introduce singles. As
the word miai denotes to be matched and to be in balance, compatibility in family backgrounds, socioeconomic status, age, and education levels are the major criteria that matchmakers use to select prospective
couples. Matchmakers can be professionals as well as laypeople who are
social and have many connections. In some cases, supervisors in the
workplace play the role of matchmakers for their subordinates. Matchmakers keep a large stock of detailed resumes of singles with their family history called tsurigaki along with photographs of singles. For this
reason, it is common, particularly among young single women in their
20s in Japan, to save their best photographs as miai shashin (photographs
for arranged meeting for marriage).
Matchmakers routinely distribute these resumes and photographs
among singles and their parents who show interest in choosing prospective spouses and in-laws through formal introduction. When there is a
potential match, the parties concerned are contacted by a matchmaker,
who arranges the rst meeting. Typically, the rst meeting is held in a
public place such as a well-known restaurant or luxurious hotel lobby in
the presence of a matchmaker and family members, who are mothers in
most cases. Then, a couple meets by themselves several times before
deciding whether to pursue the arrangement or not. Because a couple
stays in contact through a matchmaker at the initial stage, they can avoid
33
an awkward situation when a decision is made by either one or both of

them not to pursue the arrangement.
While miai kekkon (arranged marriage) was the mainstream through
the 1960s, since then it has been steadily replaced by renai kekkon (love
marriage), mostly among the younger generation who view miai kekkon
as old-fashioned and lacking in romance. As a matter of fact, by the
1990s, two in three marriages in Japan were renai kekkon (love marriage)
(Morley, 1999; Y. Tanaka; 1995). At the same time, computerized matchmaking services and omiai (matching) parties which provide informal
opportunities for singles to nd their prospective mates, have gained
huge popularity despite their costly membership fees. These options are
well-received, particularly among those who are too busy with their
careers to meet other singles, as well as by those who look for the convenience and practicality of miai kekkon without the formality associated with it.
There have been persistent arguments that the term, renai kekkon
is misleading, since the criteria used in renai kekkon for selecting a
prospective spouse are not necessarily based on romantic love, but rather
on socioeconomic factors as well as personal compatibility, which are
similar to those used by matchmakers for making arrangements to introduce singles in miai kekkon (Mura, 1991). These arguments can be substantiated by the results of a number of surveys taken among single
women and men on the criteria for choosing their prospective spouses.
Since the 1980s, there has been no change in the top three criteria: women
choose men by their personality, occupation, and income, while men
choose women by their personality, physical appearance, and age (Y.
Tanaka, 1995). A similar standard is reected by the coinage of the term
called sankoo (three highs) that was frequently used among many single
women during the 1980s and the 1990s. What sankoo refers to is a common criterion used by young women seeking ideal spouses, that is, those
who are tall, highly-educated, and have a high income with respectable
professions including medical doctors, business executives, and successful entrepreneurs, among others.
Furthermore, the following survey results also indicate that one of
the criteria that women use to select their future spouses is the mans
34
nancial capability to support the household. The analysis of The 2002

Basic Survey on Employment Structure by Labor Policy Research and
Induction Organization reveals an intriguing correlation between mens
income level and their marital status. The survey was conducted on men
in their late 20s at three different income levels. While only 15.3 percent
of those whose annual income ranged between 1 and 2 million yen
($10,000 and $20,000) were married, the percentage went up to 22.8
percent among those who earned between 2 and 4 million yen ($20,000
and $40,000) a year. In contrast, the percentage of married men more
than tripled at 72.5 percent among those whose annual income was
between 10 and 15 million yen ($100,000 and $150,000). The survey
concluded that mens income level could be a major factor in their
prospects for marriage (Morinaga, 2008).
Despite the social conventions to marry by a certain age, the number of young single women and men in Japan has continued to increase
at an unprecedented pace since the mid1970s. It is noteworthy that the
increase is far more signicant among women than men. For instance,
the percentage of single men in their mid to late 20s rose from 25 percent in 1920 to 73 percent in 2005, while that of single women in the
same age group increased dramatically by nearly eight times as much
from a mere 8 percent to 60 percent during the same period. Moreover,
between 1970 and 2000, the number of single women in their late 20s
tripled from 18 percent to 54 percent, making the biggest increase in the
1990s (Yuzawa, 2008).
As a matter of fact, the 1990s were marked by a large number of
publications on single women and their lifestyles, which were particularly popular with women in their 20s and 30s. Among them, the two
best-sellers were Kekkon Shinai Kamo Shirenai Shokogun (The I may not
marry Syndrome) published in 1990, and Hikon Jidai: Onnatachi no
Shinguru Raifu (The Era of Unmarried by Choice: Womens Single Life) in
1993. The popularity of these books was reected by the fact that the
title of the rst book, Kekkon Shinai Kamo Shirenai Shokogun (The I
may not marry Syndrome) was selected among the top 10 buzzwords in
1991. Similarly, the terms, hikon (unmarried by choice) and shinguru (single) that appeared in the title of the second book became the coinages
35
of 1993 shortly after its publication. In addition, a number of gender

inclusive terms referring to singles were coined in the 1990s such as
dokushin kizoku (aristocratic singles) and parasaito shinguru (parasite singles), among others ( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008). These terms are explained
in detail in Chapter 7.
According to the 2005 and 2006 censuses, 49.4 percent of men in
their early 30s were single in 2005, and the average age of the rst marriage for men was 30 years in 2006, which reached the 30s for the rst
time (Yuzawa, 2008). As can be seen by the 2002 survey results presented
earlier, one of the major reasons behind this increase in single men is the
decrease in mens income as well as the instability of their employment
status, due to the restructuring of the Japanese economy since the 1990s,
following the collapse of the so-called bubble economy (Morinaga,
2008).
It is often pointed out that compared to men, more women tend
to delay marriage or remain single, particularly since the 1980s (Iwao,
1988; Yoshizumi, 1995). For instance, the results of the 2006 census show
that the average age of the rst marriage for women has extended for 5
years since the 1930s from 23.2 years to 28.2 years in 2006, in contrast
to 3 years for men during the same period. Furthermore, in 2006, 14
percent of women in their late 30s remained single, and over 50 percent
of women in their 30s in the metropolitan Tokyo area were single. These
single women tend to be well-educated as well as career-oriented, and
are often characterized as being deant against not only the prevailing
concept of tekireiki (the period of marriageable age: for women from their
mid to late 20s), but also traditional gender-based role division among
married couples (Borovoy, 2005).
Some critics claim that Japanese society is same-sex-oriented,
while Western societies are couple-oriented (Okonogi, 1983; Cherry,
1987). The notion of rigid gender segregation in society has become an
integral part of the mentality of Japanese people since the Meiji period
(18681912), when various Confucian values were propagated by the government (Yoshizumi, 1995). One such value emphasized the importance
of gender segregation from a young age as stated in the Confucian doctrine, Danjo shichi sai ni shite, seki o onajuu sezu (From the age of 7,
36
boys and girls should not sit together on the same mat). Those of the
older generation in Japan are familiar with this doctrine, which says that
from around the age of 7, children should recognize the gender differences, and avoid close contact with members of the opposite sex.
Although Confucian values are no longer prevalent in post World War
II Japan, their residual effects can be observed to this day. Since adolescence, many Japanese people tend to nd more comfort being with members of the same sex, rather than those of the opposite sex. It is, therefore,
not uncommon for a wife and a husband to compensate for the lack of
emotional bonds between them with their bonds of friendship with members of the same sex (Yoshizumi, 1995).
Furthermore, gender-based role division that is widely practiced
among married couples in Japan is reected in the perception of a good
marital relationship being based on the relative autonomy of wife and
husband in their respective areas of responsibility. For instance, during
the postWorld War II economic hardship, the practice of a wife managing the household budget became widespread. Subsequently, the division of gender-specic roles became rmly established during the period
of Japans unprecedented rapid economic growth from the 1960s to 1980s
(Y. Tanaka, 1995). As described by the phrase, Otoko wa shigoto, onna
wa katei (Men at work, women at home), husbands worked longer hours,
leaving the household chores and child-rearing to their wives. The perception of a good marriage based on gender-specic role division is
reected in a number of Japanese phrases, out of which one of the most
well-known is Teishu genki de rusu ga ii (It is good when a husband is
healthy, and is away from home). The phrase rst appeared in a TV commercial for mothballs in the 1980s, and became an instant hit, particularly among middle-aged and elderly married women nationwide.
In Japan, a married couple with children is expected to give priority to their role as parents rather than as a couple. It is, therefore, a very
common practice for a husband and a wife to call each other as otoo-san
(father) or papa, and okaa-san (mother) or mama, rather than by their
names, not only in the presence of their children, but also in their
absence. Because of this prevalent societal expectation that the priority
of a married couple is to play the role of parents, the lack of emotional
37
bond between the couple has not been considered as a sufcient reason
for divorce. Although the revised Civil Code and the Constitution introduced the principle of no-fault divorce to postwar Japanese society,
divorce was not common before the 1980s, when claims of incompatibility were not allowed. These factors, along with the social stigma and
nancial troubles associated with divorce, which would adversely affect
women in particular, contributed to the divorce rate in Japan being the
lowest in the industrialized nations before the 1980s (K. Tanaka, 1995b;
Yoshizumi, 1995).
However, there is a sharp increase in the number of divorces initiated by women since the 1980s, when claims of incompatibility were
allowed for the rst time. In addition to this new provision, the following factors have contributed to the steady increase in divorces: (1) the
growing interest among women in pursuing a career outside the home,
(2) the increase in the number of women with degrees in higher education, (3) the rise in womens earnings, (4) low birth rate: 1.26 children
per woman in 2005, when it hit the record low, and (5) womens longer
life expectancy; 85.99 years in 2007 (Fujiyama-Fanselow, 1995b; Christopher, 1983).
In 1983, the nations rst divorce hotline for women was set up in
Tokyo. Its data listed the following three most common reasons for
women to initiate a divorce: a husbands indelity, his neglect of family, and nancial problems. In 1984, Japans rst womens magazine on
divorce titled Sutato (Start) was launched. According to the estimate by
its editor-in-chief, in the 1980s, there were 10 times as many women
who contemplated divorce as those who would actually undergo it (Y.
Tanaka, 1995). This estimate was reected by the term, kateinai rikon
(domestic divorce) coined in the early 1980s, referring to a couple who
remain legally married mostly for the sake of their children, despite the
lack of a conjugal relationship. The steady increase in the number of
such couples led to the coined term, kateinai rikon being selected among
the top 10 buzzwords in 1986 ( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008).
In addition to divorce hotlines and publications, various seminars,
lectures, and workshops for women have been held on a regular basis
since the 1980s. For example, the Niko Niko Rikon Koza (The Work38
shop on Happy Divorce) is one such workshop organized by a woman

lawyer, providing women with practical legal advice and nancial information on divorce. It has gained huge popularity, particularly among
middle-aged and elderly homemakers without full-time employment,
who have been reluctant to proceed due to the nancial instability caused
by divorce.
The dynamic statistics of population released by the Ministry of
Health, Labor, and Welfare indicated that the total number of divorces
more than doubled in the past 2 decades from 140,000 in 1980 to 290,000
in 2002, but it decreased for the following 4 years to about 260,000 in
2006. However, the actual divorce rate continues to rise because of the
overall decrease in the number of marriages. As a result, the so-called
divorce probability, which is obtained by dividing the number of
divorces by that of marriages, nearly doubled from 18.2 percent in 1980
to 35.2 percent in 2006.
Furthermore, in recent years, there is a steady increase in women
who remarry. For instance, the percentage of remarriage out of all the
marriages of women has continued to rise since the 1980s, from 9.5 percent in 1980 to 16.3 percent in 2006 (Morinaga, 2008). This is a new
trend in Japan, where in the past, remarriage was a common option for
divorced or widowed men, but not for women.
These new trends in divorce and remarriage have a positive outcome in the Japanese language. For instance, a commonly used derogatory term for a divorced woman, demodori (returnee to ones parents
place; divorced woman) has become mostly outdated. It is replaced by
a newly coined unisex term, batsu ichi (one cross/mark against them; a
person who is divorced once), which does not convey the stigma attached
to divorce in the past, nor negativity toward those who are divorced.
Similarly, the expression called Narita rikon (divorce at Narita, New
Tokyo International Airport) was coined in 1990, and became the buzzword of that year ( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008). It refers to the casual attitude toward divorce among young married couples who decide to go their
separate ways at the airport on their way back from their honeymoon.
The increase in the number of divorces is not limited to the younger
generation. Since the 1990s, the divorce rate among mature couples has
39
also been steadily increasing. As a matter of fact, the term, jukunen rikon
(divorce at the mature age) was coined to refer to this unprecedented
phenomenon. In the vast majority of cases, a wife initiates a divorce at
the time of her husbands retirement, claiming a part of his retirement
allowance for spousal support as well as sacrice. By the 2000s, jukunen
rikon has become a buzzword that is widely used by the general public
and by the media ( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008). It is typically perceived as
the ultimate rebellion by a wife who had to put up with her husband for
a number of years mostly for the sake of her children and nancial reasons. Jukunen rikon also has become a common theme of trendy TV dramas, in which a husband who is clueless about his wifes feelings is
completely taken aback by her request for a divorce at the time of his
retirement.
According to the dynamic statistics of population by the Ministry
of Health, Labor, and Welfare, the number of divorces among couples
who were married for more than 35 years hit the record high of 4,963
in 2003. While it remained steady from 2004 to 2006, ranging from
4,700 to 4,800, a record number of 5,507 couples led for divorce in
2007, which was an increase of 16 percent compared to 2006. Because
in 2007 there was a slight decrease of 1 percent in the total number of
divorces in all age groups compared to 2006, the largest number of
divorces actually took place among couples who were married for more
than 35 years. The Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare speculated
that a change in the pension distribution law which became effective in
April, 2007, was one of the contributing factors for this drastic increase.
The new system made it possible for a couple to make a prior arrangement to divide the husbands pension in half at the time of a divorce.
The results of Kazoku Chosa 2008 (Family Survey 2008) by
Hakuhodo Seikatsu Sogo Kenkyusho (Hakuhodo General Institute of
Life) indicated that Japanese couples perceptions of marital relationships
have changed signicantly since the late 1980s. A total of 600 married
couples who were in their 20s to 50s and living in the Tokyo metropolitan area, took part in the survey in 2008. The results were compared
with those of a similar survey conducted by Hakuhodo Seikatsu Sogo
Kenkyusho in 1988. The following are some of the ndings: the num40
ber of wives who were against divorce under any circumstances drastically decreased by 20 percent from 59.7 percent in 1988 to 39.7 percent
in 2008, while the number of husbands who were against divorce under
any circumstances decreased slightly over 4 percent from 68.4 percent
in 1988 to 64.2 percent in 2008. These ndings also make a clear contrast to the 1984 survey results by the government, which reported that
two thirds of Japanese people did not believe that divorce was a solution
for unhappy marriages (Cherry, 1987).
Moreover, wives who wanted to improve the quality of time spent
with a spouse decreased by 9 percent from 35.2 percent in 1988 to 26.2
percent in 2008, while husbands who wanted to do the same increased
by nearly 9 percent from 30.6 percent in 1988 to 39.3 percent in 2008.
Based on these results, Hakuhodo Seikatsu Sogo Kenkyusho concluded
that nowadays far more wives than husbands are in favor of divorce. In
addition, since the late 1980s, husbands have become more inclined to
spend time with their wives, while wives have not necessarily been
responsive to their husbands inclination.
Such differences in perceptions between wives and husbands are
also found in the survey titled Otona no Fufu Chosa (Survey of Adult
Married Couples), that was conducted on married couples in their 50s
and 60s by Dentsu & Rikuruto (Recruit Corp.) in 2008. A total of 1,800
married women and men residing in the Tokyo metropolitan area took
part in the survey on the internet. The following are the list of feelings
that the survey participants had toward their spouses, and their corresponding percentages: love: 11 percent of wives and 23 percent of husbands; friendship: 42 percent of both wives and husbands; indifference:
32 percent of wives and 27 percent of husbands; and dislike/disgust: 15
percent of wives and 8 percent of husbands. In summary, among the
middle-aged married couples surveyed, more than twice as many husbands had loving feelings toward their wives, while close to one third of
wives were indifferent to their husbands. Furthermore, the number of
wives who had negative feelings such as dislike and disgust toward their
husbands was almost twice as many as husbands who had negative feelings toward their wives. According to Dentsu & Rikuruto (Recruit
Corp.), these survey results indicated that there were noticeable discrep41
ancies in feelings between wives and husbands despite the fact that
mature married couples had more time to spend together.
Similar results were reported by the Hakuhodo Elder Business Promotion Ofce that conducted a survey in 2009 on 520 married couples
in their 60s. Nearly 80 percent of wives responded that they were disappointed with their husbands, particularly for the lack of their help in
household work as well as the lack of their overall appreciation; in contrast, 60 percent of husbands responded that they were disappointed in
their wives. Furthermore, while more than half of wives no longer felt
the same way toward their husbands since they rst married, nearly 70
percent of husbands felt basically the same way toward their wives. The
survey made a prediction that the differences in perceptions between
wives and husbands would continue to widen, unless husbands were
willing to make an effort to improve the relationship with their wives
(Dankai Zuma, 2009).
The family structure in postWorld War II Japan has undergone a
dramatic transformation from the prewar patriarchal and patrilineal ie
(family, household) system, and has resulted in the emergence of some
new variations, particularly since the 1980s. One such variation is kateinai
rikon (domestic divorce), which was mentioned earlier. It is also called
latent-disorganization family (Yoshizumi, 1995, p. 185), in which a
couple continues to remain legally married mostly for the sake of their
children, despite the lack of a conjugal relationship. However, because
of the increase in the divorce rate, the number of such families is decreasing in recent years.
Another new variation in the family structure is called pseudosingle-mother family (Yoshizumi, 1995, p. 185), in which the father is
mostly away from home due to the demanding nature of his work as can
be seen in the following survey results. According to The 2008 Juvenile
White Paper released by the Cabinet Ofce, the number of men who
seldom have time to spend with their children is steadily increasing during the past several years due to longer working hours. The survey conducted on women and men with children ranging from 9 to 14 years old
indicated that the number of men who seldom had time to spend with
their children on weekdays increased by nearly 10 percent from 14.1
42
percent in 2000 to 23.3 percent in 2006. Moreover, while 65.1 percent,

or nearly two thirds of women responded that they were fully aware of
the causes of worries for their children, 31.4 percent, or less than one
third of men did so. The white paper also reported that the working hours
of men in their 30s and 40s increased by 5 hours per month between
2002 and 2007. As a result, while approximately 40 percent of men were
able to get home from work by 7 in the evening in 2001, less than 30
percent of them were able to do so in 2007.
There also has been a steady increase in single households comprised of one person since the 1990s. The nuclear family is commonly
thought to have been the mainstream of family structure in the
postWorld War II Japan; however since reaching its peak in 1975 by
making up 63.5 percent of all the households in Japan, the number of
nuclear families has been gradually decreasing to 58.9 percent in 2005.
Instead, the number of single households has continued to rise since
1990 at 23.1 percent to 27.6 percent in 2005 (Yuzawa, 2008). The reason behind this trend is an increase in those of the older generation living by themselves, as well as those of the younger generation who are
single and living alone, particularly past tekireiki (the period of marriageable age, from the mid to late 20s for women, and from the late 20s to
early 30s for men). While single households comprised of those of the
older generation can be found in both rural and urban areas, those of
the younger generation living alone are located predominantly in urban
areas.
It is a welcome development that gender stereotypes and bias originating from the preWorld War II patriarchal ie (family, household)
system are becoming less prevalent in present-day Japan, where family
and marriage have continued to undergo transformation. Furthermore,
this has resulted in a positive change in the Japanese language: a number of expressions for family and marriage that denote unfair representation of genders are becoming less commonly used, and are being
replaced by coinages without embedded sexism.
43
3
Women and Education in Japan
The process of the development of womens education in Japan is none
other than a long history of struggle against bondage toward the emancipation of women as individual human beings [K. Hara, 1995, p. 104].
Historical Context
Opportunities to receive education, especially at the post-secondary level, were not readily available to women in Japan prior to World
War II, when there was prevailing gender inequality and discrimination
against women in society. The government control of the education system which was established by the middle of the Meiji period (18681912)
by Kyoiku Chokugo (the Imperial Rescript on Education) also had a negative effect on womens education. By placing particular emphasis on
patriotism, loyalty to the emperor, and the Confucian morals, Kyoiku
Chokugo, issued under the name of the Meiji emperor (18521912) in
1890, became the basis of the education system throughout the end of
World War II (Mackie, 2003).
In the following section, a historical overview of womens education in Japan is presented, dating back to the Edo period (16031867)
through the end of World War II, when Confucian philosophy had a
signicant inuence on the education system. Womens education, in
particular, was adversely affected by the Confucian notions of women,
which intended to conne them to the roles of childbearing and childrearing, as well as to a subordinate status to men in the family and in
society. Furthermore, public opinion supported the Confucian thinking
that learning was not only unnecessary, but was also harmful for women.
This sentiment is reected by the following statement made by Matsudaira Sadanobu (17581829), a high-ranking ofcial of the Tokugawa
shogunate of the Edo Period (16031867), who was also well versed in
44
3Women and Education in Japan
neoConfucianism: Women should be illiterate. It is harmful for women

to develop their abilities. There is no need for women to study (K.
Hara, 1995).
In addition to Confucian philosophy, the notion of danson johi
(men superior, women inferior) prevailed mostly among the ruling samurai class in the Edo Period (16031867). Based on the Buddhist and
Shinto beliefs that associated women with sinfulness and impurity, this
notion to put women in subjugation to men also had an adverse effect
on womens education. The primary objective of womens education in
the Edo period (16031867) was to train girls and young women not only
to be skilled in household work, but also to be submissive and obedient
to their parents, particularly to fathers and other elder male family members as well as prospective husbands and in-laws. While the school curriculum for female students consisted of the three Rs, the main emphasis
was placed on instruction in housekeeping, manners, and moral education (K. Hara, 1995).
A large number of instructional books on morals and manners were
written for women during the Edo period (16031867), out of which
Onna Daigaku (Maxims for Women), published in the middle of this
period, was one of the most prototypical and most widely read. It was
based on the writings by a neoConfucian scholar, Kaibara Ekiken
(16301714), who made the following remarks regarding women: The
only qualities that bet women are gentle obedience, chastity, mercy,
and quietness. Onna Daigaku consisted of 20 maxims preaching to
women the absolute submission and obedience to men. Various instructional books on manners also emphasized the proper usage of feminine
language, and girls and young women were told to speak in soft, gentle
voices, as well as to refrain from using harsh, rough, and annoying masculine language (Endo, 1995, 2006).
Since the Meiji Restoration in 1868, Japan began to undergo a dramatic transformation from a feudalistic society into a modern state after
the self-imposed seclusion of over 200 years under the Tokugawa shogunate during the Edo period (16031867). In order to facilitate the process
of modernization by eliminating illiteracy, the government put a special
emphasis on education in the early Meiji period (18681912). Following
45
the establishment of the Ministry of Education in 1871, the system of

compulsory education was introduced by the Education Act of 1872,
making a 4-year elementary education mandatory for both girls and boys
(K. Hara, 1995).
Although equal opportunity for children to receive education materialized ofcially, in actuality, the attendance rate of boys (53.4 percent)
was more than twice as high as that of girls (22.5 percent) in 1878, mainly
because most parents preferred paying tuition for their sons rather than
for their daughters. The abolishment of tuition in the late 1890s, however, resulted in the signicant increase in the number of girls who
received compulsory education; the attendance rate more than tripled
from slightly over 30 percent in 1890 to 97.4 percent in 1910. During
this period, the duration of compulsory education was also extended
from 4 years to 6 years (Mackie, 2003).
Gender segregation was formally instituted in 1880, when the Education Act was issued to abolish coeducation beyond the third year of
elementary school (K. Hara, 1995). It was based on the Confucian doctrine called Danjo shichi sai ni shite, seki o onajuu sezu (From the age of
7, boys and girls should not sit together on the same mat). As explained
in Chapter 2, this doctrine urges children as young as the age of 7 to
recognize gender differences, and avoid close contact with members of
the opposite sex.
Furthermore, the term, ryoosai kenbo kyooiku (education to produce
good wives and wise mothers) was adopted as the fundamental concept
of womens education. In his following statement made in 1887, Mori
Arinori (18471889), the rst Minister of Education, elaborated on ryoosai kenbo kyooiku (education to produce good wives and wise mothers):
If I summarize the point regarding the chief aim of female education, it
is that the person will become a good wife (ryoosai) and a wise mother
(kenbo); it is to nurture a disposition and train talents adequate for [the
task] of rearing children and of managing a household [Mackie, 2003,
p. 25].
Incidentally, in order for a woman to become ryoosai kenbo (good wife

and wise mother), she was expected to cultivate the disposition including obedience, modesty, demureness, self-control, and self-sacrice.
46
These qualities were also highly regarded as the virtues of Japanese

women by male opinion makers and educators in the early 1900s (Endo,
2006).
From the 1880s throughout the outbreak of World War II, the fundamental objective of education for girls and young women was to prepare and train them to become ryoosai kenbo. To this end, government
control on womens education was rmly established by the end of the
Meiji period (18681912). The Girls Higher School Act of 1899 mandated the increase in the number of public higher schools that offered
post-elementary education for young women. As a result, the total number of schools and enrollment increased by 50 percent in the 2 years
from 1898 to 1900 to 52 schools and 12,000 students (Mackie, 2003);
however, the number of female students in higher schools remained less
than half of male students until 1932 (Morley, 1999). Womens higher
schools incorporated home economics, shuushin (moral education), and
sahoo (manners) into the essential part of the curriculum, which was not
designed to prepare female students to become academically competent
to receive higher education. Furthermore, ryoosai kenbo kyooiku (education to produce good wives and wise mothers) also became the objective of the compulsory elementary education for girls by the end of the
Meiji period (18681912) (Cherry, 1987; Nolte and Hastings, 1991).
It should be noted that there are different theories in regard to the
origin of the notion of ryoosai kenbo, which represented the ideal of womanhood in preWorld War II Japan. Some assert that what underlay this
notion was the Confucian thinking of danson johi (men superior, women
inferior) prevalent during the Meiji period (18681912), which resulted
in gender segregation and inequality in education (Fujimura-Fanselow,
1995a; Ishimoto, 1999; Kaneko, 1995). In contrast, others, including
Smith, R. (1987), maintain that the notion of ryoosai kenbo was the
Japanese version of the 19th-century Western cult of true womanhood
(K. Tanaka, 1995b, p. 305). Moreover, there are some who claim that it
was an imported notion from England during the Victorian Age (1837
1901) (Koyama, 1991; Uno, 1993).
Due to the prevailing Confucian thinking that learning was not
only unnecessary for women, but also harmful to them, women were gen47
erally discouraged from receiving higher education, and there were very
few opportunities available for them to do so, particularly if they lived
in rural areas. For instance, in the late 1930s, the institutions that offered
higher education for women consisted of approximately 40 private
womens colleges, a number of which were established by Christian missionaries, and two national womens higher normal schools. However,
none of these institutions were recognized with university accreditations,
and they were mostly located in urban areas including Tokyo and Osaka.
As a result, less than 0.5 percent of female students of the relevant age
group received higher education during this period (Fujimura-Fanselow,
1995a; K. Hara, 1995).
Among those who made signicant contributions to womens education in Japan, is Tsuda Umeko (18641929) a well-known pioneer,
especially in English language education. In 1872, at the age of 8, Tsuda
was among the rst ve female students sent abroad by the government,
whose focus was on education under the policy of modernization in the
early Meiji period (18681912). After studying in the United States for
over a decade, Tsuda founded Joshi Eigaku Juku (Womens English
School) in 1900, which later became a teachers college, and is now known
as Tsuda Juku Daigaku (Tsuda College). It was the rst institution of
higher education for women in Japan whose focus was on academic and
professional training as well as character-building for women. These
objectives were quite a departure from ryoosai kenbo kyooiku (education
to produce good wives and wise mothers) that was prevalent in
preWorld War II Japan (Mackie, 2003).
Women and Education in Contemporary Japan

The main aim of educational reforms which took place shortly
after World War II was to bring about democratization and gender equality. Gender segregation in education was ofcially abolished, and gender equality in seeking education is guaranteed by the Constitution
promulgated in 1946 as well as by the Basic Law of Education that
was issued in the following year. The Law took the place of Kyooiku
48
Chokugo (the Imperial Rescript on Education) of 1890, which was based

on the Confucian morals emphasizing unconditional loyalty to the
emperor. Under the new educational system, the womens higher schools
were transformed into 2-year junior colleges, and the national womens
higher normal schools as well as most of the private womens colleges
were accredited as 4-year universities. Moreover, women are eligible to
attend national and private 4-year universities that closed the door to
women prior to World War II (Fujimura-Fanselow, 1995a; K. Hara,
1995).
Despite these educational reforms, both the ideology of ryoosai
kenbo kyooiku and the concept of gender segregation in education that
were prevalent in preWorld War II have continued to surface periodically. For instance, when an increasing number of women began to attend
4-year universities in the 1960s, some male critics argued that the trend
would have an adverse effect on the country because unlike men, women
would not use their education for the good of society. These critics also
insisted that the enrollment of women should be limited. This highly
controversial argument was called joshidaisei bookokuron (a theory on the
destruction of the nation by female college students), and triggered
intense debate which received extensive media attention (K. Hara, 1995).
Furthermore, in 1969, when a measure was adopted to make home
economics a required subject for female high school students, the chief
of the Elementary and Secondary Education Bureau of the Ministry of
Education (the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and
Technology since 2001) made the following comment: there should be
no opposition to this measure, since its objective is to educate female
students to be ryoosai kenbo (K. Hara, 1995).
It is noteworthy that a campaign against this measure was launched
mostly by womens groups and associations organized in the 1970s as a
result of the second wave of feminism, including the Kodo Suru Onnatachi no Kai (the Group of Women Who Take Action) whose members
consisted of a large number of teachers. In addition, following the
ratication of the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) by the Japanese
government in 1985, it became necessary for the Ministry of Education
49
to redesign an equal curriculum for female and male students, which was
required by the 10th article of CEDAW. As a result, home economics
became a required subject for both female and male students in junior
high schools in 1993, and in high schools in 1994. Similar reform took
place in physical education, which made it possible for students to choose
either martial arts or dance as an elective (Kameda, 1995).
According to The 2005 Basic Survey of Schools conducted by
the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology,
76.2 percent of female high school students entered institutions of higher
education. The proportion of those entering colleges and universities
rose over ninefold from 5.5 percent in 1960 to 49.8 percent in 2005.
These statistics have continued to surpass males in the relevant age
group since 1989. Moreover, the number of working women who continue their education in graduate schools has doubled between 2000 and
2005.
Despite these advances of women, gender imbalance remains in
various spheres of education. For instance, the same survey indicated
that among female students who went to institutions of higher education, less than half of them (36.8 percent) entered 4-year universities,
while 26.4 percent went to vocational colleges called senmon gakko, and
13 percent chose 2-year junior colleges in 2005. It should be noted that
2-year junior colleges in Japan mostly offer majors in such disciplines as
the humanities, nursing, home economics, and preschool education, and
represent a separate educational track with little possibility of transferring to 4-year institutions (Fujimura-Fanselow, 1995a). In contrast, senmon gakko provide various practical training for students to acquire
adequate skills in order to obtain professional licenses and certicates.
Having been accredited in 1976, vocational colleges have continued to
grow in number, and to gain popularity over junior colleges since the
early 2000s.
The 2008 Basic Survey of Schools also indicated that females
accounted for 40.2 percent of all 4-year university students compared
to 88.9 percent of all 2-year junior college students. These percentages
reect a tendency among Japanese parents to seek out education at 4year universities for their sons rather than for their daughters, as well as
50
the residual effect of the notion that too much education will make a
woman unt to be a good wife, which was prevalent in preWorld War
II Japan (Fujimura-Fanselow, 1995a). For instance, at Tokyo University,
the most prestigious institution in Japan, females accounted for 19 percent of the entire student population, which was nearly half the national
average of 36 percent in 2007. In an attempt to increase the enrollment
number of female students to a minimum of 30 percent, Tokyo University held a special meeting for prospective female high school students
for the rst time in its school history in December of that year, a few
months prior to the start of the entrance exam season from February to
March (Todai Joshi, 2007).
Another preWorld War II notion that the objective of womens
education is to produce ryoosai kenbo continues to have residual effects
on societal perceptions of womens education as well. In fact, the phrase,
ryoosai kenbo kyooiku (education to produce good wives and wise mothers) was included in the mission statements of some womens colleges
throughout the 1970s. Some critics also point out that the mindset similar to the ryoosai kenbo mentality seems to discourage women from
studying subjects that are considered masculine (Cherry, 1987; Y. Tanaka,
1995). For instance, since the 1970s there has been very little change in
the number of women who major in medicine and dentistry (2 percent),
and natural sciences (2 percent). However, as indicated by The 2005
Basic Survey of Schools, a new trend has been observed among female
university students in terms of their eld of study. The number of women
majoring in law, political science, and economics increased by nearly
250 percent from 11.9 percent in 1970 to 29.2 percent in 2005. Although
the numbers remain small, women majoring in engineering also showed
a signicant increase from 0.7 percent in 1970 to 4.5 percent in 2005.
Gender imbalance can also be found among faculty members of
higher education and researchers. According to The 2000 Basic Survey
of Schools, women comprised 7.35 percent of university presidents,
7.9 percent of full professors, 13.12 percent of assistant professors,
18.8 percent of lecturers, and 19.99 percent of teaching assistants (Gelb,
2003). In addition, The 2003 Basic Survey of Schools indicated that in
terms of the percentage of women among faculty members at universi51
ties and graduate schools, Japan ranked the lowest at 14.1 percent among
the member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development (OECD), whose average was more than twice as high
at 36.1 percent. Nevertheless, The 2005 Basic Survey of Schools reported
that the number of women among full-time faculty members in Japan
has continued to increase at a steady pace in recent years: in 2-year junior colleges, women accounted for 46.6 percent, which was an increase
of over 150 percent since the 1950s, while in 4-year universities, the percentage of women tripled to 16.7 percent since the 1950s.
Furthermore, the total number of women researchers in Japan
reached 102,900 in 2006, exceeding 100,000 for the rst time since the
rst survey was conducted in 1953 by the Ministry of Public Management, Home Affairs, Posts and Telecommunications. The survey also
reported that the number of women researchers in universities and colleges was 69,100, which accounted for 21.5 percent of all researchers. In
humanities and social sciences, the percentage was higher at 28 percent,
and in natural sciences, it was slightly lower at 18 percent. In contrast,
the number of women researchers in the private sector was signicantly
less with a total of 33,800, representing 6.5 percent of all researchers.
However, the ratio of women nearly quadrupled at 24.6 percent in the
food industry, and more than tripled at 22.2 percent in the pharmaceutical industry (Josei Kenkyuusha, 2007).
Despite the recent increase in the number of women researchers,
Japan ranks the lowest among the industrialized countries in terms of
the proportion of women among all researchers. The report by the Cabinet Ofce indicated that in 2008, women represented 12.4 percent of
all researchers in Japan, compared to 34 percent in the United States, 28
percent in France, 26 percent in England, and 13 percent in South Korea.
In order to increase the number of women researchers, the Ministry of
Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology has adopted a policy to subsidize approximately 10 universities and research institutes
nationwide that have specic plans to improve their facilities as well as
their overall working environments to accommodate the needs of women
researchers. The amount of the subsidy is 18 million yen ($180,000) per
newly hired woman researcher, and the target disciplines are agriculture,
52
natural sciences, and engineering, where the proportion of women

researchers is particularly small: in 2006, women represented 16.3 percent of all the newly hired researchers in agriculture, 12.7 percent in science, and 5.9 percent in engineering. With this new policy, the Ministry
plans to increase the number of women researchers by 100, and their proportion to 25 percent by 2010.
While the number of women who attend colleges and universities
is steadily increasing, there has been a decline in the popularity of
womens colleges and universities, particularly since the 1980s. This is
due to the fact that these institutions offer degree programs mostly in
so-called traditionally female-dominated elds such as the humanities, education, and home economics. However, a new and positive development in womens colleges and universities since the late 1980s has been
the increasing presence of nontraditional female students who are of
diverse age and occupational groups. Some of them are working women
in their 40s or older, married with children, who wish to continue their
education. Incidentally, nontraditional students, both female and male,
account for less than 3 percent of the entire undergraduate student population in present-day Japan (Fujimura-Fanselow, 1995a).
There are a number of opportunities available for women in presentday Japan to receive education in addition to 4-year universities, vocational colleges, and 2-year junior colleges. For instance, a number of
4-year universities offer tsuushin kyooiku (education by correspondence)
as degree-granting programs. Similarly, the government-sponsored Hoso
Daigaku (the University of the Air) has granted a bachelors degree in
liberal arts through radio and TV broadcasting since 1985. Furthermore,
karuchaa sentaa (culture centers) have gained popularity among homemakers by providing them with venues for continuing education as well
as adult education since the mid1970s. Private enterprises including
newspaper and broadcasting companies, and major department stores
operate culture centers that accommodate the needs of homemakers
with convenient locations and reasonable fees. A wide variety of courses
are offered such as classical Japanese literature and poetry, calligraphy,
foreign languages, arts and crafts, tea ceremony, ower arrangement,
cooking, social dance, yoga, swimming, and tennis, among others.
53
Although some feminist educators direct their criticism toward culture

centers, they continue to serve homemakers who seek opportunities to
expand their social lives as well as their potential. In fact, there have
been instances of homemakers becoming professional authors after taking courses in creative writing. For those who live in rural areas without access to culture centers, koominkan (community centers) that are
sponsored by local governments offer similar services.
As mentioned earlier, the second wave of feminism which began in
Japan in the 1970s has made a signicant contribution to womens education. One of the important developments was the creation of courses
on womens studies called joseigaku during the late 1970s and early 1980s.
The statistics by the National Womens Education Center (NWEC) indicated that a total of 512 courses related to womens studies were offered
at 268 colleges and universities, which accounted for nearly 25 percent
of institutions of higher education nationwide in 1992 (Fujieda &
Fujimura-Fanselow, 1995). Since then, joseigaku (womens studies) has
been frequently offered in combination with jendaa ron (gender theories), which has gained further popularity among female as well as male
students. For instance, according to the NWEC database, as of 2008, a
total of 4,221 courses on joseigaku and jendaa ron were offered at 614 institutions of higher education. This was an impressive increase of over
eightfold (820 percent) in the number of course offerings, and of over
twofold (220 percent) in the number of institutions in less than 2
decades.
It is noteworthy that among Japanese feminist scholars and
researchers, there are two widely different views in regard to the nature
and objectives of womens studies as an academic discipline. On the one
hand, some scholars and researchers including Inoue, T. (1981, 1987) put
emphasis on the political aspect of womens studies. They insist that
womens studies should not only be an independent academic discipline
on, by, and for women, but also be closely associated with the feminist
movement. On the other hand, others, including Iwao and H. Hara (Iwao
& H. Hara, 1979; H. Hara, 1987), place less emphasis on the political
aspect, and instead claim that womens studies can make scholarly contributions to other academic disciplines by providing a feminist perspec54
tive. Consequently, they consider that the objective of womens studies

is achieved once a feminist perspective is incorporated into other disciplines (Fujieda & Fujimura-Fanselow, 1995).
Many critics claim that Japanese women are still on the periphery
rather than in the mainstream of education (K. Hara, 1995, p. 105),
although there is a prevailing perception among the general public that
equality for women to receive education has been guaranteed by the
Constitution (Christopher, 1983; K. Hara, 1995; Kameda, 1995; Morley, 1999). While their claims are true to a certain extent, there are a number of encouraging developments in recent years, as mentioned
throughout this section, which will certainly have positive effects on the
prospect of womens education in Japan.
55
4
Women in the Japanese Workplace
Gradually, Japanese men are becoming aware that greater diversity in
womens roles benets themselves. Womens advance into the corporate
world, for example, is changing working conditions for both sexes. In
management studies and within companies, both men and women are
urging that more consideration be paid to individuals and that more
balanced work styles be adopted. Clearly pressure from women workers is fostering these trends [Morley, 1999, p. 186].
Various Issues Surrounding Women in

the Japanese Workplace
According to the report, Hataraku Josei no Jitsujo (The Actual State
of Working Women) in 2007 released by the Ministry of Health, Labor
and Welfare, the total number of women in the labor force tripled from
9.1 million in 1960 to 27.6 million in 2007, accounting for 41.6 percent
of the entire Japanese work force. Similarly, the percentage of married
women in the female work force increased over vefold from 8.8 percent in 1960 to 48.5 percent in 2007. The traditional gender-based role
division in Japanese society that is described by the phrase, men at work,
women at home (otoko wa shigoto, onna wa katei) appears to be outdated statistically (Kawashima, 1995; Y. Tanaka, 1995). However, many
critics claim that the economic growth of postWorld War II Japan has
been supported by the female labor force comprised predominantly of
low-waged part-time workers (Gelb, 2003; Mackie, 2003; Morley, 1999;
Saso, 1990; K. Tanaka, 1995b). For instance, the above report also indicated that the number of part-time workers nearly tripled since 1985,
accounting for 41.7 percent of the entire female work force in 2007, while
the percentage of full-time workers continued to decrease steadily from
67.9 percent to 46.5 percent during the same period.
56
4Women in the Japanese Workplace
Furthermore, The 2007 White Paper on Gender Equality released

by the Cabinet Ofce reported that women earned 66.8 percent of mens
wages. Although it was an increase by 8.8 percent from 58 percent in
1997, it was signicantly lower compared to other advanced countries
where women earned over 80 percent of mens wages. The white paper
pointed out that the following two prevalent working patterns of Japanese women were the major reasons for their low wages: a signicant
number of married women in their mid20s to mid30s leave the work
force for childbirth and child care, and the vast majority of married
women in their late 30s to 40s take up low-waged part-time employment when they re-enter the labor force after their children have reached
school age.
As indicated by these statistics, there is a strong correlation between
the age and the type of work that women in Japan engage in: full-time
workers are mostly young, part-time workers are typically middle-aged,
contract workers as well as temporary workers dispatched by employment agencies are young to middle-aged, and most pieceworkers are elderly (Kawashima, 1995; Saso, 1990).
Most women in Japan work full-time until marriage, more than
half of them as OLs (ofce ladies, female ofce workers) performing secondary and domestic functions in the workplace (Iwai, 1990; Nakano,
1984). Besides clerical work, they are responsible for housekeeping such
as tidying up the ofce space and serving tea to visitors and clients as
well as to their male colleagues and supervisors. Since young and single
OLs in the Japanese workplace are traditionally considered ornamental
and disposable owers in the workplace (shokuba no hana), they are
mostly expected to resign by the end of the so-called tekireiki (the period
of marriageable age) that ranges from the mid to late 20s for women.
In fact, there is a prevailing custom called kotobuki taishoku (congratulatory resignations, resignations of female workers because of marriage)
among young and single OLs. Those who do not opt to resign past
tekireiki (the period of marriageable age; from mid to late 20s) are often
under pressure from their supervisors as well as colleagues to do so
(Creighton, 1996; Lo, 1990). Incidentally, there is a term, otsubone (elderly court women, middle-aged female workers), that is commonly used
57
to ridicule middle-aged female ofce workers behind their backs. It is

noteworthy that before the mid1980s when career opportunities available for women were limited, marriage was frequently referred to as
eikyuu shuushoku (permanent employment) for young and single women
who mostly became seng yoo shufu (full-time professional homemakers)
upon marriage.
In Japan, where the number of daycare facilities are limited, and
the idea of baby-sitting is virtually nonexistent, women are expected to
raise their children by themselves with some help from their mothers or
mothers-in-law (Morley, 1999). Because of the difculty in balancing
work and child care, approximately 70 percent of women leave the labor
force at the birth of their rst child (Ikukyuho Kaisei, 2008). When
their children reach school age, many of these women re-enter the labor
force by taking up low-waged part-time employment, typically in manufacturing, sales, and service industries (Kawashima, 1995; Morley, 1999).
The taxation system is one of the main reasons for most married
women in Japan to accept the low wages for part-time workers commonly
called paato (part-timers). A wifes annual earned income of less than
1.03 million yen ($10,300) is tax-exempt, and her husband is also able
to receive the tax deduction for a spouse. If a wifes income goes beyond
this limit, she needs to earn substantially more to compensate for the
increase in tax. Feminist critics argue that this taxation system plays a
major role in keeping women tied to the home (Mackie, 2003; Morley,
1999; K. Tanaka, 1995b). Another reason why married women tend to
accept low wages is because they often consider their earnings as supplementary to the household income. According to the 2006 survey by
the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, women gave the following
reasons for re-entering the work force: to supplement the household
income (62 percent), to improve the standard of living (22 percent), to
enrich personal life (8 percent), and to use leisure time (8 percent).
As mentioned earlier, throughout the mid1980s, women were customarily recruited to ll secondary clerical positions without any
prospects for promotion. In order to improve womens career prospects,
the Equal Employment Opportunity Law (EEOL) (Danjo Koyo Kikai
Kinto Ho) was enacted in 1985. It was intended to provide support for
58
women to enter managerial ranks, and to prohibit discrimination against

women in the workplace. In order to comply with the EEOL, many
companies introduced a two-track system consisting of the managerial
track called soogoo shoku, and the clerical track called ippan shoku. The
managerial track is characterized by the demanding nature of work,
longer hours, frequent transfers, and promotions, while the clerical track
consists of limited responsibility, shorter hours, and no transfers.
Although both tracks are open for women and men, women are
signicantly underrepresented in the managerial track, while the clerical track consists predominantly of women (Mackie, 2003; K. Tanaka,
1995b).
The EEOL has been criticized by women workers and equal rights
activists alike. They argue that it is not intended to make signicant
changes in the prevailing concept of gender-based role division in Japanese society. For instance, this was evidenced by the EEOLs undemanding nature of recommendations to employers in asking them to make
efforts to treat women equally without assessing any penalties on violators (Kawashima, 1995; Kinjo, 1995; Creighton, 1996). In response to
these criticisms, the EEOL was amended in 1997. As a result, penalties
are assessed on violators who discriminate against women, and employers are also required to take necessary measures to prevent sexual harassment. Women labor lawyers in the advocacy of working women were
the driving force behind this amendment to include the provision for
the prevention of sexual harassment, which is commonly called sekuhara
in the Japanese language (Mackie, 2003). Although there remain criticisms, the enactment of the EEOL was an important development in
Japanese labor history by opening the door for women who hoped to
play more active roles in the work force (Sodei, 2006).
The Child-Care Leave Law (Ikuji Kyugyo Ho) enacted in 1991 was
another signicant development that gave incentives for women to remain
in the labor force after childbirth. The law was designed as a countermeasure against the steady decline in the birth rate in recent years. The
dynamic statistics of population by the Ministry of Health, Labor and
Welfare reported that the average number of children that a woman gives
birth to in her lifetime hit a new low of 1.26 in 2005. This prompted
59
the serious public concern that the resultant labor shortage would
adversely affect the existing businesses as well as the Japanese economy
(Gelb, 2003; Mackie, 2003; Sodei, 2006). The signicance of the ChildCare Leave Law lies in the fact that it has made it possible for both
women and men to take parenting leave for the rst time in Japanese
labor history.
The Child-Care Leave Law provides for either the mother or the
father to take a child-care leave for up to a year and a half. If both the
mother and the father take the leave, the duration is shortened to up to
a year. During the leave, the government employment insurance system
provides employees benets equivalent to 50 percent of their wages prior
to the leave. The Child-Care Leave Law was later integrated into the
Child-Care Leave and Family-Care Leave Law (Ikuji Kaigo Kyugyo Ho)
due to another public concern over the rapidly aging Japanese population.
The trend toward fewer children combined with the decline in the
mortality rate because of the advancement in medical care and technology, makes Japan the fastest aging country in the world. The dynamic
statistics of population released by the Ministry of Health, Labor and
Welfare indicated that those over the age of 65 accounted for more than
20 percent of the entire population of Japan in 2006, and is expected to
exceed 26 percent by the year 2015. Due to the tradition of rigid genderbased role division in Japanese society, it is customarily women who take
up the role of caretakers of elderly parents as well as parents-in-law. This
has resulted in additional responsibility for women who are in charge of
household management and child-rearing, among others. Juggling multiple responsibilities has been an enormous challenge faced by women,
particularly those with full-time employment. In order to accommodate
the needs of these women, the Child-Care Leave and Family-Care Leave
Law (Ikuji Kaigo Kyugyo Ho) was introduced in 1999. Under the law,
employees are entitled to take a one-time up to 3-months paid leave per
family member, including parents, parents-in-law, spouses, and children. While on the leave, the government employment insurance system provides employees benets equivalent to 40 percent of their wages
prior to the leave.
60
The Child-Care and Family-Care Leave Law was amended in 2002

with the aim of providing a better environment for parents trying to balance work and child care. To that end, the law makes a recommendation to employers to introduce at least one of the following supportive
measures for employees with children younger than 3 years of age: (1)
shorter working hours, (2) exemption from overtime work, (3) extime,
(4) later starting time or earlier closing time, (5) creating and maintaining child-care facilities, and (6) assistance for child-care costs. While
shorter hours for workers with small children have been gradually
adopted by the private sector, a half day leave for child care is rarely
granted for workers. For instance, based on its survey conducted in 2005
on 4,602 companies with approximately 100 employees, the National Personnel Authority reported that less than half (43.4 percent) of these companies adopted the system of shorter working hours. Out of the
companies adopting the system, a mere 4.2 percent granted the reduction of less than 50 percent of full-time hours, while 24.6 percent granted
the reduction ranging from 50 percent to 75 percent of full-time hours.
In 2007, when the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare conducted a survey of approximately 1,560 full-time workers younger than
40 years of age, the vast majority of them stressed the necessity of shorter
working hours and the exemption from overtime work in order to raise
children older than 18 months, for whom the child-care leave is not
granted by the existing law. Despite these needs of workers with small
children, another survey conducted during the same year by the Ministry indicated that among the major corporations, less than one third
(31 percent) introduced the system of shorter working hours, and even
fewer, 23 percent, provided the exemption from overtime work.
Furthermore, while the Child-Care and Family-Care Leave Law is
progressive by providing for both women and men to take parenting
leave, there is a discriminatory provision that excludes workers married
to full-time homemakers from taking the leave, if there is a labormanagement agreement. This provision has been adopted by 75 percent
of businesses nationwide, which has resulted in an extremely small number of men taking the leave. According to the 2007 report by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, while 30 percent of full-time male
61
workers younger than 40 years of age were interested in taking a childcare leave, only 1.56 percent of them actually did so.
By taking these circumstances into consideration, the Ministry of
Health, Labor and Welfare plans to amend the existing Child-Care and
Family-Care Leave Law in 2009. By doing so, the Ministry and the government aim to raise the percentage of men taking a child-care leave by
over sixfold to 10 percent by 2017, and to reduce the number of responsibilities of women who are traditionally in charge of child care and
homemaking. The following are some of the new provisions to be
included in the amended law. First, employers will be required to provide both the exemption from overtime work and shorter working hours
of approximately 6 hours a day for all the employees with children
younger than 3 years old. The names of the employers who violate the
law will be announced publicly. The duration of a child-care leave taken
by both the mother and the father will also be extended by 2 months,
making it up to 14 months, rather than the 12 months which is provided
by the existing law. In addition, employees who are married to full-time
homemakers will be able to take a child-care leave.
It is often pointed out that the number of Japanese women who
give up employment for homemaking and child care is signicantly
greater compared to other advanced countries. Based on its survey conducted in 2002, the Saitama-ken Center for Promotion of Gender Equality reported that the most signicant factor for women to leave the work
force was the pressure from their husbands and their parents-in-law who
held traditional views on gender-based role division represented by the
commonly used phrase, otoko wa shigoto, onna wa katei (men at work,
women at home).
In 2007, the Cabinet Ofce released the results of the survey estimating that the Japanese labor force would increase by 440,000, and the
economic growth of Japan would be fostered if women would not leave
the labor force because of childbirth, child care, and other reasons. The
survey was conducted by the Mitsubishi General Institute at the request
of the government in order to estimate the effectiveness of shorter working hours and telecommuting that are commonly adopted by high-tech
industries in the private sector. According to the survey, if women had
62
continued to remain in the labor force, either by working shorter hours

or telecommuting, the entire work force in Japan would have increased
from 66.58 million to 67.02 million in 2006.
Furthermore, continued participation of women in the labor force
would save their cumulative knowledge as well as their skills from being
lost, and its overall effect on the economy would be signicantly greater
than replacing these skilled women with new workers who need substantial amounts of training due to their lack of such knowledge and skills.
The survey estimated that the continuous participation of women in the
labor force would contribute to the overall economic growth of the nation
by 0.4 percent between 2006 and 2010. Based on these survey results,
the Cabinet Ofce as well as the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare
stresses the necessity of providing women with a variety of options in
order to facilitate the re-entry process into the labor force following a
child-care leave.
Prospect of Change for Women in

the Japanese Workplace
Considering many urgent issues in Japanese society such as the rapidly aging population, falling birth rate, and declining supply of labor,
critics have predicted that the government would nd it necessary to
take some drastic measures to encourage women to remain in the work
force until retirement (Ozawa, 1994; Morley, 1999). As pointed out in
the quote by Morley (1999) at the beginning of this chapter, a number
of changes have been adopted and implemented by the government as
well as by the private sector in recent years. These changes are aimed at
not only giving incentives to women to remain in the work force and to
advance their careers, but also creating a supportive environment for
both women and men who want to balance work and family. This section presents a series of such positive developments that could certainly
create a new climate in the Japanese workplace.
Since All Nippon Airways (ANA) opened its door to women pilots
for the rst time in 2003, eight women co-pilots have been hired. Sim63
ilarly, nine women co-pilots have been hired in recent years by Japan
Airlines ( JAL). While JAL and ANA are the two major airline companies in Japan, women represent less than 1 percent of the entire number
of pilots, and there has been much delay in accommodating the needs
of women. For instance, both JAL and ANA have continued to supply
women pilots with oversized uniforms made for their male colleagues,
despite complaints from women who have to make necessary adjustments on their own, such as shortening the jacket and the tie. In the
spring of 2008, 5 years after the rst hire of women pilots in the companys history, ANA launched a project to design uniforms for women
pilots based on their specic requests and needs. ANA ofcials anticipated that the new stylish uniforms would help to ease the overall shortage of pilots by giving an incentive for women to apply for the position
(Watashitachino, 2008).
Underrepresentation of Japanese women, particularly in the
management-level positions, has been evidenced by a number of statistics. According to The 2006 Global Gender Gap Report released by the
World Economic Forum, Japan ranked 79th among 115 countries surveyed in regard to the percentage of women holding inuential positions
in the workplace. Similarly, in The Report on Human Development
released in 2006 by the United Nations Development Plan (UNDP), Japan
ranked 42nd among 75 countries in terms of the advancement of women.
The ranking was based on the gender empowerment index to measure
the degree of advancement of women in the political arena and economic
activity. The index was calculated by combining multiple factors including the percentages of women as assembly members and representatives,
in corporate managerial positions, and medical and legal positions, as
well as other professions. Incidentally, Norway, Sweden, Iceland, and
Denmark were ranked as the top 4 among the top 10 countries on the
list, followed by Canada and the United States. Furthermore, The 2007
White Paper on Gender Equality by the Cabinet Ofce indicated that
regarding the percentage of women in managerial positions in the private sectors of Asian countries, Japan ranked the second from the lowest at 10.1 percent, followed by Korea at 7.8 percent, while the Philippines
ranked the rst at 57 percent, followed by Singapore at 25.9 percent.
64
In order to increase the presence of women in management-level

positions, the Japanese government and many companies in the private
sector have continued to introduce various measures. For instance, a
major conglomerate, Ito Chu Shoji, has revealed their new policy for
increasing the number of women being hired on the managerial track.
Compared to other industries, women are signicantly underrepresented
in industrial conglomerates called soogoo shoosha, commonly known for
their elitist image of the shoosha man (businessman working for conglomerates) who travels globally.
Ito Chu Shoji set the target to increase the number of women being
hired on the managerial track from 20 percent in the past to 30 percent
in 2008, and to place the women hired on the managerial track in all its
entire departments to a total of about 100. Furthermore, it plans to double the number of women in management-level positions by 2013; as of
2006, there were only 11 women section chiefs. Ito Chu Shoji also aims
to promote women to department heads in its headquarters for the rst
time in its company history. In 2007, fewer than 5 percent of the total
employees on the managerial track were women, who were assigned to
60 percent of the departments that were mostly dealing with textiles and
foodstuffs. According to its public relations department, Ito Chu Shoji
has decided to implement this major change in personnel matters based
on the realization that its age-old practice of relying heavily on male
employees would result in difculty in securing necessary employees to
maintain the work force in the future, due to the declining birth rate in
recent years (Ito Chu, 2007).
A number of non-prot organizations have also been established to
support women who seek career advancement in the private sector. The
Japan Womens Innovative Network ( J-Win) is one such organization
launched in 2007 by the joint effort of approximately 70 major corporations including Sony and Japan IBM. Its aim is to raise the awareness
of male managers and executives of the member corporations about the
importance and necessity of promoting women to managerial positions
in order to increase Japans industrial competitiveness in the global market. To that end, J-Win offers a number of workshops and seminars on
a regular basis for male managers and executives to teach them the know65
how as well as the strategies of the private sectors in the United States
and in Europe, where an increasing number of women are promoted to
managerial positions. Furthermore, J-Win actively assists women on the
managerial track in networking with women executives in various industries. It also plans to set up an employment agency specically for women
executives. The rst chief director of J-Win, Uchinaga Yukako, who was
a member of the executive board at Japan IBM until her mandatory
retirement at the age of 60, expects J-Win to play a pioneering role in
changing the prevailing male-oriented structure and mentality of the
private sector in Japan (Nihon IBM, 2007).
Similarly, the Japanese government adopted measures to accelerate
the rate of womens participation in society in 2008. One of the objectives is to increase the number of women at the management level by as
much as 30 percent, both in the public and the private sectors, by the
year 2020. As of 2007, women represented merely 1.7 percent of all the
executive ofcers in public services, and the government measures have
set the goal of tripling their numbers to 5 percent or more by the end
of 2010. Furthermore, particular efforts are going to be made from 2008
to 2010 to increase the number of women in the occupations where
women are traditionally underrepresented: in 2007, women accounted
for 12.4 percent of researchers and 17.2 percent of medical doctors. In
order to achieve these goals, the measures aim to shorten the working
hours, implement more extime systems, and expand the support system for women who re-enter the work force after taking maternity and
child-care leaves. Some critics question the actual effectiveness of these
measures by pointing out the fact that there is no specic numerical target set for the realization of these goals, except for the target number of
women ofcers in public services. Nevertheless, it is a welcome development that such measures addressing the issue of underrepresentation
of women in the Japanese workplace have been adopted by the government.
In order to cope with the declining birth rate by giving employees
incentives to have more children, an increasing number of local governments and companies in the private sector have launched programs to
offer a large sum of congratulatory money to employees at the birth of
66
their third child. For instance, the headquarters of Yamato Shoken

Group, one of the major stock brokerage rms, started a program in
2007 offering 2 million yen ($20,000) per employee. While the rm has
been offering 550,000 yen ($5,500) to employees at the birth of their
children, the sum has been raised in consideration of the additional nancial burden on households with more than three children. Both female
and male employees are eligible for the congratulatory money, and the
rm expects that approximately 20 employees per year are going to receive
the sum. According to the rms personnel department, the program is
specically designed to aid a large number of female employees in the
sales department who plan to take a maternity leave.
Similarly, Softbank, a conglomerate in multimedia, telecommunication, and nance, has also introduced a program that offers its employees 1 million yen ($10,000) for the third child, 3 million yen ($30,000)
for the fourth, 5 million yen ($50,000) for the fth, and each subsequent child thereafter. The 2006 survey conducted by the Institute of
Labor Administration indicated that out of 213 companies in the private
sector who responded to the survey, over 80 percent of them offered congratulatory money to their employees at the birth of their children; however, the average amount was around 20,000 yen ($200) per employee
(Kigyoo Ni, 2007).
Women who try to balance full-time employment with homemaking and child care face a number of obstacles in the workplace as well as
at home. In order to assist women who are married with young children, and to accommodate their needs, an increasing number of policies and programs have been implemented by the government as well as
by the private sector in recent years. For instance, the Ministry of Health,
Labor and Welfare launched a program in 2008 offering grants to hospitals providing a supportive environment for women doctors who plan
to return to their practices after taking a child-care leave. A total of 2.3
billion yen ($23 million) was initially allocated for this program and
other measures to assist women doctors. It accounted for approximately
15 percent of the Ministrys 2008 scal year budget of 16 billion yen
($160 million) allocated for the plan to solve the nationwide shortage of
medical doctors.
67
According to the Ministry, there has been a severe shortage of doctors in obstetrics/gynecology and pediatrics that are represented by a
large number of women. In 2007, women in their 20s consisted of over
66 percent of obstetricians/gynecologists, and 50 percent of pediatricians.
The main reason for the current shortage lies in the fact that a large
number of women are unable to return to practice after childbirth and
child care, due to their insufcient knowledge of up-to-date medicine
and technology. Furthermore, long and irregular hours as well as an
inadequate number of child-care facilities discourage women from continuing their practices. The grants are offered to hospitals to subsidize
the cost of various re-entry orientations and workshops, and training programs for women doctors who plan to return to practice. Along with the
grants, more child-care facilities are going to be provided inside the hospitals, and additional coordinators are going to be hired at Women
Doctors Bank. The bank is delegated to the Japan Medical Society by
the Ministry, aiming to offer various services and assistance to support
women doctors who plan to resume their practices. Coordinators at the
bank not only offer telephone consultations to those in need, but also
act as agents for women doctors by searching for positions that meet
their needs.
In the private sector, Kirin Beer Company introduced a new system in 2007 to rehire former female employees who voluntarily resigned
because of such reasons as childbirth and transfer of their spouses. The
company initially hires them back as contract workers with the possibility of offering them full-time positions at a later time, based on their
performance. This system is also designed to increase the competitiveness of the company by securing a large pool of competent workers with
extensive experience and expertise in sales and other areas. Those who
wish to be rehired are required to register prior to voluntary resignation,
and the company hires them back within 3 to 5 years. The salary is negotiable, and is based on the workers experience prior to resignation as well
as the workers performance after being rehired.
The company has also adopted a system for women on the managerial track to spare them from being transferred for up to 10 years after
marriage and childbirth. Kirin Beer Company has been making a specic
68
effort to provide opportunities for continuous employment for approximately 1,200 women, who consist of roughly 20 percent of all employees. Typically, more than half of the women who have been with the
company for over 5 years resign, mostly because of childbirth and transfer of their spouses (Kekkon Shussan, 2007).
Furthermore, another major development took place in 2007, when
Mitsui Bussan, one of the major conglomerates in Japan, revised its childcare leave policy by granting male employees an 8-week paid leave for
the rst time in the company history. This was an unprecedented childcare leave policy among major corporations in Japan, and a drastic departure from the average of 2-week paid leave granted to male workers at
other companies supportive of such a system. In the past, female employees at Mitsui Bussan were granted a 16-week paid maternity leave, while
male employees married to full-time homemakers were not granted any
leave at all, and those who had spouses with employment were only
granted an unpaid leave.
This policy change was implemented based on a survey of male
employees at Mitsui Bussan in regard to a paid child-care leave. According to the survey, out of 60 percent of male employees who showed interest in taking a leave, 17 percent expressed a strong desire to do so.
Moreover, the younger the employees, the more interest they showed in
taking a leave: 82 percent in their 20s compared to 68 percent in their
30s. However, the remaining 43 percent of male employees who showed
interest in a leave stated various reasons that could prevent them from
doing so. Nearly 80 percent of the reasons pertained to the difculty in
obtaining an understanding from their colleagues and supervisors, 10
percent regarding the potential adverse effect on their promotions, and
10 percent on possible negative reactions from their clients. This change
in the child-care leave policy was proposed by Mitsui Bussans Ofce for
Promoting Diversity that was launched to encourage employees to lead
a well-balanced lifestyle between work and family. The personnel department of the company was hopeful that this new child-care leave policy
would lead to a change in the Japanese corporate mentality, which customarily has given top priority to work over everything else (Mitsui Bussan, 2007).
69
Another encouraging development was reported by the Institute of

Labor Administration, a private research institute in Tokyo, which conducted a survey on child-care leave policies of 240 major corporations
in 2007. While the Child-Care and Family-Care Leave Law provides for
either the mother or the father to take a child-care leave for up to a year
and a half, the number of corporations allowing their employees to take
a longer leave than provided by the law more than doubled in 3 years
from 11 percent in 2004 to 26.3 percent in 2007 (Issai Han, 2007).
Although gender-based role division is a longstanding tradition in
Japanese society, a survey by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare
indicates that the active participation by husbands in child-rearing not
only increases the percentage of their wives continued participation in
the labor force after the birth of the rst child, but also has a signicant
inuence on the couples decision to have more children. The survey was
conducted annually between 2002 and 2008 using the sample of 18,000
married women and men who were between 20 and 34 years of age.
According to the survey results, among the couples with one child,
the husbands participation in household work and child care on his day
off was the decisive factor for the couple to have a second child. The
percentages of couples who had a second child and the amount of the
husbands participation in household work on his day off are shown in
the following: 20.5 percent for no participation, 51.2 percent for 2 to 4
hours of participation, 56.3 percent for 4 to 6 hours of participation,
and 63.8 percent for 6 to 8 hours of participation. It is noteworthy that
the most active participation in household work by the husband more
than tripled the birth rate of the second child, and even a few hours of
the husbands participation more than doubled the rate. The survey also
reported that the availability of a child-care leave at the wifes workplace
was another contributing factor in the birth rate: the second child was
born to 45.4 percent of women who were able to take a child-care leave,
compared to 28 percent of women who were not.
Despite the enormous societal pressure to conform since childhood,
an increasing number of women in Japan defy the prevalent work pattern for women to leave the labor force for child care and homemaking.
For instance, those with higher education are more likely to continue
70
their full-time employment not only after marriage and childbirth, but
also until retirement. At the same time, support networks for women
who intend to balance work with family have been expanding. Morley
(1999) made a prediction that Aided by national necessity, those women
who wish to combine employment with homemaking may nd it easier
in years to come (p. 88). It is fair to conclude that nearly a decade later,
her prediction is on its way to becoming a reality.
71
5
Feminism in Japan
The day when the mountains move has come.
I say this, but no one would believe me.
The mountains have been asleep for so long.
But long ago they all moved fervently with re.
You do not have to believe me,
As long as you believe this:
Women who have been asleep are awake and moving now
[Yosano, 1911, pp. 12].
Historical Overview
Two poems appeared in the rst issue of Seito (Bluestocking), the
feminist literary journal launched in 1911, which had immeasurable
inuence on feminism in Japan. One is this poem by Yosano Akiko
(18781942), a feminist poet and author; another poem is by Hiratsuka
Raicho (18861971), and was presented earlier at the beginning of Chapter 1. Hiratsuka was the founder of Seito and was one of the most wellknown feminist pioneers in Japan. Both the Seitosha (the Bluestocking
Society), the feminist literary organization, and its journal, Seito, made
signicant contributions to the overall liberation of women as well as the
emergence of the Japanese New Women (atarashii onna), who would
defy old norms and expectations (Lowy, 2007). In this section, a historical overview on feminism in Japan is presented, dating back to the Meiji
period (18681912) when the rst wave of feminism began.
The national seclusion that lasted over 200 years under the ruling
of Tokugawa shogunate in the Edo period (16031867) ended with the
Meiji Restoration, which brought about major social, political, and economic changes. The new government was established in 1868, and Japan
underwent a transformation from feudalism to capitalism as a modern
state under the slogan called fukoku kyoohei (enriching the nation and
72
5 Feminism in Japan
strengthening the military). During the early Meiji period (18681912),

the United States and Western Europe served as a model for Japan, and
a number of political movements took place as a result. The Jiyu Minken
Undo (The Liberal Peoples Rights Movement), which began in the
mid1870s and continued through the 1880s, was the most well-known
such movement, calling for the establishment of the peoples rights, the
constitutional government, and Japans national assembly called the Diet,
among other things (Kaneko, 1995).
Kishida Toshiko (18631901), also known as Nakajima Shoen, and
Kageyama (later Fukuda) Hideko (18651927) were among the several
leading women who joined this nationwide political cause. In 1882,
Kishida became the rst woman to address the public on equal rights for
women as well as on peoples rights, and she inspired many women to
join the movement. Similarly, Kishidas work in 1884 entitled, Doho Shimai ni Tsugu (I Tell You, My Fellow Sisters) that appeared in the Liberal
Partys newspaper called Jiyu no Tomoshibi (The Light of Freedom), was
the rst series of articles on womens rights written by a woman. One of
the women who followed Kishida as an advocate of peoples rights and
womens rights was Kageyama, who later became a socialist. Both Kishida
and Kageyama are known as the pioneers of the womens movement in
Japan. The Jiyu Minken Undo (The Liberal Peoples Rights Movement),
however, was suppressed by the government by the 1890s, and subsequently, womens political rights, including their participation in political causes, were denied altogether (Fujieda, 1995; Kaneko, 1995).
During the Meiji period (18681912), the Christian womens groups
in Japan were also very active in protesting against child prostitution.
Girls in their early teens, mainly those of farmers, were often sold into
prostitution by their parents who were in debt. Despite a series of
protests, the Christian womens groups failed to attract the attention of
politicians and gain inuence on them because the right to vote was not
granted to women. These protests against child prostitution that ended
in failure were one of many incidents that led to a campaign for womens
suffrage (Aoki, 1986).
In the Taisho period (19121926), a number of organizations were
established and made concerted endeavors to call for womens suffrage.
73
The Shin Fujin Kyokai (The New Womens Association) was the rst
such organization in Japan that demanded political freedom for women.
Launched in 1920 by Ichikawa Fusae (18931981) and Hiratsuka Raicho
(18861971), its members consisted of over 400 women nationwide.
Later, in 1924, Ichikawa, together with other suffragists, founded the
Fujin Sanseiken Kakutoku Kisei Domeikai (the League for the Realization of Womens Suffrage) in Tokyo, whose members exceeded 1,700 in
the early 1930s. In 1927, the League and the Zen Kansai Fujin Rengokai
(the All-Kansai Federation of Women), located in the western part of
Japan, sent the House of Representatives a total of 56,000 signatures
they collected for a petition, and the government was ready to grant
women suffrage at the local level. However, the increasing presence of
militarism since the Manchurian Incident in 1931, and the subsequent
government policy to suppress political movement prevented it from
materializing (Kaneko, 1995).
During the early 1940s, the womens movement was mostly prohibited, except for patriotic campaigning in collaboration with the nations
war effort. Womens groups were consolidated into the Dai Nippon
Fujinkai (the Great Japan Womens Organization) that was organized by
the government and the military under the war slogan called kokumin
seishin sodoin taisei (the system for a general mobilization of the national
spirit). Leaders of womens groups had false expectations that their cooperation with the government and the military would raise the status of
women in society, which had seen little progress since the beginning of
the rst wave of feminism in the Meiji period (18681912) (Fujieda, 1995;
Kaneko, 1995).
Womens suffrage nally materialized shortly after World War II,
when the Electoral Law was reformed in 1945. The rst postwar national
general election for the House of Representatives was held in the following year, and 67 percent of approximately 20 million women who were
eligible cast their votes for the rst time in Japanese history. In addition,
a total of 79 women candidates ran for seats, and 39, nearly half of them,
were elected. On May 3, 1947, the new Constitution became effective,
and its Article 14 guarantees equal rights for women and men under the
law. Furthermore, under the revised Civil Code issued in the same year,
74
5 Feminism in Japan
the patriarchal ie (family, household) system was abolished, and legal

equality in marriage and the family was granted to women (Kaneko,
1995; Mackie, 2003). Regarding the progress in the status of women following World War II, the male-dominated Japanese media made a frequent reference that the democratization of the preWorld War II
patriarchal social system, and the proven durability of nylon over silk,
made women and nylon stockings the two most empowered objects in
postwar Japanese society.
During the late 1940s and the early 1950s, two leading womens organizations were established. One is the Shufu Rengokai (the Federation of
Homemakers), also known as Shufuren. Launched in 1948, Shufuren aims
to reect homemakers perspectives in politics and consumer economics,
and has become an inuential lobby group for consumer safety. Another
is Zenkoku Chiiki Fujin Dantai Renraku Kyogikai (the National Liaison
Council of Regional Womens Organizations), commonly known as Chifuren, which was founded in 1952. With its membership of approximately
5 million and 50 womens organizations nationwide, Chifuren has been
actively engaged in a wide range of political and social causes including
equal rights for women, clean elections without corrupt practices, nuclear
disarmament, and consumer protection, among others (Gelb, 2003).
In the 1960s, when an increasing number of women began to enter
the labor force, the womens movement retreated to the goal simply of
promoting the full utilization of each womans ability in the workplace
(T. Inoue, 1981, p. 179). As a result, the movement failed to address various complex issues surrounding women that were brought about both
by rapid economic growth and social change in the 1960s. In addition,
while many women activists joined the New Left movement and participated in student activism during this period, they were disappointed
with the discriminatory treatment that they frequently received. Their
disappointment, in turn, motivated these women to start a movement
by and for women (Fujimura-Fanselow, 1995b; K. Tanaka, 1995a).
The second wave of feminism in Japan began in the early 1970s. It
resulted from the failures in the womens movement in the 1960s, as well
as the prevailing gender inequality and discrimination that women
continued to experience in postwar democratized Japanese society
75
(Fujimura-Fanselow, 1995b; K. Tanaka, 1995a). The aim of the second

wave of feminism was to transform the entire cultural outlook from
the standpoint of the oppressed segments of society through the
consciousness-raising of women (K. Tanaka, 1995a, p. 346). However,
the feminist movement was viewed rather unfavorably, and was mostly
ignored by the general public and the government alike (Fujieda, 1995).
The male-dominated media was particularly harsh and critical of the
feminist movement, treating it as no more than a spree by some crazy
young women (Morley, 1999, p. 77).
In the mid1970s, the feminist movement changed its character
from one that was targeted at bringing about changes in womens consciousness to one seeking visible changes in social institutions (K.
Tanaka, 1995a, p. 345). Furthermore, the feminist movement was legitimatized to some extent in 1975, which was designated as the United
Nations International Year for Women. In November of that year, the
Conference on Womens Problems for the International Year for Women
was held in Tokyo under the sponsorship of the Japanese government.
These developments that took place in the mid1970s managed to attract
media and public attention to a number of womens issues for the rst
time in Japanese history (Y. Sato, 1979; K. Tanaka, 1995a).
During the United Nations International Decade for Women
(19761985), a number of womens centers were launched both at the
national and local levels. In addition to offering resource materials and
information for women, these multipurpose centers provide venues for
various workshops, seminars, and training as well as meetings and activities of womens groups. For instance, the Kokuritsu Josei Kyoiku Kaikan
(the National Womens Education Center) founded by the government
has been holding an annual seminar on womens studies since 1980. Similarly, many centers established by local governments, including the Josei
Sogo Senta (the General Center for Women) in Kanagawa located southwest of Tokyo, have continued to make signicant contributions to promote the participation of women in society (Fujieda & FujimuraFanselow, 1995; Mackie, 2003).
Throughout the 1980s, a number of womens groups and associations were organized nationwide around diverse issues surrounding
76
5 Feminism in Japan
women, including domestic violence, sexism in the mass media, discriminatory treatment of women in the workplace, sexual harassment,
and child care (K. Tanaka, 1995a). Since the mid1980s more women
have begun to make inroads into politics, and there has been a steady
increase in the number of women candidates being elected to ofce at
local as well as national levels. It is noteworthy that women in general
have distanced themselves from the established male-dominated conservative parties such as the Liberal Democratic Party, and have associated
themselves with small newly formed parties (Y. Sato, 1995; K. Tanaka,
1995a). The media declared that onna no jidai, the era of women, had
dawned in 1990, when the Socialist Party led by its rst female leader,
Doi Takako, won a landslide victory in the national elections in the summer of 1989, ending the monopoly of the Liberal Democratic Party for
over 30 years. Doi, a former law professor, was not only the rst female
leader of the Socialist Party in its over 40-year history, but also the very
rst female party leader in the history of Japanese politics.
Despite these advances, the number of women in Japanese politics
remains rather small in comparison to other countries. According to The
2007 White Paper on Gender Equality issued by the Japanese government, the number of congresswomen in Japan was the second from the
lowest among the 12 countries surveyed. While the percentage of congresswomen was the highest in Sweden (47.3 percent), followed by Norway (37.9 percent) and Germany (31.6 percent), Japan ranked 11th (9.4
percent) followed by Malaysia (8.9 percent). As for the percentage of
women government ofcials, among the 10 countries where the relevant
data was available, Japan ranked the lowest at 20 percent, compared to
9 other countries whose percentages ranged from 34 percent to 56 percent. Similarly, in regard to the number of high-ranking women ofcials,
Japan ranked the lowest at 1.8 percent, while Singapore ranked the highest at 62 percent.
Although women are underrepresented in Japanese politics, they
nevertheless have been making signicant progress, particularly since the
mid1980s, as can be seen by the following statistics released by the Cabinet Ofce. In 2008, women accounted for 9.4 percent in the House of
Representatives, a number that had increased nearly seven times from a
77
mere 1.4 percent in 1986. Similarly, women accounted for 18.2 percent
in the House of Councilors in 2008 more than double the 8.7 percent
in 1986. Women assembly members of 17 ordinance-designated major
cities have also increased by over 50 percent from 11 percent in 1998 to
17.2 percent in 2007.
One of the signicant developments in the 1990s was the adoption
of the Policy toward Cooperative Participation of Men and Women (the
Danjo Kyodo Sankaku Seisaku) by the Japanese government. In 1990,
the Prime Ministers Ofce (the Cabinet Ofce since 2001) issued a report
titled Japanese Women Today, which states, Specically, Japan must eliminate persistent, stereotyped concepts based on traditional sex roles, and
provide a climate conducive to womens full participation in society
(K. Hara, 1995, p. 153).
Subsequently, the Law for Cooperative Participation of Men and
Women in Society, also known as the Basic Law for a Gender-equal Society, passed in 1999. Its Article 3 reads in part that the formation of a
gender-equal society shall be promoted based on respect for the human
rights of men and women, including: no gender-based discriminatory
treatment of men or women, and the securing of opportunities for men
and women to exercise their abilities as individuals (Endo, 2004, p.
180). The stipulation of the adoption of a positive action policy for the
formation of a gender-equal society and no gender-based discriminatory treatment by the Law was not only unprecedented in Japanese history, but was also considered a major landmark in the womens movement
in Japan.
The passage of the Law resulted in the strengthening of the Council for Gender Equality (the Danjo Kyodo Sankaku Kaigi) as an advisory council for the Cabinet Ofce to promote policy on gender equality.
Launched in 2001, the Council consists of 12 cabinet ministers as well
as 12 experts including members of womens organizations, and is chaired
by the Chief Cabinet Secretary. It is noteworthy that the term danjo
kyodo sankaku (cooperative participation of men and women, gender
equality) was used ofcially for the rst time by the Japanese government in the 1990s (Gelb, 2003).
78
5 Feminism in Japan
Pending Issues and New Directions

The term feminisuto (feminist) has the following two denitions in
the Japanese language: one refers to a chivalrous man who treats women
with courtesy, as well as a man who has a soft spot for women; another
refers to a person who advocates womens liberation as well as equal rights
for women. The former, a chivalrous man, is the original denition for
feminisuto in the Japanese language, and the latter, an equivalent to the
English denition, has been a new addition since the 1970s, when the
second wave of feminism began in Japan. Although the latter, an equivalent to feminist in English, has been steadily gaining public recognition in recent years, there remains some confusion about the term
feminisuto among Japanese people, particularly those of the older generation. In fact, the vast majority of the Japanese language dictionaries
continue to list two denitions for the term. In addition, the English
terms such as uuman ribu (womens liberation) and feminizumu (feminism) started to make entry into Japanese language and society in the
1970s. For instance, the term, uuman ribu was one of the buzzwords of
1970 ( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008). Similar to the term feminisuto, some dictionaries also list the following two denitions for feminizumu: one is an
equivalent to feminism in English, and the other is ones principle to
have respect for women (Kitahara & Taishukan, 20022008).
Since the 1990s, various publications on the Japanese womens movement have shown a marked tendency to trace the origins of the second
wave of feminism in Japan to the Womens Liberation Movement in the
United States (Buckley, 1997). In regard to this recent tendency, many
Japanese feminists argue that the second wave of Japanese feminism had
its distinct origins in Japan, and happened independently of the American Womens Liberation Movement that took place during the same
period. They also point out that Japans rst exposure to American feminism in the late 1960s and 1970s was through the mass media focusing
on such extreme incidents as bra-burning ceremonies and protests at
beauty pageants. The male-dominated Japanese media not only negatively and pejoratively portrayed American feminists as eccentrics, but
also set forth the constant criticism that the so-called uuman ribu
79
(womens liberation) movement in Japan was simply copying American

feminism. As a result, Japanese feminists were concerned about their
portrayals in the media, and were cautious not to identify themselves
with their American counterparts (Aoki, 1997; K. Tanaka, 1995a).
This issue of identity is particular not only to Japanese feminists,
but also to feminists in Asia. As Ueno (1997) asserts, the vast majority
of Asian feminists are faced with the dilemma of locating a female identity and a feminist movement in relation to questions of national and
cultural identity (p. 297). Ueno (1997) further explains that feminism
in Asia is often considered and criticized as a Western import; therefore, Asian feminists are under constant pressure to separate themselves
from their Western counterparts and dene themselves independently in
order to establish a distinctly indigenous feminist identity.
A number of comparative studies of Western and Japanese feminist
models have also been conducted, the majority of which conclude that
Western feminist models are not applicable to Japanese counterparts.
For instance, Martinez (1987) claims that the problem in Japan is not
liberation in the Western sense, but reestablishing an identity outside
the household which has value in a Japanese context (p. 84).
There is no doubt that women have made considerable progress in
Japanese society, particularly since the end of World War II. However,
there remain a number of issues surrounding women that need to be
resolved. The following are some of the major issues discussed earlier in
Chapter 2: the 750th article of the current Civil Code requiring a married couple to choose the same surname, and the mandatory family registration system called koseki seido that supports the article. This
mandatory family registration system, which played a vital role in the
preWorld War II patriarchal ie system by recording detailed personal
information for each family member, remains in present-day Japan, and
has been criticized for the violation of privacy. In the following section,
another major issue regarding single mother families is discussed.
A single mother family is called boshi katei (mother and child family) in the Japanese language. It has a negative and discriminatory undertone, which can also be seen in its English translation, fatherless family,
found in many Japanese-English dictionaries. Single mother families face
80
5 Feminism in Japan
a number of obstacles and discriminations socially as well as nancially.

For instance, the 2002 amendment in the Child-Care Allowance Law
that took effect in 2008 adversely affected the nances of the majority
of single mother families. The monthly child-care allowance for single
mother families in 2008 varied from 9,850 yen ($98.50) to 41,720 yen
($417.20) per child depending on the household income. However, the
amended law reduced the amount of the child-care allowance by 50 percent for households with annual incomes over 1.3 million yen ($13,000)
that had received the allowance for over 5 consecutive years since a child
became 3 years old. The survey conducted in 2006 by the Ministry of
Health, Labor and Welfare on 1,500 single mother families nationwide
reported that the average annual household income of single mother
families in that year was 2.13 million yen ($21,300). It was 37.8 percent,
slightly over one third of the average annual household income in Japan;
nevertheless, the amended law does not exempt single mother families
from the cut in child-care allowance if they meet the above-mentioned
criteria. The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare estimated that this
amendment would save over 10 billion yen ($100 million) in tax money
(Boshi Katei, 2007).
In another survey conducted in 2008 by Ashinaga Ikueikai, a private charitable organization, 83 percent of 1,000 single mothers who
took part in the survey responded that the recession combined with the
soaring consumer prices worsened their overall family nances. The average monthly income of these mothers was around 120,000 yen ($1,200)
after taxes, a decrease by 10,600 yen ($106) compared to 2002. The survey also indicated that a mere 4 percent of single mother families were
on welfare, while a much larger number of them were fully eligible for
it. The survey ascribed this low percentage to the prevalent discrimination against single mother families. In fact, a number of single mothers
reported the discriminatory treatment that they routinely received,
including social workers offensive, contemptuous, and hurtful remarks
as well as the cold and condescending attitudes of the staff members of
welfare agencies (Bukka Daka, 2008).
Following the ratication of the United Nations Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
81
in 1985, the Japanese government has begun to take more serious measures to eliminate discrimination against women (Kinjo, 1995). However,
as briey mentioned in Chapters 1 and 6, a number of blatantly insensitive and discriminatory remarks about women are frequently made by
men who hold high-ranking and inuential positions in the Japanese government and politics. The majority of these sexist remarks in recent years
have been made in regard to the fertility of women because of the steady
decline in the birth rate, which hit the record low of 1.26 per woman in
2005.
For instance, in 2007, in his speech at a local assembly, Yanagisawa
Hakuo, the Minister of Health, Labor, and Welfare, referred to women
between the ages 15 and 50 as child-bearing machines (kodomo o umu
kikai) who had to make an earnest effort to reproduce (Josei Wa,
2007). Yanagisawas remark about women mirrors a similar one by
Napoleon Bonaparte (17691821) who stated, Women are nothing but
machines for producing children (What Men, 2009). Similarly, earlier in the same year, Kan Naoto, the former Minister of Health and the
acting leader of the Democratic Party of Japan, equated womens fertility with productivity (seisansei). Kan received counter criticism for this
wording, when he criticized the remarks by his predecessor, Yanagisawa
(Seisansei Hatsugen, 2007). Earlier in 2003, former Prime Minister
Mori Yoshiro commented that women who did not bear and raise children should not be entitled to receive pensions from the government,
since social security ought to be acknowledged as a token of appreciation from the government to women who gave birth to children and
raised them (Faiola, 2004).
Ishihara Shintaro, the Governor of Tokyo, who is known for his controversial remarks, made headlines with his notorious so-called babaa
hatsugen (remarks on babaa, derogatory term for middle-aged and elderly women) in 2001. The following is the summary of his comment:
The worst and the most harmful creatures that civilization has brought
about are babaa (derogatory term for middle-aged and elderly women).
It is a waste and a sin for women without reproductive capability to live
on. Men can reproduce even in their 80s and 90s, while women are not
able to do so after menopause. And for these women to live long has an
82
5 Feminism in Japan
extremely harmful effect on the earth (Shukan Josei, 2001). Although

Ishihara insisted that he simply quoted Matsui Takafumi, a retired professor of geophysics at prestigious Tokyo University, Matsui denied ever
making such a statement (Shizen to Ningen, 2003). The Japan Federation of Lawyers in its warning statement issued to Ishihara in 2003, also
concluded that the derogatory comment was his own. Incidentally, Ishihara, who never apologized for his remark, was one of the adamant
defenders of Yanagisawa, mentioned earlier, who called women childbearing machines.
In 1985, Miura Shumon, the then head of the Agency for Cultural
Affairs, made the following statement at the Education Committee meeting held during the 102nd session of the Diet, the national assembly in
Japan: While it is the most shameful for men to rape women, it is also
shameful for men to be incapable of doing so. Later, Miura claimed
that his statement was meant as a joke (Buckley, 1997). Furthermore,
Sasagawa Takashi, the Secretary-General of the Liberal Democratic Party,
is known for discriminatory comments he continues to make about
women. In 2008, he stated that the US Government bailout plan was
rejected because the speaker of the House of Representatives, Nancy
Pelosi, was a woman (Obuchi-shi Kodomo, 2008). Similarly, in the
following year, Sasagawa concluded his congratulatory speech for a newly
appointed woman mayor in the western part of Japan by commenting
that women in politics were generally lacking in elegance and renement
(Josei Giin, 2009). It should be noted that none of these men were
forced to resign from their positions for their remarks, despite repeated
protests by womens groups and feminist activists.
While a number of obstacles and challenges remain in Japanese
society, women have continued to make steady progress in various spheres
of life. This chapter concludes by presenting some of the signicant
accomplishments of Japanese women in recent years that also received
much attention by the news media. In 2007, two women were appointed
as new members of the Akutagawa literary award selection committee
by the Japan Literature Organization. The Akutagawa literary award is
one of the most prestigious awards given to up-and-coming authors, and
is considered the gateway to literary circles in Japan. Its selection com83
mittee members were all male until 1987, when two women were
appointed for the rst time. The two newly appointed women are both
highly-regarded best-selling authors, and recipients of numerous literary awards. With this latest addition, a total of four nearly half of nine
committee members are women, which is the largest number ever in
the history of the Akutagawa literary award (Akutagawasho Senko,
2007).
In the eld of science, two women have become astronauts since
the 1990s. Mukai Chiaki, a medical doctor, was the rst Japanese woman
to be on board Space Shuttle Columbia in 1994, and Discovery in 1998.
Yamazaki Naoko, an aeronautical engineer and mother of a young daughter, is expected to follow in Mukais footsteps to be on board Atlantis in
2010. Moreover, in the eld of medicine, traditionally dominated by
men, two out of three obstetricians/gynecologists in their 20s, and one
out of two pediatricians in their 20s are now women (Josei Ishi, 2007).
The number of women has also continued to increase at a steady
pace in the eld of law. In 2008, women accounted for 17.2 percent of
public prosecutors, 15.4 percent of judges, and 14.4 percent of attorneys.
Since 1995, the increase is the largest among women public prosecutors
whose numbers have more than tripled, while the numbers of women
judges and attorneys have nearly doubled. These women are highly motivated, and continue to hold their positions after taking maternity and
child-care leaves (Josei Kenji, 2009). This is in clear contrast to the
prevailing working pattern among Japanese women to leave the labor
force for marriage, childbirth, and child care, which is explained in Chapter 4.
Women like these are true trailblazers who deserve recognition and
respect. At the same time, the extensive media attention regarding women
who defy traditions and gender stereotypes is a clear indication that the
issue of gender inequality remains largely unresolved in Japanese society. The day when such women will no longer receive a great deal of
attention by the media is much anticipated.
84
PART II
Representation of Women
in the Japanese Language
6
Survey: Voices from
Japanese Women
Vocabulary of a language is something like an index of the culture in
which the language is used. The vocabulary that composes the structure of Japanese reects the features of speech acts or mentality of the
Japanese people, and the institution or the order of Japanese society
[Haga, 1982, p. 83].
Method
Qualitative research is designed to understand various phenomena
in their natural settings (Denzin and Lincoln, 1994). Being qualitative
in nature, this research project aims to provide in-depth and detailed
descriptions of Japanese womens perceptions of gender bias in language
from a phenomenological perspective. Phenomenology seeks the perceptions of the individual as well as the meaning of a phenomenon or
an experience in order to understand and describe an event from the
participants point of view. One of the distinctive features of phenomenology is placing subjective experience at the center of the inquiry
(Mertens, 1998). As a phenomenologist with a similar background to the
women who participated in this research project, I assume commonality with their experiences.
In order to closely examine the lived experiences of these women,
this survey asked them to report their interpretations and perceptions of
gender-related expressions in the Japanese language by responding to a
questionnaire consisting of the following open-ended question presented
in English translation:
If there are any gender-related Japanese words or phrases that you nd
degrading to women, please list, and give explanation why you feel that
way.
87
Part II: Representation of Women in the Japanese Language
An open-ended question was chosen for the questionnaire because depth

and detail of qualitative data are brought about by responses to openended questions. This, in turn, enables others to better understand the
respondents perceptions and interpretations of a phenomenon or an
experience (Patton, 1980).
At the end of the questionnaire, participants were asked to provide
demographic information on their age, education, and occupation.
Anonymity and condentiality were guaranteed to the participants in the
cover letter attached to the questionnaire. Prior to distributing this questionnaire, the purpose of the survey was fully explained to the participants, and questions were answered in person as well as by e-mail. The
questionnaire was then distributed to participants in person and by mail.
The participants were asked to send their completed questionnaires back
to me using the stamped and addressed envelopes provided.
The anonymous questionnaire was selected as a method of data collection by taking into consideration the way Japanese people express themselves. With a long tradition of living in close-knit and predominantly
homogeneous communities, Japanese people have the inclination to value
interpersonal harmony over self-assertion. For instance, tatemae (ofcial
stance and principles) is stated on occasions when expressing honne (candid opinions and honest feelings) is considered offensive or hurtful to others. Similarly, people tend to refrain from expressing their honne (candid
opinions and honest feelings) that differ from others, and instead take
tatemae (ofcial stance and principles) to be in wa (harmony) with others
(Lebra, 1976; Sugiura and Gillespie, 1993). The anonymous questionnaire
was considered the most appropriate method of data collection for this
project to obtain straightforward and candid responses from the participants, particularly those of the older generation who are more inclined to
refrain from expressing their opinions in the presence of strangers.
Participants
In order to locate participants for this survey, I contacted six colleagues of mine residing in the Tokyo metropolitan area for cooperation.
88
6 Survey
My colleagues consisted of two instructors of Japanese and two instructors of English at private language schools, one college professor of Japanese literature, and one technical translator. After explaining the purpose
of the survey to friends, acquaintances, students, and co-workers, my colleagues and I selected a total of 70 women who met the following criteria: (1) they are native speakers of Japanese, (2) they were born and
raised in Japan, (3) they are of various age groups as well as educational
and occupational backgrounds, (4) they have a keen interest in language.
Table 1 presents in summary demographic information about the participants on their age, education, and occupation. A detailed list of the
survey participants is provided in Appendix A.
Table 1. Demographic Information
on the Survey Participants
Age Group
Number of Participants
2029
3039
4049
5059
6069
7079
Total
12
12
12
12
11
11
70
Highest Degree Earned
High school diploma

AA/BA/BS
MA/MS/PhD
Total
12
47
11
70
Occupation Group
Homemaker
Educator
Clerical worker
Professional
Retiree
Student
Housework helper
Total
18
15
14
8
7
6
2
70
As shown in Table 1, two women listed their occupation as housework helper, which is the literal translation of the Japanese term kaji
89
tetsudai. In Japan, kaji tetsudai refers to a single woman who, upon completion of her schooling, stays with her parents and family members until
getting married. In addition to assisting them with household chores as
kaji tetsudai, she takes lessons in cooking, ower arrangements, tea ceremony, calligraphy, and so forth in order to acquire various skills considered necessary and desirable for homemaking. In Japanese society, a
woman who is kaji tetsudai is favorably viewed as a trainee bride who
undergoes practical training called hanayome shug yoo (bridal training)
to become a competent homemaker. Being kaji tetsudai is also associated with the afuent upper middle- to upper-class families who can
afford such arrangements. In recent years, however, the number of kaji
tetsudai is on the steady decrease, as more young single women are entering the labor force before getting married.
Results
The women who took part in the survey listed a total of 151 Japanese words and phrases that they found degrading to women along with
explanations for their selections. The words and phrases listed by the
women are grouped, based on their similarities, into the following seven
categories shown in Table 2. The majority of these women also shared
with me a number of thoughts, experiences, and concerns regarding
gender-related expressions in the Japanese language, some of which are
presented in Chapter 7.
Category
Table 2. Distribution of Listed Words

and Phrases by Category
Total Number of Words Corresponding Percentage
and Phrases
Marriage
Characterization
Age
Occupation
Physical appearance
Status
Derogatory term
Total
55
36
17
16
12
8
7
151
36%
24%
11%
11%
8%
5%
5%
100%
90
6 Survey
Table 3 presents 45 frequently listed words and phrases with their

English equivalents being placed in order of the total number of
responses. Some of the English equivalents are quoted from the work by
Cherry (1987). The following capitalized letters indicate the categories
into which the words and phrases are grouped: M, marriage; C, characterization of women; A, age; O, occupation; P, physical appearance; S,
status; and D, derogatory term. The entire list of words and phrases is
provided in Appendix B.
Table 3. Words and Phrases Frequently
Listed by the Survey Participants
Total Number Category
of Responses
36
28
26
M
C
24
22
22
21
P
C
20
20
20
19
18
17
17
16
16
C
D
O
M
M
M
M
16
16
15
15
M
M
Japanese Words/Phrases
(English Equivalent)
onna no kuse ni (after all she is a woman, though
she is a woman)
yome (daughter-in-law, bride)
memeshii (like a woman, unmanly and effeminate
man)
onna datera ni (unlike a woman, inappropriate
for a woman)
some kanji (ideographic characters) composed of
onna hen (the female radical)
busu (ugly woman)
onna no kusatta yoona (like a rotten woman,
indecisive and cowardly man)
oku-san (Mrs. Interior, address term for married
women) (Cherry, 1987)
umazume (stone woman, no-life woman, infertile
woman)
onna rashii (feminine, womanly)
(kuso) babaa (derogatory term for elderly women)
onna no ko (girl)
mekake (mistress)
shuutome (mother-in-law)
oorudo misu (old miss, old maid)
demodori (returnee to ones parents place,
divorced woman)
ikazu goke (widow without marrying, single
woman in her 30s)
otsubone (-sama) (elderly court woman, middleaged female ofce worker)
ikiokure (late to marry, single woman in her 30s)
yome o morau (to receive a daughter-in-law/bride)
91
Total Number Category

of Responses
15
15
15
15
M
M
M
C
15
14
14
14
A
S
S
S
14
14
14
C
M
14
14
13
O
D
M
13
13
13
13
13
M
M
M
A
13
13
13
13
13
12
C
P
S
C
kanai (house-insider, ones wife) (Cherry, 1987)
gusai (stupid wife, ones wife)
shufu (main woman, homemaker)
Dakara onna wa dameda. (That is why women
are no good.)
oba-san (aunt, address term for middle-aged women)
danson johi (men superior, women inferior)
onna kodomo (women and children)
Onna sangai ni ie nashi. (Women have no home
in the three realms of existence: the past, the
present, and the future.)
otoko masari (superior to men, strong-minded
and assertive woman)
kawaii onna (cute woman)
urenokori (unsold merchandise, single woman in
her 30s)
josei, fujin, joryuu, onna (female, woman)
ama (derogatory term for women)
yome ni iku (to go as a daughter-in-law/bride, to
marry into a husbands family)
naijo no koo (success from inside help, husbands
success owing to the support and sacrices of
his wife) (Cherry, 1987)
miboojin (person who is not yet dead, widow)
goke (after family, widow) (Cherry, 1987)
kyooiku mama (education-conscious mother)
obaa-chan (granny, address term for elderly
women)
toshima (years added, middle-aged woman)
(Cherry, 1987)
(o)nee-chan (elder sister, address term for young
women)
shitoyaka (modest, graceful, gentle)
bijin (beautiful person, beautiful woman)
nyonin kinsei (no females allowed)
Onna san nin yoreba kashimashii. (When three
women get together, they make too much
noise.)
In the subsequent section, I discuss representative words and phrases

listed by the survey participants under the seven categories shown in
Table 2. Quotations from the survey participants are also presented in
English translation.
92
6 Survey
Marriage
Well over one third of all the words and phrases listed by the survey participants belong to the marriage category. Based on the similarities, these words and phrases are divided into the following three groups:
various terms used for married women, fertility, and marital status.
Various Terms for Married Women

Yome is the most frequently listed word in the marriage category. A
number of expressions containing the word yome are also listed. The following are some of the frequently listed phrases: yome ni iku (to go as a
daughter-in-law/bride, to marry into husbands family); yome o morau
(to receive a daughter-in-law/bride); and yome ni yaru (to give a daughter as a bride, to marry off a daughter), which is often paraphrased as
katazukeru (to get rid of, to dispose of, to marry off a daughter).
The etymology of yome dates back to the 12th century. There was
a custom of matrilocal residence called tsumadoikon or kayoikon in Japan
throughout the 10th century. A married couple maintained separate
residences, and a husband made visits to his wife. By the Kamakura
period (11851333) when the samurai class seized power and the notion
of danson johi (men superior, women inferior) had developed, a custom
of patrilocal residence called yomeirikon became prevalent. A woman
married into her husbands family and assumed the lowest position
of yome (daughter-in-law, bride) in his family to serve her husband
and in-laws. This custom contributed to the establishment of the patriarchal ie (family, household) system in preWorld War II Japan. While
the ie system was ofcially abolished shortly after the war, the custom of
yomeirikon (patrilocal residence) has continued on to this day (Obayashi,
2005; Yoshizumi, 1995).
I feel that the patriarchal family system is still very intact in
present-day Japan: once a woman is married into her husbands
93
family, she becomes yome (daughter-in-law, bride), the most

vulnerable member in his family (55-year-old ofce worker).
Phrases like yome o morau (to receive a daughter-in-law/bride)
and yome ni yaru (to give a daughter as a bride, to marry off a
daughter) dehumanize women by treating them as commodities that are passed on from one family to another (48-year-old
part-time English instructor).
I nd it troubling whenever I hear my friends nonchalantly use
such expressions as katazukeru (to get rid of, to dispose of, to
marry off a daughter) when their daughters are getting married,
and yome o morau (to receive a daughter-in-law/bride) when
their sons are getting married. We need to be more conscientious about making the right choice of words (45-year-old
part-time interpreter).
In patrilocal residence, the shuutome (mother-in-law) played a major
role in passing family customs and traditions on to the yome (daughterin-law, bride), who married into her husbands family. It was customary
that the yome remained as an apprentice until the shuutome stepped down
by transferring to the yome the position of shufu (main woman, homemaker) in the family. This transition was done by a ritual called shakushi
watashi, in which the shuutome handed a rice-serving spatula called
shakushi to the yome. In Japan, where rice is a staple diet, shakushi (riceserving spatula) symbolizes the household work as well as the position
of shufu in the family (Cherry, 1987).
In prewar patriarchal Japanese households where three generations
customarily lived together, the shuutome exercised her authority and
power over the yome, who was expected to serve and obey her husband
as well as her in-laws. It was considered one of the many duties of the
yome to endure frequent harsh treatment by the shuutome called yome ibiri
(tormenting daughter-in-law, bride). With the abolishment of the patriarchal family system shortly after World War II, the shuutome is no longer
an authoritarian gure in the household in most cases; nevertheless, the
conict between the yome and the shuutome, as well as the clash between
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the yome and the kojuutome (little mother-in-law, sister-in-law), has traditionally been one of the major causes of family dispute in Japan, where
it is still relatively common for three generations to live together.
My son is getting married, and I dread being called shuutome
because it evokes a negative image of a mean old woman just
like my own shuutome who mistreats yome (56-year-old ofce
worker).
I am single, and my sister-in-law is 3 years younger than I am.
I cannot stand being called as her kojuutome (little mother-inlaw, sister-in-law), which is written in kanji (ideographic characters) as little old woman. How upsetting! (30-year-old
graduate student).
oku-san/oku-sama (Mrs. Interior,

address term for married women) (Cherry, 1987)
Oku-san (Mrs. Interior) (Cherry, 1987) and its more polite and formal term, oku-sama (Mrs. Interior) (Cherry, 1987), are used to address
other mens wives both directly and indirectly. Oku means the recesses
as well as the back of the house where a small family room is located, in
contrast to omote meaning the front of the house where a spacious room
to entertain guests is located.
The origin of the term oku-san, referring to a married woman, dates
back to the Kamakura period (11851333) when the feudal system was
established. Furthermore, the notion of danson johi (men superior,
women inferior) had developed and prevailed, particularly in the privileged ruling samurai class. This notion to hold women in subjugation
to men was based on Buddhist and Shinto beliefs, which associated
women with impurity and sinfulness (Minamoto, 2005; Okano, 1995).
While the term oku-sama was initially used exclusively for married
women of privileged samurai families who had little autonomy, by the
Meiji period (18681912) married women of all prominent families were
addressed as such (Cherry, 1987).
Industrialization and the emergence of sarariiman (salary men, male
ofce workers) in the Taisho period (19121926) promoted gender-based
95
role division, which is aptly described by the phrase otoko wa shigoto,

onna wa katei (men at work, women at home) (Rosenberger, 2001). It
was also during this period when the term oku-sama lost its exclusiveness, and was used to connote any leisure-class married women. At the
same time, the use of the more informal term oku-san became prevalent
(Cherry, 1987). In present-day Japan, oku-san is the most commonly
used term for addressing married women.
I nd it very depressing not only to be called oku-san, but also
to call other married women as such. There should be much
more respectful terms in the Japanese language to address married women, many of whom are very competent and successful
in juggling numerous responsibilities both at home and at
work (59-year-old homemaker).
Although oku-san is the most commonly used address term for
married women, I personally do not like its connotation that
married women are supposed to stay in the background behind
their husbands, and keep a low prole at all times (41-year-old
ofce worker).
The address term oku-san symbolizes the prevailing genderspecic role division in Japanese society, that is, a wife should
stay home while a husband is at work. As a working woman, I
much prefer gender-neutral terms like spouse in English (48year-old graphic designer).
kanai (house-insider, ones wife)

(Cherry, 1987)
While oku-san is used to address other mens wives, kanai is used
by Japanese men to refer to their own wives. Ka means house or home,
and nai means inside as well as wife. Besides being used as an address
term for married women, kanai is used in several compounds concerning family and household affairs such as kanai anzen (safety and wellbeing of ones family), kanai koog yoo (cottage industry), and kanai roodoo
(subcontract work at home).
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Similar to the address term oku-san, kanai literally designates

home as the place where married women should belong, and
prevents them from developing their full potential in other
spheres of life. What is more, there is no term to designate
place for married men (70-year-old professor).
I very much enjoy being a stay-at-home mother, and consider
myself a quite competent seng yoo shufu (full-time professional
homemaker). But I do not appreciate my husband referring to
me as kanai to other people, because it makes me feel that I
am less of a person than my husband (47-year-old homemaker).
Kanai represents the longstanding notion in the Japanese society,
otoko wa shigoto, onna wa katei (men at work, women at home),
that a wife should stay home taking care of household chores as
well as her children, and support her husband who works outside. With so many married women in the work force these days,
kanai does sound outdated (38-year-old college lecturer).
nyooboo (court woman, ones wife)

In addition to kanai, nyooboo is used mostly among middle-aged to
elderly Japanese men to informally refer to their wives. The origin of the
term nyooboo dates back to the Heian period (7941185), when it referred
to high-ranking court women as well as their private living quarters. It
was during the Kamakura period (11851333) when nyooboo was used by
a samurai to refer to his wife, and its usage continues to this day (Kojien,
2008).
Nyooboo is also used in several compounds such as furu nyooboo (old
wife) for a wife of many years, anesan nyooboo (big sister wife) for a wife
who is older than a husband, and oshikake nyooboo (intruder wife)
(Cherry, 1987) for an assertive woman who moves in with her boyfriend
without his consent, and eventually becomes his wife. It should be noted
that the equivalent term of right-hand man in the Japanese language is
nyooboo yaku (one who plays wifely roles).
I do not like to be called as anesan nyooboo not only because
nyooboo sounds archaic, but also because it is nobodys business
97
if I am a few years older than my husband. An expression like

this reects the fact that Japanese people are very ageconscious, which I do not think is a good thing (50-year-old
homemaker).
My heart sinks every time when I overhear my husband of over
50 years referring me as furu nyooboo to his friends. How I
wish there were a reciprocal term for an old husband so that he
would know how I feel (77-year-old homemaker).
Anesan nyooboo and oshikake nyooboo are the manifestations of
age-old societal expectations as well as norms that a wife
should be younger and less assertive than a husband (36-yearold graduate student).

In Japanese culture, speaking humbly about oneself and ones family members is one way to show deference to others. As a result, Japanese men of the older generation often use the humble term for their
spouses, gusai and the humble term for their sons, gusoku (stupid son,
ones son) when they talk about their wives and sons in formal situations. Incidentally, there is no humble term for ones daughter.
It is very unpleasant to hear elderly men calling their wives
gusai as an expression of humble-politeness to others. I believe
that the virtue of modesty, which is highly praised in Japanese
society, does more harm than good in many cases (43-year-old
homemaker).
To my dismay, my husband always calls me as gusai in front of
other people. Whenever I tell my husband that I do not appreciate being called stupid, he dismisses my comment as an overreaction, because he is simply following the social protocol
(75-year-old homemaker).
akusai (bad wife)

Compared to gusai, which is typically used as a humble-polite
expression, akusai is used to criticize a married woman whose demeanor
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and behavior are considered not good enough for her husband. There
are several expressions on akusai, out of which the most commonly used
is Akusai wa isshoo no fusaku (A bad wife ruins her husbands entire life).
My friends and I often complain about our husbands when
they misbehave, but unfortunately, there is no reciprocal term
of akusai that we can use for bad husband (71-year-old homemaker).
I wonder why there is no corresponding expression of Akusai
wa isshoo no fusaku (A bad wife ruins her husbands entire
life). Isnt it true that wives are more often affected by their
husbands misconduct than the other way round? (72-year-old
homemaker).
ryoosai (good wife), naijo no koo (success from

inside help, husbands success owing to the
support and sacrices of his wife) (Cherry, 1987)
The opposite of akusai is ryoosai, as in the notion of ryoosai kenbo
(good wives and wise mothers), which represented the ideal womanhood
in the preWorld War II patriarchal Japanese society. Although not a term
referring to a married woman, naijo no koo is commonly used to praise the
support and sacrices of a wife who helps her husband to succeed in life.
Many expressions in the Japanese language are based on a male
perspective. For instance, ryoosai unfairly judges a married
woman on a male standard. The fact that there is no male
equivalent to ryoosai speaks volumes about the traditional relationship between wife and husband in Japanese society (40year-old homemaker).
The phrase, naijo no koo (success from inside help, husbands
success owing to the support and sacrices of his wife) (Cherry,
1987) is commonly used in speeches at wedding receptions to
emphasize the importance of wifes contribution to husbands
success; however, I believe that a wife and a husband should
help and support each other as equal partners (75-year-old
homemaker).
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Homemakers in Japan are called shufu (main women). While those
who devote themselves full-time to housework are called seng yoo shufu
(full-time professional homemakers), those who juggle housework with
either part-time or full-time employment are called keng yoo shufu (parttime adjunct homemakers). As described by these terms and other expressions such as shufug yoo (homemaker by trade) and shufug yoo ni sennen
suru (to dedicate oneself to full-time homemaking), homemaking is
regarded in Japan as a profession that consists of many responsibilities
including housework, child-rearing, management of family nances, and
care of elderly family members.
Shufu symbolizes a societal expectation that it is a woman, not
a man, who should take care of all the household chores and
be responsible for the well-being of the entire family members
(38-year-old homemaker).
What the word keng yoo shufu connotes is that married working
women like myself are not as capable and committed as seng yoo
shufu in taking care of housework and child-rearing (30-yearold ofce worker).
Despite the fact that full-time homemakers have a number of
responsibilities such as household work, child-rearing and care
for elderly parents and parents-in-law, the term, seng yoo shufu
is often used to represent a misleading notion that full-time
homemakers lead an easy life by staying home (46-year-old
ofce worker).

In Japan, mothers are primarily responsible for the education of
their children due to the absence of fathers who often spend long hours
at work. Although pejoratively called kyooiku mama, many mothers are
committed to providing an optimal learning environment for their children to succeed in the society, where education and academic credentials are highly valued. Keeping track of their childrens schoolwork,
nding them qualied private tutors and appropriate preparatory schools
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as well as staying up late to serve them nutritious midnight snacks, are

among the things kyooiku mama are willing to do for the academic
achievements of their children.
I make serious efforts to provide many opportunities for my
children so that they will fully develop their potentials. It is
hurtful whenever my in-laws and friends tease me about being
a dedicated kyooiku mama. As a working mother, it is daunting
and stressful to be solely responsible for the education of my
children. It would be so nice and helpful if I could sometimes
share some responsibilities with my husband who acts as
kyooiku papa (education-conscious father) (32-year-old nurse).
Fertility
Kashite sannen konaki wa saru (A wife
should leave her husband if she fails to bear
a child within 3 years of marriage), umazume
(stone woman, no-life woman, infertile woman)
Umazume (stone woman, no-life woman, infertile woman), referring to an infertile woman, and the phrase, Kashite sannen konaki wa
saru (A wife should leave her husband if she fails to bear a child within
3 years of marriage), are infamous expressions which denote that women
are responsible for infertility. These expressions became widely used from
the late 12th to the late 19th centuries, when it was considered one of the
most important roles of married women to maintain lineage by giving
birth to children, particularly to boys who would become heirs to the
family estate (Kaneko, 1995). Although these expressions are mostly outdated, there remains a persistent tendency, particularly among the older
generation, to associate women with infertility. It is noteworthy that
there are no expressions in the Japanese language to denote that men are
responsible for infertility.
As a woman who has been struggling to conceive, I cannot
possibly think of any more dehumanizing expression for an
101
infertile woman than umazume. It is a huge relief that such a

demeaning word has become mostly archaic (30-year-old
homemaker).
Umazume represents a lingering belief that childless women are
not complete and fullled. What is worse, it wrongly places all
the blame for infertility on women (62-year-old part-time sales
clerk).
I am so glad that both Kashite sannen konaki wa saru and
umazume are now obsolete; however, women rather than men,
are still often considered to be responsible for infertility (71-yearold homemaker).
onna bara, otoko bara (female womb,

male womb, woman who gives birth
only to girls, or only to boys)
A woman who gives birth only to girls or only to boys is pejoratively called onna bara (female womb), or otoko bara (male womb). The
word bara is derived from hara which is a vulgar term for womb. There
is a Japanese phrase called ichi hime ni taroo (rst, a girl, next, a boy)
that indicates an ideal birth order of children. A woman who has onna
bara (female womb) or otoko bara (male womb), therefore, is often
considered not as blessed as those who give birth to both girls and
boys (Cherry, 1987).
I nd it outrageous that the onna bara, otoko bara mentality is
prevalent in contemporary Japanese society. It devalues the
contributions of women in childbearing by treating them like
chickens laying eggs (57-year-old college lecturer).
Expressions like onna bara, otoko bara not only convey
absolutely no regard for women, but also literally reduce the
status of women to child-bearing machines. No wonder the
birth rate in Japan has been on a steady decrease (53-yearold speech therapist).
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Marital Status
urenokori (unsold merchandise, single woman in
her 30s), ikiokure (late to marry, single woman
in her 30s), ikazu goke (unmarried widow, single
woman in her 30s), oorudo misu (old miss, old
maid), hai misu (high miss, single woman in her 30s)
In Japanese society, there is a prevailing notion of tekireiki (the
period of marriageable age) ranging from mid to late 20s for women,
and late 20s to early 30s for men. Although the number of women who
get married later has been steadily increasing in recent years, women
rather than men are under frequent pressure from society, family, and
peer groups to marry during tekireiki, before they become too old to
nd prospective partners. It should be noted that the Japanese language
has many pejorative expressions for women who are single after tekireiki,
while there are no reciprocal terms for their male counterparts.
Expressions like ikiokure (late to marry, single woman in her
30s) and ikazu goke (unmarried widow, single woman in her
30s) are based on social expectations that women should get
married before a certain age, and put great pressure on single
women to marry before it is too late (20-year-old housework
helper).
The fact that there is no corresponding term of urenokori
(unsold merchandise, single woman in her 30s) for men represents a widespread idea among Japanese people that single
women ought to make themselves available on the marriage
market, and wait until selected by men (42-year-old nursery
school teacher).
demodori (returnee to ones

parents place, divorced woman)
The term referring to a divorced woman, demodori, is derived from
the verb, demodoru (to go back to ones parents home, to divorce). Both
of these expressions originate from the custom of patrilocal residence
103
called yomeirikon, which became prevalent by the Kamakura period

(11851333). During this period the notion of danson johi (men superior, women inferior) had developed, particularly among the privileged
ruling samurai class where womens roles were mostly limited to producing male heirs (Kaneko, 1995). In the custom of yomeirikon (patrilocal
residence), a woman married into her husbands family, and assumed the
lowest position of yome (daughter-in-law, bride) in the family to serve
her husband and in-laws (Obayashi, 2005). This custom has continued
on to this day despite the fact that gender equality is guaranteed by the
Constitution of Japan, having been proclaimed shortly after World War
II.
The divorce rate in Japan was extremely low before the 1980s, when
irreconcilable differences were not legally allowed as a reason for getting
a divorce. Compared to men, women were far more adversely affected
by divorce nancially as well as socially, and they often had no option
but to live with their parents. As the divorce rate has continued to increase
since the 1980s, there is less social stigma attached to those who are
divorced. However, women, particularly those with children, continue
to experience nancial difculties after divorce, and some consider living with their parents a practical option to weather the hardship.
There is no derogatory expression like demodori for a divorced
man, which shows that traditionally there is far more stigma
attached to divorced women than men in Japanese society (60year-old homemaker).
As a working single mother and a survivor of a divorce, I do
not agree with the connotation of the word demodori that
divorced women are helpless with nowhere to go but back to
their parents home (35-year-old ofce worker).
miboojin (person who is not yet dead, widow),

Miboojin (person who is not yet dead, widow) and goke (after family, widow) are the two most common terms for a widow. It is often
pointed out that the term miboojin is based on a concept similar to that
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of the ancient custom in India called sati, in which a widow immolates

herself on a husbands funeral pyre (Endo, 1995). Miboojin is a formal
term as in sensoo miboojin (war widow), and is commonly used by the
general public as well as by widows themselves.
Goke is a very informal term implying that a widows family passes
away with her husband (Cherry, 1987). Unlike miboojin, goke is not used
by widows, nor can it be used in the presence of a widow because of its
pejorative undertone.
Miboojin is literally based on the primitive idea that a wife
should follow her husband to the grave. It is unfortunate that
widows have no choice but to continue to use this demeaning
word (68-year-old professor emeritus).
I think that the reason why there are far more terms referring to
widows, such as miboojin and goke, than to widowers is because
women are more often discouraged from remarrying than men
(78-year-old retired ofce worker).
mekake (mistress)
Both mekake and nigoo (number two, mistress) as well as their more
polite forms, omekake-san (mistress) and nigoo-san (number two, mistress) are used for a mistress in contrast to the terms for a lawful wife,
honsai (true wife, lawful wife) and seisai (ofcial wife, lawful wife). In
addition, there are further contemptuous terms for a mistress such as hikagemono (person in the shadow, mistress) and hikage no onna (woman in
the shadow, mistress). In recent years, however, the vast majority of these
contemptuous terms are used exclusively among those of the older generation.
Until the late 19th century, it was legally acceptable for a husband
to have one or more mistresses in order to maintain lineage, as well as
to show off his wealth and masculinity. Although an illegitimate child
was scornfully called mekake bara (mistresss womb, illegitimate child),
an illegitimate son who was acknowledged by a husband had priority
over legitimate daughters to inherit the family estate (Kaneko, 1995).
Monogamy was adopted by the Civil Code of 1898; however, as sym105
bolized by the phrase Uwaki wa otoko no kaishoo (Affairs are proof of

manliness), the sentiment to justify a husbands extramarital affairs
remains in present-day Japan.
As the number of married women and men who commit adultery
has been rising since the 1980s (Yamada, 2008), various terms for a mistress have been replaced by the unisex term aijin (lover), particularly
among those of the younger generation. Compared to belittling expressions that were used in the past for a mistress, the term aijin, referring
to a mistress as well as a male lover, conveys much less negativity.
I nd it offensive that terms like mekake and nigoo continue to
exist in the Japanese language, because it shows public acceptance of a husbands sexual relations with women other than his
wife (56-year-old homemaker).
While mekake and nigoo are used contemptuously against
women, I feel that men who have mekake and nigoo are the
despicable ones (72-year-old retired editor).
Characterization
Nearly a quarter of all the words and phrases listed by the survey
participants are in regard to the characterization of women. Furthermore, 6 out of the 10 most frequently listed of all words and phrases
belong to the characterization of women category. While almost all of
the words and phrases in this category are used regarding the demeanor
and character traits of women, a few expressions are used to criticize
men whose demeanor and personality traits are considered feminine.
onna no kuse ni (after all she is a woman,

though she is a woman, in spite of being a woman)
The phrase, onna no kuse ni is by far the most frequently listed, not
only in the characterization category, but also among all the words and
phrases that are considered degrading to women by the survey participants. Onna no kuse ni is commonly used to criticize a woman who chal106
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lenges or achieves what is traditionally reserved for men. It is also used

to criticize the demeanor of a woman who dees the gender-based stereotypes. Many feminist scholars argue that onna no kuse ni connotes the
violation of the acceptable range of behavior for women in Japanese society (Ide, 1997; Reynolds, 1990). Furthermore, it should be noted that
there is a fundamental connotative difference between onna no kuse ni
and its corresponding expression for men, otoko no kuse ni (after all he
is a man, though he is a man). While onna no kuse ni connotes the breach
of the socially acceptable range of demeanor as well as behavior for
women, otoko no kuse ni is used simply to criticize the cowardice or weakness of a man, rather than his behavior being outside of what is considered acceptable for men (Ide, 1997).
Onna no kuse ni overstates so-called disadvantages of being a
woman, and restricts womens freedom of activities by designating certain elds off limits to them (37-year-old part-time
public employee).
Since I consider myself as hardworking as men, it is hurtful
and offensive when some of my male clients and business partners say onna no kuse ni straight to my face (51-year-old ofce
worker).
It is a shame that the majority of men who suffer from superiority complexes treat women with the onna no kuse ni mentality, and undermine the achievements as well as potential of
women (66-year-old part-time English instructor).
onna datera ni (unlike a woman,

inappropriate for a woman)
Similar to onna no kuse ni in its connotation as well as its negative
undertone, onna datera ni is also frequently listed among all the words
and phrases. Onna datera ni is used to criticize the particular behavior
of a woman which does not stay within the femininity code and parameters laid down by society. While onna no kuse ni is not generally used
by women, onna datera ni is occasionally used by women of the older
generation to criticize the demeanor and behavior of younger women.
107
I do not appreciate being frequently criticized by my

relatives who use the expression onna datera ni. I feel that
my individuality is ignored and denied by femininity that
is considered socially and culturally desirable (35-year-old
ofce worker).
It is disheartening that onna datera ni is used by men as well as
women to criticize independent, enterprising, and strongminded women whom I admire (42-year-old translator).
An expression like onna datera ni limits the potential of women
by criticizing those who do not t the stereotypical personality
traits that are considered feminine in Japanese culture and
society (52-year-old part-time high school teacher).
Dakara onna wa dameda.

(That is why women are no good/useless.)
As with many other expressions, there is no expression for men corresponding to the phrase Dakara onna wa dameda, which has a blatantly negative tone toward women.
Dakara onna wa dameda is based on the assumption that
women are inherently inferior to men. It is used to criticize
women despite the fact that incompetence is not genderspecic (24-year-old college student).
Dakara onna wa dameda is what male supervisors and colleagues in my workplace unanimously say whenever they are
not pleased with the performance of female workers (26-yearold part-time ofce worker).
memeshii (like a woman,

unmanly, effeminate man)
Unlike the majority of the words and phrases listed, memeshii is
used exclusively for men whose personality traits as well as behavior are
considered feminine. Memeshii consists of two kanji (ideographic characters) representing woman, and is used to criticize men for being cowardly and unmanly. It is noteworthy that its reciprocal term, ooshii (like
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a man, manly) comprised of two kanji representing male, is used to praise

men for being brave and manly.
An expression like memeshii is based on prevailing genderbased stereotypes that women are weak, cowardly, smallminded, indecisive, and, therefore, inferior to men
(68-year-old retired ofce worker).
I do not understand why sensitive and caring men with socalled feminine personality traits are criticized as being
memeshii. Personality traits are not gender-specic, and should
not be treated as such (26-year-old ofce worker).
Memeshii is the manifestation of unfounded negativity associated with women. It has been deeply ingrained in Japanese
society since the late Heian period (7941185), when women
became subjugated to men (58-year-old assistant professor).

Similar to memeshii, onna no kusatta yoona is used to criticize an
indecisive and cowardly man. Despite their sexist undertones, both
memeshii and onna no kusatta yoona are used not only by men, but also
by some women to criticize the demeanor of men.
Onna no kusatta yoona is an extremely insulting phrase for both
women and men. Calling a man rotten has more than enough
impact. I wonder why it has to make reference to onna
(woman) (52-year-old part-time English instructor).
Whenever I hear the expression onna no kusatta yoona, I simply
wonder why women, not men, are considered rotten. My heart
sinks every time I hear some women carelessly use this rotten
phrase to criticize their sons, boyfriends, and husbands (61year-old part-time ofce worker).
Both memeshii and onna no kusatta yoona use woman as a point
of reference to criticize what are considered socially negative
traits of men (31-year-old junior high school teacher).
109

Unlike all the words and phrases listed, onna rashii has no overtly
negative connotation; nevertheless, it is among those frequently listed.
Japanese dictionaries in general dene onna rashii as being gentle,
delicate, emotional, submissive, and kind. Moreover, onna rashii is used
in various contexts such as onna rashii shigusa (feminine behavior)
and onna rashii heaa stairu (feminine hairstyle). In regards to onna
rashii hanashi kata (feminine way of speaking), a female speaker of Japanese often has to adopt a nonassertive, indirect, polite, and deferential
speech pattern that is considered appropriate for women (Reynolds,
1990).
I feel that the denition of onna rashii is mostly based on the
traits of young women, and does not include those of mature
women such as the inner strength of motherhood (62-year-old
homemaker).
Onna rashii represents the stereotypical image of docile, quiet,
passive, and submissive women, whom Japanese men of all ages
appear to nd desirable as well as ideal (76-year-old retired
high school teacher).

Similar to onna rashii, shitoyaka is listed although it does not have
overtly negative connotations. Shitoyaka is the word that is most frequently used to describe what is onna rashii.
My parents and relatives often tell me to be shitoyaka on the
occasions when docility and passivity are required of women in
the presence of men. Of course, I do not listen to them (29year-old interpreter).
While some women take it as a compliment to be called shitoyaka, I feel otherwise. What the word shitoyaka reminds me of
is submissiveness and passivity, the personality traits that are
very alien to me (32-year-old nurse).
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The adjective, kawaii (cute) can be used for both inanimate and
animate objects. When used for inanimate objects, kawaii connotes being
small, delicate, and pretty as in kawaii fuku (cute clothes) and kawaii
hana (small and pretty owers). When used for animate objects, kawaii
connotes being pretty, loveable, and favorable as in kawaii kodomo (cute
children) and kawaii onna (cute woman), whose vulnerability makes
others protective of them. A number of surveys indicate that kawaii is
what Japanese men, regardless of age, often look for in an ideal woman
( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008).
Personally, I am not interested in men who are looking for
kawaii onna. It is unfortunate that so many men as well as
some women feel that the greatest asset to women is cuteness,
rather than other qualities such as inner strength and maturity,
which I highly value (21-year-old college student).
An expression like kawaii onna indicates that women are commonly judged by their physical appearances and demureness.
Sadly, women who have other important qualities such as
assertiveness and self-determination that are considered masculine, are often criticized for not being cute (60-year-old
junior high school teacher).
otoko nami (being on the level of men)

When a woman works hard to accomplish what is traditionally
reserved for men, she is often ridiculed as being okoto nami, which
implies that she has accomplished something at the cost of her femininity.
Based on the age-old notion of danson johi (men superior,
women inferior), otoko nami judges womens accomplishments
by the male-as-the-norm perspective. As a hardworking
woman, I nd such male-oriented mentality very insulting
(41-year-old part-time translator).
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Otoko masari has pejorative undertones similar to that of otoko nami
(being on the level of men). Otoko masari refers to a woman who is
strong-minded and assertive, and who excels over men intellectually as
well as physically. Women in general prefer not to be called otoko masari,
since it implies lack of femininity. The term, otoko kaomake (male loss
of face) (Cherry, 1987) is also used in this context to ridicule a woman
who surpasses men in her achievements.
Expressions like otoko masari and okoto nami represent a prevailing attitude in society to consider strong-willed and selfassured women as not womanly, with which I totally disagree
(46-year-old administrative assistant).
I am often called otoko masari, and I do not appreciate its
implication. It is only fair that women who are hardworking
and capable be praised for their accomplishments like their
male counterparts, rather than being criticized and ridiculed
as not being feminine (27-year-old ofce worker).
otoko onna (mannish woman)

Despite its similarity to okoto masari in meaning, otoko onna has
far more negative connotations, and is used to ridicule and belittle women
who are mentally as well as physically strong.
It is regrettable that many men, perhaps out of their own insecurities, use such a contemptuous word as otoko onna to equate
feistiness and self-condence of women with unattractiveness
and lack of femininity (28-year-old graduate student).
kanji (ideographic characters) composed

of onna hen (the female radical)
Although neither words nor phrases, some kanji composed of onna
hen, are among the frequently listed items in the characterization of
women category. Kanji consist of parts called hen (radicals), which are
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used to categorize and classify characters. Besides onna hen (the female
radical), there are a number of radicals such as ki hen (the tree radical), te hen (the hand radical), and san zui hen (the water radical).
However, it is noteworthy that the male radical does not exist.
It is believed that kanji were introduced to Japan from China
between the 3rd and 4th centuries, and were used mostly by educated
men. By the 8th century phonetic letters called hiragana were created
from kanji in order to transcribe the Japanese language. Angular kanji
were called male-lettering (otoko moji ), while rounded hiragana, phonetic letters derived from kanji were called female lettering (onna moji),
and were used mostly by women (Kitahara & Taishukan, 20022008).
Today, both women and men use kanji as well as hiragana; however, in Japanese society, a persons intellectual level is often judged by
the number of kanji, male-lettering (otoko moji), that one knows. For
this reason, hiragana, or female lettering (onna moji), is not highly
regarded, although it is one of the key components of the Japanese writing system, and it is what children learn rst. Furthermore, kango, words
composed solely of kanji carry more prestige than those composed of
kanji and hiragana (Cherry, 1987). Kango are typically used in formal
writing and speech to convey authority.
Gender bias in the Japanese language is symbolized by the fact
that an overwhelming number of kanji composed of onna hen
(the female radical) have negative meanings such as jealousy,
hatred, illicit sexual relations, while there is no such thing as
the male radical (72-year-old retired editor).
Some kanji composed of onna hen convey stereotypical notions
of women. For instance, kanji for shuutome (mother-in-law) is
composed of onna hen and the character for old. Similarly,
kanji for yome (daughter-in-law, bride) consist of onna hen and
the character for house/family (23-year-old housework helper).
The vast majority of kanji composed of onna hen have such
negative connotations. Even those without negativity are based
on bias against women. For instance, kanji for musume (daughter, young woman) is composed of onna hen and the character
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for good. I wonder why only young women are considered

good (33-year-old part-time sales clerk).
Age
Among 17 words and phrases about age, 8 concern young women,
5 refer to middle-aged women, and 4 are used to describe elderly women.
(o)nee-chan (elder sister, address term for

young women), oba-san (aunt, address term
for middle-aged women), obaa-chan
(granny, address term for elderly women)
Japanese kinship terms are used in place of rst names to directly
address family members and relatives who are older than the speaker. Furthermore, the unique characteristic of Japanese kinship terms is that they
can also be used as informal terms to address those outside the family and
relatives, ranging from acquaintances to total strangers. For instance, obasan (aunt) can be used to address a middle-aged woman, and onee-chan
(elder sister) can be used to address a young woman. Kinship terms with
the polite sufx -san convey formality as in obaa-san (grandmother), while
those with the diminutive sufx -chan convey friendliness as in obaa-chan
(granny) (Makino & Tsutsui, 1989; McClure, 2000).
I do not mind being called onee-chan by my family members
and relatives, but I nd it very rude when total strangers, particularly older men, call me as such at the store where I work
as a part-time clerk (24-year-old college student).
I do not appreciate being addressed as oba-san by younger people that I do not know. It makes me feel that I am over the hill
and no longer attractive (37-year-old part-time public
employee).
Every time my 80-year-old mother goes to the hospital, she is
annoyed by nurses and doctors who address her as obaa-chan as
a term of endearment. She says that since they are not her rela114
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tives, they should call her by her name, with which I totally
agree (54-year-old homemaker).
toshima (years added,

middle-aged woman) (Cherry, 1987)
There are several Japanese terms referring to a middle-aged woman,
the most commonly used being chuunen josei (middle-aged woman) and
toshima. While chuunen josei has no overtly negative undertone, toshima
has a denite negative connotation that aging works against women.
The origin of toshima dates back to the Edo period (16031867),
when prostitutes who were past their prime were initially referred to as
such. The usage then spread among the general public, and toshima
became the term used for women in their early 20s. In addition, during
the Edo period (16031867), two more expressions were derived from
the term toshima: chuudoshima (medium toshima) for those in their mid
to late 20s, and oodoshima (grand toshima) for those older (Kojien, 2008).
In modern Japanese, these two expressions are replaced with toshima.
Unlike toshima, an unfavorable term used for middle-aged
women, the terms for middle-aged men are mostly favorable
such as romansu gree (romance gray, attractive middle-aged
man with gray hair). This reects the conventional belief that
aging works for men, but not for women (60-year-old junior
hakoiri musume (daughter-in-a box,

a young single woman who leads a
sheltered life with her protective family)
A young single woman who has been raised by protective parents
and leads a sheltered life with her family is called hakoiri musume. Having its origins in the late Edo period (16031867) (Kojien, 2008), hakoiri
musume is now mostly a thing of the past because of a steady increase in
the number of young women who live away from their family for education and career. However, based on the prevailing belief that young
single women who live by themselves tend to misbehave, Japanese com115
panies often show preference to hakoiri musume by hiring young single

women who live with their families. As a matter of fact, female college
graduates who lived by themselves were not even qualied to apply for
positions in the major Japanese corporations until the late1980s. This
prevailing practice did not change until 1985 when the Equal Employment Opportunity Law (EEOL) was enacted to ban such discriminatory practices.
Hakoiri musume conveys the image of a helpless young woman
with very little life experience who cannot be on her own, and
is in need of protection at all times. I am so proud of not
being one! (21-year-old college student).
roojo, rooba (old woman)

Elderly women are disparagingly called roojo and rooba, while there
are no equivalent terms for elderly men. Despite their negative undertones, both roojo and rooba are sometimes used by the media when elderly women become victims of crime. The negative association with rooba
can also be found in the expression rooba shin (the spirit of old woman),
referring to the act of meddling and interfering. It is common among
women and men, mostly of the older generation, to use the set phrase,
rooba shin kara (out of the spirit of old woman) when they deferentially give advice to someone.
Terms like roojo and rooba totally lack respect and courtesy
toward elderly women. I certainly much prefer being called a
woman of such-and-such age, which is customarily done with
elderly males (76-year-old part-time Japanese instructor).
oni baba (devilish old woman)

Oni baba, an ogre disguised as a cruel and merciless old woman, is
one of the evil characters that frequently appears in Japanese folk tales.
Oni baba is also used as a derogatory term for an elderly woman. It
should be noted that there is neither an ogre disguised as an old man in
Japanese folk tales, nor an expression in the Japanese language for a
malicious and merciless old man.
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Just as in folk tales, there is no male equivalent for oni baba in

the Japanese language, despite the fact that there are many nasty
old men out there (77-year-old homemaker).
Occupation
Out of the 16 words and phrases listed in the occupation category,
8 refer to the occupations that are traditionally held by women, and 8
are regarding the status of women in the workplace.
onna no ko (girl)
The most frequently listed in the occupation category is onna no
ko, which is routinely used by men to refer to an adult woman in the
workplace. Similar usage of the word girl can be found in many other
languages as well. Feminist scholars point out that the prevalent practice of using the term girl to refer to an adult woman leads to the misconception that women are childish and immature and cannot be taken
seriously (Frank & Anshen, 1983).
Although there are no children in the workplace, women are
habitually called onna no ko, while men are rarely called otoko
no ko (boy). It is a shame that some women also refer to this
annoying word when they do not want to be held liable for
their mistakes (56-year-old ofce worker).
I have been working at one of the most well-known companies
in the Tokyo metropolitan area for over 12 years. Despite the
recent promotion that I received, my male supervisors and colleagues continue to call me onna no ko, which I nd extremely
demeaning (35-year-old ofce worker).
The habitual use of onna no ko to refer to female workers is
often justied by male workers as a term of endearment.
However, what it implies is that women are not as competent
as men, and should be in subordinate positions to men
(46-year-old administrative assistant).
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otsubone(-sama) (elderly court woman,

middle-aged female worker)
The second most frequently listed word in the occupation category
is otsubone and its more condescending form, otsubone-sama. Otsubone
consists of the polite prex o- and tsubone, a deferential term for highranking women who served the Imperial Court from the Heian period
(7941185) throughout the Edo period (16031867) (Kitahara & Taishukan,
20022008).
In the present-day Japanese workplace, otsubone is used mostly
among young female and male workers as a pejorative term for a middleaged female worker who has been with the same company for a number
of years.
Malicious words against middle-aged women such as otsubone
that are widely used in the workplace are one of the major factors to discourage young female workers including my granddaughter from seriously pursuing their careers (65-year-old
retired high school teacher).
I nd it very troubling that an experienced and capable female
colleague of mine whom I look up to, is often ridiculed as
otsubone-sama behind her back by her immature and inexperienced subordinates (33-year-old part-time sales clerk).

When women take up occupations and positions that are traditionally held by men, it is customary to add various terms which denote
female and woman such as josei, fujin, joryuu, and onna as modiers to
these occupations and positions. Josei as in josei giin (congresswoman) is
the most formal, with no overtly negative tone. Fujin mainly refers
to married women, and has a slight pejorative undertone as in fujin
keikan (woman police ofcer). Joryuu is typically used in the eld of
art, as in joryuu sakka (woman writer) with the connotation that women
are secondary in the traditionally male-dominated eld. Onna is the most
casual, with a strong pejorative tone as in onna shachoo (woman CEO)
and onna shujin (woman master/storekeeper). It should be noted that the
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practice to add gender markers as modiers applies only to women. When

men take up positions and occupations that are traditionally held by
women, it is customary to create new gender neutral titles. For instance,
hobo (protective mother), a term for female nursery school and kindergarten teachers, has been mostly replaced by hoikushi (licensed person
for child care), although male nursery school and kindergarten teachers
remain very small in numbers.
The annoying custom of adding josei, fujin, and onna to maledominated positions and occupations not only treats women
like appendages to men, but also undermines the accomplishments of women (63-year-old Japanese instructor).
OL (ofce lady, female ofce worker)

OL stands for a female ofce worker who performs secondary and
domestic functions in the Japanese workplace. Until the early 1960s,
female clerical workers were called BG (business girl) in Japan. When its
implication in English became publicly known, the term OL was coined
and has been widely used since then (Kitahara & Taishukan, 2002
2008). Although a female ofce worker of any age can be technically
called an OL, the term often refers to one who is young and single. These
days, most women in Japan work full-time before marriage, more than
two-thirds of them as OLs (Iwai, 1990; Nakano, 1984).
In addition to clerical work, OLs are generally responsible for a variety of domestic duties such as serving tea to their male colleagues, supervisors, and business clients, cleaning ashtrays, tidying up the kitchenette
and the ofce space, to name but a few. In recent years, an increasing
number of companies, particularly foreign-afliated ones, spare OLs from
performing domestic functions by introducing beverage dispensers and
outsourcing housecleaning duties.
Despite the popular image of OLs leading a carefree and
afuent lifestyle, there is nothing glamorous about being one.
OL is no more than a euphemism for an underpaid, disposable
and unappreciated female worker like myself (26-year-old
ofce worker).
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Young women who enter the labor force should think twice
about becoming OLs with dead-end career prospects. I would
encourage them to look for the positions in which they can
fully utilize their education and vocational training (72-yearold retired high school teacher).
shokuba no hana (ower in the workplace,

young single female ofce worker)
While the term OL can be used for any female ofce worker regardless of her age and marital status, shokuba no hana refers exclusively to
a female ofce worker who is young and single. Although not as commonly used as OL in recent years, shokuba no hana nevertheless is the
term that symbolizes the ornamental and disposable status of young single female ofce workers in the Japanese workplace. Similar to OL,
shokuba no hana engages in clerical and secretarial work as well as performs various domestic functions. The nature of her job responsibilities
is often summarized as ochakumi (tea serving), and the duration of her
service is described as koshikake (stool), which denotes a bar stool on
which a guest sits for a short time. Koshikake also refers to a position or
a job that a person holds temporarily while looking for something more
permanent. Incidentally, marriage was often called eikyuu shuushoku (permanent employment) for women through the mid1980s, when women
had limited career prospects and the divorce rate was very low in Japan.
Although an increasing number of women continue to remain in
the work force regardless of their marital status, single women in their
late 20s to early 30s are more likely to experience kata tataki (a tap on
the shoulder) from their male supervisors, who remind them of the short
life span of shokuba no hana. There is also peer pressure on these single
women to resign before they are ridiculed as otsubone(-sama) (elderly
court women, middle-aged female ofce worker) who are considered too
old to marry (Creighton, 1996; Lo, 1990).
Treating young female workers as shokuba no hana to be
replaced after several years of service remains a prevalent practice in the Japanese workplace. What a waste it is not to fully
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utilize the potential of these women! (66-year-old homemaker).

I nally decided to free-lance after spending many unhappy
years in a big company where men, particularly those of the
older generation, treat young single female workers as disposable shokuba no hana regardless of their skills and capabilities
(29-year-old interpreter).
kotobuki taishoku / kotobuki taisha

(congratulatory resignation, resignation
of female workers because of marriage)
Kotobuki, meaning auspiciousness is the word which is commonly
used in joyful and festive occasions such as weddings. Kotobuki taishoku/
kotobuki taisha refers to the prevailing practice of female workers mostly in
their mid to late 20s who resign in preparation for upcoming weddings.
In Japan, women often leave the work force, either voluntarily or
involuntarily, for full-time housework and child care at the time of marriage, or when they are expecting their rst child. When their children
reach school age, many women re-enter the labor force in order to earn
supplemental household income by taking up low-wage part-time positions mainly in the manufacturing, sales, and service industries.
Female workers should not be pressured into kotobuki taishoku,
considering the limited career prospects for middle-aged
women who re-enter the labor force (30-year-old homemaker).
Based on my personal struggle to nd a full-time position similar to what I had prior to marriage, I would urge young single
women not to be lured into kotobuki taisha, and to hang onto
their positions by all means (38-year-old homemaker).
kaseifu (housekeeper), sooji no oba-san

(middle-aged cleaning woman), otetsudai-san (maid)
These three low-wage jobs with minimal security are representative of what is traditionally available for middle-aged and elderly women
without access to adequate education and vocational training.
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Kaseifu, otetsudai-san, and sooji no oba-san not only represent

limited career options available for underprivileged middleaged women, but also connote a sense of contempt for
unskilled and low-paid female workers (41-year-old ofce
worker).
Physical Appearance
Among the 12 words and phrases listed regarding womens appearance, 6 refer to beauty, 5 refer to unattractiveness, and 1 refers to both.
busu, okame, okachi menko, subeta (ugly woman)

These four words referring to an ugly woman are also used as
derogatory terms. Busu (ugly woman) is the most frequently listed in the
physical appearance category, and it is the most commonly used in swearing, particularly at younger women. Busu not only refers to womens
physical appearance, but also to their character and personality, as in
seikaku busu (woman who has an unpleasant personality).
Okame (ugly woman) refers to a woman whose face resembles an
unattractive female mask called otafuku, known for its round face with
puffy cheeks and a at nose. Subeta (ugly woman) originated in the
Spanish and Portuguese words, espada, and has been used to refer to an
unattractive woman since the Edo period (10631867). It also refers to
a worthless card that does not count toward points in a Japanese card
game called hana fuda (ower cards) (Kojien, 2008). Among the four
words listed, busu and okame are far more commonly used than subeta
and okachi menko (ugly woman), meaning a funny face.
While there are countless words such as busu and okame to
ridicule unattractive women, buotoko (ugly man) is the only
one corresponding word for men that I can think of. What is
more, in contrast to commonly used busu and okame, buotoko
is rarely used (77-year-old homemaker).
In the society where good looks are considered one of the
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biggest assets to women, busu is an extremely cruel and hurtful

word to ridicule women, particularly those who are young and
self-conscious with their appearance (31-year-old junior high
school teacher).

Bijin, referring to a woman with good looks, is listed in the physical appearance category, although it does not connote overt negativity.
It is noteworthy that when bijin is used to refer to attractiveness other
than good looks as in koe bijin (woman with beautiful voice) and seikaku
bijin (woman with beautiful personality), it implies that these women
compensate their lack of good looks with other assets.
While not as common as bijin, bijo (beautiful woman) is a formal
term to refer to an attractive woman. Unlike most of the words listed
with nonreciprocal expressions for men, bijo and bijin have male equivalents: binan (beautiful man) and bidanshi (beautiful man). However,
in contrast to the very commonly used terms bijin and bijo, binan is
rarely used, except in the compound, binan bijo (beautiful man and
woman). Similarly, bidanshi sounds archaic, and is seldom used nowadays. Incidentally, the only instance when bijin is used in a unisex term
is in the compound happo bijin (beautiful person in all directions). It
has a negative undertone and refers to a person who tries to please everybody or who is affable to everyone.
The vast majority of expressions for womens physical appearance in the Japanese language, such as bijin and busu, reect the
fact that unlike men, women are almost always judged by their
looks rather than by other qualities (42-year-old translator).
biboo (beautiful looks, womans beauty)

Similar to the majority of words listed in the physical appearance
category, biboo is used exclusively for womens good looks. It should be
noted that the word yooboo (looks, facial features), which does not denote
beauty, is used to describe the looks and facial features of both women
and men.
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Physical appearance is something that a person was born

with, and cannot change naturally. I feel that the frequent
use of words like busu (ugly woman) and bijin (beautiful
person; beautiful woman) among peer groups puts unnecessary
pressure on younger women, and make them obsessed with
their appearance to the point of resorting to cosmetic surgery
in some extreme cases (72-year-old retired high school
teacher).
Status
A total of ve words and three phrases are listed in the status category. The most frequently listed in the status category are onna kodomo
(women and children), danson johi (men superior, women inferior), and
Onna sangai ni ie nashi (Women have no home in the three realms of
existence: the past, the present, and the future).

The term onna kodomo is used to underestimate and belittle women
by equating their status with that of children. Both onna kodomo and its
more formal term, fujoshi (women and children), share the same connotation by equating the willpower and mental as well as physical strength of
women to that of children. Furthermore, Kojien (2008), one of the highly
regarded Japanese language dictionaries, says that the term fujoshi (women
and children) is used to refer to those who are weak and effeminate.
It is offensive and insulting that advertisers often use lines similar to what the term onna kodomo represents, claiming that their
products are very simple and easy to operate even for women and
children (38-year-old college lecturer).
An expression like onna kodomo looks down upon the very existence of women by lowering their status to that of children. I am
saddened to see some men treat women based on what this
demeaning expression represents (27-year-old ofce worker).
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The notion of danson johi is based on the Buddhist and Shinto beliefs
that associate women with impurity and sinfulness. This notion, which
subjected women to subordinate positions to men as well as in society,
developed in the 12th century. During the Edo period (16031867), it
prevailed mostly in the ruling samurai class, and later, during the Meiji
period (18681912), it became prevalent in all social classes (Minamoto,
2005; Okano, 1995). Furthermore, the notion of danson johi represented
the ideology of the patriarchal ie (family, household) system, which was
legitimatized by the Civil Code of 1898. The preWorld War II hierarchical structure of Japanese society, and the ie system that supported it,
were both characterized by extreme gender inequality (Meguro, 1990;
Uno, 1991). Although the Constitution enacted shortly after World War
II guarantees gender equality, the residual effects of the notion of danson
johi are observed in various spheres of life in present-day Japan.
It is hard to believe that the danson johi mentality is still intact
and prevailing in 21st century Japan, particularly among
middle-aged and elderly men (50-year-old homemaker).
Onna sangai ni ie nashi. (Women have no home

in the three realms of existence: the past,
the present, and the future.)
Onna sangai ni ie nashi is based on a Buddhist sutra that denes
the status of women as inferior and secondary to that of men. At the
time of its arrival in Japan by way of Korea in the 6th century, Buddhism
emphasized the importance of asceticism for monks, and strictly forbade
their sexual relations with women, who were considered hindrances to
ascetic monks. This negative view of women is expressed in many sutras
including Onna sangai ni ie nashi (Minamoto, 1997; Ogoshi, Minamoto
& Yamashita, 1990; Okano, 1995).
I have heard that there is a similar expression to Onna sangai
ni ie nashi in Arabic. I often think that there are many similarities between Japanese and Arab women in terms of their
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status in society as well as the discriminations against them

(48-year-old part-time English instructor).
onna sanjuu no oshie (doctrine of three obediences

for women: as a daughter, obey your father;
once married, obey your husband;
and when widowed, obey your son)
Another discriminatory concept of the three obediences (sanjuu)
which dene the secondary status of women was introduced to Japan in
the sutras of Mahayana, one of the two major forms of Buddhism
(Minamoto, 1997; Ogoshi, Minamoto & Yamashita, 1990; Okano, 1995).
The Laws of Manu dene the three obediences (sanjuu) as follows: As
a daughter, women must obey their father; once married, they must obey
their husband; when widowed, they must obey their son. Women must
not be independent (Okano, 1995, p. 18).
I cannot think of a more inhumane and insulting expression
for women than onna sanjuu no oshie (doctrine of three obediences for women). It totally denies the autonomy and dignity
of women. Although it is now considered archaic, similar sentiments still remain in Japanese society (70-year-old professor).

The notion of blood impurity originating in Buddhism as well as
in Shinto associated women with sinfulness, and created the tradition of
nyonin kinsei, which prevailed by the 12th century. Women were forbidden from Shinto and Buddhist rituals and festivals, Buddhist temples,
Shinto shrines, and reizan (holy mountains) such as Mt. Fuji, which
were revered in Shinto and Buddhism. Furthermore, women were banned
in many secular places including shing boats, construction sites, sake
breweries, sumo rings, and behind the sushi counter.
Although this tradition was ofcially abolished in 1872, its residual
effects remain in many spheres of life, and women are still excluded in
a number of places and events in present-day Japan. For instance, women
are prohibited from stepping up on the sumo ring based on the claim by
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the Japan Sumo Association that it maintains the sacredness of sumo,

which developed as a Shinto ritual. Similarly, the Seikan Tunnel, the
longest underwater tunnel in the world between the mainland and the
northern island of Hokkaido, was completed in 1988 without the presence of any women on its site during its 16-year construction period
(Asano, 2005).
It is simply appalling that the notorious practice of nyonin kinsei not only lingers on in 21st century Japan, but also is maintained and even supported by both women and men as a
deeply ingrained tradition in Japanese culture (68-year-old
professor emeritus).
Derogatory Terms
Of seven derogatory terms listed, ve concern sexual promiscuity
and prostitution, one each for elderly women and for women of all ages.
The most frequently listed in the derogatory term category is (kuso)
babaa, a derogatory term used for elderly women.
(kuso)babaa (derogatory term for elderly women)

Babaa, as well as the more contemptuous term, kuso babaa
(extremely derogatory term for elderly women), are by far the most frequently listed in the derogatory term category. Babaa is derived from baba
(old woman), which has a much less negative undertone. Incidentally,
the joker in a card game is called baba in the Japanese language, referring to what is worthless and unpleasant (Kojien, 2008).
While babaa has been commonly used for a number of years by both
women and men to swear at elderly women, it received extensive media
attention for the rst time in 2001. As mentioned in Chapter 5, in the
fall of that year, the Governor of Tokyo, Ishihara Shintaro, who is known
for his highly controversial remarks, criticized the behavior of middleaged and elderly women by commenting that babaa are the worst and
the most hideous creatures that civilization has ever brought about
127
(Shukan Josei, 2001). An immediate outcry from womens as well as citizens groups over the governors statement was covered favorably by the
Japanese media, who had not necessarily been sympathetic toward such
protests in the past.
The word babaa is bad enough; if someone calls me kuso babaa
(extremely derogatory term for elderly women), I may punch
her/him in the face. People should stop using such foul language (45-year-old part-time interpreter).
Babaa is truly a disgusting word that also sounds horrendous.
It is disheartening to hear those of the younger generation
nonchalantly use such a hideous word without showing any
respect or regard for elderly women (76-year-old retired high
school teacher).
ama (nun, derogatory term for women)

Although ama literally means nun, it is one of the worst derogatory terms for women, and is used exclusively by men to swear at women
of all ages.
Unfortunately, TV dramas and movies are full of derogatory
terms such as ama, which makes me shudder. Also, there seem
to be more derogatory terms that are used toward women than
men. I think that the media should make a more conscientious
effort to eliminate foul language (28-year-old graduate
student).
abazure (audacious and impudent woman)

Although abazure is now used exclusively for women in the Japanese language, it originally referred to both women and men who are
audacious and impudent (Kitahara & Taishukan, 20022008).
Although abazure refers only to women, I personally feel that
audaciousness and impudence are the personality traits that are
more often associated with men than with women (36-year-old
graduate student).
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otoko gurui (nymphomaniac)

Unlike most of the words and phrases listed that do not have reciprocal expressions for men, otoko gurui has a male equivalent called
onna gurui. However, otoko gurui is more commonly used than onna
gurui.
Onna gurui is much less frequently used than otoko gurui,
which reects the longstanding societal tolerance for the
sexual promiscuity of men (42-year-old nursery school
teacher).
Differences and Similarities by Age

Survey participants were divided into three age groups: 20 to 39,
40 to 59, and 60 to 79, in order to compare differences and similarities
in the selections of words and phrases by age. The number of participants in each age group is 24 in their 20s and 30s, 24 in their 40s and
50s, and 22 in their 60s and 70s. The total number of words and phrases
listed by each age group is 62 by those in their 20s and 30s, 82 by those
in their 40s to 50s, and 92 by those in their 60s and 70s. The average
number of words and phrases listed per participant of each age group is
2.6 for those in their 20s and 30s, 3.4 for those in their 40s and 50s,
and 4.2 for those in their 60s and 70s, indicating that the older the age
group, the more words and phrases are listed per participant. Table 4
summarizes the above ndings.
Table 4. Distribution of Words and
Phrases Listed by Age Groups
Average Number
Total Number
of Words and
Number of
of Words and
Phrases Listed
Age Group Participants
Phrases Listed
per Participant
2039
4059
6079
24
24
22
62
82
92
129
2.6
3.4
4.2
As shown in Table 5, the following three words and phrases that

belong to the characterization of women category are listed by all age
groups: onna no kuse ni (after all she is a woman, though she is a woman)
to criticize women who challenge or achieve what is traditionally reserved
for men, memeshii (like a woman, unmanly and effeminate man), which
is used to criticize the personality traits as well as behavior of men, and
some kanji (ideographic characters) composed of onna hen (the female
radical) that have negative meanings such as jealousy, adultery, and
hatred.
Table 5. Words and Phrases Listed by All Age Groups
Category
Words and Phrases Listed by All Age Groups
Characterization
onna no kuse ni (after all she is a woman, though she is

a woman)
memeshii (like a woman, unmanly and effeminate man)
some kanji (ideographic characters) composed of onna
hen (the female radical)
At the same time, as presented in Table 6, a total of six words and

phrases are listed exclusively by each age group.
Age Group
Table 6. Words and Phrases Listed

Exclusively by Each Age Group
Category
Words and Phrases Exclusively Listed
2039
Characterization
Occupation
4059
Marriage
6079
Occupation
Marriage
Marriage

kotobuki taishoku/kotobuki taisha
(congratulatory resignation,
resignation of female workers because
of marriage)
oku-san (Mrs. Interior, address term for
married women)
onna no ko (girl)
miboojin (person who is not yet dead,
widow)
Kashite sannen konaki wa saru. (A wife
should leave her husband if she fails
to have a child within 3 years of
marriage.)
Shitoyaka (modest, graceful, gentle), concerning the characterization of women, and kotobuki taishoku / kotobuki taisha (congratulatory
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6 Survey
resignation; resignation of female workers because of marriage), concerning occupation, are listed exclusively by women in their 20s and
30s. Some respondents argue that shitoyaka (modest, graceful, gentle) represents social and cultural preconditions of desirable traits in young
women.
In Japanese society, which remains largely patriarchal, shitoyaka
is commonly used as one of the criteria for judging the value of
young women as commodities (38-year-old college lecturer).
Others criticize that kotobuki taishoku / kotobuki taisha (congratulatory
resignation; resignation of female workers because of marriage) is a
euphemism for the prevailing discriminatory practice in the workplace
to pressure young single female workers to resign upon marriage.
Kotobuki taishoku reects the societal expectation that women
should get married, leave the work force, and become full-time
homemakers (26-year-old ofce worker).
Oku-san (Mrs. Interior, address term for married women) (Cherry,
1987), relating to marriage, and onna no ko (girl), relating to occupation, are listed exclusively by women in their 40s and 50s. A signicant
number of respondents assert that the commonly used address term
for married women, oku-san, would reinforce the existing gender-based
role division in society by literally designating the place for married
women.
Oku-san represents the prevailing notion in society that a wife
should always keep a low prole by staying behind her husband and rendering him full support (40-year-old homemaker).
Many respondents also point out the fact that onna no ko (girl) is
customarily used in the workplace to refer to adult female workers
regardless of their job experience and skills. In contrast, its corresponding term, otoko no ko (boy) is rarely used for adult male workers
except as an occasional reference to those who are newcomers to the
workplace.
131
The prevalent custom in the Japanese workplace to call an

adult female worker onna no ko conveys a biased assumption
that a woman is not capable of doing a mans share of the work
(46-year-old ofce worker).
Kashite sannen konaki wa saru (A wife should leave her husband if
she fails to have a child within 3 years of marriage), and miboojin (person who is not yet dead, widow), belonging to the marriage category, are
listed exclusively by women in their 60s and 70s. Some respondents
express their concern over the gender bias found in the literal meaning
of miboojin.
While miboojin is widely used even by widows themselves,
what it stands for is an ancient primitive idea that a wife
should follow her husband upon his death (70-year-old professor).
Others maintain that the lingering misconception about infertility is
associated with the phrase, Kashite sannen konaki wa saru (A wife should
leave her husband if she fails to have a child within 3 years of marriage),
although it is now mostly archaic.
An expression like Kashite sannen konaki wa saru proves the
fact that women have been wrongly blamed for infertility (66year-old homemaker).
Differences and Similarities by Education Levels

In order to compare the differences and similarities in the selections
of words and phrases by education levels, survey participants were divided
into the following three groups based on the highest degrees they earned:
high school diplomas, associate and bachelors degrees, and graduate
degrees. The number of participants in each group is indicated in the
parentheses: high school diplomas (12), associate and bachelors degrees
(47), and graduate degrees (11). The total number of words and phrases
listed by each group is 31 by the group with high school diplomas, 118
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6 Survey
by the group with associate and bachelors degrees, and 29 by the group
with graduate degrees. The average number of words and phrases listed
per participant of each group is 2.6 for the group with high school diplomas, 2.5 for the group with associate and bachelors degrees, and 2.6 for
the group with graduate degrees. Table 7 summarizes the abovementioned ndings.
Phrases Listed by Education Levels
Average Number
Total Number of Words and
Highest Degree
Number of
of Words and Phrases Listed
Earned
Participants
Phrases Listed per Participant
High school diplomas
AA BA BS
MA MS PhD
12
47
11
31
118
29
2.6
2.5
2.6
A total of 16 words and phrases are listed by all education levels. As

presented in Table 8, these words and phrases belong to the marriage,
characterization of women, age, occupation, and physical appearance
categories. Words and phrases pertaining to marriage are yome (daughterin-law, bride), yome o morau (to receive a daughter-in-law/bride),
oku-san (Mrs. Interior, address term for married women) (Cherry, 1987),
kanai (house-insider, ones wife) (Cherry, 1987), gusai (stupid wife,
ones wife), shufu (main woman, homemaker), ikiokure (late to marry,
single woman in her 30s), and urenokori (unsold merchandise, single
woman in her 30s). Relating to the characterization of women are
onna no kuse ni (after all she is a woman, though she is a woman),
memeshii (like a woman, unmanly and effeminate man), some kanji
(ideographic characters) composed of onna hen (the female radical),
onna no kusatta yoona (like a rotten woman, indecisive and cowardly
man), and onna rashii (feminine, womanly). Obaa-chan (granny, address
term for elderly women) is related to age, onna no ko (girl) belongs to
the occupation category, and busu (ugly woman) is concerning physical
appearance.
133

by All Education Levels
Words and Phrases Listed by All Education Levels
Category
Marriage
Characterization
Age
Occupation
Physical Appearance

yome o morau (to receive a daughter-in-law/bride)
oku-san (Mrs. Interior, address term for married
women)
urenokori (unsold merchandise, single woman in her
30s)
onna no kuse ni (after all she is a woman, though she
is a woman)
memeshii (like a woman, unmanly and effeminate man)
some kanji (ideographic characters) composed of
onna hen (the female radical)
onna no kusatta yoona (like a rotten woman, indecisive
and cowardly man)
obaa-chan (granny, address term for elderly women)
onna no ko (girl)
busu (ugly woman)
As shown in Table 9, no words and phrases are listed exclusively by

the groups with high school diplomas and graduate degrees, while toshima
(years added, middle-aged woman) (Cherry, 1987), concerning age, is
exclusive to the group with associate and bachelors degrees.
Exclusively by Each Education Level
Highest Degree
Earned
Category
Words and Phrases

Exclusively Listed
High school diploma

AA BA BS
n/a
Age
MA MS Ph.D.
n/a
0
toshima (years added, middle-aged
woman)
0
Many respondents with associate and bachelors degrees point out

that toshima (years added, middle-aged woman) (Cherry, 1987) reects
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6 Survey
the prevailing notion that unlike men, aging does not work for
women.
While there are a number of negative expressions for middleaged women such as toshima in the Japanese language, there is
virtually none for middle-aged men. I guess it is a universal
notion that aging works against women (56-year-old homemaker).
Differences and Similarities by Occupation

Survey participants were divided into the following three occupational groups in order to compare the differences and similarities in the
selection of words and phrases by occupation. The total number of participants in each occupational group is indicated in the parentheses:
homemakers (18), educators (15), and clerical workers (14). The remaining 23 participants consisted of 8 professionals, 7 retirees, 6 students, and
2 housework helpers were excluded from the comparison due to their
lack of adequate representation. The total number of words and phrases
listed by each group is 50 by homemakers, 39 by educators, and 39 by
clerical workers. The average number of words and phrases listed per participant of each group is 2.8 per homemaker, 2.6 per educator, and 2.8
per clerical worker. The above ndings are summarized in Table 10.
Phrases Listed by Occupation Groups
Average Number
Total Number
of Words and
Occupation
Number of
of Words and
Phrases Listed
Group
Participants Phrases Listed
per Participant
Homemaker
Educator
Clerical Worker
18
15
14
50
39
39
2.8
2.6
2.8
A total of six words and phrases are listed by all occupational groups,
out of which three are related to marriage, and another three are related
to the characterization of women. As presented in Table 11, three words
135
concerning marriage are urenokori (unsold merchandise, single woman

in her 30s), oku-san (Mrs. Interior, address term for married women)
(Cherry, 1987), and kanai (house-insider, ones wife) (Cherry, 1987).
Two phrases and one word concerning the characterization of women
are onna no kusatta yoona (like a rotten woman, indecisive and cowardly
man), onna no kuse ni (after all she is a woman, though she is a woman),
and memeshii (like a woman, unmanly and effeminate man).
Category

by All Occupation Groups
Words and Phrases Listed by All Occupation Groups
Marriage
urenokori (unsold merchandise, single woman in her 30s)

oku-san (Mrs. Interior, address term for married women)
Characterization memeshii (like a woman, unmanly and effeminate man)
onna no kusatta yoona (like a rotten woman, indecisive
and cowardly man)
onna no kuse ni (after all she is a woman, though she is a
woman)
As shown in Table 12, gusai (stupid wife, ones wife), pertaining to

marriage, is listed exclusively by homemakers, while no words and phrases
are listed exclusively by educators and clerical workers.
Exclusively by Each Occupation Group
Occupation Group
Category
Words and Phrases

Exclusively Listed
Homemaker
Educator
Clerical Worker
Marriage
n/a
n/a

0
0
A number of homemakers express their concern about the use of gusai

(stupid wife, ones wife) as a humble term for ones wife, which is
particularly prevalent among men of the older generation. Using
humble terms for oneself as well as ones own family members is a customary practice among Japanese people in order to be deferential to
others.
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Among a number of demeaning terms for wife, gusai is probably the worst of all. I have heard my father referring to my
mother as such on many occasions, to her dismay. It is simply
beyond my comprehension that a husband would call his wife
stupid in order to be humbly polite to others (28-year-old
homemaker).
Summary of the Survey Results and Discussion

The voices of women in this survey validate many instances of gender bias in the Japanese language. A total of 151 words and phrases that
are found degrading to women by the survey participants are characterized by one or more of the following features: gender asymmetry, dehumanizing as well as stereotypical descriptions of women, and an element
of the notion of danson johi (men superior, women inferior). This notion
to subjugate women to men developed among the ruling and privileged
samurai class in the Kamakura period (11851333), prevailed in all classes
by the Meiji period (18681912), and became an indispensable element
to support the hierarchical structure of preWorld War II patriarchal
Japanese society (Kaneko, 1995; Kinjo, 1995).
Gender asymmetry is typically found in such words and phrases as
gusai (stupid wife, ones wife), katazukeru (to dispose of, to marry off a
daughter), demodori (returnee to ones parents place, divorced woman),
Akusai wa isshoo no fusaku (A bad wife ruins her husbands entire life),
and Dakara onna wa dameda (That is why women are no good), all of
which do not have reciprocal expressions describing males. Prototypical
examples of dehumanizing as well as stereotypical descriptions of women
include miboojin (person who is not yet dead, widow), urenokori (unsold
merchandise, single woman in her 30s), umazume (stone woman, nolife woman, infertile woman), onna bara / otoko bara (female womb /
male womb, woman who gives birth only to girls / boys), and kanai
(house-insider, ones wife) (Cherry, 1987). The longstanding danson johi
(men superior, women inferior) mentality is reected in such words as
onna no ko (girl), a term routinely used by men to refer to an adult
137
woman in the workplace, and onna kodomo (women and children), which
equates the status of women with that of children, as well as in some
terms denoting female and women including josei, fujin, and onna, which
are used as modiers to occupational and positional terms. These modiers
are customarily added when women take up traditionally male-dominated occupations and positions, as in josei giin (congresswoman), fujin
keikan (woman police ofcer), and onna shachoo (woman CEO). Phrases
that reect the danson johi mentality include naijo no koo (merit of inside
help) (Cherry, 1987), a commonly used phrase to praise the support and
sacrices of a wife who helps her husband succeed in life, and Onna sangai ni ie nashi (Women have no home in the three realms of existence;
the past, the present, and the future), which is based on a Buddhist sutra
to dene the status of women being inferior to that of men.
Furthermore, among age, level of education, and occupation, age
is a decisive factor in differences in the participants selections of words
and phrases. As presented in Table 6, certain words and phrases are listed
exclusively by each age group, which indicates that the participants perceive gender bias in the language that is specically related to their age.
For instance, shitoyaka (modest, graceful, gentle), listed by those in their
20s and 30s, is one of the most frequently used words in the Japanese
language to describe femininity, particularly of younger women. A commonly used address term for married women, oku-san (Mrs. Interior)
(Cherry, 1987), is listed by those in their 40s and 50s, while miboojin
(person who is not yet dead, widow), the term widely used not only by
the general public but also by widows themselves, is listed by those in
their 60s and 70s.
Well over one third of all the words and phrases that the survey participants nd degrading to women are in regard to marriage, which is
commonly considered in Japan as a means of conferring legitimacy and
status to both men and women (Fujimura-Fanselow, 1995a, p. 141). A
number of the participants assert that yome (daughter-in-law, bride), the
most frequently listed word in the marriage category, along with its derivatives such as yome ni iku (to go as a daughter-in-law/bride, to marry
into a husbands family) and yome o morau (to receive a daughter-inlaw/bride) describe women as commodities to pass on from one family
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6 Survey
to another. Aoki (1997) and Yoshizumi (1995) make similar claims by

pointing out that the concept of the preWorld War II patriarchal family system remains intact in present-day Japan, where upon marriage, a
woman not only becomes the wife of her husband, but also assumes a
vulnerable position of yome (daughter-in-law, bride) in his family. Traditionally, yome is under many obligations to her husbands family,
including taking up her husbands surname, looking after household
chores, giving birth to children (preferably boys who would succeed the
family name as well as estate), and caring for her parents-in-law through
their advanced age, among others.
The survey participants also comment that there are a number of
words including urenokori (unsold merchandise), ikiokure (late to marry),
and ikazu goke (widow without marrying) to belittle and ridicule women
who remain single after tekireiki (the period of marriageable age in their
mid to late 20s). Words like these conrm that the compulsion and
expectation for Japanese people, particularly women, to marry by a certain age remains prevalent in Japanese society, which is observed by
Creighton (1996), Lo (1990), and Morley (1999), among others. In addition, a number of the survey participants express their concern over
expressions, including umazume (stone woman, no-life woman, infertile woman), which connote that women are responsible for infertility.
While these expressions are becoming mostly obsolete, many participants assert that there remain sentiments that associate women with
infertility and hold them responsible for it.
Out of the 10 most frequently listed words and phrases, 6 belong
to the characterization of women category. The most frequently listed
of all the words and phrases is onna no kuse ni (after all she is a woman,
though she is a woman), a commonly used phrase to criticize a woman
who challenges or achieves what is traditionally reserved for men. It is
also used to criticize the demeanor of a woman who dees gender-based
stereotypes. Feminist scholars including Ide (1979) and Reynolds (1990)
argue that the implication of onna no kuse ni is that women should know
better and stay within the acceptable range of behavior and demeanor
for women dened by Japanese society, rather than stepping out of line
only to be criticized.
139
Similar to onna no kuse ni in its connotation and negative undertone, onna datera ni (unlike a woman, inappropriate for a woman) is also
frequently listed. In general, onna no kuse ni is used to criticize not only
the accomplishment as well as challenge of a woman who dees gender
stereotypes, but also her demeanor and behavior. Onna datera ni on the
other hand, is used to criticize a woman for her specic behavior that is
considered not feminine. For instance, Endo (2004) explains that some
Japanese language dictionaries dene drinking heavily, or sitting crosslegged as unfeminine behavior. Moreover, onna no kuse ni is used exclusively by men, while onna datera ni is occasionally used by women of
the older generation to criticize the behavior of women of the younger
generation.
It is noteworthy that unlike all the other expressions to degrade and
deride women, two frequently listed expressions, memeshii (like a woman,
unmanly and effeminate man) and onna no kusatta yoona (like a rotten
woman, indecisive and cowardly man), are in regard to the characterization of men. Both are commonly used by men as well as by women to
criticize a man whose demeanor and personality traits are considered
feminine, that is, being indecisive, cowardly, weak-minded, inrm,
weak-willed, and so forth. The participants point out that such expressions as memeshii and onna no kusatta yoona are based on a biased perspective to associate womens personality traits with negativity. This
makes a clear contrast to expressions such as okoto masari (superior to
man, strong-minded and assertive woman) and otoko nami (being on the
level of men), which are based on the male-as-the-norm notion to judge
and ridicule women.
Although neither a word nor a phrase in the characterization category, some kanji (ideographic characters) composed of onna hen (the
female radical) are listed by the survey participants. Kanji consist of
parts called radicals, which are used to categorize and classify characters.
The participants point out that the majority of kanji composed of onna
hen have negative connotations such as hatred, jealousy, adultery, mistress, malice, lewdness, to name but a few. The studies conducted by
Wong (1991) and by Hio (2000) also discuss the negativity commonly
associated with kanji composed of onna hen. For instance, a character
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6 Survey
consisting of three female radicals are read as either kan or kashimashii

depending on the context, kan meaning adultery, and kashimashii
meaning noisy as in the frequently listed set phrase, Onna san nin
yoreba kashimashii (When three women get together, they make too
much noise). Similarly, Nakamura (1990) and Takahashi (1991) argue
that unlike other terms to denote females in the Japanese language, onna,
which is used in onna hen (the female radical), often conveys negative
connotations.
In the age category, the participants listed various kinship terms
including (o)nee-chan (elder sister, address term for young women), obasan (aunt, address term for middle-aged women), and obaa-chan (granny,
address term for elderly women). Japanese kinship terms are used to
directly address family members and relatives who are older than the
speaker. Furthermore, the unique characteristic of Japanese kinship terms
is that they can also be used as informal terms to address those outside
the family and relatives, ranging from acquaintances to total strangers.
For instance, oba-san (aunt) can be used to address a middle-aged
woman, and onee-chan (elder sister) can be used to address a young
woman. Kinship terms with the polite sufx -san convey formality as in
obaa-san (grandmother), while those with the diminutive sufx, -chan
convey friendliness as in obaa-chan (granny). Although it is customary
in Japan to use kinship terms to address non-family members, a number of the participants are offended by being addressed in such a manner by total strangers, and express their strong preference to be called by
their names instead.
The participants also assert that expressions concerning middleaged and elderly women, such as toshima (years added, middle-aged
woman) (Cherry, 1987), have overwhelmingly negative undertones due
to the general perception that aging works for men, but against women.
Moreover, by reecting the value that is placed on youth, the number
of terms for mature women with positive connotations is much fewer
than those for younger women.
As for the words and phrases regarding occupation, the survey participants claim that expressions like OL (ofce lady, female ofce worker),
shokuba no hana (ower in the workplace, young single female ofce
141
worker), and onna no ko (girl), a term routinely used by male workers

to refer to adult female workers, indicate limited career prospects for
women as well as their secondary status in the Japanese workplace. Furthermore, the participants state that the discriminatory practices against
women in the Japanese labor force are symbolized by such expressions
as kotobuki taishoku / kotobuki taisha (congratulatory resignation, resignation of female workers because of marriage), and otsubone (elderly
court woman, middle-aged female ofce worker) along with its more
condescending term, otsubone-sama, which are used by younger workers to ridicule an older female worker behind her back.
Iwai (1990) and Nakano (1984) also report that most Japanese
women work full-time before marriage, more than two thirds of them
as OLs (ofce ladies, female ofce workers). They typically perform secondary and domestic functions in the ofce including ochakumi (tea serving) to their male colleagues and supervisors, as well as to company
clients. Due to the tradition of strict gender-based role division in Japanese society, the vast majority of OLs leave the work force upon marriage to become full-time homemakers and mothers. When their children
reach school age, many women re-enter the labor force by taking up
part-time positions, mostly in manufacturing, sales, and service industries, in order to earn supplementary household income. Saso (1990)
similarly asserts that single OLs in their late 20s to early 30s are likely
to experience the pressure to resign by kotobuki taishoku / kotobuki taisha
(congratulatory resignation, resignation of female workers because of
marriage) before they become too old to be shokuba no hana (owers in
the workplace, young single female ofce workers).
In the physical appearance category, the survey participants comment that there are a large number of scornful expressions to ridicule
women for their looks, all of which are also used to swear at women,
particularly those who are young. The most frequently listed word is
busu (ugly woman), which is followed by okame (ugly woman). Although
busu is mostly used to make fun of womens looks, it can also be used
to criticize womens personality and character as being unpleasant, as in
seikaku busu (woman with an unpleasant personality). Expressions for
womens good looks without overtly negative connotations such as bijin
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6 Survey
(beautiful person, beautiful woman) and biboo (beautiful looks, womans

beauty) are also listed. It is noteworthy that when the word bijin is used
to describe attractiveness other than good looks as in koe bijin (woman
with beautiful voice) and seikaku bijin (woman with beautiful personality), it implies that these women compensate for their lack of good looks
with other assets.
The participants assert that regardless of the undertone being positive or negative, all the expressions pertaining to womens physical
appearance are a clear manifestation of the prevailing perception that
women are judged by their looks and that one of the most important
assets for women is good looks. This assertion by the survey participants
is veried by the differences in usage between yooboo (looks, facial features) and biboo (beautiful looks, womans beauty). While yooboo with
gender neutral denotation is used in regard to the looks of both women
and men, biboo, is used exclusively for the good looks of women.
As for the words and phrases regarding status, the survey participants state that the age-old notion of danson johi (men superior, women
inferior), which developed in the Kamakura period (11851333), remains
intact in present-day Japanese society. For instance, they point out that
this notion to dene the status of women being secondary to that of men
is reected in the commonly used expression onna kodomo (women and
children), which equates the status of women with that of children. Similarly, the phrase listed by the participants, Onna sangai ni ie nashi
(Women have no home in the three realms of existence: the past, the
present, and the future), although mostly archaic, is based on the Buddhist sutra that considers women inherently inferior to men. In addition, another phrase listed by the participants, onna sanjuu no oshie
(doctrine of three obediences for women: as a daughter, obey your father;
once married, obey your husband; and when widowed, obey your son),
is also derived from the Buddhist sutra advocating womens unconditional obedience and submission to men (Okano, 1995).
Furthermore, the survey participants listed the tradition of nyonin
kinsei (no females allowed). This tradition was created from the notion
of blood impurity in Shinto that originated in Japan as well as in Buddhism that was introduced to Japan in the 5th century by way of Korea
143
and prevailed by the 12th century. Women were considered sinful and
were forbidden from participating in Shinto and Buddhist rituals and
festivals, as well as from entering many secular places including shing
boats, construction sites, sake breweries, and sumo rings. Although this
tradition was ofcially abolished in 1872, women are still excluded in a
number of places and events in present-day Japan (Minamoto, 2005;
Okano, 1995). Lebra (1984) and Okano (1995) maintain that women
were relegated to a secondary status due to male supremacy embedded
in Shinto, Buddhism, and Confucianism, which not only promoted the
development and maintenance of gender-based role division, but also
gender inequality in Japanese society.
In the derogatory term category, the most frequently listed is babaa
(derogatory term for elderly women) and its more insulting version, kuso
babaa (extremely derogatory term for elderly women). The survey participants express their concern that derogatory expressions like these are
totally lacking in respect and regard for elderly women. Moreover, out
of seven derogatory terms listed, ve are in regard to sexual promiscuity and prostitution. This coincides with the argument by Stanley (1977)
that the majority of sexual insults are applied to women because womans
sex, unlike mans sex, is commonly treated as if it were her most noticeable characteristic, which becomes the basis of dening women.
144
7
Women and the Japanese Language:
The Present and the Future
Language enters into womens lives in complex, varied, and subtle ways.
Women, in turn, breathe life into language [McConnel-Ginet, Borker
& Furman, 1980, p. xv].
Prospects for Changes in Gender Bias in

the Japanese Language
Continuous efforts to materialize the fairer representation of genders in the Japanese language have been made by a number of womens
groups, feminist activists and scholars alike, particularly since the mid
1970s as a result of the second wave of feminism, which began in the
early 1970s. Although gender bias remains prevalent and deeply rooted
in the Japanese language, these ongoing efforts have had a signicant
impact on bringing about a change for the better. In this chapter such
existing instances of gender bias in the Japanese language are discussed
by themes, along with any relevant changes and reforms that have taken
place or are underway. Some suggestions in regard to future language
reform are included as well. As mentioned in Chapter 6, the majority of
women who took part in the survey also shared with me their various
thoughts on gender bias in the Japanese language. Where applicable,
some of their specic comments are presented in English translation.
Male-Female Word Order

The male-female word order is the norm of the modern Japanese
kanji (ideographic characters) compounds, in which the characters rep145
resenting males precede those representing females. For instance, in

regard to the two most commonly used compounds referring to married
couples, fuufu (husband and wife) and fusai (husband and wife), the
character which represents husband precedes the one that represents wife.
Similarly, in such compounds as danjo (man and woman) and fubo (father
and mother, parents), the characters representing man and father precede those representing woman and mother. This male-female word
order can also be found in English; when putting the genders in order,
males commonly precede females as in husband and wife, men and
women, his and hers, and he or she (Simmonds, 1995).
To the best of my knowledge, characters that represent males
are always followed by those that represent females in Japanese
kanji compounds as in the case of fuufu (husband and wife)
and sofubo (grandfather and grandmother, grandparents). I
consider such word order as one of many examples of the longstanding male supremacy in Japanese society (52-year-old
part-time high school teacher).
I feel that the age-old notion of danson johi (men superior,
women inferior) underlies the prevailing male-female word
order that is found in many Japanese compounds such as danjo
(man and woman), fubo (father and mother, parents), and fusai
(husband and wife), to name just a few (31-year-old junior
As pointed out by these quotations, it is fair to consider the malefemale word order found in many Japanese kanji compounds to be one
of the many instances of the residual effects of the notion danson johi.
This notion to subjugate women to men prevailed in all social classes
during the Meiji period (18681912), and became one of the fundamental elements to support the hierarchical structure of the preWorld War
II patriarchal Japanese society (Kaneko, 1995).
While the male-female word order is customary in kanji compounds
in modern Japanese, the reverse female-male word order did exist through
the early Kamakura period (11851333) before the notion of danson johi
had fully developed. It is not only thought-provoking but also inspir146
7Women and the Japanese Language
ing to nd this female-male word order in a number of well-known literary works of the late Nara period (710794) through the early
Kamakura period (11851333). For instance, a compound referring to
parents is written in the order of mother and father in Manyoshu (The
Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves), the oldest anthology of poetry in
Japan, completed in the 8th century (Endo, 1995). Furthermore, in Konjaku Monogatari (The Tales of the Present and the Past), the oldest anthology of ancient tales in Japan, comprised in the early 12th century, a
compound referring to a married couple, meoto, appears as woman and
husband as well as wife and husband. In addition, another term for
a married couple called meotoko is written as woman and man in Ujishui
Monogatari (The Supplementary to the Tales of Uji Dainagon), a representative anthology of tales of the Kamakura period (11851333), which was
completed in the early 13th century. Similarly, another term referring to
a married couple, meo, appears as woman and man as well as wife and
husband in Hosshinshu (The Collection of the Tales of Attaining Enlightenment), an anthology of Buddhist tales also compiled in the early 13th
century (Kojien, 2008).
There ought to be more exibility on the part of language users to
choose either the female-male word order found in many classical literary works, or the prevailing male-female word order in modern Japanese
to suit our needs and personal preference, as well as particular context.
Such an approach will not only add more variations in the word order
of kanji compounds, but would also provide a major step forward to
eliminate the legacies of danson johi and overall gender inequality that
are embedded in the Japanese language.
Invisibility of Women
Women are invisible in many kanji compounds that refer to both
women and men. For instance, kyoodai, the compound meaning siblings, consists exclusively of characters that represent males elder
brother and younger brother without any representation of female.
The same can be said about the term fukei, meaning parents or guardians,
147
which consists entirely of characters representing males father and

elder brother. As a result, PTA (Parent-Teacher Association) meetings
used to be called fukeikai (fathers and elder brothers association meetings) despite the fact that the vast majority of the active members are
mothers.
Invisibility of women is not particular to the Japanese language. For
instance, in English it can be found in the use of generic masculine or
pseudo-generic, that is, the use of the masculine to refer to human
beings in general. Such usage can be found in expressions including
mankind, man-made, man-hour, and manpower, to name but a few
(Stanley, 1978). Particularly prevalent is the use of he as the genericmasculine; according to an estimate by some scholars, the average American is exposed to he used as the generic masculine a million times at
the minimum in a lifetime (MacKay, 1983). Many grammarians and linguists argue that the use of generic masculine is one of the many
instances of marking in the language which include women, and therefore, is not gender biased (Greenberg, 1966). However, a number of
studies suggest that he and other masculine terms are rarely used generically, and in fact cause gender bias in peoples interpretation (Hamilton, 1988; Harrison, 1975; Henley, et al., 1985; MacKay, 1980a, b;
Martyna, 1978).
Because of language reform in recent years, fukeikai (fathers and
elder brothers association meetings), referring to PTA (Parent-Teacher
Association) meetings, has been mostly replaced by fubokai (fathers and
mothers association meetings), the term that fairly represents the presence of women, as well as hogoshakai (guardians association meetings),
the gender neutral term. However, it remains customary to use fukei
(fathers and elder brothers), the term without any representation of
female, to address parents and guardians of both genders in formal settings.
I always felt that the term fukeikai (fathers and elder brothers
association meetings) was misleading and unfair, since its regular attendees were mothers, not fathers. I am very happy to
learn that the terms to fairly represent both women and men,
148
such as fubokai (fathers and mothers association meetings) and

hogoshakai (guardians association meetings), are being used
instead these days. I am also interested to see if changes in language like this will lead to changes in other areas of the maleoriented Japanese society (72-year-old retired high school
teacher).
I cannot help but feel excluded and alienated as a woman when
I have no choice but to use the kanji (ideographic characters)
compound composed exclusively of characters representing
men. For instance, when asking a woman about her siblings,
kyoodai (elder and younger brothers) is the only appropriate
term that can be used. I wish there were more gender inclusive
terms to represent the presence of women in the Japanese language (26-year-old part-time ofce worker).
As described by these quotations, the presence of women is completely disregarded in many commonly used kanji compounds that consist entirely of characters representing men. Many feminist scholars point
out that such prevalent male dominance in the Japanese language has
resulted from the preWorld War II social system based on patriarchy,
as well as the notion of danson johi (men superior, women inferior) that
supported such a social system (Endo, 1995; Nakamura, 1990; Swanger,
1994).
It should be noted that young women and girls are also invisible in
a number of expressions in the Japanese language, as in the case of the
word shoonen (boys), which not only refers to boys, but also to young
children regardless of gender in Japanese legal terms. According to the
Juvenile Law, literally called Shoonen Ho (the Boys Law) in Japan, shoonen is dened as both girls and boys under 20 years of age. Although
there is a unisex term, jidoo (young children), referring to young girls
and boys, shoonen is often used in place of jidoo. For instance, according to Jidoo Fukushi Ho (the Child Welfare Law), the term jidoo is
dened as children under 18 years of age. They are further divided into
the following two categories: yooji (infants, small children) for those who
are under 6 years of age, and shoonen for those who are under 18 years
149
of age, regardless of gender. Similarly, the period of childhood in Japanese is called shoonenki (the period of boyhood) as well as jidooki (the
period of childhood).
The same invisibility of young women can also be found in the term
seinen (young men), which is commonly used to refer to both young women
and men. For example, in developmental psychology seinen are dened as
those in their early-teens to their mid20s regardless of gender. Likewise,
adolescence is called seinenki (the period of young manhood), and seinen
jidai (the days of young manhood) refers to ones youth for both women
and men. Moreover, the Junior Chamber (JC) in Japan, which is the local
chapter of the Junior Chamber International ( JCI), is called the Seinen
Kaigisho (the Chamber of Young Men), and its members are referred to as
seinen keizaijin (young men in the business community). Although the
membership of the Junior Chamber (JC) in Japan is open to both women
and men, none of these terms represent the presence of its women members. In addition, the junior board system that was rst adopted in the
United States by McCormick and Company in 1932 translates as seinen
juuyakukai seido (board system for young men) in Japanese. Furthermore,
the Japanese volunteer organization similar to the Peace Corps in the United
States is called the Seinen Kaigai Kyoryoku Tai (The Japan Overseas Cooperation Corps of Young Men)without any reference to female members,
who are as active and dedicated as their male counterparts.
Considering a large number of expressions in the Japanese language
that reect male dominance, it is certainly a welcome trend that one of
the prototypical patriarchal terms, fukeikai (fathers and elder brothers
association meetings), has been replaced by the gender inclusive term
fubokai (fathers and mothers association meetings). While it does have
the male-female word order, fubokai (fathers and mothers association
meetings) accurately describes the presence of women. What is even more
encouraging is the emergence of a gender neutral term called hogoshakai
(guardians association meetings), which is being used in place of fukeikai
(fathers and elder brothers association meetings). A change such as this
which increases the visibility of women in language may seem rather
small; nevertheless, it does have a signicant effect on the realization of
fairer representation of genders in the Japanese language.
150
Occupational and Positional Terms for Women

When women take up occupations and positions that have been traditionally held by men, various terms to denote females are customarily
added as modiers to these occupations and positions. The same practice used to be found in English, in which neutral occupational terms
took on female modiers as in woman writer and woman doctor
(Minh-ha, 1989). The most commonly used terms in the Japanese language have been fujin, josei, joryuu, and onna / jo, as in fujin keikan
(woman police ofcer), josei kisha (woman reporter), joryuu sakka (woman
author), onna shachoo (woman CEO), and joi (woman doctor). Among
these four terms, josei is the most neutral with the least gender bias, followed by fujin, the term commonly used for older married women. In
contrast, both joryuu, which is predominantly used in the eld of art,
and onna / jo, connote strong gender bias, implying that women who are
holding traditionally male dominant occupations and positions are not
as competent and capable as their male counterparts.
It should be noted that unlike other terms denoting female, onna
is not only used with occupational and positional terms, but is also commonly used with the names of well-known male gures when describing the accomplishments of women in the relevant elds. For instance,
when the Japanese womens softball team won the gold medal for the
rst time in history at the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, a member who
was the driving force behind the accomplishment was referred to as onna
(female, woman) Ichiroo, a well-known Japanese elder of the Seattle
Mariners.
In addition to fujin, josei, joryuu, and onna / jo, there are other various terms to denote females that are used as modiers to describe activities, positions, and occupations held by women. For instance, mama-san
(mother, mom) is routinely used with activities and positions held by
married women with children. Some of the common expressions include
mama-san koorasu (mothers chorus groups), mama-san baree (mothers
volleyball teams), and mama-san rannaa (women runners who are married with children). The latest creation is mama-san uchuuhikooshi
(mother astronaut), referring to Yamazaki Naoko, the second Japanese
151
woman astronaut mentioned in Chapter 5, who is scheduled to be on

board Space Shuttle Atlantis in 2010. Yamazaki is referred to as such, since
unlike her predecessor, she is the rst woman astronaut who is married
with a young daughter. As described earlier, a large number of Japanese
words and phrases are characterized by gender asymmetry. Likewise, the
term mama-san (mother, mom) does not have a reciprocal term like
papa-san (father, dad), that can used as a modier to activities or positions held by married men with children. Although mama-san as a
modier is commonly considered a term of endearment, such usage does
have an undertone of mockery and ridicule in regard to activities, occupations, and positions held by married women with children.
Another term, shufu (main woman, homemaker), is also used as a
modier for activities and positions held by homemakers as in shufu
sakka (homemaker/author). Compared to mama-san, shufu is a much
more formal term, and is not as frequently used; however, it conveys the
similar negative and biased assumption that homemakers are secondary
as well as mediocre in what they do besides household work.
Furthermore, the term joshi (girl), referring to a young woman, is
widely used with occupational and positional terms. Expressions composed of joshi as a modier include joshi koosei (female high school student), joshi daisei (female college student), joshi shain (young female
ofce worker), and joshi ana (young female TV announcer), among others.
Incidentally, the usage of the term joshi referring to an adult woman
can be traced back to ancient China in the most important scriptures of
Confucianism called Lun-yu (The Discourses of Kong-zi), which was canonized during the Han dynasty (206220 B.C.). Lun-yu is the oldest collection of the teachings of Kong-zi (551479 B.C.), the Chinese scholar
and theorist who was the founder of Confucianism. According to Nihon
Shoki (The Chronicles of Japan), the oldest historical record of Japan,
completed in 720, Lun-yu was introduced to Japan in the 5th century.
It won much popularity among the Japanese, and a number of its annotated editions were published throughout the Edo period (16031867)
(Hane, 1991).
One of the well-known quotations from Kong-zi (551479 B.C.)
152
found in Lun-yu includes the term joshi referring to an adult woman. It

reads in the Japanese translation, Joshi to shoojin towa yashinai gatashi
(Women as well as those who are narrow-minded and are lacking in
virtue, are hard to deal with; if you keep them close to you, they become
rude, while if you stay away from them, they become vengeful) (Kojien,
2008). Such unfavorable views of women in Confucianism are reected
in many quotations from Lun-yu as well as in a number of Confucian
maxims for women.
Among the four terms to denote females, fujin, josei, joryuu, and
onna / jo that were mentioned earlier, both joryuu and onna / jo have
been less frequently used in recent years because of their implication that
women are secondary to men in male dominant occupations and positions. This change has taken place as a result of the nonsexist language
reform led by womens groups and feminist activists to promote gender
free occupational and positional terms. Similarly, fujin, the term typically used for older married women, has been mostly replaced with josei,
which refers to adult women in general, regardless of their age and marital status. For instance, in the spring of 1999, the Osaka Prefectural
Police, the second largest police force next to the Tokyo Metropolitan
Police, abolished the term fujin keikan (woman police ofcer) altogether,
and adopted josei keikan instead.
Nowadays, josei (woman, female) is the most frequent modier used
with occupational and positional terms traditionally held by men. The
latest such creations include josei kanbu (woman executive), josei jieikan
(female member of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces), josei shichoo
(woman mayor), and josei kenkyuusha (woman researcher), among others. Compared to other terms, josei has the least sexist undertone; however, the prevailing practice of adding the terms to denote females as
modiers to male-dominated positions and occupations is a manifestation of gender bias and inequality in the Japanese language that treats
women as secondary to men. It should be noted that the results of the
survey conducted in the early 1980s indicated that the general public had
mixed feelings about this practice. Over 30 percent of women and men
who took part in the survey responded that it was not necessary to use
terms to denote females as modiers to occupational and positional terms.
153
The percentage was even higher among women of the younger generation: 45 percent of those in their 20s, and 41 percent of those in their
30s (Endo, 1995).
I feel that the custom of adding such terms as onna, josei, and
joryuu to male dominant occupations and positions like
appendages symbolizes the prevailing notion in Japanese society that women are less important than men, and do not
deserve much recognition. This notion is also reected in the
practice to create new terms every time men enter the professions traditionally held by women (65-year-old retired high
school teacher).
As a working woman, I do not appreciate the vast majority
of occupational terms for women including josei keieisha
(woman manager), joryuu kishi (woman, Japanese chess
player), and onna shachoo (woman CEO), to name but a few.
Terms like these are often used by men to undermine and
ridicule various accomplishments of women in the work force,
which I nd a shame (48-year-old part-time English instructor).
New occupational terms such as kangoshi (nursing specialist,
nurse) and hoikushi (licensed person for child care, preschool
and kindergarten teacher) are routinely created even when a
small number of men take up occupations in which women are
predominantly engaged. In addition, all these new terms, without any exception, sound much more professional and formal
than kangofu (nursing woman, female nurse) and hobo (protective mother, female preschool and kindergarten teacher) as if to
imply that the presence of men adds authority to these professions (39-year-old adjunct college lecturer).
Gender-based differences concerning occupational and positional
terms that are mentioned in these quotations can be interpreted as yet
another residual effect of the notion of danson johi (men superior, women
inferior). As pointed out by the survey participants, when men take up
occupations and positions traditionally held by women, new, mostly gen154
der inclusive terms are routinely created. For instance, hobo (protective
mother) used to be the term for female nursery school and kindergarten
teachers. In the late 1970s when a small number of men of the younger
generation began to take up the occupation for the rst time, they were
initially called hofu (protective fathers). Following the amendment of
Jidoo Fukushiho Shikorei (the Enforcement Act of the Child Welfare
Law) in 1998, hofu was replaced by the much more professional and formal term, hoikushi (licensed person for child care), which was created in
1999 to represent both female and male nursery school and kindergarten
teachers.
A similar process took place in the creation of the unisex term for
nurse, kangoshi (nursing specialist, nurse), despite the fact that men consist of less than 5 percent of the entire number of nurses in present-day
Japan. In the past, the term, kangofu (nursing woman) was used for
female nurses, while men who began to take up nursing as a profession
were called kangonin (nursing person). In 1968, with the amendment of
Hokenfu, Josanpu, Kangofu Ho (the Public Health Nurses, Midwives,
and Nurses Law), the new term, kangoshi (nursing man) was created for
male nurses. Subsequently, in 2002, the Japanese government approved
the legislation under which both female and male nurses are designated
by the new term, kangoshi (nursing specialist, nurse). As explained in
the following section, kangoshi (nursing man) and kangoshi (nursing specialist, nurse) are homonyms consisting of different kanji (ideographic
characters) of shi; therefore, the former, kangoshi (nursing man) is a term
exclusive to men, while the latter, kangoshi (nursing specialist; nurse) is
a gender inclusive term.
The coinage of these gender inclusive occupational terms is a welcome development; however, it takes place only when men take up traditionally female-dominated occupations, not vice versa. Moreover, some
of the coined occupational terms consist of the kanji that are not gender inclusive. For instance, as mentioned in the previous section, there
are two characters sharing the same sound, shi, that are commonly used
in occupational terms. One character refers to master regardless of gender, and is etymologically gender inclusive. Occupational terms consisting of this character include kangoshi (nursing specialist, nurse), biyooshi
155
(hairdresser, beautician), rihatsushi (barber), yakuzaishi (pharmacist),

choorishi (chef ), kyooshi (teacher), bokushi (priest), and ishi (medical doctor), among others. In contrast, another character refers to male as well
as samurai, and is etymologically exclusive to men. Occupational terms
such as kangoshi (nursing man, male nurse), hoikushi (nursery school
teacher, kindergarten teacher), eiyooshi (dietician), bengoshi (lawyer), and
daigishi (assembly member) are among those made up of this character.
It is, therefore, crucial to look carefully into the etymological background
of kanji so that appropriate terms are coined in order to fairly represent
genders.
Since the 1980s, there have been a surge of occupations that are
transcribed by katakana, the phonetic letters used to transcribe words
of nonJapanese origin. Some of these occupations include serapisuto
(therapist), kaunseraa (counselor), sutairisto (stylist), purogramaa (programmer), directaa (director), purodyuusaa (producer), insutorakutaa
(instructor), baiyaa (buyer), fotogurafaa (photographer), aatisuto (artist),
myuujishan (musician), shefu (chef ), and somurie (sommelier). Occupations like these are literally called katakana shokug yoo (occupations), and
are commonly found in the fashion and the high-tech industries as
well as in show business. Katakana shokug yoo are particularly popular
among the younger generation, who tend to consider such occupational
terms of nonJapanese origin as being trendy and stylish. It is noteworthy that unlike traditionally male dominant occupational terms in the
Japanese language, these new terms of nonJapanese origin are gender
inclusive, and do not take various terms to denote female and woman
as modiers.
A signicant increase in the usage of katakana, the phonetic letters
to transcribe words of nonJapanese origin, as well as the popularity
in katakana shokug yoo since the 1980s, is not favorably received, mainly
by the older generation who consider such phenomena as the decay
in the Japanese language. Nevertheless, the gender free notion that
these occupational terms connote is a positive development not only
for women in the work force, but also for overall nonsexist language
reform.
In recent years, there has also been a welcome change in the use of
156
titles. In the Japanese language, commonly used titles consist of three

sufxes, -shi, -sama, and -san that are used after surnames to indicate
levels of formality as well as respect: -shi and -sama are transcribed in
kanji to convey a higher level of formality and greater degree of respect
than -san, which is transcribed in hiragana, phonetic letters derived from
kanji. Unlike their English counterparts, Japanese titles do not mark
gender or marital status; however, there was gender-based asymmetry in
their usage: -shi used to be frequently used with mens names, and -san
with womens names (Endo, 1995; Takahashi, 1991). Because of the ongoing nonsexist language reform, this practice is not as prevalent. Nowadays, -shi and -san are used equally with both women and men depending
upon the formality of the settings.
Single Women
There are a large number of words and phrases to ridicule and belittle single women past tekireiki (the period of marriageable age, in their
mid to late 20s) in the Japanese language. Some of the most commonly
used derogatory expressions include urenokori (unsold merchandise),
ikiokure (late to marry), and ikazu goke (widow without marrying), to
name just a few. They have existed long before modern times; for
instance, the origin of the term urenokori (unsold merchandise) dates
back to the Edo period (16031867) (Kojien, 2008). Derogatory terms
such as these are becoming less frequently used in urban areas with a
relatively large population of single women in their 30s. On the other
hand, in rural areas, these terms remain widely used against single women
past tekireiki, whose number is rather small. Furthermore, various terms
to deride single women are often used not only by their peer groups,
but also by their family members as a reminder that women should
marry during tekireiki before they become too old. The gender asymmetry in many expressions in the Japanese language is also reected by
the fact that there are no pejorative terms in regard to single men past
tekireiki.
157
Whether to marry or stay single is a very personal matter;

however, it is not regarded as such in Japanese society. It is
simply appalling that there are so many derogatory Japanese
words and phrases referring to single women in their 30s.
While some become old-fashioned, new ones are constantly
created. I often wonder whether a situation like this also exists
in other countries and languages (37-year-old part-time public
employee).
In the mostly homogenous Japanese society, there is strong
emphasis on conformity at the cost of individuality. This can
be seen in the prevailing notion of tekireiki (the period of marriageable age), particularly for women, as well as in a large
number of both old and new expressions in the Japanese language to deride women who are single past tekireiki (76-yearold part-time Japanese instructor).
As pointed out by these quotations, in addition to urenokori (unsold
merchandise), ikiokure (late to marry), and ikazu goke (widow without
marrying), various expressions to belittle single women past tekireiki
continue to be coined on a regular basis. For instance, kurisumasu keeki
(Christmas cake) is a coinage from the 1980s, which likens single women
to fancy cakes that people in Japan consume on or before Christmas day.
They are both much in demand until the 25th, and then are unwanted
afterwards. Throughout the 1980s, 25 was considered the crucial age for
single women, as described in the commonly used phrase, 25-sai wa
ohada no magarikado (The age of 25 is the turning point of the skin).
Originally used in an advertisement by a well-known cosmetics company in Japan, this phrase became another source of pressure on single
women in their 20s.
As the number of single women past tekireiki has increased steadily,
such terms as toshikoshi soba (buckwheat noodles consumed on New
Years Eve) took the place of kurisumasu keeki (Christmas cake) in the
1990s. In this case, single women are likened to buckwheat noodles that
Japanese people traditionally consume on New Years Eve for longevity.
Similar to what kurisumasu keeki connotes, nobody wants toshikoshi soba
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or single women after the 31st. Another expression with a similar connotation, 31-sai make gumi (the loser group of 31-year-old single women)
was coined in the 2000s, referring to the age of 31 as the latest for a single woman to nd a marriage partner. While both toshikoshi soba and
31-sai make gumi have gained popularity to some extent, they are hardly
as prevalent as the latest coinage, makeinu (loser, underdog, single woman
in her 30s without children), which has been the most commonly used
derogatory term since the early 2000s to ridicule and deride single women
in their 30s without children.
Makeinu (loser, underdog, single woman in her 30s without children) was coined by a popular essayist, Sakai Junko, who herself was in
her 30s, single, and without children at the time her book, Makeinu no
Toboe (Grumbling of the Loser) was published in 2003. In her book, Sakai
(2003) asserts that single women in their 30s without children are better off if they are resigned to being labeled as makeinu (loser, underdog)
regardless of their professional and personal accomplishments or their
assets, including good looks and attractive personalities. Based on her
own experience, Sakai (2003) believes that such a mindset on the part
of single women in their 30s would make it easier for them to get on in
life, considering the prevailing negative reactions of the general public
toward single women past tekireiki who are content with their lifestyles.
With its provoking title, Makeinu no Toboe (Grumbling of the Loser)
not only became a bestseller and received many literary awards, but also
the coinage makeinu by Sakai (2003), made the top 10 buzzwords of the
year in 2004 ( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008). It is unfortunate that since then
the term makeinu has become one of many derogatory and demeaning
expressions for single women in their 30s, despite the original intention
of Sakai (2003) to give moral support to single women who share backgrounds similar to her own. Many critics, as well as Sakai (2003) herself, also point out that her account has been badly distorted by the
sensational press coverage on the title of her book rather than on its content.
Single women in their 30s are not the only ones under close
scrutiny: single women in their 20s are in a similar situation. The parents of young single women and those of the older generation frequently
159
use the phrase yomeiri mae no musume (young woman before marrying
into another family as yome, daughter-in-law/bride), although it is perceived as rather old-fashioned, particularly by those of the younger generation. This phrase is used when reminding young single women of
their status as brides-to-be, and when criticizing certain demeanors and
behaviors that are not considered appropriate for young single women
prior to becoming yome, such as being ill-mannered or too outspoken,
staying out late at night, wearing revealing clothes, and drinking heavily.
In present-day Japan, it is more common than in the past for young
single women to lead an independent lifestyle and to leave their families for education and employment. As a result, it has become increasingly difcult in recent years to nd young single women who can be
labeled as hakoiri musume (daughter-in-a-box, young single woman who
leads a sheltered life with her protective family). Nowadays, many Japanese people consider that such young single women have virtually gone
out of existence.
However, hakoiri musume, the term whose origin dates back to the
late Edo period (16031867) (Kojien, 2008), continues to be used mostly
by elderly men when making references to nonhuman objects that are
grown with utmost care. For instance, in one recent newspaper article,
a 57-year-old gardener referred to the orchids that he grew as hakoiri
musume. He further commented that it would be best to send them off
to market when they are about to bloom, just like parents would marry
off their daughters while they are attractive (Ran No, 2008).
As pointed out by the quotations of women that were presented earlier, single women, particularly those past tekireiki, have been traditionally subjected to blatant ridicule, scorn, and criticism in the homogeneous
Japanese society where conformity is highly valued. A large number of
both old and new derogatory expressions for single women in their 30s
are manifestations of such prevailing attitudes in society. It is time that
women who have been subjected to various unfair treatment and offensive remarks should be treated fairly in society, as well as in language,
regardless of their marital status and lifestyles.
Incidentally, there is one particular term related to single women
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and the institution of marriage, nyuuseki (entry into the family registers,
marriage registration), which has been under much criticism in recent
years. It is a commonly used term that refers to the marriage registration
system in Japan. Under the existing koseki seido (family registration system), when a couple gets married, a womans name is typically deleted
from her family register, and is transferred into her husbands family register in order to ofcially document and legalize their marriage. This
custom is called nyuuseki, and originated in the Meiji period (18681912)
when the koseki seido was established.
Many feminist scholars and activists assert that the term nyuuseki
is based on longstanding gender bias and should be eliminated altogether. They point out the historical fact that nyuuseki is one of the fundamental elements of the koseki seido which was created to support the
preWorld War II patriarchal ie (family, household) system characterized by extreme gender inequality. Under the ie system, a woman married into her husbands family by nyuuseki, and literally became a part
of her husbands household. She assumed the lowest position in his family as yome (daughter-in-law/bride), who served her husband as well as
her in-laws. Furthermore, under the Civil Code of 1898, a wife was not
only a legally unrecognized person without any rights, but also was considered an incompetent (Mackie, 2003; Sievers, 1983). Based on their
assertion, feminist scholars and activists alike have proposed that legal
terms without gender bias, such as konin todoke (marriage registration)
and konin todoke o dasu (to submit marriage registration), should be used
as nonsexist alternatives to nyuuseki and nyuuseki suru (to make an entry
into the family registers, to register marriage).
Various Terms for Spouses

The Japanese language has a number of terms for wife and husband.
The most frequently used terms referring to wife are oku-san (Mrs. Interior) (Cherry, 1987), kanai (house-insider) (Cherry, 1987), and nyooboo
(court woman). While both kanai and nyooboo are used exclusively by a
husband when referring to his wife, oku-san is used by women and men
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to refer to someones wife. Oku-san is also used as an address term for

married women in general. The terms used exclusively by a wife to refer
to her husband are shujin (master), teishu (master, owner, head), and
danna (master). Among these terms, shujin is the most formal, while
teishu and danna are very casual. Shujin, teishu, and danna can also be
used by women and men when referring to someones husband. In this
case, these terms take either the polite prex go-, or the title -san as in
go-shujin (master), go-teishu (master, owner, head), and danna-san (master).
The vast majority of the Japanese terms that refer to wives and
husbands such as oku-san, kanai, shujin, and teishu, not only
sound very old-fashioned, but also reect and foster existing
gender-based role division. I personally do not want to use any
of these when I get married. They need to be replaced with
more modern terms that are free from gender bias (26-year-old
part-time ofce worker).
I do not like most of the Japanese terms for wife and husband
because they are based on gender stereotypes. So, instead of
referring to my husband as shujin, I use either his name in
casual settings, or otto (husband) in formal settings. The problem is that I have no choice but to use the term go-shujin when
addressing someones husband. How I wish there were alternative terms that are more appropriate (39-year-old adjunct college lecturer).
As described by these quotations, commonly used Japanese terms
referring to wife and husband are based on gender stereotypes, and dene
the traditional division of labor between wife and husband. However,
there are some formal unisex terms for spouses that do not convey gender bias. For instance, a legal term called haiguusha (spouse) is among
them, although it is extremely formal, and rarely used in everyday conversation. Other legal terms, tsuma (wife) and otto (husband), can be used
to refer to ones spouse in formal settings, but they cannot be used to
address the spouses of other people. Incidentally, in Manyoshu (The Collection of Ten Thousand Leaves), the oldest anthology of poetry in Japan
162
completed in the 8th century, the term tsuma (wife, husband) was
used gender inclusively to refer to ones spouse as well as others (Kojien,
2008).
In addition, there are both old and new informal gender neutral
Japanese terms that are not based on gender stereotypes. Unlike the formal legal terminologies mentioned above, these informal terms can be
used to refer to ones spouse as well as to address the spouses of other
people. Tsureai (partner, mate), whose origin dates back to the Edo
period (16031867), is one such term that is predominantly used by those
of the older generation and by many feminist activists and scholars.
Although perceived by many as old-fashioned, tsureai (partner, mate),
derived from tsureau (to accompany someone), denotes spouse as a companion of ones journey without any element of gender stereotypes or
bias. Another more recent term is English in origin: paatonaa (partner).
It is used primarily by women of the younger generation who tend to
prefer trendy and contemporary expressions of nonJapanese origin. In
casual settings, many young couples also use rst names or nicknames
of spouses in place of various terms for spouses.
Considering the lifestyles, roles, and expectations of married couples that continue to evolve, particularly among the younger generation,
most of the existing Japanese terms for spouses are undoubtedly out-ofdate. As a matter of fact, the origin of the term for wife, oku-san (Mrs.
Interior) (Cherry, 1987), dates back to the Kamakura period (11851333)
when the feudal system was established. Married women of privileged
samurai families who were addressed as such had little autonomy, and
their roles were mostly limited to producing male heirs (Kaneko, 1995).
Furthermore, the terms for husbands, including shujin (master) and teishu
(master, owner, head), symbolize male supremacy based on the notion
of danson johi (men superior, women inferior) that had developed and
prevailed, particularly in the privileged ruling samurai class during this
period. Similarly, the terms for wives, kanai (house-insider) (Cherry,
1987) and oku-san (Mrs. Interior) (Cherry, 1987), literally represent the
place traditionally designated for wives in Japanese society. It should also
be noted that in the Japanese language, there are a number of expressions including gusai (stupid wife, ones wife) and akusai (bad wife),
163
which refer to a wife with negativity, while there is virtually no negative term for a husband.
It is reassuring that there are both old and new terms for spouses,
tsureai (partner, mate) and paatonaa (partner) that do not convey gender bias. Furthermore, an encouraging development in recent years is the
steady increase in the number of coinages to defy gender stereotypes,
some of which are presented and discussed in the following section. In
addition to the popularity of words of nonJapanese origin among the
younger generation, such as paatonaa, that are free of gender bias, there
are good prospects for the creation of more terms for spouses without
any element of gender inequality and stereotypes.
Changes in the Japanese Language:

Redened and Coined Expressions
The ongoing nonsexist language reform that started in the mid
1970s, together with overall changes in Japanese society and in peoples
perceptions of gender issues, have resulted in the redenition and creation of a number of gender-related expressions in the Japanese language, particularly since the 1980s. These expressions are redened and
coined to defy the notion of traditional gender-specic roles and stereotypes that have been prevalent in Japanese society for many centuries.
Furthermore, these new additions to the Japanese language are often
characterized by innovative approaches to coinage, as well as by a great
deal of wit and humor, which make them appealing to the younger generation and the general public alike.
As a matter of fact, many of the redened and coined expressions
listed in this book either won the Trendy Word Grand Prix, or were selected
among the top 10 buzzwords of the year. The Trendy Word Grand Prix
is a popular annual event that was started in 1984 by Jiyukokuminsha,
one of the major publishing companies in Japan, known for its yearly
publication Gendai Yogo no Kiso Chishiki (The Encyclopedia of Contemporary Words). Since its rst issue launched in 1948, Gendai Yogo no Kiso
Chishiki has dened itself as the compass of wisdom (Jiyukokuminsha,
164
2008, p. 2), which provides its readers with sources to understand social
phenomena by means of vogue words. Over the years it has earned a reputation as one of the most reliable and comprehensive references of the latest trends in the Japanese language. Representatives of its readership are
invited every year to nominate a total of 60 trendy words and phrases, out
of which a grand prize and the top 10 buzzwords are selected by committee members composed of editors of Gendai Yogo no Kiso Chishiki, authors,
journalists, and scholars, among others. An award ceremony held in December is one of the most popular events in the publishing industry, and is covered extensively by the media. The fact that many recently redened and
coined expressions that defy gender-based roles and stereotypes have been
selected as buzzwords is a very encouraging development, and certainly has
a positive effect on ongoing language reform.
In the following section, some of the representative gender-related
expressions that have been redened and coined since the 1980s are presented, and are discussed along with relevant etymological information.
shufu (main husband, house husband)

A term for a house husband, shufu, was created in the 1980s, when
an increasing number of couples of the younger generation began to
share housework despite the age-old tradition of strict gender-based role
division. In some instances, this has led to the reversal of the traditional
gender-specic role that is symbolized by the phrase Otoko wa shigoto,
onna wa katei (Men at work, women at home). As a result, some husbands have decided to leave the labor force and opted to stay home as
full-time homemakers, while their wives either take up or continue to
engage in full-time employment. The number of shufu, however, remains
extremely limited in Japan.
It should be noted that although the term shufu shares the same pronunciation as its female counterpart, shufu (main woman, homemaker),
they are different kanji (ideographic characters) compounds. The term
shufu referring to a house husband is a compound consisting of characters representing main and husband, while shufu referring to a homemaker consists of characters that represent main and wife. In addition,
the term shufu (main woman, homemaker) tends to be perceived unfa165
vorably by some women and men because of its close association with
domesticity; on the other hand, some women of the younger generation
with full-time employment tend to have favorable perceptions of men
who are shufu (main husbands, house husbands) as being open-minded
and liberated enough to take up a reversed role.
hai misutaa (high mister, single

man in his mid30s or older)
As the number of single women in their 30s has increased at a steady
pace since the 1980s, so has the number of single men past tekireiki (the
period of marriageable age, in their late 20s to early 30s). This trend
resulted in the emergence of the new term hai misutaa (high mister), referring to a single man in his mid30s or older. It was created jokingly in
the 1980s as a reciprocal expression of the Japanese English coinage, hai
misu (high miss, single woman in her 30s), which had existed long before.
Similar to many pejorative expressions for single women, hai misu has a
denite tone of mockery. In contrast, its male counterpart, hai misutaa,
coined as a wordplay, is spared such a negative tone. Furthermore, there
has been no other coinage similar to hai misutaa since the 1980s, while
new terms to belittle single women in their 30s have continued to be coined
on a regular basis. Gender-based differences in regard to coinages as well
as their connotations clearly reect the prevalent differences in public perceptions of single women and of single men in Japanese society.
ikemen (great face, good-looking young man)

Reecting a popular belief that good looks are the greatest asset to
women, there are a large number of Japanese terms that are commonly
used for attractive women, such as bijin (beautiful person, attractive
woman) and bijo (beautiful woman); on the other hand, there used to
be very few terms that referred to men with good looks. Among these
terms, hansamu (handsome) has been by far the most widely used, and
the rest, including otokomae (handsome, good-looking), binan (beautiful man), and bidanshi (beautiful man) are rather obsolete.
However, this has changed in recent years, as there has been a steady
increase in men, particularly of the younger generation, who are very
166
conscious of their appearance. It is not uncommon for these men to use

various skin care products, wear make-up, dye their hair, and visit aesthetic salons for facials in order to keep up their looks (Miller, 2006).
The emergence of such young men has resulted in a number of coinages
for a man with good looks, out of which ikemen (great face, good-looking young man) has gained the most popularity. It was originally a buzzword that was coined among those of the younger generation in the late
1990s, but it later spread to the general public through frequent use by
the media (Kitahara & Taishukan, 2006).
The term ikemen was created by combining ikeru (very good), as
well as iketeiru (cool), with men, which means face in Japanese, and
men in English. The coinages are often made up in this manner by
combining Japanese words with nonJapanese words, mostly from
English. Despite the Japanese saying, Otoko wa nakami de shoobu suru
(Mans worth is judged by his substance, not by his looks), which represents the prevailing attitude with regard to looks among men of the
older generation, younger men these days are attered to be labeled as
ikemen (great face, good-looking young man).
While there are a large number of expressions in the Japanese language that are used to ridicule unattractive women, traditionally there
are very few of those for their male counterparts. The coinage of busamen
(plain face, unattractive young man) as an antonym of ikemen dees such
tradition, although busamen has not yet gained as much popularity as
ikemen. As in the case of ikemen, the term busamen was coined by combining busaiku (plain-looking) with men, meaning face in Japanese,
and men in English. According to the 2006 edition of Minna de Kokugo
Jiten! (The Japanese Language Dictionary by All of Us!) (Kitahara &
Taishukan, 2006), busamen refers to a man in his late teens to early 30s
whose appearance is not trendy and rened.
g yakutama (reverse tamanokoshi, man who

manages to achieve high social status
by marrying a wealthy woman)
The coinage g yakutama (reverse tamanokoshi) originates from the
phrase tamanokoshi ni noru, whose literal translation is to ride the
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jeweled palanquin (Cherry, 1987). Both the phrase and its shortened
form, tamanokoshi (jeweled palanquin) (Cherry, 1987), refer to a woman
who manages to achieve high social status by marriage to a well-to-do
man. As pointed out by Cherry (1987), its English equivalents, including gold digger and fortune hunter, convey overt negativity as well as
contempt toward such women. In contrast, a woman referred to as
tamanokoshi is not only admired and perceived favorably in Japanese
society, but also thought of as one in an enviable position by most single women.
The term g yakutama (reversed tamanokoshi, man who manages to
achieve high social status by marrying wealthy woman) was coined by
the media in the 1990s, when there was an increase in younger men, typically those with good looks, getting married to wealthy women who were
often older, mostly in the entertainment industry. Representing the
reverse of traditional gender-based stereotypes and roles, g yakutama has
gained much popularity among women of all generations. As in the case
of a woman referred to as tamanokoshi, who manages to acquire an enviable position by marriage, a man referred to as g yakutama is also considered lucky to be in such a position.
Incidentally, the gender neutral term kakusakon (marriage with disparity), was coined in the early 2000s, and has been frequently used
along with tamanokoshi and g yakutama. Being more formal and inclusive than these two terms, kakusakon refers to a couple who differ not
only in social and economic status, but also in physical appearance and
occupation ( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008).
tanshin katei (single parent family)

Prior to the 1980s, single parent families in Japan consisted predominantly of boshi katei (mother and child family, single mother family)
because of the very low number of women who remarried. The steady
rise in the divorce rate since the 1980s is the major factor in the overall
increase in the number of single parent families in Japan, and the term
fushi katei (father and child family, single father family) was coined later
as the number of such families began to increase in the 1980s. Although
both of these terms are commonly used in ofcial documents as well as
168
in formal settings, they are discriminatory in nature: boshi katei is typically associated with economic hardship, while fushi katei is associated
with a lack of home environment. They are also often used both in public and in private with an undertone of pity and contempt toward single
parent families. This is evidenced by the English translation of these terms
in dictionaries, in which boshi katei is listed as fatherless family, and fushi
katei as motherless family (Progressive Japanese-English Dictionary, 1986).
The term tanshin katei (single parent family) was coined in the late
1990s against such a social climate as an alternative to boshi katei and
fushi katei. In the past, a single parent family was often referred to as
kesson katei (decient family), in contrast to the term seijoo katei (normal family), made up of both parents and children. Such an extremely
discriminatory term was also replaced by tanshin katei. However, boshi
katei and fushi katei have continued to be widely used by the media and
the general public alike, and the discrimination and prejudice against
single parent families remain. Nevertheless, the coinage of tanshin katei
(single parent family) without negativity and without a discriminatory
tone symbolizes the change in traditional family structures in Japan. It
also conveys the message that a single parent family is simply one of
many variations of families, and should be fairly treated as such.
kaishun (buying lust, engaging in

sexual act by offering money or goods)
Among a number of derogatory Japanese terms for prostitutes, the
most frequently used in formal settings is baishunfu (woman who sells
lust). It is derived from baishun (selling lust, prostitution), which refers
to the act of prostitution. On the other hand, there used to be no expression in the Japanese language with regard to men engaging in sexual acts
by offering money or goods. Such instance of gender-based imbalance
in language was corrected with the coinage of the term kaishun (buying
lust, engaging in sexual act by offering money or goods). It was created
in the mid1970s shortly after an increasing number of Japanese men
began to take part in organized sex tours to South Korea and Southeast
Asian countries, mostly Thailand, and the Philippines. Many womens
groups both in Japan and in these countries joined together to protest
169
against sex tours as a form of economic exploitation of women, and

against Japanese men who took part in such tours to exploit women in
the sex industry.
Unlike the creators of the vast majority of coinages, who are often
difcult to locate, the term kaishun was coined by Matsui Yayori, a senior staff writer of the Asashi Shinbun, a major newspaper company in
Japan. One of very few women at the editorial level in the maledominated news media, Matsui is well-known for her publications on
gender issues, specically the impact of Japans economic growth on the
lives of women in Asia. In addition, she has been organizing and participating in various activities and events of the Ajia no Onnatachi no
Kai (the Asian Womens Association) as one of its founding members.
Launched in 1977, the association aims to create stronger relationships
between women in Japan and those in Asian countries (Buckley, 1997).
Matsui (1997) recalled that it was during the demonstration that she had
organized against Japanese male sex tours to Korea that she coined the
term kaishun. She further comments:
In Japanese, prostitution is called baishun, written with two characters
meaning sell spring. I changed the characters so that it meant buy
spring. I wanted to change attitudes toward and concepts of prostitution. Traditionally, women who sold their bodies were blamed, while
men who bought their sex were not condemned. Therefore, the word
had to be changed. It may seem a rather small thing, but it is revolutionary to shift the responsibility from women to men. Those who buy
sex are to be condemned more than those who sell [p. 153].
Since then, the term kaishun has gained wide recognition and has
been routinely used by the media to report various instances of sexual
exploitation of women by men. As Matsui (1997) states, the coinage is
revolutionary and epoch-making in Japanese society where prostitution
has been traditionally viewed only from the womens perspectives.
hikon (unmarried by choice)

In the 1990s, when the number of single women and men continued to increase, the unisex term hikon (unmarried by choice) was coined
to describe the lifestyle of those who opt to be single. It was taken from
170
the title of the book Hikon Jidai (The Era of Unmarried by Choice), published in 1993 by a well-known journalist, Yoshihiro Kiyoko, which
gained particular popularity among young women. A series of books on
the single lifestyle were published during this period, and the concept
of single life by choice became known to the public. Prior to the 1980s,
mikon (not yet married), which connotes the intention and expectation
to marry was one of the most frequently used terms to describe the status of singles. For this reason, the coinage of hikon is epoch-making in
Japanese society where single people, particularly women, have long been
considered oddities, and have been subjected to frequent ridicule and
criticism. In contrast to the prevailing social convention to marry, the
term hikon not only connotes the intention of both women and men who
opt to remain single without any negative undertone, but also denotes
it as an alternative lifestyle.
shinguru (single, single person)

While the numbers are limited, there are several Japanese terms
such as dokushin (lone self, single), hitori mono (one person, single), and
hitori (by oneself, single), that refer to both single women and single men
without overtly negative connotations. These terms can also be used by
those who are single, when asked about their marital status. The one that
is most frequently used in formal settings is dokushin. Unlike a number
of terms that are used to ridicule and deride single women past tekireiki
(the period of marriageable age, in their mid to late 20s), dokushin does
not convey any negativity for those who are single regardless of gender
or age. For instance, there is a coined term called dokushin kizoku (aristocratic singles) referring to single people who have freedom, large disposable incomes, and spare time to enjoy a carefree lifestyle. Those who
are married with children, who long for such a lifestyle, often use the
term dokushin kizoku with envy for those of the similar age group who
are single. In contrast, other expressions, like hitori mono and hitori,
which are mainly used in casual settings, tend to convey a feeling of pity
toward single women as well as single men by those who are married.
In the 1980s, the number of both single women and men past
tekireiki began to increase at a steady pace for the rst time in Japanese
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history. It was during this period when the English word shinguru (single) gained popularity among single women of the younger generation
as a trendy alternative to the Japanese terms dokushin, hitori mono, and
hitori. As in the cases of many words of nonJapanese origin, shinguru
conveys a gender free notion without any negative connotation.
The use of the term shinguru became prevalent in the 1990s, particularly since it appeared in the subtitle of the book Hikon Jidai: Onnatachi no Shinguru Raifu (The Era of Unmarried by Choice: Womens Single
Life), which was mentioned earlier. The book was based on the interviews that the author, Yoshihiro Kiyoko, also a well-known journalist,
conducted with a total of 56 women who opted to be single by defying
social conventions. Because this book, published in 1993, was one of the
few that documented the lifestyles and voices of single women in Japan,
it not only gained huge popularity, particularly among women in their
20s and 30s, but also received extensive media coverage.
Moreover, the prevalence of the word shinguru in the 1990s resulted
in the Japanese English coinage parasaito shinguru (parasite singles).
According to Yamada Masashiro, a sociologist who coined the term in
1997, parasaito shinguru refers to those who are single, stay with their
parents in their adulthood, and are dependent on them in every aspect
of their lives including nances. The term parasaito shinguru is also used
to criticize those who, instead of getting married, continue to live in
comfort at their parents home not only after the completion of schooling, but also after being employed. The number of such cases has been
steadily rising since the late 1990s. As a matter of fact, parasaito shinguru was selected among the top 10 buzzwords of the year 2000
( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008).
batsu ichi (one cross/mark against them,

a person who is divorced once)
The divorce rate was very low in Japan prior to the 1980s, when
incompatibility was not allowed as the reason for divorce, and womens
career choices were very limited. There was a strong social stigma attached
to those who were divorced, particularly to women, as can be seen by a
discriminatory and contemptuous term, demodori (returnee to ones par172
ents place), referring to a divorced woman. What this term implies is

that upon divorce, a woman without means to support herself has no
place to go but back to her parents home to weather the hardship.
As the number of divorces has continued to increase at a steady
pace since the 1980s, less stigma is attached to those who are divorced.
This has resulted in the coinage of the unisex term batsu ichi. Compared
to demodori, which was commonly used until around the early 1980s
to look down upon divorced women, batsu ichi is used for both women
and men without the undertone of negativity that was associated with
divorce in the past. It also conveys a laid-back attitude, particularly
among the younger generation, to deal with divorce as one of many ups
and downs in life, which is an unprecedented phenomenon in Japanese
society.
kafu (lone woman, widow)

Although it is one of the most discriminatory expressions in the
Japanese language, miboojin (the person who is not yet dead, widow) has
been the term that has been most frequently used by widows themselves
as well as by the general public. This is because miboojin was customarily used in a formal context, as in sensoo miboojin (war widow), for a number of years. In contrast, other terms for widows such as goke (after
family) (Cherry, 1987) are not suitable to use in the presence of widows
because of a pejorative undertone. As a result, the misleading perception that miboojin was the most appropriate term to refer to a widow
became prevalent.
Since the mid1970s, when nonsexist language reform became
known to the public, the term miboojin has been under frequent criticism by womens groups who have proposed alternative expressions without gender bias. Among them is a gender neutral term, yamome (widow,
widower), whose origin dates back to the Heian period (7941185).
Yamome does not have an undertone of negativity; however, it is a colloquial expression, and can be used only in casual settings. Therefore, a
rather formal kanji (ideographic characters) compound, kafu (lone
woman), is used nowadays as an alternative term for a widow, although
it cannot be used by widows as a term to refer to themselves. The elim173
ination of miboojin, one of the most derogatory and discriminatory terms

used for women, is certainly among the many important contributions
of nonsexist language reform in recent years.
Incidentally, the term kafu refers not only to a widow but also to a
divorced woman, and consists of the kanji that represent lone and
woman. As in the cases of many kanji compounds sharing the same pronunciation that were mentioned earlier, the term referring to a widower
and a divorced man is also called kafu (lone man); however, it consists
of the characters representing lone and man. It is noteworthy that the
term kafu (lone man, widower, divorced man), which does not have any
discriminatory tone, has been used alongside miboojin in formal settings
as well as in ofcial documents for a number of years.
dansei funin (male infertility)

In the past, there was no expression in the Japanese language with
regard to male infertility, while there were a number of discriminatory
words and phrases to denote that women were exclusively responsible
for infertility. The two most commonly used such expressions were
umazume (stone woman, no-life woman, infertile woman), and Kashite
sannen konaki wa saru (A wife should leave her husband if she fails to
bear a child within 3 years of marriage). They were widely used from
the late 12th to the late 19th centuries, when bearing children, particularly male heirs to succeed the family estate and to maintain family lineage, was considered the most important role of women (Kaneko, 1995).
Although these expressions became mostly archaic by the mid to late
20th century, the tendency to associate women, not men, with the causes
of infertility remains among Japanese people, particularly those of the
older generation.
It is, therefore, a major progress in recent years that these extremely
derogatory expressions for female infertility have been replaced by medical terms such as funin (infertility) and funinshoo (infertility, sterility).
Moreover, the gender-specic terms, josei funin (female infertility) and
dansei funin (male infertility) are backed by medical research, which
veries that the causes of infertility are equally shared by women and
men. Considering the long history in Japanese society to wrongly place
174
all the blame for infertility on women, it is certainly a relief to see the
creation of the term dansei funin, although it is long overdue.
ara saa (around 30, woman around 30),

ara foo (around 40, woman around 40)
There are very few Japanese words and phrases to denote the age
of women, particularly those in their 30s and older, without negative
undertones. These two new terms, ara saa and ara foo, are created by
English words, and are written in katakana, the phonetic letters used to
transcribe words of nonJapanese origin. As in the majority of coinages
of nonJapanese origin that are transcribed in katakana, both of these
terms not only denote trendiness, but also do not connote gender related
bias or negativity.
According to the 2008 Gendai Yogo no Kiso Chishiki (The Encyclopedia of Contemporary Words) ( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008), ara saa was originally coined by a fashion magazine and was used mostly in the clothing
industry before it gained popularity among the general public in the
mid2000s. The women referred to as ara saa are fashion-conscious,
and set a number of trends in Japan in the mid1990s. They are also
interested in making various personal investments in order to enrich their
lifestyle, rather than getting married or giving birth to children. In recent
years, a number of companies in Japan have been specically targeting
the women of the ara saa generation who have strong purchasing power
with large disposable incomes.
Following the coinage of ara saa, another age-related expression,
ara foo, was created in 2008. It was taken from the title of the TV drama
series called Around 40, which aired in the spring of that year, depicting the ups and downs in the life of a single medical professional in her
40s. As one of the very few TV dramas about women in their 40s, Around
40 won a lot of popularity, particularly among women of that age group,
and the coinage ara foo also won second place among the top 10 buzzwords of 2008 ( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008).
In the extremely age-conscious Japanese society, where it is traditionally considered that aging works for men, but against women, the
coinages of ara saa and ara foo without negative tones are certainly rev175
olutionary developments and also have a liberating effect on women.

These two terms have given women in their 30s and 40s new ways of
expressing their age, not only openly, but also in a trendy manner, rather
than hiding it.
seiteki iyagarase, seku hara (sexual harassment)

The English term sexual harassment was introduced to the public
in 1988 by citizens groups in Japan, and won the Trendy Word Grand
Prix in the following year of 1989 ( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008). The Japanese
term, seiteki iyagarase (sexual harassment), was also coined during this
period. Various developments, including the completion of the outline
of the Legislative Bill on the Prevention of Sexual Harassment by the government in 1991, led to the increase in public awareness of sexual harassment. At the same time, another coinage, seku hara (sexual harassment),
an abbreviated form of the English term, sexual harassment, has gained
popularity over the rather formal original Japanese coinage, seiteki iyagarase.
Furthermore, in order to stop sexual harassment among the institutions of higher education, an organization called the Campus Sexual
Harassment Nationwide Network was launched in 1997, which was followed by the coinage of the term aka hara (academic harassment). It
refers to sexual harassment as well as a broader range of harassment and
abuse of power by professors toward their colleagues, subordinates, and
students. Similarly, other Japanese English terms such as pawa hara
(power harassment) and mora hara (moral harassment) were coined. The
coinages of these terms have played a signicant part in increasing public understanding that any form of harassment, whether sexual or not,
is a violation of human rights (Ueno, 2008). Unlike the victims of seku
hara who are generally women in Japan, the victims of other forms of
harassment consist of both women and men.
In the Japanese workplace, women have traditionally been considered secondary and subordinate to men, and have been subjected to frequent sexual harassment. Prior to the coinage of seku hara, sexual
harassment was typically referred to as seiteki karakai (sexual joke) or
itazura (prank), and was not taken seriously (Ueno, 2008). Furthermore,
176
sexual harassment was routinely justied by a number of expressions,

out of which one of the commonly used terms was sukin shippu (skinship), a Japanese English coinage, referring to intimate physical contact,
as between mother and child, without a negative tone. Another frequently used phrase was sake no ue no dekikodo (incident happened under
the inuence of alcohol), representing the overall tolerance in Japanese
society for the misbehavior of men who are drunk. In the past, women
who expressed their concerns or complained about sexual harassment
were routinely ignored, criticized, or told that they were simply overreacting.
Consequently, this prevailing mentality among Japanese companies
to overlook the seriousness of sexual harassment led to the sexual harassment and discrimination lawsuit led against Mitsubishi Motor Company by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) in
the United States in 1996. Subsequently, the Guidelines to Prevent Sexual Harassment were proclaimed by the Ministry of Labor in 1998, and
a number of lawsuits have continued to be led by women, which is
unprecedented in Japanese labor history (Mackie, 2003). The coinages
of seiteki iyagarase (sexual harassment) and seku hara have an immeasurable effect on women who have been suffering in silence for many years,
as well as on some men who have been physically and verbally abusive
to women without thinking about the grave consequences of their behavior.
Overview of the Progress of Nonsexist

Language Reform in Japan
The second wave of feminism, which began in the early 1970s, generated considerable interest among linguists and language professionals
worldwide in re-examining the ways languages represent, dene, and
treat women and men. This has become the area of study known as sexism in language or linguistic sexism, and has led to the movement called
nonsexist language reform. Nonsexist language reform aims to expose the
linguistic bias that is in favor of the representation of the man, the male,
177
and the masculine as the norm, and against the woman, the female, and
the feminine (Pauwels, 1998, p. 9). It also aims to rid language of sexism by eliminating sexist practices from language use, and by replacing
them with nonsexist ones or, by creating new ways of expression which
avoid gender bias (Pauwels, 1998, p. 9).
The concept of nonsexist language reform became known to the
general public in Japan in the mid1970s. Following the designation of
1975 as the United Nations International Year for Women, the Conference on Womens Problems for the International Year for Women was
held in Tokyo in the fall of that year under the sponsorship of the Japanese government. These developments had a positive effect on increasing public awareness regarding various womens issues, including sexism
in the Japanese language (K. Tanaka, 1995a). As a matter of fact, it was
also during that same year when an incident in regard to nonsexist language reform received extensive media coverage for the rst time in Japanese history.
It all started with a TV commercial for instant noodles by one of
the major food companies in Japan. In the commercial, a young woman
was busy preparing the noodles for her boyfriend in the kitchen, and
said to him, Watashi tsukuru hito (I am the one who cooks). And her
boyfriend, who was waiting at the table, said to her, Boku taberu hito
(I am the one who eats), in response. About a month after the commercial was rst aired, several members of the Kokusai Fujinnen o Kikkake
to shite Kodo o Okosu Onnatachi no Kai (the Group of Women Who
Take Action on the Occasion of the International Womens Year) visited
the company headquarters in Tokyo to request the discontinuation of
the commercial.
The members protested that not only the visual image presented,
but also the language used in the commercial would further promote the
existing gender-based role division to designate women for household
work and child care, and men for employment outside the home.
Although the company countered their protest by insisting that there was
no intention of discrimination against women in the commercial, it nevertheless went off the air after 2 months. This incident attracted so much
public and media attention that the phrases used in the commercial,
178
Watashi tsukuru hito and Boku taberu hito, were selected among the
top 10 buzzwords of that year ( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008).
Moreover, the Kokusai Fujinnen o Kikkake to shite Kodo o Okosu
Onnatachi no Kai, during the same year of 1975, held a meeting with
senior managers of Nihon Hoso Kyokai ( Japan Broadcasting Corporation), a public broadcasting system in Japan also known as NHK. The
group submitted a list of questions and demands regarding the representations of women in the male-dominated Japanese media. The elimination of sexist language such as shujin (master, husband) and
discriminatory expressions against women was included in their demands,
along with the diverse portrayal of women and men in nontraditional
roles, and the overall increase in the number of women among staff members as well as in important positions in programs, to name but a few
(Yukawa & Saito, 2004).
The Kokusai Fujinnen o Kikkake to shite Kodo o Okosu Onnatachi no Kai was launched in 1975 as a grass-roots organization and as
an advocate group for womens rights. Its members consisted of women
of diverse backgrounds, including legislators, lawyers, educators, ofce
workers, students, and homemakers. For the next 2 decades, the group
continued to run a number of campaigns together with its subgroups on
nonsexist language reform and fairer representations of women in the
media as well as on a wide range of womens issues including equality
in education and employment, among others. It successfully attracted
the attention of the general public and the media with its highly visible
campaign style by means of demonstrations and sit-ins. In 1986, following the United Nations International Decade for Women, the group
shortened its name to the Kodo Suru Onnatachi no Kai (the Group of
Women Who Take Action), and remained active through 1996, when it
disbanded upon achieving its initial goals (Endo, 2004; Mackie, 2003).
A series of protests against the gender stereotypes and discrimination in the media by the Kokusai Fujinnen o Kikkake to shite Kodo o
Okosu Onnatachi no Kai during the United Nations International
Year for Women in 1975 made an immeasurable contribution to nonsexist language reform. It attracted public and media attention to sexism and gender bias in the Japanese language, which continued to grow
179
throughout the following United Nations International Decade for

Women from 1976 to 1985.
Furthermore, the Ratication of the United Nations Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW) in 1985, and the subsequent introduction of Danjo Koyo
Kikai Kinto Ho (the Equal Employment Opportunity Law) in 1986 to
prohibit discrimination against women in the Japanese workplace, had
a signicant effect on advancing nonsexist language reform. One of the
well-known organized efforts by womens groups took place in 1989,
when the Nihon Joseigaku Kenkyu Kai (the Japan Womens Studies Association) demanded that commercial and public broadcasting stations
nationwide should eliminate the use of sexist language to belittle women
and to foster existing gender inequality (Endo, 2004; Mackie, 2003).
At the same time, a series of inquiries into the representation of genders in the Japanese language were made by feminist scholars and
researchers during the 1980s and the 1990s, which contributed substantially to further promote nonsexist language reform. One such pioneering study was carried out by the Kotoba to Onna o Kangaeru Kai (the
Group to Think about Language and Women) whose founding members consist of several women educators and scholars. In 1983, the group
launched a project to closely examine the representation of genders in
Japanese language dictionaries. Detailed content analysis was conducted
on entries, denitions, and illustrative sentences of a total of eight highly
regarded and widely used Japanese language dictionaries that were published or revised in the early 1980s. The results of the analysis were presented in 1985 in the groups publication entitled, Kokugojiten ni Miru
Josei Sabetsu (Sexism in the Japanese Language Dictionaries) (Kotoba to
Onna o Kangaeru Kai, 1985).
The group concluded that the denitions and illustrative sentences
of the Japanese language dictionaries were saturated with gross gender
stereotypes and gender-based asymmetry. Based on these ndings, the
group made a series of suggestions about revisions which would eliminate the gender discrimination, and proposed that lexicographers as well
as publishers make serious concerted efforts to eliminate sexism. It should
be noted that some publishers were willing to accept the groups pro180
posal, and revised their dictionaries accordingly. The group continues to

conduct content analysis on dictionaries when new editions are published, and to evaluate the extent of the revisions whenever they are made
by the publishers.
Another signicant study was conducted by the Media no Naka no
Seisabetsu o Kangaeru Kai (the Association to Think about Gender Discrimination in the Media) also known as GEAM. It is one of the most
inuential groups that have been playing an active role in challenging
the prevalent sexism in the male-dominated Japanese media. While other
groups and associations mentioned earlier are located in the Tokyo metropolitan area, this association, since it was founded in the early 1990s,
is located in Toyama prefecture, away from the urban area. In order to
promote nonsexist language reform in the media, the association not
only organizes and participates in various activities and events nationwide, but also maintains close ties with the community by holding study
groups, workshops, and meetings with local journalists, as well as with
residents, on a regular basis.
In addition to examining the representation of genders in the media
by conducting extensive content analysis on newspaper articles, the association continues to make proposals for expressions that can be used in
place of those embedded with sexism (Saito, 1997; Yukawa & Saito,
2004). In 1996, the association and Ueno Chizuko, a noted feminist
scholar, collaborated to publish Kitto Kaerareru Seisabetsugo: Watashitachi
no Gaidorain (Sexist Language that can be Certainly Changed: Our Guidelines), in which their own jendaa gaidorain (gender guidelines) are
included. These were the rst guidelines issued specically for the media,
and they exerted considerable inuence. As a matter of fact, a part of
the guidelines proposed by Ueno and the association (1996) were adopted
by some of the news media. For instance, Kyodo Tsushinsha, the largest
nonprot news agency in Japan, added a section on sexist expressions
for the rst time in its Kisha Handobukku Dai 8 Han (Reporters Handbook the 8th Edition) which was compiled the following year in 1997.
Further details on the revisions of the handbook are presented in the following section on nonsexist language reform and the Japanese media.
The overall progress of nonsexist language reform since the mid
181
1970s can be summarized by the following quote from Ide (1997), who
is a full-time academic and a feminist linguist known for her research
on Japanese womens language:
In 1979, when I wrote my book Womens Language, Mens Language, I
think there was a purpose to listing in detail the types of sexist language
common in Japan. It was a strategy suited to that period. I have to
admit, however, that when I recently canvassed students in order to look
at the contemporary use of discriminatory language, I was surprised to
nd how much change there has been. There has also been an obvious
improvement in the major daily newspapers [p. 45].
Nonsexist Language Reform and

the Japanese Government
It is fair to say that a local, self-governing organization in Kanagawa prefecture located southwest of the Tokyo metropolitan area, took
the initiative in carrying out nonsexist language reform at the government level. In 1982, a comprehensive prefectural plan to improve the
social status of women, called the Kanagawa Josei Puran (the Kanagawa
Womens Plan) was developed, and was promoted by the Fujin
Kikakushitsu (the Womens Project Ofce), which was established in the
same year as a part of the Kanagawa prefectural ofce. Nonsexist language reform was among a number of objectives stated in the plan, which
made a specic request that the publications by Kanagawa prefecture be
reviewed and revised if they contained any of the following: (1) language that discriminates against or derogates women, (2) passages that
implicitly valorize traditional, xed gender roles, and (3) words and
phrases for family, married couples, women, and men that evoke the old
patriarchal family system (Endo, 2004, p. 180). This action on language
reform initiated by a local womens ofce had a ripple effect throughout
the entire nation, and resulted in extensive reviews and revisions of publications by local governments.
Another major reform was undertaken by the Danjo Kyodo Sankaku
Shingikai (the Council for Gender Equality), which was set up in
1994 as an advisory body to the Prime Minister for the realization of a
182
society based on gender equality. In 1996, the Council completed the

Vision for Gender Equality, which was followed by the issuance of the
Plan for Gender Equality in the Year 2000. Language reform was
included in the plan, which calls for the promotion of the use of
nonsexist phrases in all informational and other publications produced
by public agencies (Endo, 2004, p. 180). Furthermore, the plan made
a recommendation that local governments should draw up their own
detailed guidelines to promote nonsexist language reform. As a result, a
series of handobukku (handbooks) and gaidorain (guidelines) were produced by local governments nationwide, and have made a considerable
contribution to further raise public awareness about language reform
aimed at eliminating sexism and gender bias embedded in the Japanese
language.
In 2001, the Danjo Kyodo Sankaku Shingikai (the Council for Gender Equality) changed its name to the Danjo Kyodo Sankaku Kaigi (the
Conference on Gender Equality), and became a part of the inuential
Cabinet Ofce headed by the Prime Minister. This development was
viewed by many as a positive indication that the Japanese government
has begun to enact serious efforts toward promoting gender equality in
society. This, in turn, will certainly have a favorable effect on successful nonsexist language reform in the future.
Nonsexist Language Reform and

the Japanese Media
As mentioned in Chapter 5, prior to the mid1970s, the maledominated Japanese media was very harsh and critical of the womens
movement, repeatedly referring to it as a spree by some crazy young
women (Morley, 1999, p. 77). Sexism was prevalent in the media in its
use of language as well as its portrayal of women. However, a series of
nonsexist language reforms undertaken by a number of feminist activists
and womens groups since the mid1970s, along with language reform
at the government level starting in the mid1980s, has had considerable
inuence on sexist language use by the media.
183
Newspaper companies as well as news agencies in Japan routinely

provide reporters with instruction and reference manuals to serve as
guidelines in writing articles. These instruction and reference manuals
include a section regarding various discriminatory terms and offensive
expressions. Precise examples informing reporters how to handle these
terms and expressions properly in order to write articles that do not
offend readers are shown in this section. Discriminatory terms and offensive expressions in this section are listed under a number of categories,
such as physical and mental disabilities, illnesses, occupation, status,
race, and ethnicity, among others; however, there was no specic category on gender bias and discrimination until the late 1990s.
In 1997, for the very rst time in the history of the Japanese media,
gender discrimination was added to the categories in this section in the
handbook compiled by Kyodo Tsushinsha, the largest nonprot news
agency in Japan, which consists of major newspapers and Nihon Hoso
Kyokai ( Japan Broadcasting Corporation), a public broadcasting system.
The following are the guidelines on gender discrimination that appeared
in Kisha Handobukku Dai 8 Han (Reporters Handbook the 8th Edition)
published by Kyodo Tsushinsha:
Avoid the term, joryuu (female style, used as a female modier
to a male-dominated occupation, particularly in art, as in
joryuu sakka referring to a woman author) except in proper
nouns such as joryuu bungakushoo (female literary award) and
joryuu meijin (female master). Simply state the name of the
occupation without adding joryuu, along with the surname of
the woman who holds the occupation.
Replace -joshi (woman who has fame as well as high social status, used as a title with the surname of such a woman) with
the gender neutral title, -san.
Note: Whenever possible, avoid such expressions which place a
particularly unfair emphasis on woman as follows: joketsu
(woman hero, strong and feisty woman), otoko masari (superior
to man, strong-minded and assertive woman), jojoofu (female
equivalent of excellent and talented man, strong and feisty
184
woman), onna datera ni (unlike a woman, inappropriate for a

woman), and onna no tatakai (ght between women).
Note: Make an effort to use the same titles (either -san or
-shi) for both women and men, particularly in the same
setting.
In addition to these rst revisions in the 8th edition, the following are
excerpts from the guidelines that were included in Kisha Handobukku
Dai 9 Han (Reporters Handbook the 9th Edition) issued by Kyodo
Tsushinsha 4 years later in 2001:
Avoid the following terms: teishu (master, owner, head, husband), shujin (master, husband), oku-san (Mrs. Interior,
address term for married women) (Cherry, 1987), and kanai
(house-insider, ones wife) (Cherry, 1987).
Replace fujin keikan (woman police ofcer) and its shortened
form, fukei, with josei keiken.
Avoid the term miboojin (person who is not yet dead, widow).
Specify as ko X-san no tsuma (wife of the late Mr. so-and-so),
X fujin (Mrs. so-and-so), or X-san.
Replace kikoku shijo (sons and daughters who are returnees
from abroad) with kikoku jidoo (children who are returnees
from abroad).
Replace nyooboo yaku (one who plays a wifely role, assistant,
aid) with hosa yaku (one who assists, assistant, aid).
Replace nyuuseki suru (to make an entry into the family registers, to have a marriage registered) with konin todoke o teishutsu
suru (to submit a marriage registration).
Replace fujoshi (women and children, discriminatory term to
put women and children in the same category) with josei to
kodomo (women and children).
Note: Avoid expressions which place unfair emphasis on
women such as shokuba no hana (ower in the workplace,
young single female worker), saien (talented woman), saijo (talented woman), and saishoku kenbi (woman who is intelligent
and attractive).
185
Note: Avoid expressions that represent male dominance in

society such as fusho fuzui (husband leads, wife follows) and
Otoko wa dokyoo, onna wa aikyoo (Men should be daring,
women should be charming).
Note: Avoid expressions that promote gender inequality and
bias such as onna no asajie (womens shallow wits), onna no
kuse ni (after all she is a woman, though she is a woman),
memeshii (like a woman, unmanly and effeminate man), onna
no kusatta yoona (like a rotten woman, indecisive and cowardly
man), and otoko no kuse ni (after all he is a man, though he is a
man).
There is no doubt that the male-dominated Japanese media needs
further reform and improvement regarding nonsexist language use and
fairer representation of women; nevertheless, the voluntary guidelines
issued by the media such as those found in Kisha Handobukku (Reporters
Handbook) (Kyodo Tsushinsha, 1997, 2001) that have continued to be
revised on a regular basis since 1997, have proven to be very effective in
signicantly reducing the instances of sexist language use in the media.
Nonsexist Language Reform in

Japanese Language Dictionaries
A number of feminist scholars and womens groups point out that
the progress toward nonsexist language reform in dictionaries has
been very slow, and has certainly lagged behind that in the media (Endo,
2003; Hio, 2000; Swanger 1994). For instance, Swanger (1994) discusses
gender bias found in Japanese language dictionaries by making a
reference to the expression, onna datera ni (unlike a woman, inappropriate for a woman). It is a very commonly used phrase to criticize the
particular behavior of a woman which does not stay within the femininity code and parameters set by society. As a matter of fact, this
phrase was listed by well over one third of the survey participants in
Chapter 6, and is ranked third among a total of 151 offensive and degrad186
ing expressions for women. The following is the argument by Swanger

(1994):
In a society where in most workplaces female employees are still
expected to serve tea and, worse, where educated women can be heard
agreeing with men that the tea surely tastes better when served by a
pretty girl, who could nd it unusual that the expression onna datera ni
(unlike a woman, inappropriate for a woman) is still commonly found in
Japanese language dictionaries? Similar examples reecting Japanese societys tendency to automatically associate women with marriage and
home, not to mention chattering, meddling, and other undesirable
behaviour, are all too easy to nd in dictionaries published in Japan
[p. 4].
In addition to Japanese language dictionaries, many instances of

gender bias can also be found in kanji (ideographic characters) dictionaries in their interpretations as well as denitions of the compositions
and meanings of kanji. For instance, there is a character called fu that
refers to a woman, a daughter-in-law, a bride, or a wife. It is used in
various kanji compounds such as fujin (adult woman) and fuufu (husband and wife). The character fu is composed of onna hen (the female
radical) and the component that represents broom. Kanjigen (Kanji
Sources), a widely used kanji dictionary published in 2006, says that the
character fu symbolizes a woman holding a broom. It further states that
the character fu refers to a bride or a wife who takes care of household
chores such as cleaning, and snuggles up to her shujin (master, husband)
like an appendage.
Dictionaries are the most respected and authoritative sources that
people turn to for denitions of words and phrases (Graham, 1975).
Despite the ongoing nonsexist language reform which started in the
mid1970s, the majority of Japanese language dictionaries maintain the
status quo and continue to list entries as well as denitions embedded
with gender bias. However, some conscientious lexicographers and publishers have started to make conscious efforts to eliminate sexism and promote fairer representation of genders in dictionaries. Along with the
denitions of the entries with gender bias, these new types of dictionaries that are oriented toward nonsexist language reform typically provide additional explanations of the nature of the gender bias associated
187
with the entries. Such an innovative approach is evident among some

dictionaries published or revised since the mid1990s.
In the following section, comparisons are made between the 6th edition of Kojien, one of the most highly regarded Japanese language dictionaries, revised in 2008, and the 20022008 edition of Meikyo Kokugo
Jiten (Meikyo Japanese Language Dictionary) (Kitahara & Taishukan), one
of the new dictionaries oriented toward nonsexist language reform. Some
representative entries and denitions, as well as additional explanations
where applicable, are presented below in English translation. Capitalized letters K and M stand for Kojien (2008) and Meikyo Kokugo Jiten
(Meikyo Japanese Language Dictionary) (Kitahara & Taishukan, 2002
2008), respectively.
onna no ko (girl)
K: girl, young woman
M: young woman as in kaisha no onna no ko (young woman in
the company)
This term is used to show affection as well as disrespect for
young women.
hai misu (high miss, single woman in her 30s)

K: slightly old unmarried woman
M: woman who is single past konki (marriageable age, in her
mid to late 20s)
This Japanese English coinage is a discriminatory term that
is based on the assumption that women should get married
during tekireiki (marriageable age, in their mid to late 20s).
otoko masari (superior to man,

strong-minded and feisty woman)
K: woman who, despite being a woman, is almost feistier than man
M: woman who is feisty and almost stronger-minded than man
This term is based on the gender stereotype that men are
stronger than women.
188
busu (ugly woman)

K: woman with ugly facial features
M: woman who does not have a pretty face
This discriminatory term is also used to swear at women.
onna datera ni (unlike a woman,

inappropriate for a woman)
K: unlike a woman as in onna datera ni tanka o kiru (inappropriate for women to speak deantly), onna no kuse ni (after all
she is a woman, though she is a woman)
M: unlike a woman as in onna datera ni oozake o nomu (inappropriate for women to drink heavily)
This term is based on the stereotyped notion that women
should be shitoyaka (modest, graceful, ladylike).
demorodi (returnee to ones

parents place, divorced woman)
K: woman who was once married, got divorced, and returned to
her parents home
M: woman who returns to her parents home after divorce
This term is based on the notion that a woman should get
married and stay with the family that she has married into.
urenokori (unsold merchandise,

single woman in her 30s)
K: woman who remains unmarried after konki (marriageable age,
in her mid to late 20s)
M: woman who remains single past konki (marriageable age, in
her mid to late 20s)
This discriminatory term is commonly used for a single
woman.
189
umazume (stone woman,

no-life woman, infertile woman)
K: woman who is not able to bear children
M: archaic expression used for a woman who is not able to conceive
This discriminatory term places all the causes of infertility
solely on women.
okame (womans face that resembles an

unattractive female mask also
called otafuku, unattractive woman)
K: mask of otafuku, woman whose face resembles the mask of
otafuku
This term is used to ridicule an ugly woman.
M: female mask with a round face, a at nose, and high cheekbones and forehead, woman whose face resembles such a mask
This term is also used to deride a woman about her facial
features.
oorudo misu (old miss, single woman in her 30s)

K: woman past konki (marriageable age, in her mid to late 20s)
who remains unmarried, roojoo (old unmarried woman)
M: single woman past konki (marriageable age, in her mid to
late 20s)
This discriminatory term is based on the assumption that
women should get married during tekireiki (marriageable
age, in their mid to late 20s). There is a tendency among
native speakers of English to avoid the term old maid,
which is an English equivalent of oorudo misu (old miss), a
Japanese English coinage.
fujin (woman)
K: adult woman, woman who married into husbands family
M: adult woman
Compared to josei (woman, female), fujin (adult woman)
190
is slightly archaic. Nowadays there is a tendency to avoid

using the term fujin (adult woman) because of its discriminatory tone, when it is used as a modier to positional and
occupational terms that are traditionally dominated by men.
komusume (little girl)

K: young girl
This term referring to young girls is used with contempt.
M: young girl who is 14 to 15 years of age
This term is often used when looking down upon young
women.
As can be seen from the above comparison, there are striking differences between these two dictionaries. Compared to Meikyo Kokugo Jiten
(Meikyo Japanese Language Dictionary) (Kitahara & Taishukan, 2002
2008), which provides fairly detailed information on the gender biases of
its entries, the denitions and additional information on the entries, if any,
provided by Kojien (2008) mostly reect gender stereotypes and biases. It
is regrettable that Kojien (2008), one of the highly regarded dictionaries,
includes such an obsolete and extremely discriminatory term, roojoo (old
unmarried woman), in the denition of oorudo misu (old miss, old maid).
Furthermore, since its 5th edition, published in 1998, there were no additions or revisions made to these representative entries listed above in the
latest 6th edition of Kojien published a decade later in 2008.
Some dictionaries oriented toward nonsexist language reform have
taken further steps by providing additional detailed explanations for the
gender biases of their entries in the form of supplementary notes. The
following is one instance of such notes found in Meiji Shoin Seisen Kokugo
Jiten (Meiji Shoin Selected Japanese Language Dictionary), one of the innovative Japanese language dictionaries published in 1994. The note is in
regard to the commonly used phrase, onna datera ni (unlike a woman,
inappropriate for a woman) that Swanger (1994) made a reference to in
her argument which appeared earlier in this section.
[Onna datera ni is] A term used to express the feeling that something is
not appropriate for a woman to do. It is used to conne women within a
narrow framework [of suitable activities], and to ridicule or deride
191

those women who attempt to move beyond that framework [Endo,
2004, p. 174].
Detailed and informative notes on gender biases that are embedded in the entries are still not commonly found even among the dictionaries with innovative approaches. Nevertheless, providing additional
information on the gender biases of the entries, regardless of the length,
is extremely helpful in making users aware of the pervasiveness of sexism in the Japanese language. It is also a positive development in realizing the fairer representation of genders in Japanese language
dictionaries. Although the number of dictionaries with innovative
approaches remains very limited, conscientious efforts by the lexicographers and publishers of such dictionaries have certainly set the standard
for nonsexist language reform in dictionaries, which can be followed by
more, hopefully in the foreseeable future.
Nonsexist Language Reform in

Japanese School Textbooks
While nonsexist language reform has made steady progress in Japan
since the mid1970s, its effect has not yet been widely reected in many
areas, including Japanese language dictionaries (mentioned in the
previous section) and Japanese school textbooks. It should be noted
that the implementation of nonsexist language reform, particularly
since the 1970s, has been the most comprehensive and successful in
English, which is the most extensively studied language in terms of linguistic sexism. For instance, in the United States, scholastic organizations including APA as well as a number of publishers such as
McGraw-Hill Book Company, and Scott, Foresman and Company have
continued to revise guidelines since the 1970s to identify the areas of
sexism, and to suggest alternative expressions for authors and editors to
consider when writing or approving new materials (DeShazer, 1981;
Gershuny, 1977, 1989; Nielsen, 1988; Worby, 1979). In contrast, neither
the publishers of textbooks nor scholastic organizations in Japan, including one of the most inuential, the Japanese Language Society, have
192
proposed or issued such guidelines to eliminate gender bias and stereotypes.

Furthermore, in 1971 the National Council of Teachers of English
(NCTE) in the United States organized a committee on the Role and
Image of Women in the Council and the Profession, and in 1975 created the rst detailed guidelines for nonsexist language use in its publications. In addition, a lot of research and a number of academic surveys
have been conducted on sexism in English textbooks including ESL and
EFL materials (Florent & Walter, 1988; Hartman & Judd, 1978;
Hellinger, 1980; Porreca, 1984; Sunderland, 1992). Because of all these
efforts, English education textbooks have been reported to be signicantly
more advanced than those of other disciplines in eliminating sexism from
illustrative sentences and prose passages (Gershuny, 1977).
In Japan, there is a textbook inspection and authorization system
administered by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and
Technology; however, the use of nonsexist language is not included in
its guidelines and criteria. Similarly, the government agencies such as the
Subcommittee on the Japanese Language of the Japanese Culture Council, and the National Research Institute of the Japanese Language do not
include nonsexist language use in their recommendations for reform in
the Japanese language. This ofcial stance, adopted by the government
and its agencies, does not take into consideration a storm of criticism
directed at the gender inequality embedded in school textbooks. Since
the 1970s, feminist scholars and educators have regularly conducted a
number of content analyses on Japanese textbooks, and have continued
to point out that sexist language as well as the stereotypical portrayal of
women and men remains prevalent in the vast majority of textbooks,
despite the progress of nonsexist language reform in recent years (Saito,
1994; Sasaki, 1994; Y. Sato, 1978; Ujihara, 1997a, 1997b). Together with
feminist scholars and educators, the Japan Federation of Lawyers has also
taken initiative, and has issued a series of recommendations in order to
eliminate gender bias in school textbooks (Kameda, 1995; Owaki, 1991).
School textbooks are used repetitively by children, and exert
immeasurable inuence on their perceptions of gender relations. In order
to promote fair gender ideology among schoolchildren, there is an urgent
193
need to create specic guidelines for nonsexist language use and unbiased representation of genders in Japanese school textbooks (Owaki,
1991). To this end, inuential guidelines similar to those formulated and
revised by the National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE) in the
United States can serve as a reference point. The Constitution of Japan
and the Basic Law of Education that were enacted shortly after World
War II guarantee equal opportunity for women and men to receive education for the rst time in Japanese history. It is essential that the spirit
of these laws be embodied in school textbooks.
Various Views on Nonsexist Language Reform

As briey stated in Chapter 6, the majority of the survey participants voiced their various thoughts and concerns regarding genderrelated expressions as well as the overall representation of women in the
Japanese language, in addition to listing and commenting on words and
phrases that were considered offensive and degrading to women. Among
all the thoughts and concerns of the participants, the most frequently
mentioned was in regard to the feasibility and effectiveness of changing
or eliminating such offensive gender-related expressions. While the survey participants unanimously agree that gender bias is embedded in the
Japanese language, their opinions on nonsexist language reform differ
widely. The following are some of the representative quotations from the
survey participants presented in English translation:
Having been a Japanese language professional for over 50
years, I feel it is truly a shame that there are so many expressions to belittle and insult women in the Japanese language.
These expressions have existed for a very long time; in some
cases, they were widely used before I was even born. As much
as I would like to see these expressions disappear, I do not
think it is feasible to change them, let alone to eliminate them
(76-year-old part-time Japanese instructor).
There is no doubt that the Japanese language has a variety of
offensive and degrading expressions for women; however, I am
194
not certain if getting rid of such sexist words and phrases is a

practical solution to the problem. I think that language would
change by itself as a result of the change in the society where
women would be treated equally with men (28-year-old homemaker).
Although the power of language is often underestimated and
overlooked, language has a signicant inuence on the perceptions of its users. It is, therefore, crucial to initiate the process
of eradicating gender bias from the Japanese language. This, in
turn, will promote the realization of gender equality in Japanese society (53-year-old speech therapist).
I believe that the concerted effort to eliminate gender bias in
the Japanese language is not only meaningful to those who are
concerned, but also very effective in making the general public
aware of the overall seriousness and pervasiveness of sexism in
Japanese society (39-year-old adjunct college lecturer).
As can be seen by these quotes, some survey participants question
the necessity and feasibility of language reform, while others support it.
It is often pointed out that these variations in opinions regarding nonsexist language reform reect the differences in the views of individuals
on the relationship between language and reality (Peneld, 1987). Generally speaking, there are three views that are typically used for the argument on language reform. The view that language reects reality is most
frequently used to argue against the feasibility of reform, while the linguistic determinist view and the interactionist view are commonly used
to argue in favor of it (Pauwels, 1998). In the following section, these
views are presented in summary.
Those who hold the view that language reects reality are doubtful whether language could cause social change; therefore, they do not
have a strong preference for language reform. They argue that the discriminatory treatment of women and their subordinate status are simply reected in gender bias in language, rather than are caused by it. As
a result, in order to realize gender equality, they give preference to organized efforts that promote social change over nonsexist language reform.
195
Lakoff (1975), who supports this view, insists that language change is created by social change, not the other way around. Similarly, Martynyuk
(1990) claims that since language change takes longer than social change,
feminist language reform is feasible only when there is sufcient awareness and urgency in society. It should be noted that those who hold the
view that language reects reality do not totally deny the necessity for
language reform. As a matter of fact, a large number of advocates of
ofcial guidelines for nonsexist language use such as Miller and Swift
(1980) support this view. However, they argue in favor of language reform
based on their stance that language change lags behind social change
(Miller & Swift, 1991; Sorrels, 1983).
The linguistic determinist view on the relationship between language and reality maintains that language not only inuences, but also
determines the way people construct and examine reality. Spender (1980),
an advocate of this view, asserts that the world people live in becomes
meaningful through language. According to those who support this view,
sexist language is the cause of the oppression of women, since language
is a leading force in creating and maintaining gender inequality in society. They further argue that men in a patriarchal society have total control in the creation of a language that constructs and presents reality
solely from male perspectives. This so-called man-made language, lacking in female perspectives, alienates women, and as a result, creates
womens subordinate status in society. Advocates of this view believe in
the benet of nonsexist language reform based on their assertion that language is an instrument of womens oppression as well as liberation (Gibbon, 1999; Pauwels, 1998; Peneld, 1987). For instance, Spender (1980)
asserts that with perseverance, language can be reformed and modied
in favor of women.
Those who hold the interactionist view of the relationship between
language and reality claim that language not only reects reality, but also
helps to construct it (Pauwels, 1998; Van Den Bergh, 1987). This view
does not make an attempt to determine the direction of inuence or
effect between language and reality. Rather, it focuses on the mutual
inuence between the two. Advocates of this view argue in favor of nonsexist language reform, claiming it is helpful in making people aware of
196
the pervasiveness of sexism not only in language, but also in many other
aspects of life. Van Den Bergh (1987) further asserts that since language
often serves as a mirror that reects the extent of gender inequality and
power imbalances in society, it is possible to make use of language as a
powerful and effective instrument for social change. Pauwels (1998) also
points out that a majority of feminist language critics opting for linguistic action can be aligned with the interactionist view, because they
believe that linguistic action may give women an opportunity to express
their perspectives and experiences, and that linguistic action can increase
peoples awareness that language is not a neutral medium for transmitting ideas and values (p. 92).
While I respect a wide range of views on nonsexist language reform,
personally I am inclined toward the interactionist view. I also believe that
reform will not only bring forth the fairer representation of genders in
language, but also make the world a better place where women and men
coexist in harmony based on mutual respect and understanding.
This section concludes by presenting the views on nonsexist language reform expressed by feminist scholars in Japan, who have actively
engaged in varied research for many years in order to eliminate sexism
from the Japanese language; much can be learned by their insights.
A representation of the Japanese appreciation of the norm of male domination can be seen in the terms designating women and men. How
women and men are dened or represented in Japanese can be evidence
for how women and men are treated in male-dominated Japan (Hio,
2000, p. 163). Every time we converse and especially when we write, this
inequality underlying Japanese is repeated. Not surprising then that we
often accept, without questioning, social habits, conventions, and customs that favor men.... I expect that even in the 21st century, many people will still feel inequality in social habits, conventions, and customs as
is felt today unless the Japanese language is changed [Hio, 2000, p. 169].
*
What is crucial to feminist linguistic practice is to constantly attempt to

reform male denitions, believing that the meanings in a language are
ultimately changeable by the conscious language use [Nakamura, 1990,
p. 160].
*
197

It is often argued that as long as there is gender discrimination in society, gender bias in language continues to exist; therefore, it is meaningless to reform language alone. Such an argument certainly makes sense,
and we have to continue making efforts to change society. However,
there is a way to do so through language. As long as sexist language continues to exist, society will not change, either. There are instances in
which language changes peoples perceptions. Language is a product of
society, and at the same time, there is something that language can produce in society. We cannot afford to make language an obstacle to
progress in society [Endo, 1985, p. 236].
Future Prospects of Nonsexist Language

Reform and the Japanese Language
Some critics have asserted that the emphasis on conformity in Japanese society and the Japanese peoples strong inclination to avoid confrontation of any kind could be potential obstacles to the advancement
of nonsexist language reform.
For instance, Okano (1995) points out that Japanese society is a
maternal society (bosei shakai), where conformity is the norm, and the
status quo precedes changes. The term maternal society became a buzzword in the Japanese media in the late 1970s. It was coined by Kawai
Hayao (19282007), a psychologist and former chief of the Agency for
Cultural Affairs in the Ministry of Education, in his 1976 best-selling
book titled Bosei Shakai Nihon no Byori (The Pathology of Japans Maternal Society) ( Jiyukokuminsha, 2008). Okano (1995) further explains
that in Japanese maternal society there is a tendency to accept everything without analysis or criticism (p. 26), and to harmonize both the
good and the bad (p. 26). Seeking changes by analyzing and criticizing
language is likely to encounter resistance as well as opposition.
In addition, Farnsley (1995) makes reference to one of the inclinations of the Japanese people as follows:
To focus on self-promotion, especially through conict, is viewed as
selsh behavior.... The priority of group well-being over self-satisfaction
on the part of most Japanese, particularly, women, may result in slowed
198

discovery of linguistic ways in which to improve womens social status
[p. 3].
At the same time, Farnsley (1995) discusses another inclination of

Japanese people which makes it feasible for further language reform to
occur:
Most Japanese are concerned for the well-being of society as a whole; if
they can see that the entire society, not only women, would benet from
changes in the way women speak and are spoken of, these modications
could take place [p. 4].
When the concept of nonsexist language reform was rst introduced

to the general public in Japan in the mid1970s, it was perceived primarily as an issue related to feminist activists and womens groups. However, the past 3 decades have witnessed the increasing involvement of
the government and the media with the reform, which has produced
many tangible results including a number of guidelines issued to eliminate gender bias in the Japanese language. These guidelines, in particular, have a signicant effect on changing the public perceptions of
nonsexist language reform from a womens issue to a societal issue. Based
on this development, it can be concluded that further language reform
in Japan will be feasible, which coincides with the second quotation from
Farnsley (1995) presented above.
The survey results presented in Chapter 6 indicate that among age,
education levels, and occupation, age is a decisive factor in differences
in the participants perceptions of gender bias in the Japanese language.
As shown in the following, the younger the age group, the fewer expressions considered offensive and degrading to women were listed; the average number of words and phrases listed per participant of each age group
is 2.6 for those in their 20s and 30s, 3.4 for those in their 40s and 50s,
and 4.2 for those in their 60s and 70s. Moreover, it is noteworthy that
out of 70 participants, 2 who did not list any words or phrases at all
were in their 20s. Both of the participants stated that they were simply
not familiar with any such expressions. While it is premature to make
any inferences based on these ndings, they cannot be totally unrelated
to the positive effect of nonsexist language reform started in the
199
mid1970s, before the participants in their 20s and 30s reached

adolescence, when young people typically begin to encounter sexist
expressions frequently, and to develop their awareness of gender bias in
language.
As discussed earlier in this chapter, the coinages and occupational
terms transcribed in katakana, the phonetic letters that are used to transcribe words of nonJapanese origin, have contributed to the creation of
many terms without gender bias and stereotypes. Although the steady
increase in the usage of katakana in recent years is perceived negatively
by those of the older generation as decay in the Japanese language, the
popularity of katakana among the younger generation may contribute
to fewer sexist expressions in the future. Furthermore, as Hio (2000)
points out, an increasing number of younger people use and know considerably fewer kanji (ideographic characters) and their compounds, as
well as idiomatic expressions that convey gender bias and stereotypes.
This trend may result in making most sexist expressions obsolete before
too long.
Considering the concerted effort by feminist activists and womens
groups as well as by the government and the media, along with the inclinations among the younger generation, I have every condence that the
ongoing language reform will certainly have a positive effect on the future
of the Japanese language.
Conclusion
Language, as a major component of a culture, passes on the values
as well as the prejudices of the culture. Language can also have a
signicant impact on a society by not only inuencing but also controlling the world view of its users (Trudgill, 1974). While there have been
some persistent arguments that gender bias in language is trivial compared to other pending issues of society, the power of language should
never be underestimated.
Bolinger (1974) stresses the necessity of considering not only the
meaning of the parts, the individual words and sentences, but also the
200
meaning of the whole, the language code from which we draw. He further elaborates:
Women are taught their place ... by the implicit lies that language tells
about them. Now you can argue that a term is not a proposition; therefore merely having the words does not constitute a lie about anybody....
People may be liars but words are not. This argument has a familiar
ring. We hear it every time Congress tries to pass legislation restricting
the possessions of guns.... However, lots of casualties, some crippling
ones, result from merely having weapons around [p. 164].
Bolinger (1974) concludes that increasing awareness of the tness of language to the perceptions of users will greatly contribute to successful
nonsexist language reform.
As noted by Bolinger (1974), words can be weapons that deeply
wound people; however, it is possible to eliminate such instances through
conscious efforts made by us, the users of words. It is my sincere hope
that various information as well as the actual voices of women documented in this book will provide a step forward to promote a fairer and
unbiased representation of genders in the Japanese language.
In ancient Japan, words were considered sacred and revered because
of the mystical power of kotodama, the spirits that were believed to
inhabit words. A long time has passed since then, and the sacredness that
people once felt toward words seems to have been forgotten altogether.
Nevertheless, we need to constantly remind ourselves that words ought
to be treated with utmost care and respect. After all, we owe it to ourselves to make the best use of language, which is a precious gift to us all.
201
Appendix A
Demographic Information
about the Survey Participants
The following chart provides demographic information on the
women who took part in the survey.
Participant
Age
Highest Degree
Earned
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
20
21
22
23
24
26
26
26
27
28
28
29
30
30
30
31
32
33
35
36
37
38
38
39
40
41
41
42
42
43
45
AA
AA
AA
BA
AA
BA
MA
BA
BA
BA
AA
BA
BS
AA
BA
BA
BS
AA
BA
MS
MA
MA
BA
MA
AA
BA
BA
MA
BA
AA
BA
Occupation
Housework helper
College student
College student
Housework helper
College student
Part-time ofce worker
College lecturer
Ofce worker
Ofce worker
Graduate student
Homemaker
Interpreter
Graduate student
Ofce worker
Homemaker
Junior high school teacher
Nurse
Part-time sales clerk
Ofce worker
Graduate student
Part-time public employee
College lecturer
Homemaker
Adjunct college lecturer
Homemaker
Ofce worker
Part-time translator
Translator
Nursery school teacher
Homemaker
Part-time interpreter
203
Appendix A
Participant
Age
Highest Degree
Earned
Occupation
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
46
46
47
48
48
50
51
52
52
53
54
55
56
56
57
58
59
60
60
61
62
62
63
65
66
66
68
68
70
71
72
72
72
75
76
76
77
78
78
AA
BA
AA
BA
AA
BA
AA
BA
BA
MS
AA
AA
BA
AA
MA
PhD
AA
HS
BA
HS
HS
HS
BA
BA
HS
BA
PhD
HS
PhD
HS
BA
HS
BS
HS
BA
AA
HS
HS
HS
Administrative assistant
Ofce worker
Homemaker
Part-time English instructor
Graphic designer
Homemaker
Ofce worker
Part-time high school teacher
Speech therapist
Homemaker
Ofce worker
Ofce worker
Homemaker
College lecturer
Assistant professor
Homemaker
Homemaker
Junior high school teacher
Part-time ofce worker
Homemaker
Part-time sales clerk
Japanese instructor
Retired high school teacher
Homemaker
Professor emeritus
Retired ofce worker
Professor
Homemaker
Retired editor
Homemaker
Homemaker
Part-time Japanese instructor
Homemaker
Retired ofce worker
Homemaker
204
Appendix B
Japanese Words and Phrases
Listed by the Survey Participants
The chart below presents a total of 151 Japanese words and phrases
that the survey participants found degrading to women. The following
capitalized letters indicate the categories into which the words and phrases
are grouped: M, marriage; C, characterization of women; A, age; O,
occupation; P, physical appearance; S, status; and D, derogatory term.
Total Number
of Responses
Category
36
28
26
M
C
24
22
22
21
P
C
20
20
20
19
C
D
18
17
17
16
16
O
M
M
M
M
16
onna no kuse ni (after all she is a woman,
though she is a woman)
memeshii (like a woman, unmanly and
effeminate man)
onna datera ni (unlike a woman, inappropriate
for a woman)
some kanji (ideographic characters) composed
of onna hen (the female radical)
busu (ugly woman)
oku-san (Mrs. Interior, address term for
married women) (Cherry, 1987)
umazume (stone woman, no-life woman,
infertile woman)
(kuso) babaa (derogatory term for elderly
women)
onna no ko (girl)
mekake (mistress)
oorudo misu (old miss, old maid)
demodori (returnee to ones parents place,
divorced woman)
ikazu goke (widow without marrying, single
woman in her 30s)
205
Appendix B
Total Number
of Responses
Category
16
15
15
M
M
15
15
15
15
M
M
M
C
15
14
14
14
S
S
S
14
14
14
C
M
14
14
13
O
D
M
13
13
13
13
13
M
M
M
A
13
13
13
13
13
12
C
P
S
C
otsubone (-sama) (elderly court woman,
middle-aged female ofce worker)
yome o morau (to receive a daughter-inlaw/bride)
kanai (house-insider, ones wife) (Cherry, 1987)
Dakara onna wa dameda. (That is why women
are no good.)
oba-san (aunt, address term for middle-aged
women)
Onna sangai ni ie nashi. (Women have no
home in the three realms of existence:
the past, the present, and the future.)
urenokori (unsold merchandise, single woman
in her 30s)
ama (derogatory term for women)
yome ni iku (to go as a daughter-in-law/
bride, to marry into a husbands family)
naijo no koo (success from inside help,
husbands success owing to the support
and sacrices of his wife) (Cherry, 1987)
miboojin (person who is not yet dead, widow)
obaa-chan (granny, address term for elderly
women)
toshima (years added, middle-aged woman)
(Cherry, 1987)
(o)nee-chan (elder sister, address term for
young women)
Onna san nin yoreba kashimashii. (When
three women get together, they make too
much noise.)
206
Appendix B
Total Number
of Responses
Category
10
10
10
10
10
10
9
C
C
C
C
C
M
M
8
8
8
M
M
M
7
7
7
A
A
A
7
7
O
O
7
7
O
S
7
6
S
M
6
6
M
M
otenba (tomboy)
onna dakara (because she is a woman)
onna no ko nan dakara (because she is a girl)
namaiki na onnna (impudent woman)
hisuterii (hysteria)
nyooboo (court woman, ones wife)
onna bara / otoko bara (female womb/male
womb, woman who gives birth only to
girls/boys)
seng yoo shufu (full-time professional homemaker)
jonan (sufferings of a man in the relationship
with a woman)
kakaa denka (household where the wife is the
boss)
akusai (bad wife)
oni yome (merciless daughter-in-law/bride)
hai misu (high miss, single woman in her
30s)
Kashite sannen konaki wa saru. (A wife
should leave her husband if she fails to
bear a child within 3 years of marriage.)
onago (girl, woman)
musume (daughter, young woman)
hakoiri musume (daughter-in-a-box; young
single woman who leads a sheltered life
with her protective family)
OL (ofce lady, female ofce worker)
kotobuki taishoku / kotobuki taisha
(congratulatory resignation, resignation
of female workers because of marriage)
ochakumi (tea serving)
onna sanjuu no oshie (Three obediences for
women: as a daughter, obey your father;
once married, obey your husband; when
widowed, obey your son.)
shijo (children and women, children)
hanayome shug yoo (bridal training,
apprenticeship as a bride-to-be)
Yome no moraite ga nai. (Nobody offers to
receive her as a daughter-in-law/bride.)
totsugu (to marry into husbands family)
katazukeru (to dispose of, to marry off a
daughter)
207
Appendix B
Total Number
of Responses
Category
6
6
6
6
6
5
5
M
M
A
A
A
C
C
5
5
5
C
C
C
5
5
C
M
5
5
M
M
5
5
A
A
5
5
O
O
4
4
C
P
kojuutome (little mother-in-law, sister-in-law)
ryoosai kenbo (good wives and wise mothers)
koonenki (further aging period, menopause)
roojo (old woman)
rooba (old woman)
yappari onna wa (after all she is a woman)
Onna wa ate ni naranai. (You cannot count
on women.)
otoko onna (mannish woman)
josei nagara (despite being a woman)
onna de hitotsu de (solely by womans hands,
all by herself )
motenai onna (woman who is not popular
with men)
onna guse (mans inclination to seduce women)
Akinasu wa yome ni kuwasuna. (Do not feed
an autumn eggplant to a daughter-in-law/
bride; do not spoil a daughter-in-law/bride.)
yome ibiri (tormenting a daughter-in-law/
bride)
fushoo fuzui (husband leads, wife follows)
Akusai wa isshoo no fusaku. (A bad wife ruins
her husbands entire life.)
jukujo (ripe woman, sexually attractive
middle-aged woman)
obatarian (monstrous and dreadful middleaged woman)
oni baba (devilish old woman)
Oni mo juuhachi, bancha mo debana. (Even
an ogre looks pretty while young, and
freshly brewed tea smells good; any
woman of marriageable age is attractive.)
kaji tetsudai (housework helper, trainee bride)
shokuba no hana (ower in the workplace,
young single female ofce worker)
kurisumasu keeki (Christmas cake, single
woman over 25)
otto o shiri ni shiku (to sit on a husband, to
dominate a husband)
Onna gokoro to aki no sora. (Womens feelings
for men are as changeable as the skies of
autumn.)
josei tokuyuu no (typical of women)
biboo (beautiful looks, womans beauty)
208
Appendix B
Total Number
of Responses
Category
4
3
P
O
3
3
3
3
3
O
O
O
M
M
3
3
3
S
C
A
3
2
P
P
2
2
P
P
2
2
1
O
D
M
1
1
M
M
1
1
M
M
1
1
1
M
M
M
Ii tama da. (She is a knockout.)
onna no hosoude (womans thin arms,
womans very small earnings)
sooji no oba-san (middle-aged cleaning
woman)
otetsudai-san (maid)
baishunfu (prostitute)
kaseifu (housekeeper)
toshikoshi soba (single woman over 31)
sanjuudai makegumi (the loser group of single
women in their 30s)
te o tsukeru (to put a hand on, to demand sex
from subordinate women)
onna asobi (womanizing)
otoko nami (being on the level of men)
onna mo 25 sugireba (when a woman is older
than 25)
otoko zuki no suru kao (face that appeals to men)
okame (womans face that resembles an
unattractive female mask called otafuku,
unattractive woman)
komata no kireagatta onna (sexually attractive
woman with a slender body)
subeta (ugly woman)
okachi menko (funny face, unattractive
woman)
Onna wa katei ni hairu bekida. (Women
should marry and stay home.)
onna no shigoto (womens job/duties)
abazure (slut)
ryoori joozu na ii oyome-san (good daughterin-law/bride who is also a good cook)
sookoo no tsuma (wife who endures nancial
hardship with husband)
kyoosai (strong wife)
anesan nyooboo (big-sister wife, wife who is
older than husband)
furu nyooboo (old wife)
nomi no fuufu (ea couple, married couple
whose wife is larger than husband in size)
hahaoya rashii (t for a mother)
okaa-san (mother)
Onna yamome ni hana ga saku. (Widows
blossom; widows who have more time to
209
Appendix B
Total Number
of Responses
Category
1
1
1
M
C
C
1
1
1
1
1
C
C
C
C
C
1
1
1
1
1
1
C
D
D
D
D
P
1
1
P
P
1
1
1
A
O
O
take care of themselves after losing their

husbands are often popular among
men.)
kizumono (damaged goods, young woman
who lost her virginity before marriage)
sanshoku hirune tsuki (three meals a day
accompanied by a nap, lifestyle of a fulltime homemaker)
hikage no onna (woman in the shadow, mistress)
onna no misao (womans chastity)
dokufu (poisonous woman, evil woman who
hurts and harms people)
Onna wa aho na gurai ga kawaii. (A stupid
woman tends to be cute.)
Onna sakashuu shite ushi urisokonau. (A
smart woman fails to sell a cow; women
may appear to be smart, but they fail to
succeed because they do not see the forest
for the trees.)
onna no tokugi (womans special talent)
onna no buki (womans weapons)
iro jikake (sexual wiles of women)
iroka (womans sexual charm)
yamato nadeshiko (a garden plant with pink
owers, Japanese woman with inner
strength, gracefulness, and delicate
appearance)
tsutsumashiyakana (modest, humble)
inbai (whore)
baita (whore)
otoko gurui (nymphomaniac)
inran (lecherous woman)
daikon ashi (daikon radish legs, womans fat
and unshapely legs)
boin (big breasts)
Bijin wa mikka de aki, busu wa mikka de
nareru. (You get bored with pretty women
in 3 days, while you get used to ugly ones
in 3 days.)
komusume (little girl, young girl who is in her
early teens)
g yaru (gal)
shakufu (barmaid)
suchii (female ight attendant)
210
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Index
boy see otoko no ko; shoonen
bridal training see hanayome shug yoo
bride 28, 9194, 104, 113, 133134, 138
139, 160161, 187
Buddhism 5, 1115, 45, 95, 125126, 138,
143144, 147
busamen 167
busu 91, 122124, 133134, 142, 189
buzzwords 35, 3840, 79, 159, 164165,
167, 172, 175, 179, 198
adoption 32
adultery 29, 106, 130, 140141
age 3, 2223, 28, 3337, 40, 46, 48, 57,
6062, 66, 70, 82, 8891, 98, 103, 110
111, 114, 116, 119120, 127129, 133134,
138139, 141, 149150, 153, 158159, 171,
175176, 191, 199
age group 25, 35, 40, 48, 50, 53, 89, 129
130, 138, 171, 175, 199
Agency for Cultural Affairs 83, 198
aging 115, 135, 141, 175; population 60, 63
aijin 106
Ajia no Onnatachi no Kai 170
aka hara 176
akusai 9899, 137, 163
Akutagawa literary award 8384
All Nippon Airways (ANA) 6364
Amaterasu Omikami 9
Aoki Yayoi 139
appearance 34, 9091, 111, 122124, 133
134, 142143, 167168
ara foo 175
ara saa 175
aristocratic singles see dokushin kizoku
arranged marriage see miai kekkon
astronauts 84, 151152
authors 54, 8384, 151, 165, 172, 184, 192
Cabinet Ofce 16, 31, 42, 52, 57, 6264,

7778, 183
career 2, 34, 36, 38, 58, 63, 65, 115, 118,
120122, 142, 172
caretaker 26, 60
characterization 9091, 106, 112, 130, 133
136, 139, 140
Cherry, Kittredge 91, 168
Chifuren 75
child-bearing machines 22, 8283, 102
child care 1819, 22, 2426, 37, 44, 57
58, 6062, 6768, 70, 77, 84, 100, 119,
121, 154155, 178
child-care allowance 81
Child-Care Allowance Law 81
child-care leave 6063, 6667, 6970, 84
Child-Care Leave and Family-Care Leave
Law 5962, 70
childbirth 1415, 57, 59, 62, 6869, 71,
84
Christmas cake 12, 158
Civil Code 3032, 38, 74, 80
Civil Code of 1898 11, 2729, 32, 105, 125,
161
clerical track 59
coinage 6, 3435, 43, 155, 158159, 164,
166167, 169173, 175177, 188, 190,
200
community centers 54
compulsory education 4647
Conference on Gender Equality 183
Conference on Womens Problems for the
International Year for Women 76, 178
conformity 158, 160, 198
babaa 82, 91, 127128, 144

baishun 169170
Basic Law for a Gender-equal Society 78
Basic Law of Education 48, 194
Basic Survey of Schools 5052
batsu ichi 39, 172173
biboo 123, 143
bijin 92, 123124, 142143, 166
birth rate 2122, 26, 30, 38, 59, 63, 65
66, 70, 82, 102
Bogenbyo 25
Bolinger, Dwight 200201
Borker, Ruth 145
Bosei Shakai Nihon no Byori 198
boshi katei 80, 168169; see also single
mother family
box lunch see obentoo
223
Index
Edo period 5, 1012, 20, 27, 29, 4445,
72, 115, 118, 122, 125, 152, 157, 160, 163
education 5, 12, 2124, 33, 4451, 5355,
8889, 100101, 115, 120121, 132136,
138, 160, 179180, 193194, 199; of
women 5, 21, 4448, 51, 5455
Education Act 46
education-conscious mother see kyooiku
mama
eikyuu shuushoku 58, 120
Electoral Law 74
emperor 1112, 28, 44, 49
employment 62, 69, 71, 160, 178179
Endo Orie 78, 140, 182183, 192, 198
enkiri dera 29
entrance exams 2324, 51
Equal Employment Opportunity Law
(EEOL) 5859, 116, 180
equal rights 59, 7375, 79
era of women see onna no jidai
exploitation 170
Confucianism 5, 1112, 144, 152153;

Confucian doctrine 13, 3637, 46; ethics
12, 27; maxims 12, 153; morals 44, 49;
thinking 44, 47
conglomerate 65, 67, 69
congratulatory money 6667
congratulatory resignation see kotobuki
taishoku / kotobuki taisha
congresswomen 77, 118, 138
Constitution 11, 14, 30, 38, 48, 55, 74,
104, 125, 194
Consumers Co-op see Seikyo
Council for Gender Equality 78, 182183
couple 10, 3031, 33, 3642, 70, 80, 93,
146147, 161, 163, 165, 168, 182
Creighton, Millie 139
culture center 5354
Dai Nippon Fujinkai 74
danna 162
dansei funin 174175
danson johi 1011, 13, 45, 47, 9293, 95,
104, 111, 124125, 137138, 143, 146147,
149, 154, 163
daughter-in-a-box see hakoiri musume
daughters 13, 28, 32, 46, 50, 84, 9394,
98, 105, 113, 126, 137, 143, 152, 160, 185
daughters-in-law 28, 9194, 104, 113, 133
134, 138139, 160161, 187
delement 12, 14
demeanor 34, 98, 106107, 109, 139140,
160
demodori 39, 91, 103104, 137, 172173,
189
derogatory expression 34, 104, 144, 157,
159160, 174; term 39, 82, 9092, 116,
122, 127128, 144, 157, 159, 169, 174
dictionary 3, 6, 7980, 110, 124, 140, 169,
180181, 186188, 191192
diet 73, 83
discrimination 30, 59, 8182, 126, 169,
178, 180; expression 173, 179; practice
142; term 169, 172, 174, 184185, 188
191; treatment 195
divorce 5, 2829, 31, 3842, 104, 120,
168, 172173, 189
doctors 1, 34, 6668, 84, 114, 151, 156
Doho Shimai ni Tsugu 73
Doi Takako 1617, 77
dokushin 171172
dokushin kizoku 36, 171
domestic divorce see kateinai rikon
dynamic statistics of population 22, 39
40, 5960
faculty 5152
family register 28, 30, 161, 185; see also
koseki
family registration system see koseki seido
Farnsley, Kathy 198199
fathers 13, 2325, 28, 37, 42, 45, 60, 62,
70, 100101, 126, 137, 143, 146150, 152,
155, 168
female-male word order 146147
femininity 107108, 111112, 138, 186
feminism 6, 5455, 72, 76, 7980; activists 83, 145, 153, 161, 163, 183, 199
200; critics 58, 197; rst wave of 6, 72,
74; identity 7980; pioneers 9, 72;
scholars 4, 54, 107, 117, 139, 145, 149,
161, 163, 180181, 186, 193, 197; second
wave of 4, 49, 54, 7576, 79, 145, 177
feminisuto 79
feminizumu 79
fertility 82, 93, 101
ve hindrances of women 13
ower in the workplace see shokuba no
hana
fubokai 148150
Fujimura-Fanselow Kumiko 33, 138
fujin 92, 118119, 138, 151, 153, 185, 187,
190
Fujin Sanseiken Kakutoku Kisei Domeikai
74
fujoshi 124, 185
fukei 147148
fukeikai 148, 150
224
Index
Haga Y. 87
hai misu 103, 166, 188
hai misutaa 166
haiguusha 162
hakoiri musume 115116, 160
hanayome shug yoo 90
handbook 183184
Hara Hiroko 54
Hara Kimi 27, 44, 55, 78
harassment 176
harmony 88
heads of the family see kachoo; koseki hittoosha; koshu
Heian period 10, 97, 109, 118, 173
hesokuri 20
higher education 38, 4748, 5051, 54,
70, 176; see also education
hikon 35, 170171
Hikon Jidai: Onnatachi no Shinguru Raifu
35, 171172
Himiko 9
Hio Yasuko 140, 197, 200
hiragana 10, 113, 157
Hiratsuka Raicho 9, 72, 74
hitori 171172
hitori mono 171172
hobo 119, 154155
hofu 155
hogoshakai 148150
hoikushi 119, 154156
holy mountain see reizan
home economics 47, 4950, 53
homemaker 5, 1821, 39, 5354, 62, 67,
7071, 75, 8990, 92, 94, 100, 133136,
152, 165, 179; status of 1920
honne 88
Hoso Daigaku 53
Hosshinshu 147
house husband 165166
House of Councilors 78
House of Representatives 74, 77, 83
household chores 21, 37, 42, 45, 70, 90,
94, 97, 100, 139, 152, 178, 187; see also
housework
household management 19, 60
housework 18, 22, 100, 121, 165; see also
household chores
housework helpers see kaji tetsudai
human rights 16, 78, 176
husbands 1, 10, 13, 1920, 2829, 3132,
3738, 4042, 45, 58, 62, 70, 9294,
9699, 101, 104106, 109, 126, 130132,
137139, 143, 146147, 161165, 174, 179,
185187, 190
Fukuda Hideko see Kageyama Hideko

full-time employment 1821, 39, 5657,
6062, 6768, 71, 100, 121, 165166
full-time homemaker 18, 20, 6162, 69,
100, 131, 142, 165; see also seng yoo shufu
funin / funinshoo 174
Furman, Nelly 145
fushi katei 168169
Gendai Yogo no Kiso Chishiki 164165,
175
gender 36, 43, 78, 96, 108109, 119, 145
146, 148150, 153, 155157, 163, 168,
171174, 180181, 184, 187, 192194, 197,
201; asymmetry 5, 137, 152, 157, 180;
bias 23, 6, 25, 43, 87, 113, 132, 137
138, 145, 148, 151, 153, 161164, 173, 175,
178179, 183184, 186187, 191195,
198200; differences 37, 46, 154, 166;
discrimination 44, 75, 179180, 184,
198; empowerment index 64; equality 11,
30, 48, 78, 104, 125, 183, 195; imbalance
5051, 169; inequality 11, 27, 29, 44, 47,
75, 84, 125, 144, 147, 153, 161, 164, 180,
186, 193, 196197; issues 164, 170; markers 119; relations 12, 193; roles 164165,
182; segregation 36, 4649; stereotype
3, 6, 43, 84, 107, 109, 139140, 162165,
168, 179180, 188, 191, 193, 200; theories
see jendaaron
gender-based role division 11, 18, 21, 36
37, 56, 5960, 62, 70, 9596, 131, 142,
144, 162, 165, 178
gender-related expression 3, 87, 164165,
194
Genji Monogatari 10, 14
Gion festival 1718
girls see joshi; onna no ko
Gishi Wajinden 9
goke 92, 104105, 173
good wife and wise mother see ryoosai
kenbo
government 6, 1417, 2223, 36, 41, 44
45, 4749, 5354, 60, 6263, 6567,
7274, 7678, 82, 155, 176, 178, 182
183, 193, 199200
governors 1617, 82, 127128
guidelines 181, 183186, 192194, 196, 199
Guidelines to Prevent Sexual Harassment
177
gusai 5, 92, 98, 133134, 136137, 163
gusoku 98
g yakutama 167168
225
Index
Kamakura period 1011, 13, 93, 95, 97,
104, 137, 143, 146147, 163
Kan Naoto 82
Kanagawa Womens Plan 182
kanai 92, 9697, 133134, 136137, 161
163, 185
kango 113
kangofu 154155
kangonin 155
kangoshi 154156
kanji 10, 91, 95, 108109, 112113, 130,
133134, 140, 145147, 149, 155157,
165, 173174, 187, 200
Kanjigen 187
katakana 156, 175, 200
Katei Hoikuen 23
kateinai rikon 38, 42
Kawai Hayao 198
kayoikon 10, 93
kekkaiseki 15
Kekkon Shinai Kamo Shirenai Shokogun 35
keng yoo shufu 1819, 21, 100
Kepponkyo 14
kinship terms 114, 141
Kirin Beer Company 6869
Kisha Handobukku 181, 184186
Kishida Toshiko 73
Kitto Kaerareru Seisabetsugo: Watashitachi
no Gaidorain 181
Kodo Suru Onnatachi no Kai 49, 179
Kojien 124, 188, 191
Kojiki 9, 15
Kokin Wakashu 10
Kokugo Jiten ni Miru Josei Sabetsu 180
Kokuritsu Josei Kyoiku Kaikan see National Womens Education Center
Kokusai Fujinnen o Kikkake to shite Kodo
o Okosu Onnatachi no Kai 178179
komusume 191
Kong-zi 12, 152
Konjaku Monogatari 147
konki see tekireiki
koseki 28, 3031; see also family register
koseki hittoosha 3031
koseki seido 30, 80, 161
koshikake 120
koshu 28
Kotoba to Onna o Kangaeru Kai 180
kotobuki taishoku / kotobuki taisha 57, 121,
130131, 142
kotodama 2, 201
Kyodo Tsushinsha 181, 184185
Kyoiku Chokugo 44, 4850
kyoodai 147, 149
Ichikawa Fusae 74
Ide Sachiko 139, 182
ie system 5, 11, 2730, 32, 4243, 75, 80,
93, 125, 161
ikazu goke 91, 103, 139, 157158
ikemen 166167
ikiokure 91, 103, 133134, 139, 157158
illnesses 2425
impurity 10, 12, 14, 45, 95, 125126, 143
income 19, 3436, 58, 81, 121, 142, 171,
175
infertility 29, 101102, 132, 139, 174175,
190
indelity 38
in-laws 13, 2829, 33, 45, 9394, 101,
104, 161
Inoue Teruko 54, 75
Ishihara Shintaro 8283, 127
Ito Chu Shoji 65
Iwai Hachiro 142
Iwao Sumiko 54
Izumi Shikibu 10
Japan Airlines ( JAL) 64
Japan Federation of Lawyers 83, 193
Japan IBM 6566
Japan Sumo Association 1617, 127
Japan Womens Innovative Network ( Jwin) 6566
jendaaron 54
jidoo 149
Jiyu Minken Undo 73
Jiyu no Tomoshibi 73
Jiyukokuminsha 164
joryuu 92, 118, 151, 153154, 184
josei 92, 115, 118119, 138, 151, 153154,
174, 185, 190
josei funin 174
joseigaku 54
joshi 152153
joshidaisei bookokuron 49
judges 84
jukunen rikon 40
junior colleges 4950, 5253
kabuki 1415
kachoo 2728
kafu 173174
Kageyama Hideko 73
Kaibara Ekiken 13, 29, 45
kaishun 169170
kaji tetsudai 8990
kakekomi dera 29
kakusakon 168
226
Index
170, 172, 178179, 181, 183184, 186,
198200
Media no Naka no Seisabetsu o Kangaeru
Kai (GEAM) 181
Meiji emperor 44
Meiji period 11, 36, 4445, 4748, 7274,
95, 125, 137, 146, 161
Meiji Restoration 45, 72
Meiji Shoin Seisen Kokugo Jiten 191
Meikyo Kokugo Jiten 188, 191
mekake 91, 105106
men at work, women at home 11, 18, 37,
56, 62, 9697, 165
men superior, women inferior see danson
johi
menopause 82
miai kekkon 3334
miboojin 1, 92, 104105, 130, 132, 137138,
173174, 185
mikon 170
mikudari han 29
Miller, Casey 196
Ministry of Education 46, 49, 198
Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports,
Science and Technology 4950, 5253,
193
Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare
22, 3940, 56, 5863, 6768, 70, 81
Ministry of Justice 31
Ministry of Labor 177
Ministry of Public Management, Home
Affairs, Posts and Telecommunications
52
Minna de Koikugo Jiten! 167
mistress 28, 91, 105106, 140
Mitsubishi Motor Company 177
Mitsui Bussan 69
Miura Shumon 83
Mori Arinori 46
Mori Yoshiro 2223, 82
Moriyama Mayumi 16
Morley, Patricia 33, 56, 63, 71, 76, 139,
183
mother complex see mazakon
mothers 5, 18, 21, 2326, 33, 37, 4648,
51, 58, 60, 62, 70, 80, 84, 97, 99101,
110, 114, 137, 142, 146152, 154155, 168,
177
mothers-in-law 58, 91, 94, 113
Mt. Fuji see reizan
Mt. Omine see reizan
Mukai Chiaki 84
muko yooshi 32
Murasaki Shikibu 10, 14
kyooiku mama 24, 92, 100101

Kyutoku Shigemori 2425
labor force see workforce
labor history 5960, 177
labor shortage 60
Lakoff, Robin 196
language reform 145, 148, 165, 182183,
195196, 199200; see also nonsexist language reform
Law for Cooperative Participation of Men
and Women in Society see Basic Law
for a Gender-equal Society
lawsuits 177
lawyers 39, 59, 84, 156, 179
Lebra, Takie 144
lexicographers 180, 187, 192
Liberal Democratic Party 17, 77, 83
lifestyle 21, 23, 35, 69, 159160, 163, 170
172, 175
Lo, Jeannie 139
love marriage see renai kekkon
Lun-yu 152153
Mackie, Vera 46
maiden names 31
makeinu 5, 159
Makeinu no Toboe 159
male dominance 146, 149150, 163, 186
male-female word order 145147, 150
mama-san 151152
managerial track 59, 6466, 68
Manyoshu 2, 10, 147, 162
marriage 5, 10, 22, 2737, 39, 41, 43,
5758, 68, 71, 75, 84, 9091, 93, 101,
103, 119121, 130136, 138139, 142,
159, 161, 168, 174, 185, 187; see also
tekireiki
marriageable age see tekireiki
Martinez, Dolores 80
Martynyuk, Alla 196
masculinity 28, 105
master 118, 155, 162, 179, 184185, 187
matchmakers 3334
maternal society 198
maternity leave 6667, 69, 84
matrilocal residence 93
Matsudaira Sadanobu 4445
Matsui Takafumi 83
Matsui Yayori 170
mazakon 25
McConnel-Ginet, Sally 145
media 6, 1617, 20, 22, 40, 49, 7577,
7980, 8384, 116, 127128, 165, 167
227
Index
Onna Daigaku 1213, 29, 45
onna de/onna moji see hiragana
onna hen 91, 112113, 130, 133134, 140
141, 187
onna kodomo 92, 124, 138, 143
onna no jidai 16, 77
onna no ko 91, 117, 130134, 137, 142, 188
Ono no Komachi 10
oorudo misu 91, 103, 190191
Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development (OECD) 52
Ota Fusae 1617
otoko 34, 11, 18, 25, 28, 37, 56, 62, 92,
9697, 106107, 111112, 129, 140, 165,
167, 184, 186, 188
otoko bara 102, 137
otoko de/otoko moji see kanji
otoko no ko 117, 131
otsubone (-sama) 57, 91, 118, 120, 142
otto 162
overtime work 6162
naijo no koo 92, 99, 138

Nakajima Shoen see Kishida Toshiko
Nakamura Momoko 141, 197
Nakano Eiko 142
Nara period 10, 13, 147
Narita rikon 39
national assembly see Diet
National Council of Teachers of English
(NCTE) 193194
National Personnel Authority 61
National Womens Education Center
(NWEC) 54, 76
neoConfucianism 12, 45
New Left movement 75
New Women 72
newspaper 170, 181182, 184
nigoo 105106
Nihon Hoso Kyokai (NHK) 179, 184
Nihon Joseigaku Kenkyu Kai 180
Nihon Shoki 9, 11, 152
no females allowed see nyonin kinsei
no trespassing stone see kekkaiseki
non-prot organization 65
nonsexist language reform 6, 153, 156157,
164, 173174, 177183, 186188, 191
199, 201; see also language reform
nonsexist language use 186, 193194, 196
nurses see kangofu; kangonin; kangoshi
nursery schools see hobo; hofu; hoikushi
nymphomaniacs 129
nyonin kinsei 1418, 92, 126127, 143
nyooboo 9798, 161
nyooboo yaku 97, 185
nyuuseki 161, 185
paatonaa 163164
parasite singles 36, 172
parents 1, 18, 3233, 37, 39, 4546, 50,
6061, 73, 9091, 100, 103104, 110, 115,
137, 146148, 159160, 169, 172173,
189; see also fathers; mothers
parents-in-law 18, 29, 60, 62, 100, 139; see
also mothers-in-law
partners 99, 103, 159, 163164
part-time adjunct homemaker see keng yoo
shufu
part-time employment 1821, 5658, 100,
121, 142
patriarchal family system 11, 9394, 139,
182
patriarchal society 5, 11, 21, 99, 137, 146,
149, 196
patrilocal residence 9394, 103104
Pauwels, Anne 177178, 197
permanent employment see eikyuu shuushoku
phenomenology 87
pilot 6364
Plan for Gender Equality in the Year 2000
183
Policy Toward Cooperative Participation of
Men and Women 78
politics 16, 75, 77, 8283
prejudice 169, 200
prenatal education see taikyoo
prime minister 22, 82, 182183
private sector 52, 6168
obentoo 26
occupation 34, 53, 66, 8891, 117119,
130131, 133136, 138, 141, 151156, 168,
184, 199
ochakumi 120, 142
ofce lady see OL
ofukuro 2526
okame 122, 142, 190
Okano Haruko 126, 144, 198
Okinoshima 16
oku-san / oku-sama 91, 9597, 130131,
133134, 136, 138, 161163, 185
OL 57, 119120, 141142
oni baba 1, 5, 116117
onna 1, 34, 11, 13, 18, 37, 56, 62, 72, 91
92, 9697, 105112, 118119, 124126,
129130, 133134, 136141, 143, 151,
153154, 165, 185187, 189, 191
onna bara 102, 137
228
Index
shokuba no hana 57, 120121, 141142, 185
shoonen 149
shufu 18, 92, 94, 100, 133134, 152, 165
Shufu Rengo Kai (Shufuren) 20, 75
shujin 118, 162163, 179, 185, 187
shuutome see mother-in-law
siblings see kyoodai
sinfulness 10, 45, 95, 125126
single father family see fushi katei; single
parent family
single mother family 30, 8081, 104, 168;
see also boshi katei; single parent family
single men 3436, 157, 166, 170171; see
also shinguru
single parent family 168169; see also boshi
katei; fushi katei; single mother family
single women 1, 5, 21, 3336, 58, 9092,
103, 115116, 120121, 133134, 136137,
157160, 166, 168, 170172, 188190; see
also shinguru
sisters-in-law 95
Smith, Robert 47
Socialist Party 16, 77
Softbank 67
sons 11, 13, 25, 2728, 32, 46, 50, 9495,
98, 105, 109, 126, 143, 185
sons-in-law 27, 32
Spender, Dale 196
spouses 25, 28, 3334, 41, 58, 60, 6869,
96, 98, 161164
Stanley, Julia 144
status 3, 24, 33, 36, 9091, 120, 124, 143,
160, 167168, 171, 184; marital 35, 93,
103, 120, 153, 157, 160, 171; of women 5,
9, 1112, 19, 26, 30, 44, 7475, 102, 117,
124126, 138, 142144, 182, 195196,
199
stigma 30, 3839, 104, 172173
suffrage 7374
sumo 14, 1617, 126127, 144
surname 6, 3032, 80, 139, 157, 184
Swanger, Rachel 186187, 191
Swift, Kate 196
promotion 5859, 69, 117

prostitution 73, 115, 127, 144, 169170
pseudo-single-mother family 42
PTA meeting see fubokai; fukeikai;
hogoshakai
public sector 66
publishers 180181, 187, 192
reizan 1415, 17, 126
remarriage 39
renai kekkon 3334
researchers 5154, 66, 153, 180
resignation 22, 57, 68, 121, 130131, 142
retirement 20, 40, 63, 66, 71
Reynolds, Katsue 139
rice-serving spatula 20, 94
right-hand man see nyooboo yaku
rooba 5, 116
roojo 116
roojoo 190191
ryoosai 99
ryoosai kenbo 21, 4647, 49, 51, 99
ryoosai kenbo kyooiku 21, 4649, 51
Sakai Junko 159
samurai 1011, 27, 45, 93, 95, 97, 104, 125,
137, 156, 163
sankoo 34
sarariiman 11, 18, 95
Sasagawa Takashi 83
Saso Mary 142
school age 19, 5758, 121, 142
Seikan Tunnel 15, 127
Seikyo 21
seinen 150
Seisho Nagon 10
seiteki iyagarase 176177
Seito 9, 72
Seitosha 72
Sekiguchi Reiko 31
seku hara 59, 176177
seng yoo shufu 1820, 58, 97, 100; see also
full-time homemaker
sex tour 169170
sexism 6, 43, 77, 82, 177181, 183, 187,
192193, 195, 197, 200; language 179
183, 186, 193, 196, 198
sexual harassment 59, 77, 176177
shelter see enkiri dera; kakekomi dera
shichikyo 29
Shin Fujin Kyokai 74
shinguru 3536, 171172; see also singles
Shinto 1016, 45, 95, 125127, 143144
shogun 12
taikyoo 23
Taisho period 11, 73, 95
Takahashi Minako 141
tamanokoshi 167168
Tanaka Kazuko 47, 76
Tanaka Yukiko 31
tanshin katei see single parent family
tatemae 88
taxes 58, 81
tea serving see ochakumi
229
Index
welfare 81
White Paper on Gender Equality 57, 64,
77
widowers 105, 173174
widows 1, 9192, 103105, 130, 132, 137
139, 157158, 173174, 185
wives 1, 5, 10, 19, 21, 2832, 37, 4042,
4648, 51, 58, 70, 9293, 9599, 101,
105106, 130134, 136139, 146147,
161165, 174, 185187
womanhood 21, 47, 99
Women Doctors Bank 68
womens centers 76
womens group 1718, 22, 49, 7374, 76,
83, 128, 145, 153, 169, 173, 180, 183, 186,
199200
womens issue 7677, 178179, 199
Womens Language, Mens Language 182
womens movement 7375, 7880, 183
womens rights 16, 73, 179
womens studies 5455, 76
Wong Yee-Cheng 140
workforce 5, 19, 22, 26, 31, 5659, 62
63, 6566, 70, 75, 84, 90, 97, 120121,
131, 142, 154, 156, 165
workplace 6, 31, 33, 5657, 59, 6364,
6667, 70, 75, 77, 108, 117120, 131132,
138, 141142, 176, 180, 185, 187
World Economic Forum 64
World Heritage Treaty 1617
teishu 37, 162163, 185

tekireiki 32, 36, 43, 57, 103, 139, 157160,
166, 171, 188, 190; see also marriage
textbooks 192194
three obediences for women 13, 126, 143
title 25, 32, 157, 162, 184185
Tokugawa shogunate 4445, 72
Tokyo Lawyers Association 31
Tokyo University 51, 83
torii 12, 15
toshikoshi soba 158159
toshima 92, 115, 134135, 141
trainee bride 90
Trendy Word Grand Prix 164, 176
Tsuda, Umeko 48
Tsuda Juku Daigaku (Tsuda College) 48
tsuma 162163, 185
tsumadoikon 10, 93
tsureai 163164
Uchidate Makiko 17
Uchinaga Yukako 66
Ueno Chizuko 80, 181
Ujishui Monogatari 147
umazume 91, 101102, 137, 139, 174, 190
unisex term 39, 106, 123, 149, 155, 162,
170, 173
United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
Against Women (CEDAW) 4950, 81,
180
United Nations Development Plan
(UNDP) 64
United Nations Educational, Scientic and
Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 16
United Nations International Decade for
Women 76, 179180
United Nations International Year for
Women 76, 178179
universities 31, 4854
unsold merchandise see urenokori
urenokori 92, 103, 133134, 136137, 139,
157158, 189
uuman ribu 79
Yamada Masahiro 172

Yamamura Yoshiaki 26
Yamato Shoken Group 67
Yamazaki Naoko 84, 151152
yamome 173
Yanagisawa Hakuo 22, 8283
yome 28, 9195, 104, 113, 133134, 138
139, 160161
yomeirikon 93, 104
yooboo 123, 143
Yosano Akiko 72
Yoshihiro Kiyoko 171172
Yoshizumi Kyoko 42, 139
Van Den Bergh, Nan 197

vocational colleges 50, 53
vogue words 165
Zenkoku Chiiki Fujin Dantai Renraku

Kyogikai see Chifuren
Zhu-zi 12
230

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McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers

CONGRESS CATALOGUING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA

Takemaru, Naoko, 1964

McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers

For my mother, Mitsue Takemaru,

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Part I: Representation of Women

Part II: Representation of Women

2. Distribution of Listed Words and Phrases by Category

3. Words and Phrases Frequently Listed by the Survey

4. Distribution of Words and Phrases Listed by Age Groups

5. Words and Phrases Listed by All Age Groups

6. Words and Phrases Listed Exclusively by Each Age Group

7. Distribution of Words and Phrases Listed by Education

8. Words and Phrases Listed by All Education Levels

9. Words and Phrases Listed Exclusively by Each Education

10. Distribution of Words and Phrases Listed by Occupation

11. Words and Phrases Listed by All Occupation Groups

12. Words and Phrases Listed Exclusively by Each Occupation

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inherently more negative and sexual undertones than otoko. These

Furthermore, gender asymmetry is found among the vast majority

issues surrounding todays working women, and a climate of positive

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Historical and Religious Context

Part I: Representation of Women in Japanese Society

1 Status and Roles of Women in Japan

Part I: Representation of Women in Japanese Society

1 Status and Roles of Women in Japan

Onna Daigaku was based on the writing of a neo-Confucian scholar,

Part I: Representation of Women in Japanese Society

gai ni ie nashi (Women have no home in the three realms of existence:

1 Status and Roles of Women in Japan

Part I: Representation of Women in Japanese Society

holy island called Okinoshima, located in the southern part of Japan.

1 Status and Roles of Women in Japan

tory was epoch-making, since it ended the monopoly of the Liberal

Part I: Representation of Women in Japanese Society

play to the public, and they march in procession to downtown Kyoto

Status and Roles of Homemakers and Mothers

1 Status and Roles of Women in Japan

(three meals a day accompanied by a nap), was frequently used by men

Part I: Representation of Women in Japanese Society

by their husbands, and that their lack of nancial independence as well

1 Status and Roles of Women in Japan

Part I: Representation of Women in Japanese Society

1 Status and Roles of Women in Japan

Part I: Representation of Women in Japanese Society

1 Status and Roles of Women in Japan

book, aptly titled Bogenbyo (Illnesses Caused by Mothers), Kyutoku claims

Part I: Representation of Women in Japanese Society

People often associate taste of ofukuro (ofukuro no aji), not only

The Ie (Family, Household) System in

Part I: Representation of Women in Japanese Society

2 Family and Marriage in Japan

day Japan to justify a husbands extramarital affairs. The Civil Code of

Part I: Representation of Women in Japanese Society